A/50/PV.11 General Assembly

The first speaker is the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Slovakia, His Excellency Mr. Juraj Schenk, on whom I now call.

Mr. President, it is undoubtedly a great honour to be the President of the United Nations General Assembly session in this very important year. Please accept my sincere congratulations on your election and my very best wishes for a successful course of its fiftieth session. I should also like to thank your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, for his significant contribution to the positive results achieved at last year’s session. By the end of 1995, the Slovak Republic will have concluded the third year of its sovereign existence. Although my country is relatively new in the international community, it has during the past three years confirmed that its activities in the international scene are based on respect for international law and for the principles of democratic coexistence between nations. The basic coordinate of Slovakia’s foreign policy is its integration into the geopolitical and economic sphere with which we not only have numerous historical ties, but also — and, I think, more importantly — with which we share the same hierarchy of modern civilized values. Along with other Central European countries, Slovakia has made significant progress in the transformation of its political and economic system, as well as in the process of democratization. We feel political and economical closeness to the West, and we are aware of the unique historical opportunity to join the prosperous union of democratic European countries. Slovakia as a standard democratic State is an integral part of the Central European space, which is undoubtedly important for political and military stability in Europe. We want to contribute to building that stability by maintaining good-neighbourly relations backed by a set of legally sound treaties, as well as by mutually beneficial cooperation. We proceed from the fact that such cooperation is a basic precondition for the stability and prosperity of all the countries in our region. Good relations with the States of the G-7, of the Commonwealth of Independent States and all democratic countries, are also of great importance to us. We wish to make full use of the opportunity for cooperation with the dynamically developing Asia-Pacific region, with the Latin American countries, and with Near and Middle East countries as well. The Slovak Republic participates in maintaining international peace and security within the framework of United Nations activities. Our priority at this stage is full The results of the Fifth Review Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) represent an important impulse for the further activities of the Conference on Disarmament. The extension of the Treaty for an indefinite period is the most important result of the Review Conference. We consider it a precondition for the further development of international cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, as well as for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. The Non- Proliferation Treaty has played a positive role in the modern history of mankind. Being the only Treaty with a global character, it has managed to reduce the risk of further expansion of the group of nuclear-weapon States. Slovakia places special emphasis on the preparation of the comprehensive test-ban treaty (CTBT) in 1996, and supports the immediate commencement of negotiations aimed at elaborating the text of the fissile materials cut-off treaty. This would lead to further progress in building up a new security architecture, and it would become an important milestone on the road to an era when nuclear weapons will be considered unnecessary. In connection with the forthcoming Review Conference of the States Parties to the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or To Have Indiscriminate Effects (CCW), my country is ready to support the successful course of work and the adoption of the text of Protocol IV, which would enable the effective implementation of the Convention. Slovakia was among the very first countries to place an embargo on the export of anti- personnel land-mines. We also highly appreciate the results of the International Meeting on United Nations Mine Clearance Programmes held under the auspices of the Secretary-General. This forum stressed the need for a more active approach to the reduction of negative impacts caused by the use of these inhumane weapons, which especially afflict the civil population, including innocent children. The conflict on the territory of the former Yugoslavia has thoroughly tested the entire international community, but especially the United Nations Organization itself. The level at which we pass this test will affect relations in the international political scene for the next few decades. Slovakia considers peace talks to be the only way leading to a stable and just solution. Military actions have turned out to be counter-productive and to have only a temporary character. They cannot overcome the animosity between the warring sides. Our effort is aimed at finding generally acceptable solutions agreed upon by all parties at the negotiating table. Their equal status can be considered to be one of the crucial prerequisites in approaching this crisis. Therefore, we support the plan of the Contact Group and see it as a sound starting-point for direct negotiations between the parties to the conflict. In order to achieve stability in the Mediterranean region, a just and lasting solution of the problem of Cyprus should be found. In this context, my country supports the efforts of the international community and highly esteems in particular the contribution which the Secretary-General made in stressing the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Cyprus. We think it is Since there are so many conflicts in all parts of the world, my country welcomes any progress that would strengthen international security and peace. Just to mention a few examples, visible progress has been made in the Middle East peace process focused on the final settlement of the long-standing Arab-Israeli conflict. The agreements signed between the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization have proved the correct and appropriate nature of the peace talks and of the efforts of the two parties and of the international community. These efforts are based on the conviction that the two parties can coexist peacefully. United Nations peace-keeping operations have become one of the most discussed issues. Slovakia considers peace- keeping operations to be an important instrument with which the international community can maintain peace and security in the world. On the other hand, we realize that the current situation is not ideal. Therefore, we support the process of restructuring peace-keeping operations, which would increase their effectiveness and allow them to react quickly. This would require the mandate of peace-keeping missions to be clear, unambiguous and realistic — that is, implementable. In this context, we welcome the Supplement to the Agenda for Peace as an effort to strengthen the element of conflict prevention. We have been following the discussions on these issues with great attention and we share the view that, at this stage, peace-keeping, rather than peace-enforcement, is the realistic solution reflecting both the complexity of most conflicts and what the international community can sustain. Slovakia’s position has been reflected in the types of units and services provided for peace-keeping operations. At the current time we have 600 engineers in the former Yugoslavia and five military observers in the United Nations Angola Verification Mission. The Slovak Engineer Battalion was awarded an honorary diploma by the Force Commander of the United Nations Protection Force in November 1994 in recognition of its professional skills and the quality of the work done. In order to achieve the goals set forth by the United Nations, it is necessary that they be realized in a democratic I should like to mention just a few examples, especially the incorporation of international human rights protection standards into the Constitution of the Slovak Republic; the further harmonization of other legal norms to those standards; the establishment of the Slovak National Centre for Human Rights, and the Governmental Committee for the implementation of the Action Programme against Racism, Anti-Semitism, Xenophobia, and Intolerance; active participation in the preparation of international documents concerning the protection of persons belonging to ethnic minorities; the ratification of the Framework Convention of the Council of Europe on the Protection of Minorities; and, last but not least, the reflection of this document, together with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities in the Treaty on Good Neighbourly Relations and Friendly Cooperation signed this year with Hungary. Slovakia is very sensitive to all kinds of disrespect for and gross violation of values which are the keystone of human dignity, and my country therefore highly appreciates United Nations activities in regard to the protection of human rights. We are prepared to contribute to the strengthening of international cooperation in order to achieve higher respect for human rights and basic freedoms for all, regardless of their race, gender, language or religion. Speaking of human rights, we cannot overlook the rights of women. The Fourth World Conference on Women, which has just concluded, has raised a number of questions which will have to be resolved by our joint efforts. We welcome the successful outcome of this event and we were honoured, as a member of the Commission on the Status of Women, to take active part in the preparation of its final document, the Platform for Action. There are a number of social issues related to the status of women. One of them is the role of the family in society. The International Centre for Family Studies has been active in Slovakia since the end of 1993 and it has repeatedly proved its viability by actively participating at Slovakia appreciates the efforts of the United Nations with a view to the restructuring and revitalization of its activities in the economic, social and other related fields, as well as all reforms connected with them. We consider these efforts to be a contribution to improving the efficiency of the work of the United Nations and a positive reaction to all major changes taking place all over the world. We fully support the basic approach and goals of the two fundamental documents approved by the United Nations in the area of international economic cooperation in the 1990s: the Declaration on International Economic Cooperation, in particular the Revitalization of Economic Growth and Development of the Developing Countries, and the International Development Strategy for the Fourth United Nations Development Decade. One of the main priorities anchored in these documents is the development of human resources within the overall development framework. These documents are based on global consensus. Their aim is to improve the social and economic situation of the poor and least developed parts of our planet and thus to eliminate one of the main sources of conflicts — the huge differences between the wealthy and poor countries. All these goals are in the best interest of the Slovak Republic, too. During the last decade, the number of countries meeting the criteria for being “least developed” has significantly increased. Together with other global problems such as environmental protection and sustainable development, which cannot be resolved by a single country or several countries, this is a challenge for all mankind, and for the most developed countries in particular. However, we must stress also the primary responsibility of the countries concerned for their further development. Nowadays, Slovakia itself, as well as other Central and East European countries, must face a variety of complicated economic problems related to the process of transition from a centrally planned economy to a market economy. This Despite the complicated economic situation, my country has a strong will to participate actively in United Nations programmes in areas in which we could be of assistance, namely in areas concerning human resources in developing countries. For example, we see opportunities for broader participation by Slovak experts in development programmes. Slovakia supports all activities of the United Nations in the field of assistance to developing countries. We welcome the increasing efforts of these countries not to be in the position of passive recipients only, and we value their endeavour to take over the management of their economic and technical development. At the same time, we highly appreciate the United Nations role in implementing its projects, to reflect the needs of the receiving countries fully, while respecting specific features of their economies and their priorities and making use of the domestic human, technical and technological potential. Nowadays, when the United Nations is going through a complicated period of its existence, it is particularly important to determine the direction of its activities, with, as a starting-point, the processes going on in international relations. Interconnection between global and national interests is the defining factor in coping with the problems which all mankind is facing at the moment. If the United Nations is really to understand the very nature of these processes, it will be necessary to start its own reform. We support such reform and therefore support all steps that would strengthen the United Nations system and thereby enable it to perform its tasks more effectively. This reform will require, inter alia, the restructuring of most of the Organization’s main bodies. As for Security Council reform, we support expanding the Council by the addition of new members that are able to assume global responsibilities and have sufficient potential to support United Nations activities financially. The credibility and efficiency of the Security Council have to be stressed as the main priorities. We are fully aware of the difficult financial situation, which is a result of unpaid arrears by Member In connection with the United Nations budget, I wish to mention that Slovakia, in spite of the fact that it is undergoing a transformation of its economy and has to cope with various pressures on State finances, has always fulfilled its obligation to pay its assessed contribution to the regular budget in full. As concerns its contribution to the budget for peace-keeping operations, Slovakia is in the same position as the Czech Republic. These two countries have not been classified into any of the groups for the apportionment of peace-keeping expenses even though they have been Members of the United Nations for more than two and a half years. We believe that this issue will be resolved at this year’s session of the General Assembly, and that in so doing we shall take realistically into account the respective economic data. Having analysed the data and having compared it with data from other countries, we have reached the firm conviction that Slovakia should be placed among the Member States of Group “C” for the apportionment of peace-keeping expenses. From this rostrum I want to confirm that Slovakia is ready to shoulder its fair share of responsibility for this important activity of the United Nations. This year we commemorate five decades since the end of the horrors of the Second World War, since that moment when all nations put aside weapons with the intention of living in peace, and, for this reason, decided to establish an organization which would serve as a platform for international cooperation. Looking back at those decades we must logically come to the conclusion that the United Nations has played a crucial role in our history and that its existence is still justified. Although the ceremonies will culminate in meetings next month, we can already say that we did our best to ensure the commemoration of this anniversary with honour. For the celebration of this anniversary, a special committee established in Slovakia organized many education-oriented events, a number of which are still taking place. The main goal of all seminars, meetings, and television and radio broadcasts has been to focus more attention on the activities of this undoubtedly most important international organization, not only in the field of maintaining international peace and security but also, and especially, in the field of the development of international cooperation in all areas of human activity.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ecuador, His Excellency Mr. Galo Leoro Franco.

