A/47/PV.18 General Assembly
The Assembly will now hear an address by the
President of the Republic of Senegal.
Mr. Abdou Diouf, President of the Republic of Senegal, was escorted into
the General Assembly Hall.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour
to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Senegal,
His Excellency Mr. Abdou Diouf, and to invite him to address the Assembly.
President DIOUF (interpretation from French): The United Nations
would appear today to be the ideal forum for seeking and identifying solutions
to the problems of all kinds that are assailing the world. It is here that
modern history is being woven and it is here that ideas are expressed that
plant the seeds of the future. That is both because the United Nations brings
together almost every country and because the ideas on which it is based and
the principles which guide it arise from our most generous feelings the
sense that we belong to the same humanity and are duty bound to preserve it.
Thus, it is always with hope that I speak before the Assembly. Today,
moreover, I am speaking on behalf of Africa and the Islamic Ummah. Speaking
on behalf of so many peoples is a heavy responsibility indeed, but one that is
also full of exaltation because of the hopes that underlie it.
I am even happier to bear that responsibility because the choice of you,
Mr. President, to guide the work of the forty-seventh session of the General
Assembly is a certain guarantee that it will take place smoothly and
succesfully, for, in addition to your distinguish?d qualities as a diplomat,
you come from a country whose commitment to the triumph of the common ideals
of the nations gathered together here has never been in doubt.
Therefore, from the bottom of my heart I address my warmest
congratulations to you. I wish you to know also, and in particular, that in
carrying out your important and sensitive mission you can always count on the
cooperation of the Senegalese delegation and of all those on whose behalf I
speak at this session.
To your predecessor, Ambassador Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, we pay a well-deserved tribute for his outstanding guidance of the
deliberations of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. For anyone
who knows the great gualities of his people, there is nothing surprising in
that.
As to the Secretary-General, I am pleased to say once again how satisfied
we are at seeing him occupy this prestigious post. Our fraternal and friendly
support will always be with him in his efforts to ensure that the United
Nations plays the full role given it by the Charter and shoulders all the
responsibilities that derive from that Charter. Speaking of the role and
responsibilities of the United Nations, I cannot fail to emphasize the very
great hopes that his election has aroused in us Africans. Like our Arab
brothers and all the peoples of the countries members of the Organization of
the Islamic Conference, we viewed his election as concrete proof of the
universality of the United Nations. In fact, it constitutes a confirmation,
following upon the mandates assumed by Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, another
national of a developing country. All our best wishes are with the
Secretary-General.
Thanks to the atmosphere of detente prevailing today in international
relations, with the end of the cold war and of ideological tensions, the
credibility and image of our Organization have been greatly strengthened. For
some time now the United Nations has been demonstrating its effectiveness, in
particular through the tangible results in the area of peace-keeping. It has
also made significant progress in the slowing down of the arms race. In a
word, what was unimaginable yesterday is now a part of everyday life, and in
referring to it we now speak of a "new world order". The expression is rather
explicit, because for all of us it bears upon the strengthening of
international security and the guarantee of stability of international
relations. But the reality contained within it must also mean, for the
developing countries, a greater awareness of the aspirations of their peoples
to well-being.
In view of what is going on around us, we are still far from that
situation. Indeed, suffering and injustice are still the daily lot of
millions of men and women in several regions. What is even worse at this time
of over-abundance, when one thinks about the milk and grain surpluses, people
continue to die of hunger because they do not have the very strict minimum
they need. Similarly, people are still dying of diseases which medical
progress has now made it possible to cure.
Moreover, from recovery plans to adjustment programmes, the economies of
many countries have lost their structure and become anaemic, and their
Governments find themselves virtually powerless. The case of Africa, in this
regard, is tragically instructive. Its economic growth rates have remained at
their lowest in proportion to population growth; investments are rarely seen
and infrastructure needs are the most significant.
Here is a continent which is rich in minerals and mining resources but in
which paradoxically most of the poorest countries are to be found.
These sorry records are explained in part, by the youth of the countries
that make up Africa. But they are the result, above all, of its raw materials
and other products being sold at prices fixed outside the continent and most
of the time in total disregard of its interests. This situation is all the
more worrying because it has persisted I would even say worsened despite
the efforts of African leaders to improve it, especially since the beginning
of the 1980s.
Thus, in 1986, when I was Acting President of the Organization of African
Unity (OAU), I was mandated to appeal to the United Nations to deal with our
specific problems in a special way. Reacting positively, the United Nations
convened a special session of the General Assembly, which adopted the
(President Diouf)
United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and
Development 1986-1990 (UNPAAERD).
This document gave rise to the greatest hope because it was the fruit of
unprecedented joint effort. It was, theoretically, a true solidarity pact. I
say "pact" because Africa had committed itself to set up the necessary
structures for launching autonomous long-term socio- economic growth and
development programmes. The international community for its part agreed to
help Africa achieve that goal.
This dual commitment was expressly entered into in UNPAAERD, which made
it clear in particular that the international community would spare no effort
to provide sufficient resources to support and complement the development
efforts of Africa. That was clear.
Unfortunately, we must recognize that, while the African countries took
the measures agreed upon, the same cannot be said of the international
community as a whole, even if some countries of the North had a friendly and
understanding attitude in our regard. Will the United Nations New Agenda for
the Development of Africa in the 1990s (UN-NADA) be treated differently, more
generously? Undoubtedly it will be, if it is applied, because its commitments
are firm and precise, and follow-up, monitoring and assessment mechanisms have
been provided, thanks to which the two parties will be able to work together
on a permanent basis. Thus, they will be able together and at regular and
short intervals to ensure respect for the commitments agreed upon. It is
perhaps these frequent meetings which were missing in the implementation
process of UNPAAERD.
I hope that that is the only explanation for the modest results of that
document. But for the time being, I note that Africa is prey to the same
difficulties, some of which have even worsened.
(President Diouf)
That is the case with its external debt, the repayment of which consumes
the bulk of the meagre financial resources left to Africa owing to worsening
terms of trade.
Since lending countries are slow in agreeing to hold an international
conference devoted to this problem, we are making an urgent appeal to all
States and all international financial institutions so that together we can
explore other ways to solve the problem. Otherwise, it will be illusory to
expect the African countries to give all due attention to problems of common
interest. Quite naturally, they will devote their energies, on a priority
basis, to the struggle for the survival of their peoples. The persistence of
the African debt problem could even have other negative and more immediate
consequences; population movement from the South to the countries of the North
have already shown that this risk exists.
To this already grim picture we must add the increasingly evident
precariousness of the African environment, which is illustrated by the
devastating drought which has hit the southern part of the continent, after
having wreaked on the Sahel the damage of which we are all aware. We must
also add to this the lightning spread of the acquired immune deficiency
syndrome (AIDS), along with other diseases which have disappeared elsewhere,
and the number of hotbeds of tension which already exist, not to mention those
which may yet arise.
In this respect, it is South Africa which first comes to mind. None the
less, one would have thought a few months ago that the present session would
be the opportunity for the international community to rejoice over the
irreversible changes since the advent of President Frederick De Klerk. But
what do we see today, over and above the formal abrogation - I was going to
say theoretical abrogation of the apartheid laws?
Blacks still do not have the same rights as the rest of South African
society, and violence has been omnipresent in recent months, sometimes
achieving proportions which cast doubt upon the willingness of the South
African Government to change. The continuation of such an atmosphere would be
a serious threat to the progress we have all welcomed.
That is why at the twenty-eighth regular summit meeting of the OAU, held
at Dakar, it was felt necessary to take the matter to the Security Council.
In my capacity as Acting President of that pan-African organization, I should
like, on behalf of the continent, to express my sincerest thanks to the
members of this organ of our universal Organization for the diligence and
sense of solidarity with which they responded to our appeal by adopting
Security Council resolution 765 (1992), which invites the South African
authorities to take the appropriate measures to end the violence.
I also wish to avail myself of this opportunity to repeat our commitment
to a negotiated solution in South Africa and the hope generated by the recent
Mandela-De Klerk summit meeting. We hope that the talks to be resumed within
the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) after that meeting will
make it possible speedily to harmonize the positions of the parties and make
irreversible the resolute march of South Africa towards a non-racial,
democratic and united society.
The civil war in Liberia is another source of concern for Africa. It is
all the more worrying since it has continued even after a framework for a
peaceful settlement had been drawn up by the countries in the subregion.
As the Head of State of a country member of the Committee of Five of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that was set up to resolve
the crisis, I can testify to the fact that this framework was conceived with
the sole concern of helping our Liberian brothers regain peace. After several
meetings, we adopted it with the agreement of all of the parties. But the
bitter fact remains that the horizon is dark because the Economic Community of
West African States Monitoring Group (EC0M0G), the centre-piece of the
agreed-upon arrangement, does not have the means for its peace mission.
That is why, while thanking those who have already given us their
support, I should like to ask the United Nations to provide increased
assistance. In the absence of such a gesture, we risk seeing the Liberian
crises continue. It is already a serious threat to the stability of the West
African subregion, and in human terms it is a catastrophe with lasting
consequences.
