A/47/PV.23 General Assembly

I should like to draw the General Assembly's attention to document A/47/442/Add.4, which has been circulated in the General Assembly Hall this afternoon. It contains a letter addressed to the President of the General Assembly by the Secretary-General informing him that since the issuance of his communications dated 15, 18, 22 and 24 September 1992 Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tome and Principe have made the necessary payments to reduce their arrears below the amount specified in Article 19 of the Charter. May I take it that the General Assembly duly takes note of this information? It was so decided.

We ask the President to accept our hearty congratulations on his election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. We pledge to him the fullest support and cooperation of the Liberian delegation as he puts forth his best efforts in guiding the deliberations of the Assembly. We offer his illustrious predecessor. Ambassador Samir S. Shihabi of Saudi Arabia, our deepest appreciation for the able manner in which he conducted the affairs of the forty-sixth session, and we wish him well in his future endeavours. (Mr. Diria. United Republic of Tanzania) We welcome the advent of Dr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, a distinguished African scholar and diplomat, to the position of Secretary-General of the United Nations. His stewardship of the Organization since the beginning of this year has witnessed the utilization of the finest diplomatic skills, undiminished resolve, and broad vision to address the many challenging problems which now confront the international community. This singular commitment on his part to the cause of global peace and security, social justice and economic prosperity has inspired tremendous confidence that the United Nations will continue to be the appropriate forum for harnessing various ideas which can promote the betterment of mankind. We also welcome and extend a hand of friendship to the newly admitted Members of the United Nations. We entertain the fervent hope that their participation will contribute to the achievement of its lofty ideals and objectives. The cessation of the ideological antagonism which characterized the cold-war era aroused great expectations that our global village would be visited by a climate of international peace, tolerance and goodwill whereby our energies could be devotid to grappling with the myriad problems of underdevelopment. Unfortunately, with apocalyptic premonition, there are wars and rumours of war casting grim shadows throughout our one world. In Somalia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, in some of the nations emerging from the former Soviet Union, and even in my own country, Liberia, wars are raging, brought about by either nationalistic yearnings, ethnic and religious rivalries, or by sheer greed for wealth and power. Although the United Nations does respond, sometimes much too belatedly, to such crises, there is an urgent need for the Organization to employ its moral authority in a more effective and non-selective way at the early stages of conflicts to prevent the human tragedies which so frequently revisit mankind. (Mr. Matthews. Liberia) In this connection the Liberian delegation notes with appreciation the comprehensive and insightful report of the Secretary-General entitled "An Agenda for Peace", in which he outlines specific measures and proposals to enhance, in a more vigorous and non-selective way, greater United Nations involvement in preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-keeping and peace enforcement. Within this context Member States that are better endowed must exercise leadership to ensure that the United Nations becomes ready, willing and able to engage constructively in humanitarian intervention in internal conflicts, consistent with the guiding principles annexed to General Assembly resolution 46/182 of 19 December 1991 and Article 2, paragraph 7, of the United Nations Charter. At this juncture we would wish to apprise delegations of developments in Liberia and of Liberia's continuing quest for peace. Since 24 December 1989, when rebel forces effected an incursion into Liberia from a neighbouring country, Africa's oldest republic has been embroiled in a tragic civil strife replete with atrocious mayhem, murder and madness. In a three-way armed struggle for power in which the "enemy" was defined with scarce exactitude, each faction preyed on the civilian population, whose cries for help were heard by a largely indifferent world. Liberia, a beacon of hope in Africa as a sovereign expression since 1847, a country which welcomed and assimilated into its society thousands of other Africans from neighbouring countries and elsewhere, was rapidly reduced to a land of grief and desolation. This fratricide impelled about 800,000 of our citizens to seek sanctuary in neighbouring countries. After the disintegration of the Government and the attendant breakdown of Community of West African States (ECOWAS) undertook a mediatory initiative by advancing a plan that secured the concurrence of all the interested parties. The ECOWAS peace plan required, inter alia, the deployment of a peace-keeping force, the ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), as well as the formation of an interim Government of National Unity to include the warring factions, the political parties and the interest groups of the country. In August 1990 ECOWAS facilitated the convening of