A/47/PV.25 General Assembly

I am honoured to congratulate Mr. Ganev and his country, Bulgaria, on his election to the high office of President of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. We are aware that he possesses the qualities and experience required for assuming the responsibility of presiding over the Assembly, and we are therefore confident that he will serve in that capacity with authority, dignity and honour. I assure him of the full cooperation of the delegation of the Commonwealth of Dominica in the discharge of his duties. It is with great pleasure also that I congratulate and welcome Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali on his election as the sixth Secretary-General of the United Nations. (Mr. Al-Bishari. Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) Mr. Boutros-Ghali's election is a contribution by Egypt, Africa and the third world in general to the maintenance of world peace, justice and fundamental human rights. His intellect, integrity, sense of commitment and wide experience in international affairs are qualities which, I have no doubt, will ensure excellence in the performance of his duties. I assure Mr. Boutros-Ghali of the strong support of the Government and people of the Commonwealth of Dominica throughout his term as Secretary-General. Permit me to formally bid farewell to the former Secretary-General of the United Nations, Javier Perez de Cuellar, who gave 10 remarkable years of service to this international body. He will be well remembered for his keen interest in the welfare of humankind and more specifically for his efforts at maintaining world peace. It is my firm belief that his successor will pursue the issues that Mr. Perez de Cuellar hopes will be the main concern of the United Nations in the coming years: maintenance of international peace and security, justice, universalization of human rights, and lessening of the gap between rich and poor nations of the world community. We believe the United Nations should be a truly international body, with universal membership. However, we do not accept the practice of automatic succession. We insist that all new States seeking admission must qualify for membership. Countries seeking admission to this world community must be committed to peace and must accept the obligations of the United Nations Charter: countries which, in the judgement of the Organization, are able and willing to carry out their obligations. It is in this context that we wholeheartedly support the decision to exclude for the time being Serbia and Montenegro from membership of the United Nations, and we welcome other new members from the former Yugoslavia and former Soviet Union. Serbia and Montenegro, on the other hand, by their barbaric acts and flagrant violation of human rights through the practice of "ethnic cleansing", have demonstrated a lack of respect for the obligations and principles of this world body. The Commonwealth of Dominica joins the world community in condemning Serbia's acts of violence and aggression against the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and calls for concerted and effective action in defence of the defenceless in those States. While we support unstintingly the resolutions adopted by the Security Council authorizing the use of force to provide humanitarian assistance to the refugees and displaced persons of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and applaud the efforts of different United Nations agencies in that respect, there is need for greater effort to stop Serbian aggression and end the civil war under way in the former Yugoslav Republic. "Ethnic cleansing" and violations of international humanitarian law must not be tolerated. Our community of nations cannot be indifferent to the slaughtering of innocent people. Recent trends have demonstrated a weakening, and even a disruption, of the democratic process, as well as widespread violations of human rights not only in Eastern Europe but also in Africa and the Americas. Civil war coupled with the severity of the drought problem has led to famine and death for too many Somalians, and we exhort the United Nations to spare no effort in alleviating the plight of the starving millions of that country. The Government of the Commonwealth of Dominica was deeply gratified by the positive outcome of the referendum on reform in South Africa. It seemed to confirm the will of the people of South Africa to move forward rapidly towards an equitable society where all citizens would be offered their God-given dignity and their full right to participate in the affairs of that country. As a sign of support, and in response to the positive vote on the referendum, the Government of the Commonwealth of Dominica joined other nations of the Commonwealth in an easing of people-to-people contacts generally. We are however deeply concerned at the persistence of violence and the failure of the South African Government to control it, which undermines and obstructs progress towards democracy and majority rule. We call for a concerted thrust to bring an end to violence, and for a constructive and open dialogue between the Pretoria regime and the African National Congress in an effort to arrive at an early agreement on majority rule. The international community must keep the situation under constant review and should ease economic sanctions against the minority regime in South Africa only in response to firm, significant and irreversible progress towards a democratically elected government based on principles of equality and justice. We hope for an end to all violence and look forward to peaceful progress towards a truly just and democratic system. The situation in Haiti is of particular concern to us in the Americas. The violence and illegal interruption of the democratic process in our sister island has led to continual violations of human rights, increased poverty and suffering of the Haitian people, economic degradation and the fleeing of thousands from their homeland. The subsequent refugee crisis is cause for 9rave concern. The Organization of American States (OAS) has made significant efforts to restore the democratic system in Haiti, but despite resolutions passed by the OAS General Assembly and a number of missions to Haiti, along with other initiatives, the situation has not been resolved. We urge all States Members of the United Nations to support the decision contained in the OAS resolutions on the restoration of democracy in Haiti and to participate in their effective implementation. The leaks that have enabled the illegal government to survive and even consolidate its position in the face of the embargo must be closed off. In his statement before the United Nations General Assembly in December 1991, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali stated: "If there is no development without democracy, there can also be no democracy without development." (A/46/PV.59. p. 16) The economic situation in Haiti is an issue that needs to be addressed. Labelled the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, Haiti continues to suffer economic deterioration. The Members of the United Nations cannot turn a blind eye to the urgent and basic development needs of Haiti. Our concerted efforts at restoring democracy must be accompanied by plans for immediate improvements in the social and economic conditions of the people of this Caribbean nation. Within this context, Dominica issues a warning that the collapse of the banana industry in Dominica and the Windward Islands, which may be the inevitable consequence of imposing a tariff on bananas under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, would immediately and dramatically adversely affect the economic and social conditions