I now come to the most absurd and perhaps most devastating tragedy
Africa has known in recent years. I refer to the civil war in Somalia. This
country, once so welcoming, today is a hell on earth. It is the picture of
anarchy, of intolerance in all its forms, of violence, and of the failure of
man before his destiny.
Senegal, for its part, is doing everything in its power to help end this
tragedy which, should it persist, would run the risk of sounding the death
knell of the very existence of Somalia. It is doing so for humanitarian
reasons, for reasons of African solidarity and, in brief, for reasons of
common sense. It is also doing so in its capacity as a member of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the OAU and the United Nations.
Let me take this opportunity to note that, together with the Organization
of the Islamic Conference, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the
League of Arab States, our organization is already engaged in significant
efforts for Somalia. But the situation there is so grave that we must give it
high priority in the days and weeks ahead if we are not to witness the
genocide of a people through the death of its children. I appeal also to
non-governmental organizations; I encourage them to continue their generous
activities in Somalia.
The parties to the conflict must understand that the interest of the
Somali people lies in the restoration of peace, and that rivalries that
sacrifice human lives by the thousand can only result in their claims becoming
pointless.
What I would truly like to see is an international conference on
Somalia. I therefore solemnly propose that such a meeting take place as soon
as possible in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations, the OAU, the
League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the
European Community. The goal would be to put a rapid end to the armed
confrontation and define a framework for a peaceful settlement of the crisis
acceptable to all parties. The United Nations would take the initiative here,
but the modalities of the meeting would be defined among all the organizers,
who would also jointly agree on the list of participants. For my part, I
should be represented there both as current Chairman of the OAU and as
President of the sixth Islamic summit.
But I cannot stress too forcefully that while awaiting that conference,
for which we earnestly wish, the international community must continue to help
the victims of the confrontations imposed upon the Somali people by armed
factions. In particular, it should do everything it can to ensure that the
arms embargo imposed in Security Council resolution 733 (1992) of
23 January 1992 is strictly observed, and should take every other possible
initiative to put an end to the violence and the suffering. That wish of the
OAU is shared by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, of which Somalia
is a member.
My rehearsal of tensions in Africa would be incomplete without a
reference to Western Sahara. I wholeheartedly wish for a settlement to that
matter; this could be reached quickly within the framework defined by the
OAU. Nor can I omit to mention the fragile peace in Angola and elsewhere on
the continent.
Speaking of peace, I cannot fail to reiterate how much the peoples I
represent here cherish peace. In our societies, everything boils down to the
human being; peace is naturally one of the reference values. That was one of
the observations of the sixth summit of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference.
In Africa, the Heads of State or Government of the States members of the
OAU proved their commitment to peace by deciding at the most recent summit,
held at Dakar, to establish a mechanism for preventing, managing and settling
conflicts. That mechanism is intended to respond to Africa's desire for the
means to prevent conflicts, through an ongoing analysis of situations, putting
an end to those that persist in spite of our efforts. Africa is thus in step
with United Nations concerns on the maintenance of peace, as set out by the
Secretary-General in his report "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277).
That is because the Secretary-General's vision of peace is reflected
today in the determination resolutely to address the continent's political and
economic problems. Without a doubt, this is a manifestation of Africa's
self-confidence, and proves that our continent's de facto marginalization has
(President Diouf)
not paralysed it. On the contrary, its self-confidence has never been
disconnected from the spread of multiparty democracy; indeed, without it, the
current trends would certainly not be so clear.
Democracy has made great progress in Africa in recent months.
Authoritarian regimes have yielded to democratically elected Governments;
everywhere, confrontation is yielding to joint efforts and bullets to ballots.
Our efforts at integration derive also from our determination to take our
destiny in our own hands and is an expression of our self-confidence. The
same holds true for the way in which we are addressing environmental problems
and for our determination not to miss the energy revolution that is appearing
on the horizon. It is significant that, with respect to our commitment in
that sphere, we have placed our bets on solar energy. It is abundant in our
countries and can reconcile the need for healthy environment with that for
development.
If these efforts can be pursued and if their orientation can be
maintained - and we are determined that they should be Africa will soon be
in a position to overcome its present situation. But again: to achieve the
expected effects we must have consistent support from the international
community. We have seen this with the United Nations Programme of Action for
African Economic Recovery and Development.
We know too that the solution or prevention of conflicts in Africa will
be possible only if arms supplies to belligerents and other forms of outside
intervention are halted. Everyone knows that democracy in Africa can be
consolidated only if it is followed by progress towards, inter alia, economic
growth based on a rationalization of development efforts. This requires
improved relations within Africa, adequate infrastructure, and the possibility
for African countries to ensure that their products can reach northern markets
at profitable prices.
Although Africa is certainly the continent most severely affected by
economic crisis, war and other conflicts, we have no monopoly on these evils:
other peoples are suffering too, and we stand in solidarity with them. That
is why, although I have spoken at some length about Africa, I must not neglect
the tragedies being played out elsewhere.
I am far from indifferent to the economic difficulties of Latin America
like ours, caused in large part by unfair international economic relations
to the need to consolidate peace in Cambodia through scrupulous respect for
the Paris agreements, and to the need for Afghanistan to take the path of
national reconciliation. We in Africa are also concerned about the situation
in some of the former Soviet republics and in the former Yugoslavia, as well
as about the unacceptable state of affairs that continues to be imposed on the
Palestinian people.
On Bosnia and Herzegovina, we approve of the initiatives to ease the
suffering of the population, to halt the violence, and to put an end to what
appears to be an attempt at "ethnic cleansing". As President of the sixth
Islamic summit, I sent a representative ot the recent London Conference on the
former Yugoslavia. I shall continue to associate myself with all steps in
that direction, and I call on the United Nations to continue, even increase,
its efforts.
With respect to the question of Palestine, while we welcome the positive
developments in the way it is being handled in the context of the ongoing
peace process under the sponsorship of the United States of America and
Russia, we must observe that the process is far from meeting our
expectations. But there is reason to hope that with the new Israeli
Government significant progress will be achieved and that the heroic
Palestinian people will soon be free, under the leadership of the Palestine
Liberation Organization, to exercise its inalenable rights. We call on the
Israeli Government to show realism and political courage, and we urge all
parties to have a sense of history. It is only in that way that peace can be
restored and that the Arab world and Israel can draw upon their rich common
heritage and their vast economic potential.
To face these challenges and realize the potential that is present
despite all the problems, we need greater solidarity, both among people and
among nations. I am thinking of a "general agreement on solidarity". As
distinct from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, this moral contract
would make possible the effective implementation of all the provisions of the
United Nations Charter. This presupposes awareness that we all share the same
future and that we agree to bear an equal interest in the maintenance of
peace, the promotion of human rights and democracy both nationally and
worldwide, the struggle against poverty and the protection of the
environment. There is no lack of opportunity: let us begin at this session
of the General Assembly. Clearly, this would be the best way to move towards
the new world order to which we all aspire.
To be sure, with respect to the maintenance of peace, the United
Nations to which we pay an enthusiastic tribute - under the dynamic
leadership of the Secretary-General is making notable efforts to respond to
the many demands upon it.
To be sure, in the Middle East, in the rest of Asia, in Africa and in
Europe, United Nations peace-keeping forces, in most of which my country is
proud to participate, are carrying out their missions courageously, loyally
and effectively, and for the most part to the great satisfaction of the
peoples of those regions.
We must, however, recognize that this universal Organization is not
equally successful everywhere its intervention is desired and necessary.
Often this is because of the Charter requirement that regional organizations
play the primary role in the settlement of regional disputes, but we must
realize that their effectiveness is limited in the case of armed confrontation
because they do not have the means required for peace-keeping operations.
I believe that fidelity to the spirit of the Charter in this regard
requires the establishment and operation of a system of co-operation between
the United Nations and the regional organizations so that they may benefit
from appropriate technical and financial assistance and thus can become more
involved in the management and settlement of regional conflicts. I am happy
to note that this is the thrust of the report of the Secretary-General
entitled "Agenda for peace".
In any case, this is what should flow from our concern to preserve our
collective security. That is clear militarily, but it is also increasingly
true with regard to the other aspects of security. No one is unaware that
those aspects are equally important. Thus the strong solidarity I have been
advocating, through the "general agreement on solidarity", presupposes also
the resumption of the North-South dialogue. More exactly, it will be a
guestion of engagement in a new dialogue between the developed and the
developing countries. I say "new" because the dialogue would be imbued with
the spirit of partnership and agreement to joint responsibility in facing
common challanges: challanges involved in economic and trade problems as well
as environment and health. The General Assembly could ask the
Secretary-General to make concrete proposals along those lines at its next
session.
I am among those who believe dialogue would be easier if the solidarity
we are seeking to promote were indeed effective at the regional level, and it
will be necessary for that to be taken into account in the efforts under way
in the regional groups.