a national conference so that Liberians could deliberate on the future of their country, form an interim government and undertake the initial plans for free and fair elections to be conducted under international supervision and monitoring. The National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), the main rebel faction, led by Mr. Charles Taylor, failed to attend, apparently opting for a military solution that was still vai-ily expected to arise from what was already a war of attrition. At the Conference, the delegates worked within the scope of the peace plan that had been accepted by the warring factions as the basis for mediation. It reguired that none of the leaders of the armed groups would serve as interim President and that the interim President would be a caretaker and not participate in the elections. Accordingly, the Conference reserved for the NPFL leader the position of Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, the highest position in the interim government, from which he could still seek the presidency of the country in a free and fair election. The NPFL was also awarded a majority seating in the interim Legislative Assembly. However, this overture failed to induce the NPFL and its leader to find some common ground with other Liberians. The Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, meeting at an extraordinary summit at Bamako in November 1990. negotiated a cease-fire declaration and (Mr. Matthews. Liberia) conference at which the NPFL could be present. ECOWAS convened a second national conference at Monrovia in March 1991, at which an NPFL delegation participated in the negotiation of an arrangement for the governance of the country along the lines of a framework it advanced. The euphoria that attended chose preliminary results were short-lived, as the conclusions reached were summarily rejected by the NPFL leader. A few months thereafter the NPFL alerted some of the leaders of ECOWAS that it was not prepared to participate in an interim government that would, alternatively, be disposed to negotiating, under the auspices of ECOWAS, another proposal of its own. The NPFL proposed a snap election, to be held within six months, to be preceded by the encampment and disarmament of all armed combatants. ECOWAS established the Committee of Five, headed by His Excellency President Felix Houphouet-Boigny of Cote d'lvoire, to work with Liberians and help us reach an understanding. The negotiations took place in four different meetings, producing an agreement which, because of the venue, has become known as the Yamoussoukro Accord. This Accord has aroused declarations of support from the Organization of African Unity, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the United Nations Security Council. But how has the NPFL reacted to the commitments it undertook? At the fifteenth session of the Authority of Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, held at Dakar in July 1992, the 16 West African leaders reached a clear consensus and observed: "The Authority determined that the uncooperative conduct by the NPFL, especially with regard to the encampment and disarmament of the combatants and the insertion of a buffer zone along the Liberia-Sierra Leone border, continued to pose a serious threat to the peace, stability and security of the West African region." (Mr. Matthews. Liberia) The Authority therefore mandated the Field Commander of ECOMOG to complete the implementation of the programme contained in the Yamoussoukro Accord not later than 30 days from the conclusion of the summit meeting. Furthermore, the West African leaders decided: "That unless Charles Taylor and the NPFL comply with the implementation of the said programme, the Authority shall impose comprehensive sanctions against Charles Taylor and the NPFL-controlled areas of Liberia and any other party that fails to comply with the implementation of the programme; that all the Member States of ECOWAS shall take all necessary measures to give full effect to this decision; that the Committee of Five, in consultation with the Standing Mediation Committee, shall seek the assistance of the Security Council of the United Nations to make whatever sanctions are imposed effective and binding on all members of the international community in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter." In support of the decision taken by the ECOWAS Heads of State, the Tenth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, meeting in Jakarta in September 1992, said, inter alia, in its Final Documents: "if ... there are parties still frustrating the efforts to create the reguired climate for the holding of free and fair elections in Liberia, stringent economic sanctions as proposed by the ECOWAS Summit ... [shall) be imposed on such parties and the areas they control." It also "appealed to the international community to support said sanctions, if and when invoked, as well as provide necessary assistance to Liberia and the Economic Community of West African States Ceasefire Monitoring Observer Group (ECOMOG)." We expect that the Security Council of the United Nations will be equally supportive. Consistent with the spirit of its responsibilities, the Interim Government of National Unity has taken several measures aimed at enhancing the NPFL's capacity to cooperate in the implementation of the undertakings into which it willingly entered. We have succesfully contributed to sensitizing those countries that can prove helpful in assisting with funding for