of those small island developing States. We would find ourselves dealing, not with one Haiti, but with three or four in the Caribbean. Such an upheaval could very easily be avoided at no appreciable cost to the basic principles of world trade. What we need is continuing flexibility based on a recognition of the already proclaimed special needs of small island developing countries. Allow me, in the context of the discussion of violations of human rights, to refer to Iraq's flagrant violation of United Nations Security Council resolution 688 (1991), which requires Baghdad to end the repression of its citizens and allow access by international humanitarian organizations. It is the responsibility of Iraq as a Member of the United Nations to comply fully with United Nations Security Council resolutions. Iraq's continued violation of these resolutions and continued repression of its civilian population must be condemned. One of the fundamental principles of the United Nations is respect for the sovereignty of each Member State. It is with this in mind that we consider intolerable the assumption that one sovereign State can with impunity commit criminal offences in another sovereign State on the pretext of promoting law enforcement. National sovereignty is not of varying value depending on the size or wealth of the nations. The rule of law must be upheld between States as well as within States. The quest for the protection of the environment continues to be pursued vigorously, and the efforts of international organizations must be applauded. The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio last June, is proof, according to Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali, that nations understand the very fragile nature of the Earth and how very important it is to save our planet. The question to be addressed, then, is how to approach the problem of environmental degradation in a manner which will protect the interests of both developing and industrialized countries. Out of the Earth Summit emerged the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, consisting of a set of principles aimed at governing the economic and environmental behaviour of individuals and nations in the quest for global sustainability. Agenda 21 covers all areas affecting the relationship between the environment and the economy and deals with the protection of the atmosphere and of the oceans; combating deforestation, desertification and drought; the role of indigenous peoples and women in implementing sustainable development; the meeting of basic human needs; and, very importantly, the transitional patterns of production and consumption in the industrialized countries which would significantly reduce their disproportionate contribution to the deterioration of the Earth's environment. We must be cognizant of the difficulties to be encountered in our attempts to accomplish some of the goals of Agenda 21. The industrialized countries have gained economic prosperity in disregard of the resultant destruction of the environment. The developing countries, for their part, are seeking, belatedly, to raise the standard of living of their populations, primarily through a process of industrialization patterned on the model of the developed countries. That quest will no doubt take its toll on the environment. The responsibility of the industrialized countries to contribute to the progress of the developing countries in a compensatory manner must be recognized. They must compensate for damage to the environment and for injustice to the developing countries. The sovereign right of a country to use its natural resources for its economic development, while respecting the environment and bearing in mind the needs of future generations, must be recognized. Small countries, no less than large ones, have the right to pursue their national interests free from the bullying threats of special-interest groups. Finally, I should like to recall that Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali, in his induction speech on 3 December 1991, promised to streamline the operations of the United Nations, "eliminating what is wasteful and obsolete (A/46/PV.59. p. 16). If our objective of achieving progress towards world peace is to be realized, we must strengthen, not weaken, the ability of the United Nations to provide technical and material assistance to developing countries "in order to narrow the gap between the rich North and the poor South" (A/46/PV.59. p. 13). It will also help us to achieve the "agenda of justice" which the outgoing Secretary-General, the distinguished diplomat Javier Perez de Cuellar, identified as the dominant concern of the United Nations in the years ahead. The restructuring of the United Nations is a very urgent need. We are living in a dynamic world where, every day, events make heavy demands on the Organization. The United Nations has had to deal with those demands in a rather ad hoc manner, and if it is to become more responsive to the needs of Member States and to function more effectively within the parameters of the Charter, a comprehensive analysis needs to be undertaken immediately and new machinery put in place to make the tasks of preserving world peace and promoting fundamental human rights achievable. During the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly, there was much discussion on reforming the Organization. Emphasis was placed on streamlining the Secretariat and increasing the authority of the Secretary-General. There is need at this point to do more in-depth study of the plan worked out by the 22 industrialized and developing countries and of the final report prepared by the Nordic United Nations Project. The important thing is that whatever is done must render the Organization more effective in promoting peace and development throughout the world. Anything less would merely perpetuate the waste of limited resources. It must be made clear that the world cannot long continue on its present path.

In addressing the General Assembly this afternoon from this rostrum, I should like first of all to offer Mr. Ganev my warmest congratulations on his unanimous election as President for the forty-seventh session. His great experience is unquestionably a most valuable assurance for the international community during this tumultuous period in the world, a world which is seeking peace, security and well-being. He can count on the strong support and the full cooperation of the Chadian delegation, which it is my privilege to head. Ambassador Samir Shihabi, his predecessor, won our admiration with the tact and skill with which he handled the serious questions that arose during the period of his mandate. We express to him our fullest appreciation for his valuable contribution. Less than 10 months after the beginning of his term of office, the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, has put his stamp on the Organization and has been called upon to play a role of growing importance in the life of free peoples and nations. We wish him ever-greater successes and offer him our support in the execution of his weighty duties. We have no doubt he will discharge his tasks with his well-known skill and tenacity. I should also like to extend a warm welcome to the new Members of the Organization. Their presence here cannot but strengthen the universality of the United Nations, the goal of whose founding fathers was to bring together all peoples, put an end to the scourge of war and other forms of conflict, and above all to ensure socio-economic development and fraternity among men. At the last session of the General Assembly my delegation set forth the changes that had taken place in Chadian politics. We announced the enactment of the law on the conditions for