That is one of the reasons why Senegal has made the achievement of
African integration, as advocated in the Treaty setting up the African
Economic Community, one of its main priorities in matters of foreign policy.
That explains our commitment to the Organization of the Islamic Conference
(OIC). But a reminder is needed here. The OIC is not a religious
organization. Its objective is to organize solidarity among its member
States, whose peoples are united by the same faith and have the same
concerns. It already is a very good tool for political and cultural
co-operation, and it is our ambition to make it an effective instrument for
economic, commercial and technical co-operation. The Dakar Summit of last
December was a turning-point in this respect. Of the groups that must have
our attention in the framework of the rebalancing of international economic
relations, I must mention the Summit Group for Consultation and the
South-South Co-operation Group, the so-called Group of 15, whose goal is to
make South-South co-operation effective through the drawing up and
implementation of specific projects. But I hasten to make it clear that that
group is not a closed club; indeed, everything that is discussed there is at
the disposal of the other developing countries; nor does it claim to be a
spokesman for the entire South. However, I am convinced that it does
constitute a framework for the definition of the common concerns of the
countries of the South with regard to specific questions, and for the
expression of their views. Moreover, it has drawn up and circulated a
position paper on the new world order.
Returning to the North-South dialogue and to the "general agreement on
solidarity", which should promote the dialogue while belief in it may be
unrealistic, and the meetings that have taken place so far have been rather
disappointing for the most part, the Earth Summit held in Rio de Janeiro last
June has given us reason for greater optimism. Indeed, while far from
perfect, it worked for the taking into account, in the long term, of all the
concerns and perspectives of the world. It is not an exaggeration to say that
after Rio nothing is the same as before in approaching environmental problems
and their interrelationship with development. What is even better, the change
that has taken place thanks to a real awareness of the globalization of
mankind's problems could be the dawn of the new world order. The forthcoming
convening of certain international conferences gives us the opporunity to
confirm and amplify on that change.
I believe that the World Conference on Human Rights planned for 1993 and
the International Conference on Population and Development to take place in
1994 reflect our common willingness to deal with guestions that no longer know
any borders. The same is true of the Fourth World Conference on Women and the
World Summit on Social Development, both planned for 1995.
Is it not significant that those meetings were programmed after the Rio
Summit on Environment and Development, as well as the World Summit for
Children? In any case, we must hope that, like their two predecessors, these
other conferences will not lose sight of the need to ensure the follow-up on
decisions and recommendations that would make their work fruitful.
In this regard it is a pleasure for me to announce on this day, which
coincides with the second anniversary of the World Summit for Children, that,
in the spirit of that historic meeting, an international conference on
assisting African children, organized by the Organization of African Unity
with the support of UNICEF, will take place in Dakar from
25 to 27 November 1992. Our goal is to bring the international community to a
point where it thinks about the special situation of African children and the
difficulties facing the African countries with regard to ensuring their
harmonious development, or indeed their mere survival. This situation and
these problems will also be focused on in meetings to be held soon devoted to
children in French-speaking countries and also within the framework of the OIC.
While reflecting a real awareness of the interdependence of the world, at
which we rejoice, the programme of international meetings I have just
mentioned shows that much remains to be done in this vast field through joint
efforts. In particular I have in mind disarmament for the benefit of
development, the easing of the foreign debt burden of the developing
countries, the removal of protectionist tariff barriers, the improvement of
commodity prices, and the transfer of the technology and human resources
necessary for development. No one denies that today our collective survival
largely depends upon adequate consideration of these questions and the
challenges of the environment, AIDS and drugs not to mention the problem of
peace-keeping operations.
Hence, it is urgent to achieve greater solidarity, to which I referred
earlier. Moreover, there is a central role that the United Nations must play
in dealing with these problems. There is no need to emphasize that such a
role requires that this universal Organization review its methods of work and
that Member States reassess the means made available to the United Nations.
In Africa and within the Islamic Ummah we recognize the importance of the
restructuring and other work to restore dynamism to our Organization being
carried out by the Secretary-General and by such organs as the Economic and
Social Council, which is intended to cope with the new burdens arising from
world developments. On their behalf, I welcome the results already achieved
in this regard, and I encourage a continuation of those efforts until they are
successful and the goals are reached. I particularly hope that this new trend
will duly take account of what are in our view two essential ideas on the
one hand, peace and security are precarious without the eradication of poverty
and misery and without a reduction of the gap separating the North and the
South; on the other hand, efforts towards effectiveness should not sacrifice
the democratic spirit by which the uriversality of the United Nations is
maintained.
Moreover, the Tenth Conference of the Heads of State or Government of the
Non-Aligned Movement, which was just held successfully in Jakarta, bore the
stamp of renewal in continuity and achieved considerable progress in
reinforcing that trend.
Given the scores of challenges and the ever stronger commitment of the
non-governmental organizations working alongside Governments to meet those
challenges, I would add the need to take into account the recommendations of
those organizations. I am thinking even that we could study the possibility.
(President Diouf)
through the efforts of the Secretary-General, of requiring such
recommendations to be taken into account in specific fields.
I have had the signal honour to address you on behalf of various peoples
some of which are separated by thousands of kilometres. But these peoples
share with my country Senegal the same faith in human solidarity, the same
hope for a better tomorrow, even the same goals. United in their diversity,
these peoples are calling for justice where it is trampled and peace wherever
it is threatened. They are calling for the coming of a world in which hunger,
intolerance and unfairness have disappeared. These peoples call upon you to
act together, to innovate and to do so without delay.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank
the President of the Republic of Senegal for the statement he has just made.
Mr. Abdou Diouf. President of the Republic of Senegal, was escorted from
the General Assembly Hall.
9. GENERAL DEBATE Mr. AL-THANI (Qatar) (interpretation from Arabic): At the outset, I would like to express to you. Sir, my sincere congratulations as you assume this high post. Your election is an expression of the confidence you enjoy. It also emphasizes the role your country, Bulgaria, plays at the regional and world levels and reflects the relations of friendship and cooperation it has maintained with other countries of the world. I would like, in this connection, to commend your predecessor in the presidency of the General Assembly, Ambassador Samir Shihabi, who conducted the work of the previous session of the Assembly with high efficiency. Our current session, the first to be held since our present Secretary-General, Ambassador Boutros Boutros-Ghali, assumed his high office, is convened at the threshold of a new era of profound change with which the world Organization must come to grips in a manner that would enhance its effectiveness and credibility, now that the old bipolarity has disappeared and the burdens faced by the United Nations in every field have increased. There is a great deal of hope set by the peoples of the world on our Organization. In this context, I would like to pay tribute to the former Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, whose term ended with the conclusion of our last session. In this hall 179 delegations are meeting. Our Organization started with 51 Member States in 1945. This increase in membership reflects the success of the United Nations in eliminating colonialism, and upholding the right of peoples to self-determination and independence. By so doing, the United Nations has achieved the aim of universal membership. This is an achievement we should be proud of and we look forward to seeing it become a launching pad from which the Organization would proceed to translate the noble principles and objectives of the Charter from the realm of ideas to the world of reality. The State of Qatar shares with all Member States the desire of reactivating and developing the United Nations in a manner that would be compatible with the new world situation and which would strengthen the Organization's role in maintaining peace and stability in the world. We believe that that desired stability will be achieved only through the creation of effective mechanisms for resolving disputes that arise between States either by diplomatic means, such as direct dialogue and mediation, or by recourse to international law as applied by the International Court of Justice. Despite the end of the cold war and the bipolarity which were among the causes of the arms race, arms limitation continues to be one of the main concerns of the United Nations. It was hoped that the end of the cold war would mean a significant and speedy reduction in the magnitude of that arms race. However, this has not been the case. In 1990, experts estimated that 15 per cent of the aggregate of all Government budgets in the world is still being spent on armaments and military preparedness. This is a much higher percentage than that of expenditure on education or on health care. The burden of military expenditure weighs more heavily on developing countries than on industrialized countries because of the discrepancy between the two groups of countries in the area of disposable resources. If we look carefully into the new developments in nuclear armaments we find that the situation is much worse. For while we go on wasting the valuable resources which should be used for development and the building of a better future for man, we endanger that very future with nuclear armament. Therefore, the problem of arms control will remain one of the central issues which the Organization will continue to address in the near future just as it used to do in the past. We in the Gulf region, because of what we went through during the war of liberation of our sister State of Kuwait, have a -pecial interest in prohibiting chemical and other weapons of mass destruction and we attach the greatest of hopes on the success of the Conference on Disarmament in rapidly concluding a convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons and preventing the spread of research and production techniques in this field in accordance with General Assembly resolutions, particularly those adopted in the course of its last session. In this connection, I should like to point out the necessity of compliance by Israel, and by all other States of the Middle East, with this convention, both the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and with the regime of international inspection. This should in adherence to the principles of equality and justice and the need to ensure the security of all States of the region without bias or discrimination. Failure by any State in the region to comply with both agreements, or the accordance of special treatment to any of those States would render the whole endeavour void of seriousness and effectiveness. Therefore, we call upon the international community to ensure compliance therewith by Israel. The guestion of Palestine is one of the questions that have been with the United Nations since its inception and still awaits a solution. My country attaches great importance to this question and hopes for rapid progress towards its solution in the framework of the ongoing peace process. The question of the Palestinian people and the denial by Israel of the inalienable rights of that people is the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict and once the solution of the guestion of Palestine has been achieved in a manner that would be acceptable to the Palestinians, we will also accept it. If Israel wants to live in peace it should withdraw, not only from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, but also from all the occupied Arab territories, including East Jerusalem, the Golan and southern Lebanon, in accordance with the United Nations Charter and relevant resolutions which stipulate the inadmissibility of the acquisition or annexation of territories by force, and that it is illegal to occupy the territories of others by military force. The State of Qatar welcomes the resumption of negotiation between the concerned parties in Washington and reaffirms its commitment to support the peace effort and expresses its hope that a lasting, equitable and comprehensive solution will be reached to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the