First of all I should like to extend my warmest congratulations to you, Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, a renowned and distinguished academician and internationalist, on your well-deserved election as President of this historic session of the General Assembly marked by the commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations. I should also like to pay a tribute to Mr. Amara Essy in recognition of the admirable work he performed as President of the forty-ninth session of the Assembly. At the end of the twentieth century and the dawn of a new millennium, in a world characterized by a globalization of the economy and the dynamics of international relations, our reality is conditioned by factors such as the substantial progress of science, the transcendence of the technological revolution, the decisive influence of communications and information, the expansion of trade and the consequences of cultural and religious interaction. However, an acute imbalance of social and economic aspects coexists with these factors, mainly in the developing world, whose inhabitants account for three quarters of mankind. We are faced with problems that were not foreseen at the beginning of this century, including the internationalization of environmental problems, fragmentation and the revival of violent nationalisms, political and social instability, and the decrease in the transfer of international resources for development. In many third world countries social problems are increasingly becoming more acute. Extreme poverty, accompanied by hunger, malnutrition, abandonment, unemployment, disease and ignorance, has been combined in many regions with guerrilla movements and armed insurrection. Several countries face the consequences of the foreign debt crisis, associated with the lack of international political solidarity to relieve it. In many regions corruption has become an endemic disease. The production, consumption of and trafficking in narcotic drugs devastate our traditional social structures. Violence, Keeping this perspective in mind, Ecuador will continue to favour the adoption of urgent measures within the international community to fight vigorously against all these social problems, which affect so many countries. The General Assembly proclaimed 1996 as the International Year for the Eradication of Poverty. My country hopes that, with this proclamation, international public opinion will become more conscious of the complexity of this grave problem and will try to find measures for its solution. Since the end of the cold war, international tensions have eased, and the intensification of trust between States has fostered the adoption of measures concerning nuclear disarmament. However, the danger implied by the proliferation and use of nuclear weapons prevails. For this reason, Ecuador strongly condemned the nuclear tests by China and France. We hope that the general appeal to cease all such tests will receive a positive response from these two countries. Ecuador favoured the consensus for an indefinite extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and, at the same time, considered that this historic decision formed part of an integral unity with the principles and objectives adopted on that occasion for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and also with disarmament. In this regard, Ecuador recalls that the negotiations concerning a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty should conclude in 1996, at the latest, and that negotiations to ban fissionable materials for nuclear weapons should be scheduled shortly, with a view to achieving general and complete disarmament, pursuant the provisions of article VI of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. In this context, the full enforcement of the Treaty of Tlatelolco has made Latin America a nuclear-weapon-free zone. Our region offers this example as an incentive for the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones, especially in areas of greater tension. My country applauds the agreements reached by Israel and the national Palestinian Authority, which will undoubtedly contribute to the consolidation of peace in one On the other hand, we must express our deep concern about the ongoing armed actions in the former Yugoslavia, in spite of the Security Council’s frequent appeals and resolutions. We believe that the Powers with higher international responsibilities should resolutely take the necessary steps to end this regrettable situation. At the same time, Ecuador wishes to join in appeals concerning the dangerous situation in Burundi, which could result in bloody events comparable to those in Rwanda. The main purpose of the United Nations, its very reason for being, is the maintenance of international peace and security. It has been pointed out that since 1989 more than a hundred armed conflicts have erupted around the world — most of them due to domestic problems. Such situations have endangered the maintenance of international world peace and security — even world peace in some cases — showing the increasingly clear interrelationship between domestic and international affairs. That is why Ecuador believes that peace does not simply mean the absence of armed conflicts; it also comprises the political, economic and social conditions in which our peoples evolve. It should therefore be recognized that the non-military issues of human security and sustainable development have been added to the traditional security concepts. Ecuador believes, therefore, that the United Nations, with its 50 years’ experience of successes and failures, must be prepared to face the new challenges appearing throughout the world. Furthermore, it should be pointed out that the international community today has more trust in the world Organization and is more often seeking more direct, more effective, intervention to reduce or resolve political, economic or social conflicts. This situation demands that the United Nations should be strengthened and restructured. My country believes that the Security Council should be restructured to reflect adequately not only the new international world order but also the current membership of the United Nations. It should also become more We disagree with the extension of the veto privilege to additional members. Since this is a mechanism created to respond to world political realities that no longer exist, the Powers possessing this privilege should willingly agree to restrict its practice exclusively to issues related to Chapter VII of the Charter. The whole world would welcome such a decision by the five permanent members as an effective step towards a more democratic United Nations. The General Assembly, too, should be thoroughly revitalized to enable it to carry out its duties under Article 11 of the Charter in an effective and responsible manner, and so that its resolutions — in particular, those concerning issues related to the maintenance of international peace and security — may, duly observed and enforced, exercise the influence we would hope to see of resolutions of the highest political organ of the United Nations. The Economic and Social Council should also respond more adequately to the broad requirements set forth in the Charter. The Trusteeship Council has lost its significance, and should be entirely restructured. Similarly, the broad functions assigned to the Secretary-General in Article 99 of the Charter should be exercised to the fullest. Ecuador believes it is necessary to review the structure and functions of the Bretton Woods institutions and their relations with the United Nations. In order to obtain optimal results and fully utilize existing resources, it is essential to coordinate international efforts with regard to the international monetary system and economic and social progress. The severe financial crisis facing the United Nations could be alleviated were the Member States that are most in arrears, for various reasons, to make a sincere effort to meet their obligations. It is unacceptable to transfer the burden of resolving this crisis to the developing countries, whose weak economies cannot satisfy such demands. Ecuador promotes and supports all measures designed to put a stop to this deplorable situation, to punish the guilty and to re-establish a climate of trust, harmony and peace. It believes that the international community has a clear and unavoidable responsibility in this regard. We hope that the General Assembly, and particularly the Security Council, will take the necessary steps to deal effectively with the dangerous breaches of international peace and security such violations represent. We express our confidence in and support for the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and hopes that the Assembly will provide the administrative and financial resources necessary for him to carry out his important tasks to the full. Ecuador believes that democratic systems are the proper response to peoples’ yearning for freedom and fraternal coexistence and for cultural expression. To attain the objectives of the International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People, Ecuador, a multi-ethnic country, has submitted various concrete programmes and initiatives, in consultation with national indigenous organizations, designed to improve the economic, social and cultural status of those groups while fully respecting their distinctive characteristics. It hopes to be able to rely on international cooperation in bringing these initiatives and programmes to fruition. In previous decades the United Nations led the struggle for the self-determination of peoples, which resulted in an end to the shameful colonial system. From the earliest years of its existence the Organization condemned the apartheid system, and it continued to do so until apartheid was abolished. The time has now come That development must go hand in hand with urgent solutions to the problem of preserving the great heritage of mankind — the environment. Agenda 21, resulting from the “Earth Summit”, must be complied with. To play its part, Ecuador will continue to seek international cooperation to preserve its immense ecological wealth, not only of its continental territory, but also — and particularly — in the Amazonian region and the Galapagos Islands. In keeping with its policy of opening its economy, Ecuador has become the first new member of the World Trade Organization (WTO), which enables it, inter alia, to benefit from the guaranteed application of the principle of non-discrimination in its trade relations with all other members, to negotiate better terms for trade in Ecuadorian goods and services, to obtain technical support and assistance and to enjoy the favourable terms of trade accorded developing countries. My country considers that a stable relationship should be established between the World Trade Organization and the United Nations, and we therefore actively support the drafting of an agreement between these two Organizations in keeping with the Marrakech Accord and the San Francisco Charter. That could be the basis for the establishment of a new, more just and efficient international order, in which respect for the human person is guaranteed, people’s welfare is fostered, economic development is shared and the balance and fairness of international trade are guaranteed, so as to create a society based on international cooperation, solidarity and interdependence. The United Nations is called upon to perform an important task in realizing this new order. To that end, not only must the Organization as a whole be restructured, but all Member States, great and small, must offer their total political support to the United Nations. Ecuador has always upheld its historical, Amazonian and peaceful tradition and its respect for the rule of law. It has adhered to the purposes and principles of the Charter, including non-recourse to the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity of any other State and the obligation to resolve international disputes exclusively through peaceful means. The action taken by the guarantor countries regarding the conflict between Ecuador and Peru has proved particularly effective, and we are certain it will lead to a total normalization of relations between Ecuador and Peru. At the recent meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the countries of the Rio Group, held last 4 and 5 September, there were important signs of relaxation of tension in the statements made by the Heads of State of both countries as well as in the encouraging positions of the other countries, which we believe, provide not only a clear orientation towards peace but also support for complete peaceful coexistence, while at the same time creating a space for dialogue, constructive negotiations and a resumption of the integrationist processes that serve to consolidate peace. All this, moreover, will clear a sure path towards cooperation, in various spheres of our relations with our neighbours and with other countries, with mutual respect and understanding. I believe we have begun to move towards a better understanding, and if we prepare a framework of good will we will be able not only to bring our divergent positions closer together but also to reach agreements for lasting solutions.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Hungary, Mr. László Kovács.