the creation and functioning of political parties in the framework of pluralistic democracy and on the holding of a national sovereign conference scheduled for May 1992. It goes without saying that a meeting of such crucial importance for the future of the country had to be most carefully and rigorously prepared if optimum results were to be achieved. Thus, it was not possible to convene the conference on the scheduled date because the commission in charge of preparations for it did not submit its conclusions in time. Today I am in a position to announce from this rostrum that the Chad's national sovereign conference will take place during the first quarter of 1993, at the latest. This is a solemn commitment and one that has been repeatedly reaffirmed. Similarly, I reiterate here and now that the democratic process under way in my country is irreversible. Looking forward to this important date, and with a desire to bring together the largest possible number of our fellow citizens in the daily management of the affairs of the State, President Idriss Deby decided, after long consultations, to modify the National Charter which has governed Chad since 4 March 1991. On this basis, Mr. Joseph Yodoyman, a member of the opposition, has been appointed Prime Minister and Head of Government. The new Government includes both representatives of the opposition parties and representatives of ordinary citizens. This forward-looking government has set for itself the objective of pursuing the orientation plan presented to the donors and sponsors of Chad in Geneva in June 1990. Stress has been laid on disengagement of the State, privatization, liberalization of the economy and sector-based development, with priority given to competence and experience in the administration and to maintaining a dialogue with our social partners. Like many other countries on the continent, Chad is confronting an unprecedented economic and financial crisis. To deal with the crisis, the Government adopted a number of measures to stabilize public finances. These measures included: an increase in individual income taxes; a 50 per cent decrease in compensation given to all governmental and related workers; a 10 to 20 per cent reduction in indexed income; a 20 per cent reduction in lump-sum income; a 10 per cent reduction of the numbers working in public administration; and a reduction in State spending. These measures, which affect workers in both the public and the private sectors, encountered the vigorous opposition of the trade unions, leading to days of strikes in May, June, July and August 1992. Although the strikes were conducted lawfully, the Government had no choice but to maintain these measures, the overriding necessity of which was repeatedly underscored in the face of limited national resources. To make it possible for these measures to have effect, the Government is at the present time negotiating with social partners a social truce that will apply to the rest of the year. The Chadian people, officials and agents of the public and private sectors have a moral obligation to endure these sacrifices if they are to be able to look forward to the future with greater hope and serenity. With a view to reducing expenditures and establishing balance, the Government is pursuing its programme of restructuring the army. In this respect a protocol agreement has been signed with France which should make it possible to reduce the army from 50,000 to 25,000 men and to integrate all forces into a truly national army. This means that the French Government is giving us technical and financial assistance in this tremendous undertaking. In connection with this programme, my country has not lost sight of questions of security at the regional level, and we have taken part in subregional cooperative meetings in this regard. At the initiative of the 10 States members of Central Africa, the United Nations General Assembly adopted by consensus on 6 December 1991 resolution 46/37 B entitled "Regional confidence-building measures". In keeping with this resolution, on 28 May 1992 the Secretary-General of the United Nations announced the creation of the Permanent Consultative Committee on Questions of Security in Central Africa. The Committee is charged with developing confidence-building measures, promoting the limitation of armaments and furthering development in the subregion of Africa. From 27-30 July 1992, in Yaounde, Cameroon, the Committee held its organizational meeting at the ministerial level, with the assistance of the Office of Disarmament Affairs of the United Nations Department of Political Affairs. In its final report on this meeting, the Committee laid down, among other measures within the framework of peace-building, assistance for restructuring the army and providing new job training to military personnel. We place tremendous hopes in the results of this meeting and expect eventually to benefit from this assistance as we endeavour completely to reorganize our army. During the most critical periods of its history Chad has always enjoyed the invaluable support of the international community, and the Chadian people and Government are particularly grateful for this. Today again we urge all our partners to help us to carry out our ongoing stabilization programmes, and to stimulate economic activity in the country. These programmes have been laid down in a political context that has not always been conducive to the process of democratization that had been begun. Indeed, there have been here and there pockets of resistance to change, leading to instances of rebellion that have been put down thanks to the Government's policy of reaching out and promoting dialogue. Several peace agreements have thus been signed with rebellious movements, with the support of friendly countries, which deserve our heartfelt gratitude. Our joy at the ending of the cold war, which led to the beginning of a fruitful dialogue in the Security Council, is matched by our concern at a resurgence of certain problems such as injustice, ultranationalism, racism and religious fundamentalism, all of which are potential sources of conflict. The Chadian delegation would like to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his report, "An Agenda for Peace", which gives us valuable guidelines towards achieving a more secure, peaceful and just world. But, as I said, there remain many sources of potential concern. In Europe, for example, an area that had been spared violent upheavals thus far/ we are now helplessly witnessing a situation that defies the conscience of the world. The breakup of the former Yugoslavia could have led to relationships other than those based on war, particularly since the birth of that country had been accompanied by much suffering. We denounce practices such as "ethnic cleansing", a notion we had thought definitively eradicated from the language of modern nations. Chad believes that, whether in the States that have emerged from the former Yugoslavia or elsewhere, our conduct should be guided by the hallowed principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and of all other related instruments. On the other hand, the Chadian delegation welcomes the evolution of the situation in Cambodia and expresses the hope that this most ambitious operation undertaken by the United Nations will be successfully concluded, as is so ardently desired by the international community and by the Cambodian people, who have suffered long enough. Turning now to the situation in the Middle East and Palestine, my delegation observes that the process which began last year in Madrid has continued towards a lasting solution to the Arab-Israeli crisis. The results of the Washington meetings, however, have fallen short of expectations. While