question of Palestine on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). The delegation of my country wishes to voice in this world forum its deep concern over the continued suffering of the brotherly people of Somalia and we appeal to all Somali factions to put an end to the bloodshed, set aside their differences and put the national interest first. My country commends the increasing efforts made by the United Nations at present to alleviate the suffering of that people in a bid to move towards restoring stability to that afflicted country. As for the situation in the Gulf, my country reaffirms its commitment to the joint political position of its sister countries, members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) with a view to preserving security and peace in the region, which in turn would contribute to achieving the desired peace in the world. With regard to the island of Abu Mousa, it is regrettable indeed that at this historic stage through which our region is passing such a dispute should arise between the two neighbours, the State of the United Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Out of our deep concern for the safety and stability of the region, we believe that this dispute should be resolved by peaceful means, through dialogue or by recourse to the law. The disintegration of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has led to serious consequences that have shaken the conscience of humanity. My country is especially concerned over the acts of aggression committed against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and characterized by extreme violence, particularly against the Muslim population of that Republic, with the aim of driving the Muslims out of their homes and country under the slogan of "ethnic cleansing". It is the duty of the international community to stand up to this aggression so that the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is a Member State of the United Nations, may preserve its right to freedom and independence. In his statement made in December 1991 after his election as Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali cited the indebtedness of developing countries as one of the more complicated problems which face the world economy and which all States must address effectively and decisively. The former Secretary-General, also, had often drawn attention to this problem, the existence and gravity of which is not hidden from experts and from the States that suffer from its worsening burden which weighs heavily on the developing countries and often makes them unable to meet their economic obligations, with dire social consequences. It is self-evident that meeting the burden of foreign debt in every debtor country would be at the expense of its social programmes and its efforts to raise the-standard of living of its people and thus those poor countries become even poorer. The problem of foreign debt must be dealt with decisively. The United Nations has shown its great concern over the problems of the environment by convening the Rio de Janeiro Conference in mid-1992. Even if (Mr. Al-Thani. Qatar) that Conference did not rise fully to the level of the hopes set on it, it marked, nevertheless, a positive beginning that could serve as a point of departure for more effective efforts to protect the environment without unnecessary shackles that may impede economic development in developing countries in the name of the protection of the environment which no one disputes. The peoples of the world look forward to the formulation of a new world order which would ensure world peace and rest on the foundations of international law, the principles of justice and equality and of cooperation and brotherhood. That new world order should not inherit the negative attributes of the old order that led to the creation of blocs, conflicts and polarization with all the attendant evils of underdevelopment, poverty, backwardness, hunger, ignorance and disease. The concept of the new world order should be wide enough to embrace international cooperation and unshackled trade and should address the problems of economic development, side by side with the issues of disarmament, indebtedness, environmental protection and social problems. If the new world order is to govern the political, economic and social international relations between States, all States must share, on an equal footing, in its formulation so that it may become an equitable world order that truly represents the joint will of the international community and thus enable the human race to build a safe and happy world, for the present and future generations.* * Mr. Moumin (Comoros), Vice-President, took the Chair. Mr. SAHLOUL (Sudan) (interpretation from Arabic): Allow me, at the outset, to congratulate Mr. Ganev, on behalf of my delegation, on his election to the presidency of this important session of the General Assembly, and to extend to his predecessor, through him, our thanks and appreciation for the skilful manner in which he conducted the work of the previous session. From this rostrum, I also extend our sincere congratulations to the States that have joined the membership of this Organization since the previous session. We welcome them as a new driving force that contributes to the various efforts deployed in the international arena with a view to bringing about prosperity, development, and stability for the peoples and communities of the world. This session, we have before us an important agenda at all political, economic, social, humanitarian, and security levels. All of us must be aware that, today, the world faces a new set of international phenomena that were not active before the Gulf war and its consequences whose impact is being increasingly felt on the international arena from one day to the next. For our part, we recognize that new and different international circumstances emerge with the dawn of every day. The barrier of the ideologies which, in the past, immersed the world in conflict, confrontation and competition for the sake of narrow interests, has collapsed. The improvement in East-West relations has opened up new vistas. However, the period of transition we are living through has spawned new contradictory tendencies, the most conspicuous of which is an intense acerbity in the relations of the wealthy North and the poor South under the circumstances of the so-called new world order. On the other hand, unipolarity has led the world into a new security system controlled by a handful of major Powers in the complete absence of active participation on the part of the rest of the international community. The era of international detente we hear so much about nowadays, is no more, in our view, than detente between those major Powers with their economic and military muscle. That detente has yet to address the closing of the wide gap between North and South, it has yet to reform international economic and commercial relations and it has yet to address the issues of overriding concern to the South, such as the debt burden, poverty, illiteracy and disease. On top of all that, the States of the developing world are being subjected now to the practices of the so-called new international legality which means, inter alia, interference and intervention in the internal affairs of those States and pursuance of the policies of diktat which deprive them of the right of making their own decisions. In the tenth summit of the Non-Aligned Movement, which concluded its meetings in Jakarta a few weeks ago, the Presidents and Heads of Government of the Movement deliberated over the current international situation and the role of the Movement therein. They have voiced their conviction that the Non-Aligned Movement, being the representative of the largest grouping of States and peoples in the world, has a role to play in the context of the unipolarity that reigns in the world today and, therefore, should be included in a flexible mechanism that would aim at a new world balance in which the developing countries of the world should have an effective role in the formulation and setting up of a new world order that must replace the rampant international chaos of today, and put an end to the present marginalization of international covenants and agreements which must be binding to us all. The Presidents and Heads of Government of the Non-Aligned Movement have set for themselves anew the target of ensuring a full presence for the Movement in addressing all the international issues on the world's agenda. They also have set the target of becoming genuine partners in all decisions to be taken particularly within the framework of the United Nations and its Security Council. The international mechanism governing relations between States should, in our opinion, continue to be the United Nations and its agencies. However, in order for this important Organization fully to discharge its duties, the following must be achieved. Full commitment and adherence to the United Nations Charter, which must be developed in a manner that would be compatible with the changes that have taken place in the world since it was signed. The General Assembly must be enabled to play a full role in the maintenance of peace and security. The General Assembly's role should be as important as that of the Security Council's. Selectivity and double standards must be abandoned with respect to the implementation of the Charter's provisions. The Security Council'", activities should be characterized by transparency. The Council should adopt a democratic approach in the area of decision-making. The United Nations Secretary-General should be able to play his role fully,. without diktat from certain States, and should deal with all States on an equal footing. While appreciating the responsibilities of the Secretary-General, we are if the opinion that he should have the time to meet the delegates and representatives of Member States and listen to what they have to say on issues of i iportance to their countries and their regions. The permanent membership of the Security Council and the right of veto which is the prerogative of the few should be reviewed. It is worh mentioning in this respect that the veto has been cast 279 times since the inception of the Security Council, in relation to issues most of which were of special importance to countries of the developing world. The new world order being heralded nowadays should not violate the sovereignty, territorial integrity, or independence of States nor deprive them of their right to make their own decisions. Preventive diplomacy relating to the making and maintenance of peace should proceed from a basic principle aimed, first and foremost, at the complete eradication of regional and international tension, and at seeking out and uprooting the root causes of political, social and economic conflicts so that the countries involved may live in peace and enjoy stability and prosperity. The type of preventive diplomacy that is accompanied by the use of military force must not be used against the smaller States alone. It is worth wondering here how military force can be used against countries which possess large or medium military capabilities. This is a legitimate question and we, the smaller States, should look for an answer to it that would meet our urgent concerns. If preventive diplomacy is to proceed initially from the principle of fact-finding, such fact-finding should be based on information-gathering from original sources and should avoid selectivity and hasty conclusions that could become the justification for specific actions which may well be military in nature. We in the developing world have suffered a great deal from the unfair communication of facts on issues concerning our countries, either (Mr. Sahloul. Sudan) through mass media networks or governmental and non-governmental organizations which may be active in our countries. We hope that the United Nations and its various agencies, in all cases, will act impartially and not fall prey to narrow political opportunism. In the midst of international changes, we in the Sudan are striving to spread the principles of Shura meaning consultation and participation in decision-making - and democracy, and to find a peaceful and lasting political solution to the problem of the southern Sudan. We have so far achieved considerable progress, at the Abuja talks, which took place in May this year under the auspices of President Ibrahim Babangida of Nigeria. We look forward with optimism and hope to the forthcoming second round of the Abuja talks, which will soon take place. We expect to reach, with the rebel movement, a final solution to the problem of the south, by the end of this year. It is our sincere hope that the peace efforts by the Sudan Government will attract the support and blessings of all friendly and fraternal States and of the international community as a whole. Allow me to mention here specifically, an important issue that weighs a lot on many minds these days, namely the issue of human rights. The protection and maintenance of human rights is a sacred obligation that all religions and human laws call for. The causes of instability and problems of security and peace are directly and organically linked to the maintenance of these rights, for individuals and for peoples alike. Therefore, it is our conviction that human rights are linked to the right of individuals and peoples to dignity, physical and mental health, the freedom to make their own decisions without diktat, the right to have access to the fruits of scientific advancement, namely progress and technology, the right to be free from poverty, disease and hunger and the right to education as well as to material and psychological stability. However, we notice that the principles of human rights, just like many other ideals, are being exploited and misused as a pretext for interference and intervention in the internal affairs of smaller States. Regardless of the claims of interference and intervention for the