May I extend our congratulations to you, Sir, upon your election as President of the General Assembly at this historic fiftieth session. The delegation of Hungary stands ready to do its fair share in assisting you in the fulfilment of your important responsibilities. The 50-year-old United Nations is a living witness to our successes and failures. In many quarters, the question is raised whether the United Nations has a credibility problem at this important juncture of its history. We have to remind ourselves that the capacity of the United Nations to act is nothing but the reflection of the will and determination of its Member States. With the euphoria over the end of the cold war gone, we ought to take a hard look at the role the United Nations is called upon to play in a dramatically altered, often fluid international environment where shared values may not automatically yield converging interests. The Charter provides us with valuable guidance for distinguishing sound international order and stability from the expedience of appeasement. The question is whether the international community is always ready to act accordingly by taking a firm stand against aggression, heinous crimes against humanity and flagrant infringements on the human rights and fundamental freedoms of millions of individuals around the globe. We believe that there can be no place for complacency when we witness devastating wars, lawlessness, the suffering of civilian populations and widespread human misery. There is no positive answer to the question whether, in spite of the absence of the threat of a new world catastrophe, we can keep our planet safe and secure. A fundamentally changed global political environment, as bipolarism fades away, cannot prevent the outbreak of local wars, internal conflicts or ethnic strife. The values and We have come to realize the growing importance of effective regional tools in addressing this new type of mostly internal conflicts, where the rule of law and accountable national administrations are often non- existent, where warlords and other unscrupulous leaders lead campaigns of intimidation, “ethnic cleansing” and genocide in an atmosphere of nationalism and hatred. Throughout the years, the United Nations has achieved a number of important successes by brokering peace agreements, conducting peace-keeping operations, improving humanitarian situations and promoting national reconciliation. The world Organization is better equipped to deal with traditional conflict situations. However, it has yet to prepare itself for meeting all the new and alarming challenges. While the United Nations cannot realistically manage all the crises occurring world wide, because of its unique role and responsibility in the maintenance of international peace and security, it should seek to strengthen global political consensus on the principles of the Charter, assist, through its preventive capacity, in the formulation of regional strategies and efforts and take decisive action when regional or global security is seriously challenged. Today’s conflicts call for a more coherent yet decentralized United Nations response capability. Streamlining and rationalizing the Organization should be the order of the day, not only to eliminate waste and overlap, but also to make the best use of existing political and financial resources. We also fully support the Secretary-General’s efforts to improve coordination between United Nations organs and agencies with a view to enhancing the early-warning, stand-by and rapid- reaction capacities of the Organization, which should focus on all the political, security, social, economic- ecological, humanitarian and human rights areas of United Nations activity. As regards the reform efforts in general, one should bear in mind that agreement on such diverse issues as the elimination of the enemy-States clause from the Charter or the reform of the financing of peace-keeping operations cannot be achieved overnight. We hope that the The main mission of the United Nations is to make the world a safer place for all. After a series of United Nations conferences on the most important global problems, such as environment, human rights, population and social development, and the recently concluded World Conference on Women, we ought to focus our attention on the practical implementation of their recommendations. Earlier this year the international community extended for an indefinite period the validity of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Hungary had supported from the very beginning the idea of indefinite extension, for we are convinced that this major international instrument promotes stability by preventing the spread of the nuclear arsenal and at the same time aims at the orderly development of nuclear cooperation for peaceful purposes. We hope that the security guarantees given to the non-nuclear States by the permanent members of the Security Council, as well as the prospects of a thorough review of the operation of the Treaty — including the obligations in the field of nuclear disarmament, especially the early conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty — will open up further possibilities for progress in this area. The tragedy in the former Yugoslavia has revealed, not only where brutality and the trampling of elementary norms of international law and human behaviour can lead, but also the devastating consequences of unwillingness to enforce the legitimate decisions of the international community. What we have seen was that the Security Council, and consequently the United Nations as a whole, was either unable or unwilling to follow through its own resolutions, thus leaving the initiative to those whose only argument was and is naked force and the policy of the fait accompli. The crisis in the Balkans is a serious and tragic reminder that the Security Council can preserve its authority and credibility only if there is a unity of action which ensures the full and timely implementation of its resolutions. Another important lesson to be drawn from the handling of this crisis is that adequate early-warning and preventive machineries should be put in place to forestall the eruption of further tragedies and conflicts. First, any solution should incorporate the human rights dimension, including effective guarantees for minority rights in accordance with international standards. In this regard, I would like to pay tribute to the former Special Rapporteur for the Commission on Human Rights, Mr. Tadeusz Mazowiecki, for his untiring efforts consistently to uphold the values of our civilization. Neither massive economic assistance, nor a huge international presence can make a real difference if the human rights questions are left unaddressed. Secondly, the security of the subregion, and, indeed, of Europe as a whole, is threatened by massive arms stockpiles, mostly left over from the previous period, when the former Yugoslavia — not being a party to the Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) — maintained significant armed forces, in fact, one of the relatively largest in Europe. It is of vital importance, therefore, to work out, in the context of the settlement, arrangements to reduce conventional armaments on the territory of former Yugoslavia. The acquisition of territory by force and the accompanying abhorrent phenomenon of “ethnic cleansing” in the former Yugoslavia led to the destruction of entire regions. It triggered a forced population movement unseen in Europe since the Second World War. Today, when we are about to enter the fifth year of the war and the diplomatic efforts to find a solution are continuing, we should not lose sight of political responsibilities and personal accountabilities for the initiation of this drama. The sick ideas of ethnically pure, homogenous, single-nation States had started a vicious cycle of vengeance that claimed the lives of over 100,000 people and forced millions of others to flee, many of them seeking refuge in neighbouring and other countries. In this regard, the settlement of refugees in new areas The Government of Hungary has, on several occasions, expressed its grave concern about the negative impact of the conflict on the ethnic composition of the population concerned. From this rostrum, I should like to call the attention of the international community again to the need to elaborate a comprehensive settlement, in the framework of which the question of the refugees should be so resolved as to respect the interests of each and every ethnic community. Any settlement must include the development and implementation of agreements that ensure the survival of these communities, respect their human rights and fundamental freedoms, including minority rights, and encourage the establishment of institutions that guarantee those rights in the long run. The issue of human rights and fundamental freedoms remains in the forefront of our attention. Protection and promotion of these rights is not only a voluntarily undertaken obligation of all Members of the United Nations, but a responsibility the implementation of which can be legitimately scrutinized by the international community. In Vienna, we closed the debate on the universality of human rights by adopting the document of the World Conference on Human Rights and restating universality in its own right as our guiding principle since the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The legitimate role of the United Nations acting in defence of human rights should therefore be supported and strengthened. With renewed waves of human rights violations occurring worldwide, mostly in internal conflicts or ethnic strife, our Organization has to step up its early-warning and preventive capacities, develop an integrated response mechanism encompassing field visits and monitors, a closer integration of the human rights element in peace-keeping activities and ensuring effective interaction in the implementation of political, peace-keeping, human rights and humanitarian mandates. International presence, particularly preventive protection, is a most efficient deterrent in curbing violations and preventing their escalation. The establishment of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR) was built May I now address the General Assembly in my capacity as Chairman-in-Office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The cooperation between the United Nations and the OSCE has significantly developed on both political and operational levels since the December 1994 Budapest summit. As the OSCE, a regional organization in the sense of Chapter VIII of the Charter, embarks on so-far- uncharted waters in conflict prevention and crisis management, the advice and assistance of the United Nations proves to be an important asset, for which I would like to express our appreciation to the Secretary- General. Based on the agreement concluded between the two organizations, we have indeed developed flexible forms of cooperation, not only in the political area, but in our joint efforts on humanitarian issues, human rights, sanctions-monitoring and operational presence. At present, the OSCE has missions in Georgia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Moldova, Ukraine, Tajikistan, Nagorno- Karabakh, Estonia, Latvia and Chechnya. We are also about to establish one in Croatia. We find it indispensable that the OSCE mission to Kosovo, Sandjak and Vojvodina in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) resume its activities, in accordance with the relevant resolution of the Security Council. Though the mandates of these OSCE missions vary, they still point in the same direction, namely assisting the parties involved in finding a political solution to their differences on the basis of OSCE principles and commitments. OSCE helps to monitor and verify cease- fire accords, supervise troop withdrawals, establish negotiating structures and principles for talks on national reconciliation and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It has to be added that in some cases the OSCE has to work hard to obtain the necessary political endorsement of the parties to engage in a peaceful and structured political process and offer mutual concessions. In making use of the mutually reinforcing capabilities of the United Nations and the OSCE, the Hungarian Chairmanship-in-Office of the organization for 1995 is determined to strengthen both organizations. I remain convinced that the further development of this cooperation in the vast area from Alaska to Kamchatka will, with the active support of Members, bring us closer to the realization of the noble ideals set forth in the Charter 50 years ago.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Thailand, His Excellency Mr. Kasem Kasemsri.