we believe that a certain dynamism emerged, this will lead to success only if the relevant United Nations resolutions are taken into account in good faith thus showing a clear determination to restore peace and security in that part of the world. Even if the end of the confrontation between the two blocs has led to certain bright spots in Africa, with the logic of peace at work in Angola and Mozambique, even if democratization has made considerable progress, peace and harmony are not yet at home in many parts of the continent. For example, in South Africa, notwithstanding the positive initiatives of the minority Government, we must continue to condemn manoeuvres aimed at setting some peoples against others in an attempt to justify a system that belongs to another age. The international community must bring sustained pressure to bear to ensure that the vestiges of primitive racism will yield to a democratic, multiracial and egalitarian South African society. My country also deplores the break-up of the Somalian nation as a result of the appetites of certain warlords there. It is high time that we put an end to this abominable carnage whose victims are always the same: women and children. We strongly support the current initiatives of the Organization of African Unity, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the United Nations, and we urge the heads of the Somali factions to sit down at the negotiating table and try to put an end to the terrible tragedy of the Somali people. Liberia symbolizes the freedom of the black man. For the past two years it has been bogged down in a war that has taken a heavy toll in human lives and economic infrastructure. We appeal to the sense of responsibility of the primary leaders of that country and urge them to heed the voice of reason. Civil war in the last decade of the twentieth century is a major challenge to the constantly expressed desire for peace and security. In the recent past Chad has experienced internal crises, so we are hardly in a position to preach to anyone. But we still believe that a sincere commitment to disarmament or rigorous control of the transfer of conventional weapons, which are flooding zones of tension or open conflict, is an absolute necessity. My delegation welcomes the opening of the Register on Conventional Arms established by the Secretary-General. However, we have no illusions as long as there are secret sales of weapons, which are a source of income for certain suppliers and a means of acquiring power for the many beneficiaries. If today, with a degree of optimism, everybody could agree there is a real desire for change and progress in the world with regard to democracy and human rights, the economic situation in many developing countries of Africa, Latin America and Asia remains particularly disturbing notwithstanding some progress that has been made. The cold statistics of the United Nations Development Programme, the World Bank and the United Nations give us food for thought. The economic situation of the developing countries requires urgent solutions. As was stressed by the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali at the eighth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, "The economic crisis that results from weakening investments and the slow growth of democratic institutions has threatened the national stability of these countries and their political future. Zones of poverty, which far from beginning absorbed are only spreading, are potential sources of violence and confrontation. The proof has already been given that these areas could flare up in ethnic, tribal or national conflicts. Therefore lasting development is an essential factor in the establishment of world peace and stability, which is undeniably in the mutual interest of all the members of the international community, whether developed or developing." My delegation supports that analysis, and we urge the international community to implement without delay the various instruments that have been adopted thus far, in particular the Declaration on International Economic Co-operation, more specifically the growth the development of the developing countries. If there is one question that is of concern to all the members of the international community, it is the challenge of the environment. My country is located in a Sahelian area and daily witnesses the deterioration of its environment, so we attach special importance to this question at both the national and regional levels. However, the universality of the question means that it can be tackled only within the framework of international co-operation based on interdependence and solidarity. While we welcomed the Rio Conference on the Environment and Development, we still believe that its results will not put an end to the many and varied threats to the environment if real substance is not given to the concept of sustainable development. Over the past few years human rights have played a preponderant role in the lives of nations. New concepts that are still vaguely defined have emerged. However, political pluralism alone will not solve all the problems of more than half of mankind. That is why we hope that at the 1993 Conference all questions concerning human rights will be tackled. The United Nations is revived and refreshed as a result of the end of the era of confrontation between the super-Powers. The Organization has recorded astounding successes in such varied fields as decolonization and the maintenance of international peace and security thanks to the Blue Helmets who are scattered around the world, notwithstanding the difficulties that have been encountered in implementing the ideals of the Charter. One such ideal is the need for solidarity among peoples, and that solidarity can be realized only if we take into account the elementary needs of those who are destitute. On the threshold of the twenty-first century, men must show that, having avoided a nuclear holocaust, they are now capable of building a universal peace through development.

On behalf of the Ethiopian delegation and myself I wish to extend heartfelt congratulations to you. Sir, on your election as President of the forty-seventh session of the General Assemblyl. My delegation is confident that, under your wise guidance, the current session of the General Assembly will achieve outstanding successes. In this connection I wish to assure Your Excellency of my delegation's full co-operation in the discharge of your responsibilities. I also wish to express my delegation's sincere appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for his able stewardship of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Likewise, I should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-General, for his vigorous efforts to fulfil the mandate bestowed upon him by the world community. We are confident that under his able leadership the stature and credibiility of the United Nations will be further enhanced. We wish him every success in his endeavours. My delegation is also pleased to extend a cordial welcome to all the new Members of the United Nations which have joined our family during the last 12 months. The end of the cold war, which was a great turning-point in history, was followed by further positive changes in the international political climate. However, it is a matter of concern to us that there are still conflicts raging in many parts of the world. The thaw in the relations between East and West did not necessarily lead to total peace, devoid of human suffering and hardship. In this regard, I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to the unfolding tragedy in Somalia, which defies imagination and affronts our senses and sensibilities. Over the past two years, the situation