protection of minorities, such behaviour is, in essence, no more than using the issue of human rights as a weapon against those countries which do not submit to foreign diktat, and as a means of shrugging off moral obligations towards the developing countries. We also notice that while the lofty ideal of human rights is being wielded as weapon, its use is characterized by a double-standard. The crimes and violations by allies are ignored, while accusations of human rights violations are trumped up against those countries that do not surrender their right to independent decision-making. We notice too that certain countries have set themselves up as the self-styled protectors of human rights even though they lack any moral grounds that may gualify them for such a role. Such States give themselves the right to dictate norms of human rights according to their own cultures, customs and social conceptions, and pass judgement on others accordingly. The promotion of human rights and basic freedoms will be properly achieved, as envisaged by those who wrote the United Nations Charter, only through international cooperation and not through confrontation or coercion. The upholding and implementation of those rights within national frameworks remain within the jurisdiction and responsibility of each Government individually so long as that Government properly performs its duties towards its citizens. It is the right of all peoples to freely establish their own political and economic systems and institutions on the basis of respect for the principles of national sovereignty, self-determination and non-interference in the internal affairs of others. (Mr. Sahloul. Sudan) In this context, reference should be made to the fact that the fundamental principles of human rights as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights embody two components that balance out each other: the first relates to the rights and basic freedoms of the individual, while the second stipulates duties of the individual towards society and State. This balance between rights and duties is important, inasmuch as its absence leads to the negation of the rights of society as a whole and to instability, especially in developing countries. We agree also with the view that the political, civil, economic, social and cultural dimensions of human rights are indivisible, and cannot be selectively denied for contingent political motives. At the same time, we reject every attempt to use the human rights issue as a precondition for the provision of economic and social assistance as this leads to the marginalization of such rights on the economic, social and cultural levels. We emphasize that development and human rights are concomitant and interdependent. Hence the need for cooperation and multilateral assistance in the implementation of social and economic development programmes in the developing countries on the basis of the fact that the right to development is a valid, legitimate right that constitutes an indivisible part of fundamental human rights. We hope that the World Conference on Human Rights that will be held next year will deal comprehensively with the issue in all its aspects. Another important issue that requires urgent attention is the situation in Somalia. The people of this sister country are victims of a bitter civil They have suffered its ravages. Since the convening of the minisummit of the States of the Horn of Africa on humanitarian issues, those States have performed and continue to perform their duty in searching for a peaceful solution to the differences between the warring factions in the dispute in Somalia. We look forward to the support of the international community for that role in order for it to achieve the goals spelled out at the Bahr Dar meeting. We had expected the international community to recognize that role and develop it, as stability in the region is important, especially to its countries and for the welfare of its peoples which cannot be ensured without this desired stability. However, what happened instead was that a decision to send international forces to Somalia was taken, and the numbers of those forces have started to increase from one day to the next. It was our opinion that such forces should have been composed of contingents from the countries of the region itself, because we are worried that some countries from outside the region may pursue their own interests there by supporting one faction or another against the others and thereby enabling it to win the war. Stability in Somalia cannot be achieved without comprehensive national reconciliation; one faction cannot have sole power, and we hope that the faction of Mr. Ali Mahdi will come to realize this fact. Several tragic multifaceted situations continue to beset the world such as the refugee problems and the plight of displaced and homeless persons. These problems are clearly manifest in Africa and the Middle East. The Palestinian people continue to struggle and strive for the establishment of their own independent State on their own soil at a time when bilateral and multilateral negotiations are being obstructed by procedural hurdles that have held back those talks and prevented the negotiators from addressing the substance of the conflict. The nev; Israeli Government has not yet proved its serious intent or demonstrated the political will to restore the rights of the Palestinian people and consequently restore peace and security to this sensitive region of the world. We consider that the convening of an international conference on the Palestinian question under full United Nations supervision is the only viable alternative. We further believe that the attempts being made with the aim of fragmenting the territorial integrity of Iraq are negative acts and examples of the unjust improper application of international norms. Moreover, those attempts will eventually jeopardize the balance of power in the region, ensure absolute Israeli hegemony and open wide the doors to Israel's belligerent and expansionist intentions which aim at ingathering all the Jews of the world in a greater Israel. Another human tragedy that needs close attention is the question of the Muslim people of Bosnia and Herzegovina who are being subjected to genocide and liquidation under the very noses of those who call for the preservation of human rights and the protection of minorities. This situation, in our view, is the result of ancient and anachronistic ethnic and religious hatreds which should have disappeared by now. All countries agree that the massacres, genocide, detentions and summary executions that are taking place there have no precedent other than what took place in the days of the Second World War. While the changes that swept over the countries of Eastern Europe have resulted in the emergence of new republics, we would have hoped that, in due course, those republics were going to join the world community of independent States and ensure the enjoyment to the full, by a'l their peoples, of religious and cultural freedoms. (Mr. Sahloul. Sudan) The appeasement of a belligerent majority is a clear case of bias in favour of the creed and cultural affiliations of that majority as opposed to the Islamic faith of a considerable number of the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The actual handling of this issue has been flawed by the selectivity of the major Powers, especially the five permanent members of the Security Council. It is definitely short-sighted to deal with the problem only from a limited humanitarian perspective. What the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina need above all is the preservation of their identity side by side with freedom and protection from acts of displacement and extermination. We therefore consider that the resolutions of the Security Council on this issue are inadequate because they do not address the issue in its wider political and ethical context. Proceeding from this view, the Islamic Group has condemned Security Council resolution 770 (1992). In our opinion, complete military intervention by the United Nations is the only viable solution. If this does not take place, our nagging doubts that there is a scheme to erase the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the map of Europe will only grow. In addition, the policy of depriving the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina of the means to defend their very existence while the Serbian aggressors continue to receive arms without any interference from the United Nations, will cast strong doubts on the integrity and neutrality of the international Organization. Recently, a minor crisis has flared up between the two sisterly States of Iran and the United, Arab Emirates over certain disputed islands. We are disturbed by the fact that that dispute has been transferred from the bilateral context to regional and international forums. This will only exacerbate the conflict. The parties that are now engaged in promoting the escalation of that dispute especially in the mass media, are trying, in fact, to aggravate tensions in the Gulf region, which has suffered the unfortunate effects of the sad events that have swept over it during the past few years. We urge most strongly the containment of this dispute which should be addressed at the bilateral level in line with the operation of the old mechanism that was agreed upon in 1971 between the two parties. The Persian Gulf area has suffered a series of wars that have obstructed its development. The present agonies of the people of Iraq under the conditions of an unjust economic blockade and the unending attempts to fragment their country's tarritorial integrity have resulted from disputes which, in our view, should have been settled by peaceful means within the regional framework, in order to prevent foreign interests from infiltrating the region and capitalizing on differences and disputes to serve their own strategic and economic designs. The international economic situation remains static. Indeed, its principal feature continues to be the unending deterioration of the economies of the countries of the South and the widening gap between those countries and the industrial countries. The major cause of that deterioration lies in the negative and dangerous effects on international trade of the drop in exports of the developing countries as a result of the deterioration of prices of their primary commodity exports to the industrial countries. The horrendous negative effects of the debt crisis have been aggravated to the point where they not only threaten the prospects of economic and social development of the developing countries but also the very existence of those countries. It is important at this point to mention the failure of the industrial countries to honour their commitments, as embodied in international treaties and strategies pertaining to the flow of development assistance to the developing countries, and particularly in implementing the resolutions embodied in the the international strategy for the decade of the 1980s, which called for allocating 0.7% of their gross national income to official assistance to the developing countries. Instead of implementing those resolutions, the developed countries have blocked every attempt to adopt a new strategy for the decade of the 1990s. Furthermore, the industrial countries have failed to implement the programme for the 1990s, which was adopted in favour of the least developed countries in the 1990 Paris Conference. This. failure has caused a grave setback to the economic and social development of the least developed countries. Africa, with its feeble infrastructures, is the continent that has been most affected by that imbalance in the world economic situation. It is the continent that suffers most, because of the considerably diminished flow of economic assistance and investment and the imposition on its countries of unjust conditions that are not imposed upon the other groupings of the developing world. Moreover, the attempts to destabilize some regions of the continent aim, in our view.- at creating a geopolitical climate that would be compatible with the strategies of certain major Powers. We all know the potentials of Africa, a continent with a great wealth of untapped human and natural resources. The real challenge that now faces the international community is narrowing of the ever-widening gap between the wealthy countries of the North and the poor countries of the South. It is that gap which is the real threat to world peace and security. The debt crisis is one of the products of the present international economic order. It is a phenomenon that resulted. (Mr. Sahloul, Sudan) essentially, from the structural imbalance of that order, and its failure to generate an appropriate developmental climate. We have an unshakable belief in the necessary collective interdependency and the organic interrelatedness of the international economic order, if it is to be an order whose aim is to mutually benefit all mankind. This cannot be the case, however, unless comprehensive and integrated solutions are found to the existing problems on the basis of equality, justice and interdependency. The dialogue required for the achievement of that objective cannot take place without the political will, courage, wisdom and far-sightedness of all concerned. In conclusion, we should like to express our absolute conviction regarding the necessity of collective action in the current period of detente in international relations. That means, in our view, developing the activities of all the organs of the United Nations and giving those organs the required importance. In order to reach that objective, we need to cooperate and work together, hand in hand. May Allah lead us to our noble objectives and grant us the vision to see them clearly. ADDRESS BY MR. ADRIEN SIBOMANA, PRIME MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC OF BURUNDI
The Assembly will now
hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Burundi.