On behalf of the Government and people of Thailand, I should like to extend my warmest congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Freitas do Amaral, upon his election to the presidency of this historic fiftieth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that under his leadership the work and achievements of this session will be as momentous as the occasion we are celebrating. I should also like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, Foreign Minister of Côte d’Ivoire, President of the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. My delegation truly appreciates his leadership and his tireless dedication to the heavy responsibilities entrusted to him during the past year. Under his guidance, the forty-ninth session not only set the stage for the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations but also helped to reinforce its foundation and crystallized its agenda for the years to come. As this is the first time that I have had the honour to address the General Assembly on behalf of my Government and the people of Thailand in my capacity as Foreign Minister, I should like to reiterate my Government’s full and unflinching support for the purposes and principles of the United Nations and its all-encompassing work and endeavours. As a representative of a democratically elected Government, I am particularly pleased to note the increased During the past few years, much has been said on the need to strengthen and revitalize the United Nations for the next 50 years, to prepare it for the challenges of the new century which will soon dawn upon us. Through the years, a number of useful proposals and recommendations on ways to improve the structure, working methods, efficiency and agenda of the United Nations have been made by numerous experts, practitioners and enthusiasts, from both within and outside the United Nations system. Yet much remains to be done if the United Nations is to be, in the words of the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, a “mission-driven and result-oriented” Organization. In this regard, Thailand believes that a number of crucial ingredients are necessary to effectuate a successful reform of the United Nations system. Most important, the reform must be comprehensive and universal. The reform process should take place in all agencies within the United Nations system, encompassing all aspects of the work and activities of the United Nations. A special effort should be made to coordinate all reform initiatives, particularly in three main organs of the United Nations, namely the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. For this reason, Thailand fully supports the General Assembly’s decision earlier this month to establish a high-level open-ended working group on the strengthening of the United Nations system in order to review and make observations on reform proposals attained from various sources. In line with this initiative, I should like to go a step further and propose that, in addition to the high-level open-ended Working Group, a focal point could be designated to coordinate all reform initiatives in all United Nations bodies. However, such a focal point need not supersede or subsume existing reform mechanisms, such as the High-Level Open-ended Working Group on the Financial Situation of the Organization, the ad hoc open-ended Working Group on an Agenda for Development, and the Open-Ended Working Group on the reform of the Security Council. All these bodies should Having been a United Nations Member since 1946, Thailand shares the aspirations of all its fellow Members to see a more consolidated, cohesive and efficient United Nations system — one which would be able to fulfil the noble purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations; to deal urgently and effectively with threats to international peace and security; to respond effectively to the world’s economic, social and humanitarian needs; and to promote the goals of human security and sustainable development. Furthermore, Thailand is convinced that one must also ensure that the United Nations of the twenty-first century is more equitable, representative, democratic, transparent and accountable, allowing for the widest possible participation in all its decision-making and activities and serving the interests of all mankind. When speaking of these qualities, one is inclined to ponder the work on the reform of the Security Council. As the main organ entrusted with the primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, the Security Council must be restructured in such a way that it will be able to perform its duties effectively, while also ensuring its legitimacy and accountability. To achieve this goal, the reformed working methods and composition of the Security Council should allow for the widest participation by Member States, particularly those that are developing countries, while at the same time giving due recognition to States whose present world positions reflect the current global shift in power and influence. However, to simply reform the Security Council through its composition and working methods alone is not enough. If the Security Council is to be truly efficient and effective, we also need to rethink the way in which we view the role of the Security Council. We need to be more realistic in our expectations about what the Security Council should do and should be able to accomplish in a conflict situation. In other words, it is about time we considered limiting the scope and depth of the peace-keeping activities of the United Nations to a level where its involvement would be practical, meaningful and cost-effective. For this reason, my delegation welcomes the point raised by His Excellency Professor Dr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, President of the General Assembly at its fiftieth session, on the need to re-examine the United Nations general policy on peace-keeping. My delegation also welcomes the efforts being made in the Fifth Committee to reform the process of approving peace-keeping budgets and It is one thing to discuss United Nations efforts in maintaining international peace and security in financial and managerial terms and another to view them from the human perspective. The tribal, ethnic and religious conflicts that are the source of the ongoing hostilities in places such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Somalia, Lebanon and Cyprus existed long before the end of the cold war, many of them even long before the United Nations came into existence. There is not much the United Nations can do as long as the peoples involved have no desire to coexist in peace. That is why Thailand fully supports the United Nations continuing work on the Agenda for Peace, initiated by the United Nations Secretary-General in 1992. In particular, Thailand believes that the concepts of preventive diplomacy and confidence-building, as espoused by the initiative, could do much to promote peace and understanding in all regions of the world. Along this line, Thailand and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have, since 1971, initiated the concept of a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality in South-East Asia (ZOPFAN), the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia in 1976, and, most notably, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in 1994, involving 18 States from the Asia-Pacific region and the European Union. It is most gratifying that, after two years of existence, the ARF has increasingly proved to be a useful instrument of peace and understanding and has made significant contributions to efforts towards preventive diplomacy and confidence-building in the Asia-Pacific region. During the past year, a number of important developments have taken place within the realm of the global economy. The establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO), although still in its initial stage, augurs well for the eventual realization of a transparent, balanced and effective world trading regime. Continued efforts should be made to integrate major trading economies, as well as those in transition, into the WTO framework in order to more fully to globalize the norms and practices of free and fair trade. For this reason, Thailand believes that further discussions and negotiations on the accelerated implementation of the Uruguay Round commitments and related issues are still necessary. Efforts should also be made to ensure that the outcome of these discussions and negotiations would make it possible to strike a balance between the interests and concerns of developing countries and that of their more developed counterparts. Thailand further believes that to this end, United Nations institutions such as the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) can play a major role in amalgamating, and giving expression to, the interests and concerns of all involved, particularly those of the developing, and least developed, members of the world economy. Global trade agreements are not the only ones that bring countries closer together. Another welcome development in the international economy is the closer cooperation among regional and subregional economic groupings. The linkages among these entities in various parts of the world have, in effect, created a network of interdependence that has tremendous potential and would benefit all concerned. However, continued care must be exercised to make certain that these groupings will not turn inward and become mutually exclusive regional trading blocs. Such a development would be detrimental to the spirit of multilateralism that has been fostered by this body for the past 50 years and to the world’s trading system. While economic cooperation within a regional context such as ASEAN has become commonplace, it is noteworthy that cooperative frameworks now span the divide of North and South, East and West. Oceans are no longer a separation. Efforts such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and the ASEAN-European Union promise to forge closer economic cooperation across the regions, regardless of geographical distance and boundaries. As these growing networks of cooperation extend their reach across the globe and transoceanic trade multiplies, Sustainable economic development must go hand in hand with sustainable human development. There can be no prosperity as long as people are denied their basic rights and the satisfaction of their needs. As a country that attaches high importance to the principles of social equity, social welfare and human rights, Thailand fully supports the United Nations efforts in areas such as the alleviation of poverty, education, health care and the combating of drug abuse and trafficking. Drug trafficking, in particular, has always received special attention from Thailand. Geographically located near the so-called “golden triangle”, Thailand has consistently supported, at both the global and the regional level, international efforts aimed at the prevention, control and suppression of narcotic drugs. This support has been intensified in recent years with the advent of the twentieth-century epidemic of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS). Thailand believes that like the drug problem, the disease, with its devastating effects on mankind, is of global concern and should be dealt with jointly by the international community. In this context, my delegation would like to voice its support for the United Nations ongoing work on initiatives relating to the Agenda for Development, which would help us find more pragmatic approaches to development and address the aforementioned economic, social and human security issues in all their dimensions in a more effective and fruitful manner. In spite of the many achievements of the United Nations during the past 50 years, in the year 1995, we still find ourselves far away from what the authors of the United Nations Charter had hoped for and dreamed of in 1945. Therefore, in this fiftieth anniversary year, it is most appropriate that we, the peoples of the United Nations, rededicate ourselves to the realization of the hopes and dreams of the framers of the United Nations Charter, for our own sake and for the sake of our children. Through the years, we have asked and taken much from the United Nations. We continue to do so with much greater intensity and in much greater multitude. It is now time for us to reinvest in the United Nations. We must give back not only quantitatively but also qualitatively. Imperfect as it is, there is no substitute for the United Nations.

The next speaker is the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Foreign Trade and Cooperation of Luxembourg, His Excellency Mr. Jacques Poos, on whom I now call.