in the country has deteriorated so much that the State has ceased to exist. Law and order, peace and stability and the basic infrastructure necessary for the life of a functioning society are virtually non-existent. These have all been destroyed by acts of internecine warfare, the extent of whose damage and the consequent human suffering combine to make Somalia one of the worst humanitarian crises in living memory. It is lamentable that Somalia should be bleeding to death by the actions of its own sons. Nearly half the total population of the country has been dislocated by war and famine. Scores of children and old people are dying every day, while thousands have perished. The Somali people have left their homes and fled to neighbouring and other countries. Given the situation in Somalia today, it is pertinent to ask why the various factions are doing all this to their own country and people. Why this wanton destruction for the sake of political power over a disintegrating country? How can one explain what is being done to the people of Somalia, something which goes beyond any conceivable political cause or justification when we see women, children and the elderly being killed indiscriminately merely because they belong to this clan or that sub-clan? This nightmare must come to an immediate end. The Ethiopian people can speak from their own history of 30 years of conflict: war and the application of brute force and senseless destruction cannot by any means provide the solution to a country's political problems. We believe that the bloodletting in Somalia during the past two years should serve as a sufficient lesson to the various factions that the path of conflict can only lead to more catastrophe. Historical knowledge confirms beyond a reasonable doubt that the use of force or war never achieved lasting results in the conduct of human affairs. It is our firm conviction that the protagonists in the current crisis in Somalia should make the welfare and interests of the country and the people they claim to represent uppermost in their minds. It must be stated that Somalia's neighbours, the countries of the Horn of Africa, did not spare the slightest effort to bring about a peaceful resolution of the tragic conflict. It will be recalled that a Horn of Africa summit meeting on humanitarian issues was convened in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in April 1992. Its main objective was to examine the serious humanitarian crisis in the subregion and work with regional organizations and the United Nations in order to save lives and ultimately bring the warring factions together with a view to seeking a solution to the fratricidal conflict. At the end of the summit meeting, a Declaration, Framework of Cooperation and Programme of Action was issued. This was followed by the Horn of Africa Conference on Humanitarian Issues, held to formulate modalities for the effective implementation of the summit Declaration. A resolution on the situation in Somalia was subseguently adopted which, inter alia, provided for a cease- fire among the warring factions, the holding of immediate peace talks leading to national reconciliation and lasting political settlement in the country, and the unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance to the people in need. Most significantly, the summit meeting decided to establish a high-level Standing Committee of the Horn of Africa on Somalia to coordinate ongoing efforts to bring about a peaceful resolution of the conflict. In fulfilment of its mandate, the Committee convened an all-party meeting on Somalia in Bahr-Dar, Ethiopia, in May 1992. At that meeting agreement was reached on the effective distribution of humanitarian assistance and on convening a national reconciliation conference. To follow up the implementation of these two agreements, the Chairman and other members of the Committee visited Somalia twice in May and August 1992 and held talks with leaders of various political organizations. The result of the mission has been generally satisfactory under the circumstances. The Committee is still actively seized of the crisis in Somalia in all its aspects. The effort of the countries of the Horn of Africa is a practical manifestation of the principle that regional conflicts should, as far as possible, be resolved by the countries of the area concerned. Although the situation in Somalia has for some time been ignored and left on the sidelines, it is encouraging to note that the United Nations and donor Governments are giving it the necessary attention it so rightly deserves. The international effort to distribute humanitarian assistance to those in need should be further intensified as a matter of top priority. The efforts under way by the Governments of the Horn of Africa, the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity, and others, to bring about lasting peace in Somalia should henceforth be pursued in a coordinated manner. We should all speak with one voice to the parties in the conflict. The message they should get should be one, and only one: that they cannot continue with their callous disregard for the interests and welfare of the people of Somalia; that the existence of Somalia as a nation should, first and foremost, be of paramount importance; that there is no way they can achieve their aims through war; and that they should be prepared to resolve their differences by peaceful means. In this connection, it is sad to note that certain quarters are undermining the peaceful resolution of the crisis by supplying weapons to the warring factions instead of relief assistance to the suffering people of Somalia, or dumping industrial toxic waste on Somali territory instead of providing medicine to take care of the sick and wounded, and plundering the livestock and marine resources of Somalia instead of providing critically needed humanitarian assistance. We call on these quarters to desist from attempts to polarize the region of the Horn of Africa and instead work with us in partnership in our efforts to restore lasting peace and stability in Somalia. (Mr. Mesfin. Ethiopia) I should like now to turn to another issue of concern to us. We have been following closely the positive developments in South Africa. However, we still have serious misgivings about the prospects for the peaceful transformation of that country, as the system of apartheid remains in place. We are deeply committed to the decisions and positions of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and of the United Nations decisions and positions that have been emphasized repeatedly over the years as well as to the principled stand of the democratic forces in South Africa to end the apartheid system once and for all and set in motion an irreversible process of change to a multiracial and democratic political order in that country. The current efforts to create the conditions necessary for the success of peaceful negotiation should be encouraged. In this connection, the recent agreement between the African National Congress and the Government to resume negotiations is a positive development, as is the release of political prisoners. We look forward to the initiation of talks between all the democratic forces in South Africa and the Government, with a view to the establishment of an interim Government to supervise the process of preparing a constitutional order for a multiracial and democratic South Africa. Likewise, we are gravely concerned about the tragic situation in the former Yugoslavia, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This crisis, which is fast getting out of control, is a serious threat to international peace and security. The continuing bloodshed should be brought to an end and a political solution