Mr. Adrien Sibomana. ?rime Minister of the Republic of Burundi, was
escorted to the rostrum.
I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime
Minister of the Republic of Burundi, His Excellency Mr. Adrien Sibomana, and
inviting him to address the Assembly.
Mr. SIBOMANA (Burundi) (interpretation from French): For me it is a
great pleasure and an agreeable duty to participate in the work of the General
Assembly at its forty-seventh session. For almost half a century the United
Nations has been working to lead mankind to the more human condition of peace
and international solidarity.
Allow me to take this early opportunity to discharge the duty an honour
given to me by Major Pierre Buyoya, President of the Republic of Burundi of
conveying to Mr. Ganev, the President of the General Assembly at its current
session, a message of peace and solidarity, in keeping with the fundamental
purposes set out in the Charter. Allow me also, on behalf of my delegation,
my Government and the people of Burundi, to join other representatives in
congratulating Mr. Ganev on his election to the presidency. There is no doubt
that his distinguished qualities, together with his rich experience, will lead
to the success that everyone expects of our deliberations.
Our congratulations go also to the members of the General Committee, who,
I am sure, will spare no effort to support the President in the discharge of
his responsibilities.
At the same time I express our very good wishes to Mr. Ganev's eminent
predecessor as President, who conducted the work of the General Assembly at
its forth-sixth session with remarkable competence.
Furthermore, I should like to pay a very well deserved tribute to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his determination to see
that peace and security in the world are preserved.
The Republic of Burunii warmly welcomes the countries that have just
joined the family of the United Nations.
Mankind is going throngh a period of contrasts. Current events are
characteristic of the transition from one era to another. Indeed, the world
gives the impression that it is seeking a new balance, which, we hope, will
enable men and women to live together more harmoniously. Whereas the ending
of the cold war and the remarkable disarmament efforts have resulted in
significant progress in the field of international security, bloody conflicts
continue to tear the planet apart.
While a series of events, of which everyone is aware, is persuading
peoples to work together to achieve economic and even political integration,
nations are being torn apart by very bloody fratricidal conflicts. One has
only to consider the extremely worrying situation in Somalia to realize that
the world is still a theatre for tragedies that one cannot bear to watch.
In recent years the winds of liberty have been blowing throughout the
world, and all nations have been rising up in a crusade for human rights and
the dignity of the human person, yet men and women continue to be deprived of
elementary rights the right to life, the right to a homeland and the right
to development. This is the case in South Africa, where apartheid, even in
its death throes, continues to claim victims, and where people, here and
there, continue to be deprived of a homeland.
While steady scientific progress is enabling mankind to master natural
forces and is preparing him to subdue other planets, men and women continue to
wallow in deprivation. This is especially true of the African continent,
where ignorance, hunger and sickness still reign on a grand scale. The
picture so eloquently presented by Abdou Diouf in his capacity as President of
the Organization of African Unity fully conveys the concerns of Africa and of
Africans, and we agree completely with what he said.
At the Rio Conference the international community took a major step in
its awareness of the need to preserve the quality of the environment on Earth,
which is our common home. Paradoxically, however, as we seek means of
subsistence we continue to destroy things that we need to enable us to live
and breathe. This becomes more and more evident when we look at the intimate
relationship between the environment and development a relationship that the
Rio Conference very rightly set out for us.
We are living in an era of paradox. On one hand, it seems that the world
has been moving ahead at full speed in terms of peace and security, freedom,
well-being and progress, but, on the other hand, we are witnessing war,
poverty, hunger and misery. In these conditions mankind has no chance of
making progress. Thus the objectives set out in the Charter of the United
Nations are still relevant.
In this the last decade of the twentieth century we must show that we are
determined to preserve international peace and security. We must also
demonstrate greater solidarity, as an injury to the little finger causes
suffering to the entire body. Like the illustrious founders of this
Organization, we must proclaim our faith in a better world and must turn the
United Nations into an Organization capable of maintaining international peace
and security and of ensuring justice and respect for human rights.
Moreover, the Organization must be able, in accordance with its Charter,
to promote social progress and better standards of life for all peoples of the
world. The Republic of Burundi therefore pays a tribute to all those who are
striving daily to maintain peace in the world and welcomes the signs of
solidarity whereby all peoples may be enabled to live life to the full, in
keeping with the aspirations and values that underlie the United Nations.
In that connection, the report "An Agenda for Peace" submitted to the
General Assembly by the Secretary-General deserves the international
community's close attention. For its part, the Republic of Burundi reiterates
its faith in the United Nations Charter and its commitment to work with the
international community in achieving the triumph of its ideals.
The rostrum of the United Nations, which is provided to us each yoar, is
a special place for dialogue and exchanges of views that enable us better to
understand one another and share our experiences. Allow me, therefore,
briefly to share with representatives the principal paths that my country has
decided to take in rebuilding and making its modest contribution to the
realization of the Organization's goals.
In the not-too-distant past my country went through some tragic
experiences caused by continuing divisive conflicts, essentially ethnic. They
were followed by tragedies that resulted in loss of human life and a large
exodus of refugees seeking asylum in neighbouring countries and elsewhere in
the world. That situation had a serious effect on social relations. Rancour,
mistrust and hatred took root in the hearts of brothers and sisters who should
have been living together in a single, age-old nation.
It was in this context an uneasy one, to say the least that on
3 September 1987 the people of Burundi rose up to change the unhappy course of
their history. Five years later, I am pleased to announce that Burundi is
once again a united nation. Indeed, with the proclamation of the Third
Republic, Burundi has turmd the page and is now embarked upon the
construction of a new society of peace, justice and social harmony. Under the
dynamic and farsighted leadership of Major Pierre Buyoya, President of the
Republic, the people of Burundi are in the process of burying once and for all
the quarrels and divisions from which they have suffered for so long. To
achieve that goal, the Government has based its actions on three fundamental
factors: national reconciliation, democratization and development.
First, the people of Burundi set out to realize internal reconciliation.
To remove the divisions that had rent the fabric of Burundi society, the
people determined, with a supreme effort, to pull themselves together and
experience the forgiveness of national reconciliation. Witness to this is the
proclamation of faith contained in the Charter of National Unity, in which
Burundis, with historic conviction, stated:
"We are determined to break with the past and to embark upon a new era in
order to build a more promising future free of hatred and mistrust."
The national reconciliation now achieved has been the result of a
complete process. The first requirement was to engage in an examination of
conscience, which inspired Burundis to join together and to tell themselves
the truth. That process began with the establishment of a National Commission
made up of citizens of all ethnic groups, all regions and all religious and
socio-professional sectors. The Commission's task was to diagnose the disease
of division and then to propose appropriate cures. After seven months of
arduous work the Commissio.i submitted a report setting forth an analysis of
the situation and proposals for a better future.