Like previous speakers, I should like to convey to the President of the fiftieth session of the General Assembly our warmest congratulations on his election to the presidency of the Assembly. As a representative of a country close to us, Portugal, he will, I am certain, discharge skilfully and effectively his difficult responsibilities in leading our deliberations. The President of our Council, Mr. Javier Solana, has recently explained the position of the European Union on the work of the United Nations and on the major challenges it is called upon to face. Those are also the views of my delegation. I welcome the promising prospects opening up in the Balkans and the Middle East. As for Chechnya, I must, on the other hand, regret that the parties have been lagging behind in restoring peace to that sorely tried region in the past year. In the former Yugoslavia, dramatic developments in recent months have changed substantially the nature of the conflict there. After years of civil war, atrocities and “ethnic cleansing”, we now see a glimmer of hope emerging. I welcome the recent agreements in Geneva between the warring parties, as well as that on the opening up of Sarajevo, which was arrived at thanks to the mediation efforts and the commitment of the American special envoy, Mr. Richard Holbrooke. I am, however, not unaware of the fact that negotiations on a comprehensive settlement will be lengthy and that its implementation will be a difficult task. The Government of Luxembourg is prepared to take part in the reconstruction effort as long as certain conditions are met: the effective implementation of a comprehensive settlement, the implementation of a disarmament plan and respect for human rights and for minorities, including the right of return. We are all called upon to help in the success of this vast endeavour for peace now under way. My Government has launched an important action for cooperation in development in the occupied territories. It will also send observers to the forthcoming elections, which will be the decisive test for the creation of a civil and democratic society. My country notes with satisfaction the indefinite extension last May of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). It appeals urgently to the nuclear-weapon Powers to renounce any new testing and to comply with the current moratorium. Such a decision would help to create a climate favourable to the conclusion in 1996 of a global treaty on the banning of nuclear testing, one which is suitably verifiable. The Fourth World Conference on Women has just concluded in Beijing. My Government commends the progress achieved at that Conference. It hails the fact that, for the first time, the rights of women are recognized as an integral and indivisible part of all human rights and fundamental freedoms. In particular, we have in mind the recognition of the right of all women to control their sexual health and their access, on an equal footing, to economic resources. The “right to be different” claimed by religious fundamentalists should not hamper the implementation of these new principles. The events of some time ago led us to believe that the old bipolar world was a thing of the past and that a new world order was automatically about to succeed it. Unfortunately, reality has not confirmed that hope. The multipolar world in which we live has not at all become more unified, nor more supportive, nor safer. Ethnic conflicts have broken out in many parts of the world. Narrow-minded nationalism has gained adherents, and political and religious intolerance is spreading. We thought that with increased international cooperation, the role of multinational organizations would increase. This has not always been the case. Often, the role of our Organization has been ill perceived or badly presented to the public. The political commitment of Member States is often not commensurate with the ever-growing responsibilities of the United Nations. Our Organization must then today come to grips with a new situation arising from the fact that most current conflicts take place within the borders of a single State, and no longer pit States against each other. Intervention constitutes an interference that only the United Nations can legitimize. These ethnic or religious conflicts, whose origins derive from economic and social issues, are the result not only of regular armies, but of militias and clans. The civilian population is often the first victim, if not the main target. The missions demanded of the United Nations are also becoming more and more complex, difficult and dangerous. The United Nations is called upon to maintain peace, but often there is no peace to keep. The United Nations has none the less had a number of successes which have been important but which the media have tended to minimize, be they in Namibia, Cambodia, El Salvador, Mozambique or Haiti. In those countries, the United Nations has helped peoples to overcome years of civil war and to channel their energies into building democratic nations. These positive and courageous actions contrast with other, rather timid reactions to conflicts that threaten the lives of thousands of civilians and expose them to terrible violations of their basic rights. This was the case in Rwanda and was long also the case in the former Yugoslavia, even if the international community has provided substantial humanitarian assistance and helped to ease the suffering of the victims. But as long as the United Nations does not adopt a more defined and resolute approach that would allow it to prevent such catastrophes, the effectiveness and credibility of our Organization run the risk of being called into question. Our era has witnessed spectacular developments at the national level. The concept of the State has been called into question as both a mechanism for solving national problems and a basic element of the international system. States find themselves increasingly threatened with disintegration, their citizens seeking to escape the oppression of rigid structures and demanding to become part of ever more narrowly defined ethnic groups. In such a context, democracy would seem to be the best means of ensuring the viability of the State as manager of public affairs and guarantor of progress. At the national level, democracy provides the stability necessary for peace by ensuring respect for human rights and allowing the population to express its will. At the regional level, as in Europe, it involves States, large and small, in joint decision-making and contributes to development by encouraging cooperation and fostering peace. Democratic States do not war with each other. It is thus an important duty of the international community to promote democracy among and within States by helping them to build a democratic system; by providing them with logistical and technical support for the organization of free elections; by promoting the creation of a public sector to guarantee the proper management of State affairs; and by providing the various sectors of civil society with the resources to consolidate the bases of democracy. The Government of Luxembourg provides tangible support to the activities of our Organization in this sphere. In our view, the promotion of human rights is another priority area. In particular, the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child represents a large step forward. This Convention is a valuable instrument It is unacceptable, indeed intolerable, that at the end of the twentieth century more than a billion people live in abject poverty and almost 1.5 billion men, women and children lack sufficient food and drinking water and have no access to education or the most elementary health care. To be sure, certain parts of the South today are enjoying remarkable development. But others, on the African continent in particular, seem to have been left behind by the progress from which the world economy as a whole has benefited. It is also alarming that inequalities both within countries and between the countries of the South and the North are growing rather than shrinking, and that the richest fifth of mankind owns more than four-fifths of the world’s social product while the poorest fifth must content itself with 1.4 per cent. As concerns the developing countries, we have a duty to be supportive. This support should supplement and strengthen the efforts which these countries must undertake at the national level. Luxembourg has doubled its development assistance in just a few years. It has committed itself to the goal of achieving 0.7 per cent in official development assistance before the end of the century. It would also like to see new progress achieved in reducing the debt that continues to paralyse the development of many developing countries. Our Organization must play a central role as the major institution for international cooperation at the global level. This was in fact envisaged by our Charter. The Preamble stresses the need to promote “the economic and social advancement of all peoples” and thereby makes development one of the principal goals of our Organization. Fifty years after the creation of the United Nations, we believe that the time has come to begin an in-depth review of the activities and structures of the Organization in the economic and social spheres, taking into account the far- reaching changes that have occurred and the growing globalization of problems. This review should take cognizance of the fact that countries are being faced with I am thinking, inter alia, of such health problems as AIDS or of such environmental problems as the depletion of the ozone layer and global warming. There are also such social phenomena as population growth, the pressure of migration, the problem of refugees, and violations of human rights. Other trans-border issues that are of increasing concern are drug trafficking, and new forms of violence and crime and even international terrorism. We need an effective system built on these realities and better able to take into account the interests of all mankind, the poorest in particular. Such a system should be able to define integrated policies and lay down clear, coherent guidelines. Cooperation between international financial institutions and the United Nations system should be organized with this in view. Only the United Nations has the necessary legitimacy and authority for such reform. The work of renewal and clarification that has begun with the Agenda for Development is a natural component of this global perspective. My country, together with its partners in the European Union, intends to make an active contribution to the discussion to be held on this subject. On the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, several focus groups have considered the challenges facing humanity and the ability of the United Nations to meet them. In particular, I would refer to the Carlsson- Ramphal Commission, which submitted the report entitled “On Global Governance”, and an independent working group on the future of the United Nations which the Secretary-General himself established and which delivered the results of its study last June. These two reports set forth a number of potential reforms and make concrete proposals, including one to create an economic security council. I believe that these proposals are a valuable source of inspiration and make an important contribution to the reform work that should be pursued and intensified. I attach great importance to the consideration of these reports, which our Assembly has entrusted to the high- level Working Group recently set up in the framework of the strengthening of the United Nations system. Before concluding I should like to deal with two issues concerning the reform process begun by the Organization — expanding the Security Council, and The Security Council today is invested with enormous responsibilities. Its decisions commit all Member States and have a decisive impact on the fate of millions of human beings. The Security Council must therefore reflect as faithfully as possible the determination of the international community as a whole. A Security Council more representative of today’s world would strengthen the legitimacy of its actions and facilitate the implementation of its decisions. My Government is in favour of a balanced increase that would involve the admission to the Council of new permanent and non-permanent members from both the North and the South. In particular we would like permanent-member status to be acknowledged for economic Powers whose positive role in international affairs has long been recognized. The improved representativeness of the Security Council cannot be achieved only by remaking its membership: it also requires greater transparency in its decision-making processes. Dialogue with other Members of the Organization, especially those countries that contribute troops for peace-keeping operations, must be enhanced. Finally, the time has come to delete from the Charter references to “enemy States” which have not existed for a long time now. Each and every one of us is aware of the seriousness of the financial crisis that the Organization faces. It results not only from sums disbursed, which are relatively speaking very modest if we compare them to sums invested elsewhere. It results essentially from the failure of Member States which fulfil inadequately, if at all, their obligation to pay their contributions to the budget of the Organization. Each and every State is bound under the Charter to pay its contributions on time and in full. The Luxembourg Government is in favour of a monitoring mechanism that would ensure the proper management of the United Nations system. On the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, Member States should endeavour to define an approach that could confer on the Organization new legitimacy and credibility for the next century. This will succeed only if they involve in this effort representatives of But in the final analysis the proper functioning and efficiency of the United Nations depend first and foremost on the political support that Member States, especially the most powerful, give to multilateralism, as well as the political, military and financial resources they are prepared to make available to international organizations.

I now call on the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of New Zealand, His Excellency the Right Honourable Donald Charles McKinnon.