demobilizing and rehabilitating combatants. An amnesty has been offered to enhance the prospects for reconciliation. We have secured food for the NPFL to help alleviate the strains incidental to the encampment of its troops, which, to use its leader's words, are currently "living off the land". To give confidence to the NPFL with respect to the pending elections, we offered it the position of Chairman of, as well as majority seating on, the Elections Commission. This we did even though the political party that it is now forming is only one grouping to enter an election with at least six other parties. It should be recalled that Dr. Amos Sawyer, President of the Interim Government of National Unity, will not be a candidate in these elections and that therefore the advantages of incumbency are not a factor here. Morevoer, Dr. Sawyer has announced that, in order to ensure a unified country, if Mr. Taylor would concede his forces' being encamped and disarmed, and if he would renounce his claims to a bogus presidency in the area he controls. Dr. Sawyer would resign in favour of another Liberian acceptable to both sides, who would hold the country together through the remaining months leading to elections. We, the people of Liberia, know what we want. We want an end to the war. we want a unified country. We want free and fair elections. While we concede the existence of some deep-seated problems clouded by suspicion and demanding circumspection, our difficulties are being compounded by the influence that external factors and forces wield over the NPFL. This is not to suggest that Liberians are not ultimately responsible for the havoc we have wrought on our country, but it is important for the international community to understand and appreciate the variables which tend to make peace elusive in Liberia. The Liberian crisis was planned abroad. Many of the insurgents were trained outside the country. Those who initially provided the training, arms, and finances have tried to explain to us their motives, couched in spurious arguments of revolutionary duty to their oppressed African brothers. We must remember, too, that the insurgents crossed an internationally recognized boundary and appear still to be receiving the cooperation and support of some of our would-be brotherly peoples. We remain aware that as the NPFL advanced there was a systematic plundering of the country, with the extraction from Liberia of movable capital assets, from earth-moving equipment to power plants, from computers to automobiles, primarily by the route by which the insurgents came. We are also cognizant of the fact that a few multinational corporations, some with investments in the country, provided material and financial assistance to the NPFL, with the intention of hastening its advance. There are others which, acting on the presumption of an imminent NPFL victory, provided similar assistance to secure concessions in natural rubber, iron ore and timber resources. We are aware that some of these foreign corporations believe they have become too involved to disengage now, and they have sought the support or acguiescence of their countries in what is transpiring in Liberia. We Liberians are concerned about the causes underpinning our present dilemma. We do not wish to see our country go the way many small countries have gone by being embroiled in a protracted civil conflict over the spoils of war. Liberia need not be destroyed in a quest for economic advantages. There is no reason for the pitting of Liberians against each other in a zero-sum game and the transformation of the country into a mass grave. We recognize that we live in an interdepedent world and accept the fact that economic ends or objectives will be pursued in our country. However, we are dismayed by the senselessness of the manner and the means. Results which can be achieved in an organized, civilized and equitable way need not be pursued in a manner replete with disorder, carnage and confusion. As we Liberians want to reconstruct our lives the future being all we have left we affirm here and now that all the signs of good neighbourliness we are already demonstrating are sincere and genuine and that they will continue to be a sustained national policy. In the same vein, corporate entities that were lured into errors of judgement will be expected to participate in time in open-minded discussions with the intent that they should become actual partners in progress with the people of Liberia. The intransigence and negative attitude of the NPFL has led to the emergence on the scene of a fourth force, the United Liberation Movement for Democracy in Liberia (ULIMO), which has declared itself to be a group of Liberian refugees trying to find their way home. They also claim that their primary objective is to compel the NPFL to adhere to the Yamoussoukro accord. The ULIMO has engaged NPFL forces and recently, in a rapid advance, captured several areas that had been under NPFL control. We, the Interim Government, will continue our efforts to have a cease-fire arranged between these contending forces. There is an urgent need to avoid escalation through the likely involvement of the other forces, which have been encamped for more than a year, awaiting the encampment of the NPFL for the commencement of general disarmament. Under cover of the security blanket provided by ECOMOG, the Interim Government of National Unity has succeeded in re-establishing an acceptable level of civil administration. We are pleased to note that since last year