acceptable to all parties should be found as soon as possible. In this respect, we hope that the conference currently being held in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations and the European Community will have concrete results. We are also following the current peace process in the Middle East. Despite the international community's repeated efforts to broker peace, the situation in the Middle East still hangs in the balance. Nevertheless, the prospects for peace in the area are better today than they have been for a long time. We are therefore hopeful that the question of Palestine, which is at the core of the Middle East problem, will eventually be resolved in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions so that a just, durable and comprehensive settlement for the region as a whole may be achieved. We are gratified by the outcome of the efforts of the Conference on Disarmament with regard to chemical weapons. The draft treaty prohibiting the production, use, transfer and stockpiling of chemical weapons represents an important step in the global effort to eliminate weapons of mass destruction. We derive special satisfaction from the success of nearly 25 years of effort in the disarmament process and from Ethiopia's contribution as a member of the Conference on Disarmament. In view of current trends towards democracy and respect for human rights, there is a need for the disarmament negotiations to include conventional weapons. It should be emphasized that the "peace dividend" from disarmament efforts should be channelled into fighting the problems of poverty, disease and backwardness in developing countries. It goes without saying that the opportunities created in the past few years to secure a more just and stable international order cannot bear fruit unless there is a parallel effort, deployed with increased vigour, to bring about positive change in international economic relations. In this regard, much more is expected from the United Nations. The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, held in Rio, Brazil, in the middle of this (Mr. Mesfin. Ethiopia) year demonstrated the great importance that the international community attaches to the pressing issues of the environment and development. Environmental protection and economic development bear on the future of mankind and affect every country. Therefore, our collective and individual strategic planning activities should be aimed at solving these two global problems, which call for effective international cooperation and mutual consultation. The Rio Declaration and Agenda 21, as well as the two Conventions, the Convention on climate change and the Convention on biological diversity, lay a good foundation for enhanced international cooperation in this area. However, there has yet to be sufficient focus on the problems of environmental pollution and ecological degradation and desertification. We should like to share certain fundamental thoughts about the promotion and strengthening of democracy and democratic institutions in the context of current international relations. Although democracy may have certain universal features, it is equally true that it has unique characteristics peculiar to a particular country's socio-political situation. In effect, there cannot be a standard prescription for building democracy applicable to all societies and situations. Realization of this fact should restrain any attempt to prescribe uniform modalities and processes for the establishment of democracy and democratic institutions in different countries. It is incumbent upon those who claim to stand for democracy to help newly democratizing peoples in their effort to consolidate that process, rather than confine themselves to levelling criticism from the sidelines. If those forces that advocate the strengthening of democracy fail to extend a helping hand to us in our unrelenting struggle to democratize our country, and instead simply watch from a distance, any weakening or failure of the process of democratization will be attributable, at least in part, to their lack of cooperation. It goes without saying that democracy is unthinkable without peace and stability, both internal and inter-State. Thus support by the forces of democracy for internal democratization processes would be a significant step forward in the resolution of internal conflicts. Inter-State conflicts can be settled by democratizing inter-State relations and by scrupulously observing norms of international law for inter-State relations. Although the parties to an inter-State dispute are primarily responsible for the peaceful resolution of their problems, the United Nations and the international community can, and should, play a significant role in encouraging the peaceful settlement of disputes. Sanctions could be applied as a last resort against a recalcitrant party violating basic norms of inter-State relations once all other attempts to resolve disputes had been fully exhausted. It is evident that democracy cannot be nurtured and sustained to grow into a robust institution in countries characterized by economic deprivation and destitution. It is therefore imperative to democratize the international economic order with the same vigour as we are deploying to democratize the international political order, if we are to strengthen democracy and democratic institutions. To this end, developing countries, as a whole, should be given assistance to extricate themselves from the quagmire of poverty and underdevelopment. Failure by the developed countries to do so would mean exacerbating international tension and conflict in a different form, thereby adversely affecting all our efforts towards lasting peace and socio-economic development. In order to forestall such an eventuality, the United Nations and the international community should go beyond paying lip-service to democracy and development and provide meaningful economic assistance to developing countries. Only then will we be able to say that international peace and development are guaranteed. At this juncture, allow me to say a few words on developments in Ethiopia since the establishment of the Transitional Government just over a year ago. The demise of the repressive military regime in May 1991, the assumption of power by democratic forces and the endorsement of the Transitional Charter have heralded a new chapter in the history of our country in which freedom, equal rights and self-determination of all peoples are the guiding principles of political, economic and social life. During this short period, while striving to ensure durable peace and stability after 30 years of bloody civil war, we have been able to lay the groundwork for the creation of a new political order in a country where very little was known about democratic political and institutional machinery. The Transitional Charter laid the basis for the establishment of a broad-based administration incorporating a wide spectrum of political views, regional interests and national aspirations. The Council of Representatives, which is the highest legislative authority, consists of dozens of political and social organizations. Morever, with a view to paving the way for the implementation of the right to self-determination of all peoples in Ethiopia as enshrined in our Transitional Charter, we have taken the the first significant step by holding the first successful democratic, local and regional elections in the country's history in the presence of international observers. An administration aimed at the consolidation of peace, stability, democracy, reconstruction and development in the country is now firmly in place. The protection of human rights is at the top of the agenda of the Transitional Government. For the first time, internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms are fully guaranteed in Ethiopia. The Transitional Government is fully committed to upholding and protecting the rights of individuals and peoples based on the Universal Declaration of Human Sights. To that end, we have initiated a process by which Ethiopia is to accede to the various international Covenants on human rights. The Transitional Government of Ethiopia was established under circumstances left by the country's former absolute dictatorship. It was a situation where government accountability and responsibility were unknown, democratic culture and institutions were non-existent and where the country's infrastructure was devastated by a long drawn-out war and recurrent drought and famine. Although the absence of a pluralistic political culture and institutional machinery, as well as Ethiopia's only recent emergence from an extended period of intense civil war, has had a significant impact on democratization, in general the process of democratization, decentralization and devolution of power in Ethiopia is right on track. However, this does not mean that the transition from war to peace and from dictatorship to democracy is a smooth °ne. Indeed, we chose to go through a transition process with a view to making it possible for us to lay down the necessary preconditions for a full-fledged democratic order. We have made significant progress in all these areas during the past year of the transitional period. As part of the continuing process of democratization, the Council of Representatives has issued a proclamation on the setting up of a Constitution Drafting Commission, which is about to embark upon its important task as soon as organizational matters are finalized. The lesson we have drawn from the first year of the transitional period is that the establishment of democracy, dependable democratic institutions and democratic culture in a least developed country such as Ethiopia, with an economy devastated by war and natural calamities, is an extermely arduous undertaking. However committed one may be or however strenously one may strive to achieve this goal, the process is bound to be very slow and full of difficulties and complications. This is not a sign of despair but an acknowledgment of a concrete reality, which is a necessary first step to success in any undertaking. Undaunted by the adverse internal situation at the outset, the Transitional Government took, and is taking bold and decisive steps to lay the groundwork for the socio-economic transformation and democratization of the country. Thus, building democratic institutions, carrying out major economic reforms, instituting human rights and fundamental freedoms previously unknown in Ethiopia, such as freedom of assembly and association, freedom of expression without censorship, encouraging the formation of numerous political organizations which are now exercising democratic rights without any hindrance: these are only the most salient achievements of the Transitional Government in the brief period of one year. As a result, we can assert with full confidence that a new democratic culture and new democratic institutions are taking shape in our country today. The unity of Ethiopia is being guaranteed on the basis of the unswerving recognition and accommodation of diversity. Bold, and in many ways unique, steps are again being taken to resolve the country's internal problems. Although problems may persist, our internal experiment aimed at their solution is already paying dividends. The Eritrean question has also been resolved by the recognition of the right to self-determination of the Eritrean people. A referendum will be held early next year in the presence of international observers, including the United Nations, to determine definitively the future status of Eritrea. The decision to resolve the Eritrean question through a referendum has been subscribed to without reservation by both the Transitional Government of Ethiopia and the Provisional Government of Eritrea. They have also declared in no uncertain terms that they will accept the results of the referendum. In effect, the decision is ours, and ours alone, and belongs in no way to any external force. We are confident that once the people of Eritrea have freely decided their own future, no matter what the outcome of the referendum, the existing and fast-developing economic, trade and social relations between the two peoples based on mutual trust and benefit will be the trail-blazer for economic and social integration in the Horn of Africa subregion, which we hope will materialize in the not-too-distant future. As regards our economic situation, it has been repeatedly stated that Ethiopia's economic potential contrasts sharply with its socio-economic underdevelopment. In addition to drought, war and famine, the mismanagement of the national economy over the years by the former regime has militated against steady growth by the national economy. Under these rather difficult circumstances, the transitional Government of Ethiopia has embarked upon a comprehensive programme of new economic policy measures and institutional reform aimed at increasing the role of the private sector in the national economy, and is rationalizing the public enterprises by improving their management and generally allowing the promotion of market-economy principles and mechanisms. It is imperative for us to exert the maximum effort to overcome the multifaceted problems facing the country today and revitalize our national economy. However, it is evident that such an undertaking calls for the availability of vast resources which cannot be mobilized at the national level alone. We therefore call on the international community to extend humanitarian as well as development assistance to supplement our domestic efforts to cope with the emergency situation. The positive response and good will demonstrated by various donor countries and international organizations over the past year in support of our economic recovery and reconstruction programme are encouraging. We are hopeful that that support will continue. The changes under way in Ethiopia are having an impact on the country's external relations. Thus, for the first time in several decades, our relations with all our neighbours in the Horn of Africa are being strengthened on a qualitatively new level. Harmonious cooperation in all fields is fast developing in our subregion. Our relations with other countries are also developing on the some basis and are showing encouraging results. In this new experiment of nation-building, Ethiopia has from the outset enjoyed the good will of many countries. Some have also extended material assistance. We wish to express our deep gratitude to all who have helped us in one way or another. Nevertheless, we have, regrettably, to admit the fact that the assistance we have so far received, in particular material assistance, falls short of what is needed to make our effort at socio-economic development a success. We therefore call again upon all our friends to provide us with meaningful assistance at this crucial phase in our history. In conclusion, I should also like to reiterate Ethiopia's readiness to participate in all endeavours aimed at enhancing the role of our Organization in the maintenance of international peace and security and in assisting the developing countries in their efforts to achieve a greater degree of economic development and self-reliance. I am hopeful that at the present session the Assembly will review and assess the world situation with a new perspective and take a bold approach in order to meet the imperatives of the time. We must encourage and promote the positive trends already evident in international