May I first take this occasion to congratulate Ambassador Diogo Freitas do Amaral of Portugal on his election to the presidency of the Assembly in this important fiftieth anniversary year. I should also like to offer a special welcome to Palau as the one hundred eighty-fifth Member. Palau’s accession does signal honour to us as a fellow Pacific State. Here today I want to talk about making our global neighbourhood a safer place for all of us; the progress that has been made in the years since the end of the cold war, and what still needs to be done. Memories are short; it is hard to recall the degree of mutual suspicion that coloured global politics just a few years ago. We have made great strides in recent times. The world community has achieved much in its efforts to make the world safer, and more stable. But we need to move on to reinforce our achievements in controlling, reducing and abolishing the horrific weapons of mass destruction. We have yet to see the dividend we all expected to flow from the end of the cold war. The transition to a post-cold-war world is not easy. We are painfully aware of that. In recent years though, we have been encouraged to believe that a new world order was achievable. One of the reasons for this hope, this optimism, was that the nuclear scourge had receded. For the first time in 50 years nuclear Powers were committed to build down rather than to build up, to decommission and destroy rather than to commission and construct. However, recent events have cast a cloud over that brief period of optimism. New Zealand does not believe The nuclear tests which have taken place since the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons was extended have disturbed the delicate balance achieved at that Conference. New Zealand believed then, and continues to believe, that indefinite extension was the right option. The world needs a strong non-proliferation regime, one that cannot be called into question by changing global circumstances. But the Conference went further than that, the vast majority of participants making it very clear that they were against nuclear testing. They also wanted to move towards the nuclear-free world envisaged in article VI of the Treaty. The cavalier disregard, and dismissal of the views of the many, has led to considerable disillusionment. It will take a long time to restore the trust that had been there. New Zealand and the rest of the South Pacific region have long stood tall and proud in opposition to nuclear weapons and their testing. We abhor testing wherever it occurs. But the decision to resume testing in what we see as our home region has particularly angered the people of New Zealand. The leaders of the South Pacific Forum nations expressed their outrage at their meeting just two weeks ago. They were able to recall the painful memories in the region, going back to atmospheric testing conducted between 25 and 50 years ago. The South Pacific has not been alone in its opposition to nuclear testing. Governments, parliamentarians and peoples from every region of the world have spoken up in anger, alarm and dismay. The two Governments which are continuing to test nuclear weapons must heed the voice of the international community. They are dancing to a tune no one wants to hear. In these circumstances, New Zealand, along with a representative group of like-minded States, will submit an appropriate draft resolution to the First Committee of this Assembly. Testing is a backward step, and I condemn it. It is not too late. All that China and France need to do is listen to international opinion and announce that their testing programmes have ceased. New Zealand calls on the two nuclear-weapon States that have not yet indicated full support for this approach to do so quickly. Time is short. The deadline for the negotiations is 1996, and the international community is holding the Conference on Disarmament accountable for meeting that deadline and producing a treaty that is genuinely comprehensive in scope. In this regard, the General Assembly has become increasingly concerned about the lack of accountability in the Conference on Disarmament. Limited and unrepresentative membership has been a large part of the problem. Enlargement is long overdue. New Zealand welcomes the progress made in recent weeks in Geneva, and we express our gratitude to Morocco for its efforts in this regard. However, the real test will be whether by the time we meet here again next year the new members will have been able to take their seats. For the moment, the outcome is still not satisfactory. I recall that democratic representation was once at the heart of a tea party in Boston. Let us hope that there will not be a tea party in New York in 1996 on membership of the Conference on Disarmament. I also urge the members of the Conference on Disarmament to look beyond the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. New Zealand wants to see an international agreement banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons. That would be another important step towards negotiations on the total elimination of nuclear weapons. We urge the Conference on Disarmament to resolve its procedural differences and get the negotiations under way. I should add that at the Review and Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons we raised the idea of negotiating an agreement to ban the future production of nuclear weapons. That could take us a step closer to eliminating the nuclear threat. I wish, first, to address the issue of land-mines. I want to congratulate the Secretary-General and his staff for the way they have picked up this issue and raised public awareness around the world. The Conference organized in Geneva this year was most timely — but more is needed. Both financial and technical resources need to be made available to help dispose of the millions of treacherous life- and livelihood-destroying mines that have already been laid. I pledge New Zealand’s ongoing assistance in this work. Of course, disposal alone is not the answer. Urgent progress needs to be made to deal with these hideous weapons, which go on claiming the lives of innocent people — farmers, their children, shopkeepers, collectors of wood, carriers of water — long after conflicts have ceased. I ask all the participants at the Conference which opened this week in Vienna, which has as its main aim the revision of international law on land-mines, to work together to achieve the tightest possible restrictions on these totally indiscriminate weapons. I want to work to eliminate them entirely from the world’s armouries. This leads one to the broader questions of arms transfers. We are profoundly disturbed at the unnecessary and irrational increase in arms transfers. At a time when, globally, resources are desperately needed for development, for the environment, for health, why is it that even modest measures, such as enhancing the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms are still being resisted? Neither peace nor development is advanced if States put increasingly scarce economic resources into the defence sectors of their economies. Far too much of the global economic capacity is going into armaments when the citizens of the world desperately need better health, better education and a better future for their children. The widespread availability of conventional arms and the resurgence of ethnic nationalism have, together, produced a very dangerous cocktail, which poses a major threat to stability in the post-cold-war era. The need for Member States to maintain a collective approach in addressing these challenges has never been greater. Events in the former Yugoslavia over the past year have presented an enormous challenge to the international community. New Zealand fully supported the firm response made by this Organization and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to the murderous shelling of Sarajevo late in Some have been dismissive of the achievements of the United Nations in the former Yugoslavia. That, however, is to overlook the saving of tens of thousands of lives and the substantial relief of suffering. This is why New Zealand, despite its geographical distance from the region, has been willing to play its part. I believe that, one day, the United Nations mission in Bosnia will enjoy recognition of the successes it has achieved so far. It is a little too easy to focus on the problems of the United Nations. We need to remember its successes as well. I think of Cambodia and Mozambique, of El Salvador and Haiti, of Namibia and Angola and of the contributions to peace in various parts of the Middle East over the years. Even in Somalia, where a political settlement proved elusive, massive famine was relieved thanks to the United Nations. The United Nations is unique. It is called on to deal with the most intractable problems — the ones that others put into the “too hard” basket. And it works under the closest public scrutiny of Governments and the world’s media. New Zealand strongly supports practical steps to improve peace-keeping management. We have, in fact, provided additional specialist personnel to the Department of Peace-keeping Operations at our own expense. We have contributed to the strengthening of the Secretariat’s capacity in the demining area. And we shall continue these commitments because we believe that they are so necessary. We also entered into the United Nations stand-by arrangements earlier this year, and we hope that these will provide a clearer focus for peace-keeping and its planning. We have also studied with interest the Secretary- General’s recommendation, in his Supplement to “An Agenda for Peace”, that the United Nations should consider the idea of a rapid-deployment force. I wish to commend the ground-breaking work that has already been done by Canada, the Netherlands, Denmark and others. My discussions yesterday with Ministers from these and other countries were encouraging to me. Progress can and should be made in this area. Progress has been made. We were especially pleased to see the Convention on the Safety of United Nations Personnel opened for signature during last year’s session. We urge those that have not signed it to do so, and soon. We owe that to the thousands who have served, and are serving, in the United Nations operations worldwide. The improved procedures for consultation between the Security Council and troop contributors, initiated by Argentina and New Zealand, have now been in place for almost a year. Pleasing as this is, we still have some way to go. It is up to those of us who contribute troops to United Nations operations to ensure there is no slippage in these procedures. Regrettably, however, we do not appear to have a sustainable financial system. I am gravely concerned that, despite all the warnings here in this Assembly last year, delegations have not made any real progress in the Working Group addressing the financial crisis. The United Nations — this United Nations — ran out of cash in mid- August. The arrears of Member States in respect of the regular and peace-keeping budgets have reached unprecedented levels. It is nothing short of a tragedy that on the eve of our celebration of the fiftieth anniversary, the United Nations, this body of ours, is on the verge of bankruptcy. At this critical point in the United Nations history, we need political will, not more words. “Words pay no debts”, as Shakespeare wrote. We need new ideas, not recycled platitudes. And, above all, Members must pay their dues, on time, and in full. We do stand here at a crossroads. In taking stock of the United Nations 50 years, we have much on which to reflect. There have been good times, and there have been bad times. Reform and revitalization must stay on our minds. I wish to assure you, Sir, and all other members, of New Zealand’s commitment to help remould the

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Botswana, His Excellency the Honourable Lieutenant General Mompati Merafhe.