However, as President Buyoya has so pertinently said, the construction
and deepening of a people's unity cannot be accomplished by the President of
the Republic alone, nor by his Government. Therefore, based on the
Commission's report, a national debate on the important question of national
unity was organized among ill sectors of society.
people of Burundi has discovered the virtues of dialogue and joint effort,
elevated into a form of government. The national debate was crowned with the
creation of the Charter of National Unity, which was adopted with the support
of more than 89 per cent of the population in a referendum held on
5 February 1991.
Since that time the Charter of National Unity has become the pre-eminent
point of reference for all of the nation's political life and a pact by which
all Burundis have sealed an alliance to consolidate their regained unity.
With the Charter we, the people of Burundi have proclaimed our faith in
lasting national unity and condemned and forever rejected all divisions of any
kind. We have thus committed ourselves to uprooting from our society any
tendency to violence, physical extermination and vengeance.
More positively, we have committed ourselves to rigorous respect for the
ethic of national unity. This is translated into respect for human life, the
promotion of justice and the safeguarding and consolidation of peace and
security.
In parallel with that process, which was aimed principally at reconciling
hearts and minds, the process of consolidating national unity has been marked
by a series of specific measures undertaken with a concern to administer the
State in keeping with the ethic of national unity.
In October 1988 the President of the Republic established a new
Government called the Government of National Unity, whose composition reflects
the concern of high-level State authorities to bring all elements of society
into the management of public affairs. The Government has the political
mission of stimulating a new spirit in all sectors of national life. At every
level of society responsibilities have been entrusted to citizens from all
walks of life, without any discrimination whatsoever. In this undertaking the
Government has given pride of place to other values cherished by the Third
Republic: equality of all citizens, the cult of excellence and total
transparency in the management of public affairs.
With national unity regained and national reconcliation an accomplished
fact, we are able give all due attention to grappling with the thorny problem
of refugees. Everyone agrees that the fact that there are so many millions of
refugees throughout the world is a result of internal or inter-State conflicts
that Governments have been powerless to resolve. Furthermore, the
international community owes a big debt to the refugees, inasmuch as its
inability to manage harmoniously has led to the violation of a basic human
right, the inalienable right to live somewhere in one's homeland, with no risk
of having no home.
Fortified by those convictions, and having laid the foundations for
domestic peace, the Government of the Republic of Burundi has undertaken a
vast programme of voluntary repatriation for Burundi refugees. It feels that
voluntary repatriation is by far the best lasting solution to the refugee
question. Thus, in carrying out this work of national reconciliation our
country's highest bodies have offered those of our compatriots who have gone
into exile the opportunity to return freely to their country. In so doing,
our ambition is to see that soon no Burundians will be living with the
degrading label pf refugee.
From this rostrum and before the entire international community, I should
like to repeat what Major Pierre Buyoya, President of the Republic, said, and
solemnly reiterate my Government's appeal to all refugees from Burundi,
wherever they may be, to freely return to their homeland. We shall welcome
them with open arms.
I am pleased to note at this point that the results already achieved in
this programme are extremely encouraging.
In 1988, following the unrest that disrupted peace and security in two of
our communities, we succeeded in repatriating approximately 50,000 people who
had moved to neighbouring countries. Thanks to the assistance of the
international community, we were able without difficulty to set them up again
on their own land, to build new homes for them and to help reintegrate them
into our production networks.
In that same spirit, my Government is continuing to welcome those of the
refugees who left their country some 20 years ago that freely choose to return.
Even as we speak, more than 25,000 of them have already returned home,
and others continue to arrive.
Thanks to national and international solidarity, those who were
repatriated have rejoined society in complete dignity. The Government has
made an inventory of all available lands that could accommodate them, and they
are being given assistance that allows them to meet their needs until they can
subsist on the fruits of their own labour. In collaboration with local
administrative authorities, they are receiving all the help necessary to build
a decent home, and they even have health insurance so that they can easily
obtain health care. Their children have been integrated into the school
system, and those among the repatriated who have some training are receiving
all the help needed to secure a position in the work force.
I take this opportunity to thank the countries and the organizations that
have supported us in carrying out this programme, and we also appeal to the
international community to continue to help us in this process, of which my
people are so proud.
In sealing this pact of national unity, the people of Burundi placed
special emphasis on the absolute need to see to it that the management of the
State is democratically assured. That is why, in keeping with the
consolidation of national unity, Burundi has undertaken to democratize our
institutions.
I would be remiss not to share with the Assembly information about the
steps that my country has taken. This was for us an original move, and we
have every reason to be satisfied with it. Indeed, in this process as well as
in the one that led to national reconciliation, the Government has always been
careful to involve all segments of the population. Through frank and sincere
dialogue with the people, the political class has always been honest and wise
enough to put itself in the hands of the people, being convinced that no work
can last unless the citizens are involved, for in the final analysis they are
the ones who do the work and who benefit from all changes.
Thus, throughout all of last year the people were closely involved with
drawing up a new constitution, which was subsequently adopted by referendum on
9 March 1992 by more than 90 per cent of the population. The new constitution
establishes a multiparty system and gives special attention to respect for
fundamental human rights.
In this way, Burundi has put an end to 26 years of a single-party system
and has restored order, serenity and national harmony. Since that time, the
Government has worked to implement the guidelines contained in the
constitution.
The process of effectively implementing pluralism was accelerated in such
a way that today, seven political parties are already on the political scene.
Appropriate legislation was also passed promptly to promote the right to free
association and freedom of the press, which are indispensable foundations for
a vital multiparty system.
In terms of human rights, independent leagues have been established. In
this particular area, which is very dear to us, we have just established a
centre for the promotion of human rights whose mission is to instil into
society, through teaching and various means of communication, the values that
underlie respect for human dignity.
In Burundi, the democratization of our institutions is therefore
proceeding in this manner, and the Government is strongly determined to keep
moving forward. That is why, in keeping with the guidelines that the
President has already laid down, the Government is planning to hold general
elections in the early months of 1993. Once the constitution has clearly
defined the institutional structure that is to guide the country and the
competing partners, that is, the political parties, are on the scene, we
believe that it would be a reprehensible step backwards to prolong this period
of transition indefinitely.
Our intention is to give to a sovereign people the opportunity to speak,
so that they can democratically elect the leaders of their choice. We do so
in what we term the Burundi way, that is to say in complete openness, through
dialogue and joint efforts.
I should not like to take advantage of your kind attention. Sir. None
the less, I should be remiss if, before ending my statement, I did not mention
what we consider to be a pillar of unity and democracy that is, development.
I should not like to take advantage of your kind attention. Sir. None
the less, I should be remiss if, before ending my statement, I did not mention
what we consider to be a pillar of unity and democracy that is,
development. Speaking of national unity, we say that unity and development
are inseparable realities and that it would be difficult to achieve one
without the other. The same is true of democracy. Indeed, without enjoying
the public freedoms that are the structure of true democracy, people cannot
fully express their creativity. Similarly, democratic freedoms that are not
based on the satisfaction of elementary human needs would only be wishful
thinking and would rapidly become void of any substance.
Following these principles, the Government has undertaken a series of
programmes of action for development. For a country such as ours, development
is not a difficult concept to define. Essentially, it boils down to
satisfying the basic needs of the population, such as drinking water, health
services, schooling for their children, decent homes and also food security.
To succeed in this development enterprise, the authorities of the third
Republic initiated a structural adjustment programme with the support of the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Implementation of the
programme is intended to stabilize the finances of our country and to
transform our productive structures with a view to achieving economic growth.
This reform, moreover, is guided by the principles of good management of
public affairs and of liberalizing the economy.
In so doing, important efforts have been made to promote the private
sector. This new manner of conducting development emphasizes the growing
disengagement of the State and the giving of responsibility to individuals and
corporations. In this framework, the Government has, since 1991, embarked
on a major economic programme to privatize public enterprises. What is
involved is the partial or total opening up of public enterprises to private
capital. It also involves restructuring those enterprises that need it in
order to be more profitable and to establish more effective mechanisms for
managing them.
The liberalization of Burundi's economy has just entered a new stage with
the creation of a free trade zone regime. This reform, intended to promote
investment in order to bring about the diversification of our exports, grants
tax and other advantages which some consider to be among the most advantageous
in the world.
Investors who so desire can come and work with us. I can guarantee that
they will not regret doing so. The political reforms that have taken place
within the framework of strengthening national unity and of democratization of
institutions have created in our country a political and social environment
which is very favourable to business.
I have given a thumbnail sketch of the situation in Burundi today. As I
indicated at the beginning of my statement, the Government and people of
Burundi are working to achieve national reconciliation. The steps we have
taken allow us to welcome our brothers and sister who were refugees and enable
them to regain their dignity by returning freely to their homeland. Thanks to
the national unity we have regained, the democratization of our institutions
is also taking place in an atmosphere of peace, order and serenity. We have
committed ourselves to ambitious development programmes in order to establish
an environment and a social infrastructure that can support social peace.
In this way, in full cooperation with the international community,
Burundi feels that it is 01 the right path, one which will allow it, moreover,
to make its contribution t) building a better world of peace, security and
international solidarity. This is the best inheritance we could leave to our
children.