schools have been open, with banking, mercantile and other commercial activities resumed. Residents are being provided with basic social services within the limits of our resources. We wish to observe that, despite the emergency situation, we have been able to operate under the rule of law with a constitutional Government which respects human rights. We take pride in the fact that the people of Liberia have demonstrated both a spirit of cooperation and the tenacity and the will to reorder their lives, in spite of tremendous hardship. Monrovia, which had a pre-war population of less than 500,000, has grown to about 1.2 million as hundreds of thousands of our citizens continue to seek refuge in the relative safety and normalcy of the capital. This mass migration is placing a serious strain on the Government's meagre resources, taking into account that the principal sources of revenue are under NPFL control. As such, there is still a need for continued humanitarian assistance to the country. Concurrent with the effort to bring peace to Liberia and secure appropriate conditions for holding free and fair elections, Liberia and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have invited the United Nations to assist with the electoral process. The Secretary-General has already sent consultants to Liberia to evaluate the availability of population data and the situation of constituency maps, and to provide support to the Elections Commission. We wish to register our appreciation to the States Members of the United Nations for the several resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in response to the critical humanitarian and other needs of Liberia since the (Mr. Matthews. Liberia) civil strife began. We wish to thank all the countries, especially the United States, Japan, the European Community, the Nordic countries and others, which have made significant contributions in response to the appeals of the Secretary-General both for the United Nations emergency programme in Liberia and for assistance to the neighbouring countries which host Liberian refugees. We also express our gratitude to the United Nations system, and to all the non-governmental and private volunteer organizations which have continued to provide assistance to our people. We trust we can rely on the international community for its continued empathy and support as Liberia goes through the most difficult period of its history. The timely initiative of the Economic Community of West African States to mediate in the Liberian conflict was a laudable response by a subregion to a subregional problem, consistent with Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter. This initiative is most deserving of the encouragement and support of the international community. We therefore call on the United Nations to play an active role in mobilizing financial and other support for ECOWAS as it responds to the Liberian crisis, which continues to pose a threat to regional peace and security. On behalf of the Government and the people of Liberia, we wish once again to extend our heartfelt appreciation to all the member States of ECOWAS, particularly the Governments and peoples of Nigeria, Ghana, Senegal, Guinea, Sierra Leone, the Gambia and Mali, which are participating in ECOMOG. We thank all of them for the many sacrifices they are making to restore peace to Liberia. While we are preoccupied with domestic considerations, we have firm views which we would like to advance with respect to some of the issues on the international agenda. The painful and tragic situation in Somalia is a grim reminder to the people of Liberia of the ethnic strife, the wanton destruction of life and property, the grave refugee problem and the disintegration of the country that we ourselves experienced. The appalling human condition of the Somali people makes them deserving of treatment equal to, if not greater than, that given any other country experiencing a civil conflict. That is why we are most pleased with the recent initiative taken by the Secretary-General in arousing the conscience of the international community to the plight of Somalia. We also applaud the active role he is playing to resolve the conflict. (Mr. Matthews. Liberia) With respect to developments in South Africa, the Government of Liberia views with serious concern the gruesome sectarian violence in that country. In view of the positive steps that the South African Government, yielding to international pressure, was taking to end apartheid, it is most distressing to receive indications of that Government's apparent collusion with the appointed leaders of homelands to unleash unprovoked violence and death on defenceless civilians engaged in a legitimate exercise of protest. Such action can only put at risk the gains that have been made by all South Africans. We therefore urge the South African authorities to take speedy action to arrest black township violence and exclude from the security apparatus those responsible for the recent atrocities. My delegation is encouraged by the reports that the leader of the African National Congress, Mr. Nelson Mandela, and President de Klerk have resumed talks on the country's political future. We appeal, however, to Chief Gatsha Buthelezi of the Inkatha freedom movement to rejoin his compatriots in the negotiations for the establishment of a non-racial, democratic society. The tragic story of Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of continuing suffering, destruction and death. It heightens