I wish to extend to the President the sincere congratulations of my delegation on his election to the presidency of this historic session of the General Assembly. Botswana and Portugal have enjoyed the best of relations over the years. It is therefore with great pleasure that I assure him of Botswana’s support and cooperation as he conducts the deliberations of this body. Let me also take this opportunity to pay a special tribute to his predecessor, my dear brother and colleague the Foreign Minister of Côte d’Ivoire, His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, for the skilful manner in which he guided the work of the forty-ninth session. His was a most successful presidency, of which, as Africans, we feel proud. We salute our indefatigable Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and his team of dedicated staff for their selfless service to the international community at the most difficult and trying period in the history of our Organization. The Secretary- General’s tenacity of purpose and his untiring efforts in the search for peace are crystallized in his comprehensive and thought-provoking report on the work of the Organization. Five decades ago no one could have predicted with any degree of certainty the future course of events in the aftermath of the most devastating war on the face of the Earth. It was therefore a feat of wisdom and vision that the founding fathers of our Organization accomplished when they conceived and established, from the ravages of that tragic war, a global Organization that has had such a profound impact on the conduct of international relations and diplomacy. That the Charter of the United Nations has been amended only thrice in its 50 years of existence bears testimony to their foresight and diplomatic skill. The formation of the United Nations captured the imagination of peoples across continents, not only because its Charter promised to protect succeeding generations from the scourge of war, but also because it championed the right of the colonial countries and peoples to self- determination and independence, at a time when that was considered antagonistic to the national interests of the “to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom”. This historic session of the General Assembly offers us a unique opportunity to evaluate the achievements and progress made in the fulfilment of the ideals so brilliantly and boldly expressed by the founding fathers in the Charter. It is time for introspection and reflection on the work of the Organization and a time to institute reforms, as necessary, to attune the Organization to a changed world and the challenges ahead. It is regrettable that the military and ideological rivalry between East and West should have hamstrung the role of the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security during the first four and half decades of its existence. Although the world was spared the possible destruction that could have been visited upon it by a third world war, the cold war led to the loss of many lives in regional conflicts across continents — on the Korean Peninsula and in Cambodia, Angola, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Vietnam and the Middle East, to mention only a few. In colonial countries, and in Africa in particular, the struggle for self-determination and national independence was perceived through the prism of super-Power rivalry, which perception resulted in bitter liberation wars. The past five years have, however, seen the birth of a new era, an era of hope for the United Nations, characterized by general goodwill and cooperation in international relations. In other words, we are celebrating 50 years of the existence of the United Nations in a new- found atmosphere of relative peace and stability in the world. We should therefore commit and rededicate ourselves to the purposes and principles of the Charter as we draw the road map for the Organization in the next 50 years. The unity and resolve of the United Nations, particularly as reflected in the facility with which, in the post-cold-war era, the Security Council takes decisions pertaining to the maintenance of international peace and security, has dramatically enhanced the efficacy of the United Nations, a United Nations which has been freed from the shackles of ideological confrontation. The Security Council has indeed scored remarkable successes in the maintenance of international peace and security over the past few years. We have witnessed successes in Cambodia, Namibia, Mozambique, El Salvador and, more recently, This new atmosphere of international cooperation has, however, not been without problems and setbacks. The tragedies of Somalia, Sierra Leone and Liberia remain a thorn in the flesh and conscience of the international community. The internecine tribal wars in the former Yugoslavia and in the Abkhaz region of Georgia have remained intractable, and the traumatic civil wars in Afghanistan and Tajikistan continue with total abandon. These problems attest to the fact that all is not well in international affairs. The United Nations must intensify current initiatives aimed at addressing these conflicts. The international community can never be at peace when part of its body politic is being ravaged by conflict and war. As we approach the next millennium, the responsibility falls on the generations that have benefited from 50 years of relative peace, 50 years of the United Nations, to prepare the ground for an even better Organization to serve future generations in the next 50 years and beyond. We should establish a new system of collective security in which unilateralism and the pursuance of narrow national interests for undue advantage should give way to multilateralism and collective responsibility in addressing international problems. Complex peace-keeping operations can succeed only where there is multilateral cooperation and the pursuit of policies which can yield long-term results. Concerted efforts must be made to adopt consistent criteria for the resolution of global problems. The question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council has gained currency in recent years, and for good reason. The United Nations of 50 years ago was definitely different from the United Nations of today. The number of Member States has swelled over the years, bringing in countries of divergent national character and historical backgrounds; and membership in the Security Council must reflect this reality. In other words, the Security Council should be a concentrated reflection of the cultural and philosophical diversity represented in the General Assembly. After all, democracy is about numbers, and the United Nations, including the Security Council, ought to be the best school for the teaching and practice of democratic principles. The report of the Secretary-General clearly shows that peace-keeping operations are very expensive. Over the past five years the budget of United Nations peace-keeping operations has grown from an annual figure of approximately $600 million to a staggering projection of $3.6 billion by the end of this year. The United Nations cannot hope to sustain this kind of budgetary escalation. Greater attention must be given to preventive action. Here we agree entirely with the Secretary-General when he states in the “Supplement to An Agenda for Peace” that “It is evidently better to prevent conflicts through early warning, quiet diplomacy and ... preventive deployment”. (A/50/60/para. 26) A multifaceted approach is required to develop a capability, including substantial human and material resources, that would enable regional organizations to detect potential conflict situations and prevent them from breaking out. In this context, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution was established in response to the many challenges facing the African continent in the field of peace-keeping. It is an expression of Africa’s readiness to take effective measures aimed at solving conflicts within the continent. We welcome the support of the Member States, international organizations and individuals that have generously made resources available to the OAU Mechanism, and we urge the international community to make similar contributions. We also welcome the conclusions of a series of conferences on conflict prevention and peace-keeping in Africa sponsored by the British Government, the latest of which was held in Gaborone, the capital of my country, on 7 and 8 August 1995. Botswana is convinced that training, planning and preparation, an effective early-warning system and logistic support are fundamental to the OAU’s capacity The United Nations, in general, should be placed on a firm financial foundation if it is effectively to tackle the mammoth tasks facing the world today, including assistance to regional arrangements in conflict prevention and peace-keeping. The question of the financial emergency in which the United Nations so often finds itself, because of failure by Member States to honour their financial obligations to the Organization, should not be allowed to fester into the next century. It seems logical, at least to Botswana, that the decisions and resolutions which we adopt as Member States, and which have financial implications, should be accompanied by a commitment to make prompt and regular contributions to the various budgets, programmes and funds of the Organization. Otherwise there is no sense in adopting such decisions and resolutions. As stated earlier, the resources needed for peace-keeping operations alone are such that every Member State must make its contribution if we seriously expect results from the Organization. We cannot talk about the maintenance of international peace and security without reference to nuclear proliferation, because of all weapons of mass destruction, nuclear weapons pose the greatest threat to international peace and security. In this regard, Botswana is satisfied with the outcome of the Review and Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). The States Parties not only agreed to extend the Treaty indefinitely, but also adopted the principles and objectives for nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament and committed themselves to strengthening the review process for the Treaty. We were disappointed that some nuclear Powers resumed testing immediately after the conclusion of the Conference. The States Parties further committed themselves to complete negotiations, no later than 1996, on a universal, legally binding and internationally and effectively verifiable comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. The onus now rests on nuclear-weapon States to honour their end of the deal. My delegation firmly believes that the only way to protect the world from the scourge of nuclear weapons is through their complete elimination. Currently, the United Nations is spending millions of dollars on research and related expenditure on the AIDS pandemic, which is threatening the very existence of humankind and is posing a serious threat to the economic development of many nations. It is our sincere hope that the world will quickly find a cure to save humankind from the scourge of this pandemic. We are concerned that in recent years the resources available to some specialized agencies of the United Nations have been declining. This has negatively affected their contribution to economic development in the developing countries. It is clear from the report of the Secretary-General that the core resources of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) have been decreasing since 1992, and this has resulted in national indicative planning figures in developing countries being reduced by 30 per cent from their original levels. This is an unfortunate trend indeed for developing countries, considering that the UNDP is the agency of the United Nations charged with responsibility for the financing and coordination of technical and development assistance. And the negative impact this trend has had in the execution of development projects and programmes in the developing countries cannot be overemphasized. It is imperative that the ongoing dialogue on the reform of the United Nations give due consideration to the important role that these agencies and programmes play in the improvement in the living standards of peoples in the developing countries. The reduction of the administrative costs and the rationalization of the operations of these organizations should be carried out at the expense neither of their capacity to deliver the goods and services nor of the quality of their product. In this regard, I wish to reaffirm the decision the African Ministers of Industry took in Gaborone, Botswana, on 8 June 1995, in which they appealed to the international community, particularly the developed countries, to support the maintenance and strengthening of the United Nations Industrial Development The past five years have witnessed major developments in the social and economic fields. The international community has made great efforts in addressing issues of international concern in these areas. In this regard, the successful holding of the World Summit for Children, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, the World Conference on Human Rights, the World Summit for Social Development and, most recently, the Fourth World Conference on Women are illustrative. While the holding of these conferences in itself deserves commendation, the international community should not be satisfied merely with summitry. It should strive to adopt declarations and plans of action which are realistic and implementable. Above all, there should be a genuine commitment to providing the necessary resources for the implementation of these declarations and plans of action. It is now four years since the General Assembly, in recognition of the difficult social and economic situation prevailing in Africa, adopted the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa. At its high-level- segment meeting held in Geneva from 3 to 6 July this year, the Economic and Social Council concluded that progress in the implementation of the New Agenda had been slow and insufficient, and reaffirmed that success depended on the full support of the international community. It is clear that while the primary responsibility for economic development in Africa rests with the African Governments and peoples themselves, there is still an absolute need for the support of the international community. One of the priority areas of the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa is regional cooperation and integration. In this connection, we in southern Africa are engaged in efforts to ensure development through regional cooperation. The Southern African Development Community (SADC), after 10 years of rehabilitating and developing infrastructure, has embarked on closer cooperation and integration aimed at, inter alia, free movement of goods, capital, services and people. One of the recent major developments in the building of the community was the accession of the Republic of Mauritius to SADC at the organization’s summit in August 1995 in Johannesburg, South Africa, thereby bringing the membership of SADC to 12. We are To conclude, I wish to reiterate that this historic session of the General Assembly offers us an opportunity to evaluate the achievements, review the lessons of the past and chart a course for the future of our Organization. An important component of this introspection and reflection on the work of the United Nations should be the improvement of public awareness of the United Nations, building a wider constituency and demonstrating that the Organization will continue to be relevant in the years to come.

(interpretation from Spanish): We have just heard the last speaker in the general debate for this meeting. Several representatives wish to make statements in right of reply, and I shall call on them. Before I do so, may I remind members that, in accordance with General Assembly decision 34/401, statements in exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and to five minutes for the second and should be made by delegations from their seats.

The British Government, as members of the General Assembly will be aware, is working closely with the Government of Ireland to advance the peace process in Northern Ireland. I would just like briefly to set out the British Government’s position on one aspect of the negotiations to which the Foreign Minister of Ireland referred in his remarks yesterday, namely the decommissioning of weapons by the parties to the dialogue. The British and Irish Governments share the aim of moving to all-party talks in Northern Ireland as a basis for a lasting political settlement. In the Joint Declaration of December 1993, our Governments affirmed that the “democratically mandated parties which establish a commitment to exclusively peaceful methods and which have shown that they abide by the democratic process, are free to participate fully in democratic politics, and to join in dialogue in due course.” “Questions were raised on how to determine a permanent cessation of violence. We are talking about handing up of arms and are insisting that it would not be simply a temporary cessation of violence to see what the political process offers. There can be no equivocation in relation to the determination of both Governments in that respect.” Both those statements reflect the approach of my Government to this issue. Specifically, we believe that there should be some actual decommissioning of arms as a tangible confidence-building measure, and to signal the start of a process.