How could we not in chis United Nations body give some thought to the
children, who are the future of us all? This is why we wish especially to
recall that today, 30 September 1992, marks the second anniversary of the
World Summit for Children. We express to the Secretary-General our
appreciation for the report (A/47/264) he has just submitted to us on the
follow-up to the Summit. It deserves our attention.
We should also like to take this opportunity to say that we have high
hopes that the forthcoming conference on this subject, which is to take place
in Dakar, Senegal, next November will study the issue of the future of
Africa's children.
On behalf of the
General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Rwandi
for the important statement he has just made.
Mr. Adrien Sibomana. Prime Minister of the Republic of Burundi, was
escorted from the rostrum.
Mr. OCHOA ANTICH (Venezuela) (interpretation from Spanish): On
behalf of Venezuela, I congratulate our President and the Government and
people of Bulgaria on his election to preside over this session of the General
Assembly.
I welcome the new Member States, whose presence among us makes this
Organization more universal.
I also wish to place on record our gratitude to the Permanent
Representative of Saudi Arabia, Ambassador Samir Shihabi, who presided over
the work of the forty-sixt'i session with such distinction.
We are meeting at a time of particular instability and uncertainty. The
international system is trying to find a new order and basic principles and
guidelines to enable us to build a more just and egalitarian world. We are
living at a time of rapid historical change. The most dramatic events and the
most unexpected changes are taking place before a seemingly helpless world
leadership.
The end of communism is already a thing of the past; the collapse of the
Soviet empire is ancient history. The absolute triumph of the West is
beginning to be questioned, given the financial and exchange rate problems
which the industrialized countries are experiencing, together with their
profound social crisis. We might be talking about a post-capitalist era in
which the quest for supposedly free competition has turned into a total
dehumanization of the economic model, producing a yawning gap between rich and
poor in world society.
We are facing not the end of history, but rather a great lack of
leadership, of confidence md of enthusiasm for the future. The
industrialized countries, bogged down in their economic rivalries, cannot
coordinate their actions in favour of peace, stability and justice. Deprived
of the enemy which used to make them act together, they are now experiencing a
substantial weakening of the bonds which used to unite them.
The times in which we live require strong, democratic international
organizations if the preventive diplomacy the Secretary-General has described
in his "Agenda for Peace" which we are studying very carefully is to take
root. We support the more active role he envisages for the Organization, in
the area not of intervention, but rather of prevention. To achieve this, the
United Nations and the specialized agencies must cooperate
"to address the deepest causes of conflict: economic despair, social
injustice and political oppression." (A/47/277, para. 15)
The Security Council, which should have been the most efficient United
Nations body, is an anachronism. It still reflects the interrelationship of
forces that existed when it was created. When the United Nations came into
being, its keystone was the Council, controlled by its five permanent members,
which was given predominance to try to eliminate the limitations which had
made the former League of Nations ineffectual. The founders of the
Organization thought that this time the big Powers would be able to exercise
effective leadership, in keeping with their power; that is, they would have
the ability to act as world monitors and arbitrators and bring order to the
world.
To the frustration of humanity, the two super-Powers proved that they
alone were enough to lay the foundations of international order. The Security
Council, from the day the Organization was established until the end of the
cold war, was to play second fiddle in the management of world affairs.
After the collapse of the Soviet system, the Security Council began to
regain its original functions. But it is doing so under the aegis of the
triumphant values. Thus the major countries can outline an international
scenario in accordance with their interests. This situation should be
reconsidered so that, as the Secretary-General has said:
"Democracy within the family of nations means the application of its
principles within the world Organization itself." (A/47/277, para. 82)
Before the General Assembly, the President of Venezuela,
Carlos Andres Perez, clearly conveyed his concern over the need to make the
Security Council more representative. He said:
"Our own people's aspiration to democracy can also become a
permanent aspiration of the United Nations. The Organization will not be
strengthened unless an agreement is reached to eliminate the right of
veto exercised by the permanent members of the Security Council, a right
that responded to circumstances and realities that have ceased to exist.
This mechanism runs counter to the spirit of the Charter of the United
Nations and limits its effective contributions to collective security.
"The right to veto Security Council resolutions is a mechanism that
limits the achievement of consensus among the Member States of the United
Nations. The Security Council must be a representative body, and in no
way should any of its members negate the majority view of the United
Nations. If we want collective and democratic security, we must aspire
to universal egalitarian law." (A/46/PV.8. p. 13)
In our changing times, concepts of State sovereignty and integrity are
also being re-examined. Paradoxically, the "champions of freedom", once
victorious, are trying to :.mpose a homogeneous and intolerant world order in
which an independent protagonist would be seen as a destabilizing and
threatening factor. This is a matter of serious concern to the States of the
southern hemisphere. In the past, we were important to the North in two
ways: as the natural scenario for the East-West confrontation and as
essential suppliers of raw materials.
The confrontation between East and West is gone and with it the political
and strategic usefulness of the third world. Raw materials have become
marginal in the present world economy. The slump in the demand for
commodities becomes more acute with every passing year. The phrase
"mobilizing effect" used to mean that any surge in the rich economies would
carry the developing economies along with it. When the North was growing, so
were exports of raw materials. The situation has completely changed
traditional export commodities no longer have the same value. International
markets can almost do without us.
The only way to preserve peace is to find balanced links between the
hemispheres, put an end to relations of confrontation and strengthen
cooperation between peoples. I have not come here to point out the mistakes
made by the North. The countries in the South also bear heavy
responsibilities. We must meet our challenge. The era of demagogic populism,
inefficiency and corruption is over. If we wish to compete in a world of open
markets we must devote ourselves to productive work and reward creativity.
Venezuela has realized this and is in a position from which it can look to the
future with optimism, provided there is compliance with the rules of open
markets and competitiveness between nations.
However, we must emphasize that while large regions in the South,
especially in Latin America, are striving to internationalize their economies
by opening them up to competition, the North is increasingly locking itself
into inward-turning blocs. Ultimately, the free market one of the triumphant
values to which I have already referred would seem to work in a single
direction.
If the rigid attitude of some international financial institutions
persists, together wth the dangerous protectionism that is again emerging
among the industrialized countries, then the 1990s, which in Latin America
began with severe economic measures and hopeful signs of growth, may also turn
out to be another lost decade.
The North is not making a contribution to the establishment of the
necessary economic links between the two hemispheres. The new world order
implies a dual concept: on the one hand, the failure of the South and, on the
other, the defeat of the communist East. The power logic being applied is
simple and direct. There is no longer any question of the loss of any given
strategic resource or strategic position falling into the hands of communism.
There being no enemies, there is no longer any danger of losing friends; worse
yet, there is no longer any need for friends. What is important now is that
there be no disorder and no anarchy. What matters now is the willingness of
the South to submit to certain global rules of the game as defined by the
North in terms of its own interests.
Yet they fail to understand that these rules of the game become
inoperative in situations ->f anarchy and civil strife, which can dismember a
State and have spill-over effects on those surrounding it. Somalia is a
tragic example of what the southern hemisphere could become, on a larger
scale, in the twenty-first century. Some wealthy States may feel that they
can live unaffected by such realities. They are mistaken. We must not forget
that the South has its own ability to make an instinctive response: the
migratory flows of its impoverished masses to the North. This flow, which is
always difficult for any Government to control, could come to undermine the
bases for the democratic and social stability in many developed countries.
The best proof of this is the resurgence of extreme rightist movements and the
outbreak of racial violence and xenophobia in many countries.
These problems and the persistent imbalance between the North and the
South highlight a series of essential issues that the Assembly should
consider. The first is the democratization of the decision-making processes
in the Security Council. This implies a new debate on the veto procedure and
an increase in the number of permanent members so as to allow for the
representation of the new world realities.
The new circumstances in the world have been conducive to solving various
regional problems, such as those in Angola, Namibia, Central America,
Mozambique and Cambodia; to a large extent, in other areas, such as
Afghanistan, Western Sahara, South Africa and the Middle East, there are
signs, because of the new circumstances, that warrant hope for negotiated
solutions to conflicts. Venezuela supports measures designed to achieve
peaceful solutions to these problems and hopes that the favourable
international climate will help maintain peace.
We also supported the Rio summit on the environment and hope that the
decisions adopted there, particularly those related to the problem of
financing Agenda 21, will be implemented as soon as circumstances permit. '
Similarly, we give our full support to the Second World Conference on Human
Rights, to be held next year, as well as to the forthcoming conferences on
population and on the status of women and to the summit on social development.
Despite the endeavours of the United Nations, the outlook is not
encouraging. None the less, when all the countries gathered here in the
Assembly commit themselves to working for change, for a world where hunger and
war have vanished, where the environment is protected, and where realistic
measures are adopted to prevent conflicts, then we shall be building the just
society of which we have always dreamed.
Th-i meeting rose at 12.45 p.m.
(Mr. Ochoa Antich. Venezuela)