relations, and at the same time guard against certain tendencies which patently carry within them the seed of new crises. Mr. ABDURAZZAKOV (Uzbekistan) (interpretation from Russian): Let me most cordially join in congratulating the President of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session. For the first time, the delegation of the Republic of Uzbekistan is taking part in the work of the United Nations General Assembly as an independent State. It is an honour for us to express our sincere gratitude to all State Members of the United Nations for the support and cooperation they have given the young independent Republic of Uzbekistan. We are very grateful to Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his constant attention to our region. The decision to open at Tashkent an office representing the United Nations and a number of its specialized organizations is clear evidence of that attention. This approach arises from the main orientation of United Nations activities at the present time, which were formulated in concentrated form by the Secretary-General in his report "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277). Recently the people of Uzbekistan solemnly marked the first anniversary of its independence. The fact that now we have begun building an independent State is the logical result of the constant and selfless struggle for independence waged over the centuries by our people and its best sons. Achieving independence has never been easy anywhere in the world. For that reason our year of independence is only the beginning of a long process. We are laying the groundwork for an independent Uzbek State. We have saved our language, religion, traditions, customs and moral principles from the danger of complete disappearance; we are fully reincarnating our national values. Our natural resources, together with the economic, scientific, technical and moral potential built up by the labour of previous generations, can serve as a guarantee for the social and economic development of independent Uzbekistan. To turn this potential into a real force, our Republic, under the leadership of President Islam Karimov, is working out an appropriate system; it'is looking'for the best structure of governmental administration and for f ways to develop the economy and to construct its foreign and domestic policies. Measures are being taken for the social protection of the population against the shocks that are inevitable in the transition to a market economy, to a society which is new to us. In the process of building an independent State, we are utilizing the positive experience accumulated by other developed nations and based on openness and market relations. Of course, in so doing we are taking into consideration, first and foremost, the specific features and concrete circumstances of our country and the national and cultural traditions of the people who live there. We seek to create a social and political structure under which the principles of human rights and freedom will be stricted observed. Our State policy is designed to protect the interests and rights of all peoples, irrespective of their nationalities, religion or beliefs, to preserve and develop their cultures, languages, national traditions and customs and to involve them actively in State and public life. We have firmly rejected the domination of any one ideology or any one world view; in fact, we are establishing a multiparty system as an essential and logical element of genuine democracy. At the same time, we are outlawing those forces and movements that attempt through blackmail, threats and violence to change the structure of the State, that endanger the territorial integrity and security of our Republic, that sow ethnic and religious dissension, that encroach on the constitutional system and the moral foundations of our people's life. We require the activities of all forces and movements to remain within the limits of the law. In our economic policy, we reject the structure based on the command administration system, which is highly centralized and distributive. We completely reject ideology. Equal rights apply to all types of property. Of course, there are difficulties being encountered in carrying out our political and economic programmes. This is something we all recognize. Today our people is going through a difficult period of transition. This is due to the fact that for many years our republic was the victim of a policy of repression and diktat, resulting in a dependent economy and making our region a raw-materials appendage. It is not easy to rescue our people from the consequences of the totalitarian hegemony of communist ideas. Certainly, a new and just society cannot be created in a day, or even in a year. We understand all this clearly. The most important thing is that, on the basis of inter-ethnic accord and unity among our citizens, we have established a stable social and political situation in our country. The peoples of our region. Central Asia - Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Turkmans, Kyrgyzes and Tajiks - are the children of common forefathers. We share the same land and water, the same religion, the same history and the same fate; we share the same cares, joys and anxieties. Historically, we have always been naturally connected and interdependent. We created our common history through cooperation. Many of our internal problems are evolving; they could easily become inter-ethnic or international problems, affecting the interests of the peoples of our region. This is what is special about the general situation and the international position of Uzbekistan and of Central Asia as a whole. At present the Government and the people of Uzbekistan are deeply concerned about the course of events in Tajikistan, which is on the brink of civil war. The serious international danger is that armed clashes between the opposing forces, which have claimed thousands of lives among the peaceful population, could easily spread to neighbouring Central Asian States. In the Central Asian region, with its dense population of over 50 million, such an armed conflict could have unpredictable consequences. Should the conflict spread, the peoples of Central Asia could be involved in an endless fratricidal war, which could ultimately destroy the freedom and independence they have recently won. That is why the current situation is dangerous for us. We have every reason to be concerned. In practice, the border between Tajikistan and Afghanistan, where there are hundreds of thousands of men under arms, remains open. The actions of extremists and fanatical armed groups incited by those who are playing on people's national and religious feelings could have unpredictable consequences. Uzbekistan strongly opposes interference in the internal affairs of independent Tajikistan and is against stirring up the fire of war. Uzbekistan advocates preventing the spread of the armed conflict and finding a solution as quickly as possible by peaceful and civilized means. (Mr. Abdurazzakov. Uzbekistan) Uzbekistan supports the appeal of the Government of Tajikistan to the United Nations to provide assistance in finding a solution to the grave crisis, which could become international in scope. Uzbekistan regards as decisive in the present circumstances the role of the United Nations and the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Fully aware of the danger of the situation, and in a spirit of humanity, and, at the same time, of responsibility for the fate of our peoples, Uzbekistan has requested Secretary-General, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, to examine the situation and inform the Security Council, and various United Nations committees and commissions, of our concern.