I am going to speak in exercise of the right of reply to what the South Korean Foreign Minister said this morning. We know a bit about the gentleman from Seoul. But this morning we were surprised at how brazen-faced he was and at his ignorance of politics. Judging that the people of the world do not know the realities on the Korean peninsula, he attempted to hurl mud at us and mislead the world public. From his statement today, we could see vividly the true colours of a politician from a colonial country. I am going to refute, point by point, what he said about us. First, we reject his allegations relating to human rights issues in our country. The problem lies with the South Korean authorities. We thought that Mr. Mandela, now the President of South Africa, was the person who had served the longest term in prison; but in South Korea there are still several dozen prisoners who have served more than 40 years in prison because they refused to be converted. Mr. Gong talked about separated families and the opening up of our society. These are precisely matters that we wanted to ask the South Korean authorities about, these authorities that are wielding the National Security Law over the people to suppress their ardent aspirations to the reunification of the country. The National Security Law prohibits the South Korean people from meeting their compatriots from the North, exchanging letters and even communicating by telephone with the people of the North. South Korean rulers have built a concrete wall along the military demarcation line to block traffic between the North and the South. In these circumstances, it is impossible to imagine that separated families could meet. I would like to take this opportunity to appeal to the world community to exert its influence over the South Korean authorities to abolish the inhumane and unethical National Security Law and to break down the concrete wall so that separated families can meet. As to the nuclear issue, this originated with the United States. South Korean authorities committed a crime by asking for a nuclear umbrella from outside forces. The problem here is that South Korea has no say at all on the nuclear issue. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United States have the authority to solve this problem. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United States have already agreed to settle this issue. Therefore, South Korean authorities have nothing to do but sit and see what we are doing. The Armistice Agreement was signed by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United States. South Korea opposed the Armistice Agreement. Today, the armistice mechanism does not work, as the United States has systematically destroyed it. It now only serves as a camouflage for the foreign occupation of South Korea. In these circumstances, we propose to the United States side that talks be held to establish a new peace mechanism. South Korea has no place to turn because it is not a real party to the Armistice Agreement. If South Korea is really concerned about peace on the Korean peninsula, it would do better to sit quietly and watch what is going on between the DPRK and the United States. As for the talks between the North and the South, how can we think of sitting at a table with those who have tried their utmost, even during this session, to slander the dialogue partner? If South Korean authorities really want talks with us, they should begin by apologizing before the nation for their unethical acts last year, when the people of the North were grieving over the death of their fatherly leader, President Kim Il Sung, and at least show sincerity

Several delegations today once again brought up the question of nuclear tests. Some made an effort to weigh their words carefully, but others did not show the same restraint. The delegation of France wishes to emphasize once again that the judgements levelled in this fashion are not an objective assessment of the facts. Let me recall that France’s conclusion of the current programme must be seen for what it is. This is the conclusion of a series limited to eight tests at the most, and it will be completed before the end of May 1996. Our objective remains the achievement next year of the conclusion of a truly meaningful ban, one which will prohibit all nuclear-weapon testing and all other nuclear explosions. In this regard, we can only applaud the fact that several delegations expressed approval of this fundamental objective and of my country’s commitment to this option — the first country to make such a commitment. Let me repeat that our programme to complete our tests does not endanger the environment, as several distinguished scientists have amply demonstrated. The programme is in accordance with law and with the commitments entered into by France — for extreme restraint is not the same thing as prohibition. Finally, this programme makes it possible for France resolutely to argue the case for the most satisfactory and the most rigorous option with regard to the scope of the test-ban treaty. I wish also to recall that a member of the French Government recently held frank and positive talks with representatives of the South Pacific Forum and assured them of France’s determination to maintain and develop its cooperation with the States members of the Forum.

In his statement to the General Assembly this afternoon, Mr. Galo Leoro, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ecuador, referred to incidents that had taken place between our two countries at the beginning of the year and to the continuing differences between us in our bilateral relations. In this regard, the delegation of Peru would like to make the following points. Peru denies the existence of a territorial problem with Ecuador, because, in accordance with international law, the Rio de Janeiro Protocol of 1942 established an internationally recognized border, with a commitment by four countries — Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States of America — to ensure it. A clear distinction must be drawn between a border — which in this case has already been established and internationally recognized — and its demarcation, which is its implementation on the ground. Peru recognizes that certain sections of the common border still have not been demarcated, and achieving that demarcation is the very purpose of point 6 of the Paz de Itamaratí Declaration, of February of this year. Peru, in a timely manner, informed the United Nations Security Council of the unexpected onset of armed conflict in January of this year. At this time, we are determined to resolve, within the legal framework that established our border, the differences we have with Ecuador.

Its significance notwithstanding, the very existence of the Rio de Janeiro Protocol implies that a vast area has still to be delimited: an area of the divortium aquarium Santiago Zamora, which, geographically speaking, does not exist; therefore this question has no solution. The Dias de Aguiar verdict was reached in 1945, before this problem came up, which was in 1947. That problem, therefore, still remains. We referred to the representatives of the guarantor countries because of their participation in the recent events that have helped actively in the easing of this conflict. For that very reason, we cannot but reiterate what I said in my earlier statement, namely that although it implies serious differences between the two countries, they are differences that do exist, and continue to exist, in accordance with the point 6 of the Declaration of Itamartí.

It is with great reluctance that I have chosen to intervene, owing to With regard to the nuclear question, my delegation would like to draw the attention of the representative to the fact that last Friday, 22 September, in Vienna, the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) adopted one more resolution, by a vote of 74 to none, on North Korea’s non-compliance with the IAEA safeguards agreement. It is our sincere hope that North Korea will abide by its obligations under the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and under the safeguards agreement that it concluded with the IAEA. At the same time, my delegation urges North Korea once again to come forward to hold a dialogue with the South for the prompt implementation of the Joint Declaration on Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. The protection of human rights has been, and continues to be, a top priority on my Government’s agenda. Since the inauguration of the civilian government in 1993, in particular, a number of reform measures have been taken to enhance human rights in my country. The record of the protection and improvement of human rights in the Republic of Korea is well documented in many authoritative reports and studies, including those by major human rights watchdog organizations around the globe, and is also reflected in our continued membership in the Commission on Human Rights. Therefore, North Korea’s attempt to denigrate the good name of Korea in the realm of human rights can only be scoffed at by the international community. I believe that the North Korean delegation has chosen the wrong subject, at the wrong time, in the wrong place, because the United Nations is a forum in which lies and distortions of the facts can be detected easily. Many representatives have been to my country and have seen for themselves how fully-fledged democracy has blossomed there. My delegation wishes to take this opportunity to cite briefly the June 1994 report of Amnesty International on the status of political prisoners in North Korea. A particularly alarming fact in the report was the disclosure of the names of a large number of political prisoners who are kept in detention centres across the country. It is According to an annual report on human rights by an authoritative organization, “the North Korean regime subjects its citizens to rigid control and establishes security ratings for each individual, which determines access to employment, schools, medical facilities and certain stores, as well as admission to the Korean Working Party. The regime permits no independent press or associations, and little outside information reaches the public, except that approved and disseminated by the Government”. Another striking piece of evidence of the miserable human rights situation in North Korea is the fact that over the course of one year, the number of defectors to my country from the North Korean lumber camps in Siberia has reached almost 60. If the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is truly, as it has claimed, a “State where human rights are respected and surely guaranteed”, my delegation urges it to open its society and allow the international community to see firsthand the current state of its human rights situation. Moreover, we ask that detainees and individuals who have been separated from their families be allowed at least to communicate with their families and loved ones. Lastly, I will dismiss all other statements by North Korea, because we all know that, regardless of the unreasonable arguments they advance or any further attempts to mislead the international community, the Republic of Korea is a success in terms of democratization and economic prosperity, in which all Korean people can take pride.

For the second time, and recalling that there is a five- minute limit on such statements, I call on the representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

Once again, it seems to me that the representative of South Korea is very ignorant of the issues on the Korean peninsula. I advise him to study very Secondly, only one month ago, in South Korea, a long-term prisoner was set free. He served 43 years in prison. I am also very surprised that the representative of South Korea was not proud of his National Security Law. He never mentioned the National Security Law, or what it really means to the Korean people. We also want to ask the South Korean representative about his remarks just now concerning the Amnesty International. Who gave the data to Amnesty International to slander our country? It was the South Korean authorities. We therefore reject all the allegations of the South Korean representative. I once again advise him to better acquaint himself with the situation in his own country, and what the National Security Law really means to our nation.

For the second time, I now call on the representative of Peru.

I shall be very brief at this stage in the debate. It is important for the General Assembly to have the following clarification. The accords which may exist in terms of demarcation between Peru and Ecuador were in due course submitted to arbitration agreed upon by both countries. The arbitration took place within the framework of the treaty guaranteed by four countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States, and it was accepted by both parties. Ecuador continued to implement the demarcation thus established for a considerable period of time, even mentioning the arbitration I have referred to. Peru believes that it is important to acknowledge that the Protocol of Rio de Janeiro of 1942, as well as the arbitration I have mentioned, are part and parcel of binding international law.

For the second time, I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ecuador.

It is clear that what the Ambassador of Peru has just said refers to a case in which there was a judgement in 1945. But it is clear from a map prepared by the aerial mapping service of the United States for a commission at the time that no such geographical element as the divortium aquarium between the Santiago and Zamora rivers appears. It actually appeared only in 1947, so it is hardly possible that it could have been resolved by a judgement dated 1945. The events of 1947 led the Government of Ecuador to ask the guarantor countries of the Protocol to invite Peru for a joint inquiry in order to remove doubts In the Hamaraty Peace Declaration, paragraph 6, can be found mention of “unresolved matters”. Some are related to demarcation, and others refer to delimitation, and there is no doubt about these issues whatsoever.

For the second time, I now call on the representative of the Republic of Korea.

It is with the deepest regret that I speak again in order to reply to yet another unreasonable statement made by the North Korean delegation. I will be brief in my remarks concerning the National Security Law. The position of my Government with regard to the National Security Law has been fully expressed several times, including at the Commission on Human Rights in Geneva. The situation in the Korean peninsula has remained as the last legacy of the cold war, and requires our sensitivity and patience. Although it is the wish of the Korean people for the improvement of the political situation so that some provisions of the Law would no longer be necessary, a national consensus was reached to maintain the Law to sustain peace, freedom, democracy and human rights in our country. The National Security Law will be abolished as soon as North Korea renounces its policy of aggression. The meeting rose at 6.25 p.m.