profound fears that if the situation is not urgently arrested the world could find itself involved in a major effort to prevent the extinction of a national group due to the horrendous policy of "ethnic cleansing." Liberia deplores that inhumane practice and calls for enforcement action in keeping with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. With regard to the situation in the Middle East, Liberia welcomes the renewed efforts by the parties to the crisis and others to move the peace process forward. It is our continuing belief that only a negotiated settlement within the parameters of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) can bring a just and lasting peace to that troubled region. One of the perennial issues before the Assembly has been the need to ameliorate the poverty and underdevelopment that plague the developing countries. The mounting debt burden, the decline in commodity prices and increasing protectionism are some of the factors contributing to the economic stagnation in many developing countries. My Government is therefore concerned about the delay in concluding the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations. We entertain the hope that the negotiations will be completed before the end of 1992, as envisaged. It was in appreciation of the disturbing economic trends that I have mentioned that the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly adopted a New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s. Liberia calls upon the international community to support the Agenda wholeheartedly in order to grant relief to African countries. Another important task of this session of the General Assembly is to follow up the decisions taken by the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, which was held in Rio de Janeiro in June 1992. The decision by most countries to sign the Conventions on climate change and on biodiversity, as well as to adopt a comprehensive programme for sustainable development. Agenda 21, reaffirmed awareness of the fundamental relationship between development and the environment. As the Secretary-General observes in his report, Agenda 21 constitutes the centrepiece of international cooperation and coordination activities within the United Nations system for years to come, it is therefore Liberia's sincere hope that at this session the General Assembly will take appropriate measures to ensure the full implementation of the historic decision that has been reached. (Mr. Matthews. Liberia) The rapid pace of change and the shrinking of our planet by faster means of travel and communication have combined to make more relevant the interdependence of nations. As such, Liberia reaffirms its abiding faith in and commitment to the principles of the United Nations that have stood mankind in good stead. Like those whose vision led to the birth of the Organization at a time of great upheavals and challenges, we too must call forth the best in us to ensure that we bequeath to posterity a world safe from pockets of wars and the attendant dreadful consequences. In pursuit of that attainable goal we must banish from our minds all forms of mistrust, suspicion, fears and prejudices which, more often than not, define our behaviour in national and international affairs. If we muster the courage and the will to face sguarely the new realities of the post-cold-war era, then the chances will be enhanced of a stable international environment in which the United Nations can promote social progress and development while keeping the peace. Mr. BRAGANCA (Sao Tome and Principe) (spoke in Portuguese; English text furnished by the delegation): On behalf of the Sao Tome and Principe delegation, I should like to congratulate the President on his unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-seventh session of the United Nations General Assembly. His election is unquestionably a tribute to his country and a recognition of his qualities as a diplomat. May I take this opportunity to express our appreciation of the efficient manner in which his predecessor, Ambassador Samir Shihabi, presided over the work of the forty-sixth session. We should like to again express our confidence in and admiration for the leadership shown by the Secretary-General Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, in (Mr. Matthews. Liberia) dealing with the challenges facing the Organization in this crucial phase of its history. We extend our greetings to the new Members of the Organization. Their admission is a confirmation of the universalist calling of the United Nations at « time when its actions are making themselves felt everywhere in the world. (Mr. Braganca. Sao Tome and Principe) The end of the cold war has made it possible to foresee a new era in international relations, characterized by respect for international law and for the principles inscribed in Charter of the United Nations, and by a search for solutions to the great and complex problems that are on the agenda of the human community. Our hopes for a better world, held hostage for so long by the reductive Manicheism of the East-West conflict, have taken form and are reflected in a common desire to create a new world order based on respect for the legitimate rights of peoples, on lasting peace, on a more balanced distribution of world resources, and on active solidarity between the rich and poor peoples of our planet, with the United Nations as a focal point and point of reference. While it is absolutely clear today that important steps are being taken towards making some of these aspirations a reality, it is no less certain that the definition of priorities, the selection of means, the allocation of the necessary resources and, in some cases, the very solutions chosen all reflect conditionalities born of the old order and bespeak a selective approach that does not always match the noble purposes and principles that inspire the United Nations Charter. While it is not realistic to expect an immediate solution to such complex and difficult problems as those that result from the profound imbalance we find between North and South, the absence of any concrete and serious movement in this direction continues to be a concern. That millions of men, women and children are living in circumstances that are a denial of their human condition is not admissible in this century, which has been witness to so many of man's conquests. That entire peoples should also find their fundamental rights denied by the forces of occupying regimes, in flagrant violation of Security Council decisions, is clearly anachronistic, especially when the United Nations has, in some cases, already mobilized the collective will of its Members and the mechanisms provided for in its Charter to impose respect for international law. That liberation from the oppressor's yoke, which keeps entire nations subjugated, is giving rise to acts of truly suicidal barbarism in various parts of the world is a challenge to which we must respond with the greatest urgency and determination. That the future of the coming generations on this planet is being menaced by the irresponsible and blind exploitation of limited resources in the name of short-term interests reveals an individualism that cannot leave us indifferent. For this reason, we would like to associate the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe with those who, from this very rostrum, have condemned the violence that threatens the initiatives aimed at seeking a peaceful and negotiated solution in South Africa, within the context of the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, the path chosen for a peaceful transition to power for the black majority. For this reason too we salute the Angolan people for the maturity it has demonstrated throughout the recent electoral process, which will permit the Republic of Angola to dedicate itself, in an atmosphere of peace and national reconciliation, to the tremendous task of rebuilding the country. We cannot but regret that last-minute problems have prevented the scheduled signature of the cease-fire agreements between the Government of Mozambique and RENAMO. We would like to express our solidarity with the Peoples of Mozambique and our encouragement to the parties involved to (Mr. Braoanca. Sao Tome and Principe) persevere on the path of a peaceful solution with all the seriousness and commitment that the situation demands. We are following the Middle East negotiations with great anticipation, hoping that they will lead to the realization of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and a solution to the territorial conflicts that separate the peoples of the region, in compliance with the pertinent resolutions of the Security Council. We hope, likewise, that the self-determination referendum in Western Sahara will permit the people of that territory to decide their own destiny. It is for this reason, too, that we lament the fact that the people of East Timor have had their voice silenced and that the massacres of which they are the victims are not sufficient evidence that their legitimate right to self-determination has been repressed by the force of an occupation that is on all counts contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We would like to believe that the recent meeting between the Foreign Ministers of Portugal, the administering Power, and Indonesia, under the auspices of the Secretary General, will lead to a serious process of negotiation aimed at finding a peaceful solution to the guestion that will end the suffering of the people of East Timor. In our view, it is essential that at the appropriate time representatives of the people of East Timor be involved in the negotiating process. At the same time, we cannot fail to repudiate and vigourously condemn those responsible for the gratuitous suffering and human misery imposed on the peoples of Somalia, Liberia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. We believe that any reluctance to implement the decisions of the Rio de Janeiro Summit will, over time, compromise our common destiny. Today more than ever before, the United Nations as an organization has a role of fundamental importance to play in defining the new world order that is being built, assuming responsibility, in the spirit of the Charter and with the participation of all its Members, for translating our collective aspirations into joint undertakings that will mobilize our energies and resources and optimize the potential contributions of each individual Member State. Thus, our admiration and encouragement go out to our Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for the efforts he is making to restructure the Secretariat and for the initiatives he is pressing in various areas of the Organization's activities. We believe it is essential that the decision-making process within our Organization be in keeping with the democratic principles so dear to us, and that the organs and mechanisms for the promotion of economic and social development be upgraded in order to permit a more effective response to the major challenges that humanity faces as this century nears its end. The dynamism, breadth and consensus that inspire the activities of the Organization in the areas of conflict prevention and peace-keeping must lead us to pay special attention to the effort to restructure the economic and social sector in order to maximize the effectiveness of the intervention of the various agencies of the system an effort already under way, as we have been informed in the Secretary-General's report. The establishment of a new, more just and moi-e lasting world order would appear to presuppose and assume at the national ]evel a two-fold, fundamental challenge of our times: democratization and development. (Mr. Braoanca. Sao Tome and Principe) Over and above selecting the model most suited to the historical and socio-cultural realities of each country, it is guite clear today that the establishment of institutions that favour the participation of the people in the management of public affairs and respect for basic human rights, including the free and regular choice of leaders, is today a condition for any lasting development. It is also evident that, in view of the high level of dependence of the so-called third-world countries on the outside world, no development will be possible unless we see a change in the unequal terms of exchanqe that condemn the gigantic effort of many peoples to the caprices of a free market in which decisions are taken totally without their consent. Powerless victims of the imponderables of the world economy, in which they play but a marginal role, the nations of the third world will never be in a position to meet the development challenge unless fairer and more appropriate mechanisms are introduced in international economic relations to alter the terms of the involvement of those nations in the process of world exchanges. For a growing group of these countries the least developed countries international solidarity must be mobilized through cooperation more attuned to their requirements and better suited to the specific needs of each one. We in Sao Tome and Principe are prepared and determined to meet this twofold challenge. Faced with the need to move beyond the state of lethargy in which our-country found itself, political forces in Sao Tome turned to the path of transformation that led to the establishment of a democratic State through a process in which the dominant notes are dialogue, tolerance, the achievement of consensus and respect for diversity of viewpoints. The political aspect of this endeavour found fertile ground, for the reasons I mentioned earlier and because it corresponded to the aspiration of the people to a future in which their fundamental rights and guarantees will be duly safeguarded. I must note, however, that major constraints of an economic and financial nature, the precipitous drop in the standard of living, and an inability to see light at the end of the tunnel of our deep concerns will surely pose a threat to the new democratic regime, with the whole array of consequences this could have. The dilemma posed by a crisis that is unbearable on all counts and by the implementation of democratic principles demonstrates clearly that the insistent calls for the democratization of developing countries will never go beyond a mere Utopian dream unless they are backed by a new international vision open to a realistic solution of the debt problem, to a favourable change in the terms of trade and to a gradual transfer of technology to the raw-material-producing countries, thus giving them the ability to transform themselves to their own profit. There are few moments in the common history of mankind when, as in our own time, the political, economic, defence and security architecture of the planet undergoes profound and significant changes. The diversity, the complexity and, not unexpectedly, the unpredictability of these changes represent an opportunity that must not be lost to make decisions towards correcting the assymetries and injustices forged by an order which is 9radually disintegrating before our eyes. For we are all aware of the non-viability of a world whose contrasts shock and whose profound inequalities constitute unequivocal factors of instability and revolt. (Mr. Braganga. Sao Tome and Principe) We therefore believe that only an international effort of intelligent convergence will permit responses that can satisfy the legitimate interests of peoples all over the world: a task in which the United Nations should play a key role, a role it is already demonstrating it can assume through intervention that is increasingly prestigious because it is incisive and pragmatic, covering the most varied regions of the world. Despite the re-emergence of political, religious and ethnic intolerance that all too often degenerates into more extended areas of instability, and despite the persistence of major symptoms of ineguality in cooperation among nations and the consequent inequality in the living conditions of the peoples concerned it is fair to state that we have taken a giant step forward. The more skeptical among us will say that one step is not much on the long road ahead of us, but we retain the hope that, together, freed of exacerbated and futile self-centredness, we will be capable of progressing along the arduous path to which we are irrevocably committed. The immediate tomorrows may not hear a lot of song, but the future belongs to the world. The meeting rose at 6.30 p.m.