A/54/PV.15 General Assembly

The Assembly will first hear an address by the President of the Republic of Bulgaria.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Bulgaria, His Excellency Mr. Petar Stoyanov, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Stoyanov: May I first congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to this responsible position. I am sure that your vast knowledge and experience are a guarantee of the success of this session. I avail myself of this opportunity to express my most sincere congratulations also to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his contribution to strengthening the role of the United Nations in line with the challenges of the modern world. I am going to spare the Assembly the review of this year's international developments that it probably anticipated, because I come from a region that has generated enough bad news and is still the focus of world attention. Some of the developments in our region were not the result of human will. The earthquakes in Turkey and Greece, which claimed tens of thousands of victims, shook the world. Regrettably, man-made disasters have taken a high toll on our region. The war in Kosovo, the fourth in a row in the former Yugoslavia, has left in its wake a comparable trail of tragedies. Now that the war is over, there are two things we must do: as soon as possible, repair the damage and alleviate the trauma it has inflicted, and build an infrastructure of security and prosperity that precludes any future repetition of such tragic events. The international community has in the past set itself similar ambitious tasks. This time, I hope, the experience it has gained has reached the critical mass needed for the achievement of lasting peace settlements in conflict areas. The consequences of the Kosovo crisis have spilled over the borders of the region. That is why I find it worthwhile to share with the Assembly some conclusions about what was, hopefully, the last war in the Balkans. With the adoption of Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), the world community has endorsed the political end of the system established by the cold war. That resolution reflected the new international status quo and the understanding that has grown during the past 10 years of the importance of individual security. Paradoxical as it may sound, the Kosovo crisis has served as a catalyst of post-bipolar relations and of a new type of political dialogue among States. Significantly, for the first time since the Second World War, four permanent Security Council members are participating in one force — KFOR. Furthermore, they have been involved in peacekeeping operations — something that would have been unthinkable 10 years ago. The Kosovo crisis has also highlighted the need for change within the United Nations system itself. For example, the world Organization is in serious need of a mechanism for compensating neighbouring States for damage caused by international intervention or sanctions. I raise this issue not only because of the losses sustained by my country during the past eight years from the embargo against Iraq and because of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, but also because this will increase the efficiency and boost the image of the United Nations. It will certainly improve the credibility of United Nations-led operations and provide better motivation for individual countries to participate. On the other hand, the crisis in Kosovo promoted a new type of relations among international organizations in respect of the protection of human rights. As a result of the crisis, a new kind of interface has been born between the United Nations and the regional organizations in Europe, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union and regional initiatives such as the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe. This has strengthened the role of the United Nations on that continent. Today, the Balkan people expect the international community to show the same commitment to the future of the region as it did during the crisis. Threats to peace and security should cease to be the only international mobilizing factor, and we must act towards this end. I am convinced that the developments in the former Yugoslavia have not been due to some peculiar Balkan mentality or to any historic predestination. Half a century Unfortunately, a different lot fell to the countries of South-Eastern Europe after the Second World War. States like Greece and Turkey, both NATO members, preserved and built up their potential for liberal-democratic development and a free market, and the rest of the States in the region were forced to become a part of the Soviet communist system. Today, 10 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Balkans still lack democratic homogeneity. This has been a source of tensions, which, translated into ethnic hatred, are the favoured tool of any totalitarian regime attempting to cling to power. But I am sure it is wrong to apply a common denominator to the whole region. Today Bulgaria, as well as most of the Balkan States, is a country with a working democracy, a free market economy and the rule of law. An earlier democratic homogenization of South- Eastern Europe can be achieved only if the vision for our countries' integration with the rest of the European States is shared by both the Balkan nations and the people of Western Europe. Efforts and perseverance to this end are the safest guarantee for converting the whole of Europe into a continent of peace, stability and prosperity. This common European vision fully applies to the future Yugoslavia. There is hardly any country that has a higher stake in Yugoslavia's earliest possible integration in the family of democratic Balkan States than Bulgaria. I cannot but share here the concern of the world community at the continuing ethnic tensions in Kosovo, which distance us from the desired state of peace and ethnic tolerance. Six months ago I firmly supported NATO's operation, designed to end ethnic violence against the Albanian population in Kosovo. Today, just as firmly, I oppose ethnic violence against the Serb population in that province. The Balkans have paid a high price for peace in Kosovo. Today the region needs direct assistance for its reconstruction. The priority beneficiaries should clearly be The General Assembly is the right forum to discuss the issue of how this can be done. The path leads through the direct rehabilitation and reconstruction of the Balkans — the best form of assistance for our region being “help for self-help”. The Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe can provide the necessary framework. We are convinced that the economic prosperity of the region is a vital condition for achieving political stability. We need infrastructure and strategic investment that generate and guarantee more security than any political dialogue. We need the promotion of trade and a maximum involvement of the economic potential of our countries in the reconstruction effort. This will encourage them to cooperate with each other, while opening up the region and transforming it into a natural, organic part of Europe, rather than isolating it. The crisis in Kosovo will be long over before its effects, such as the blockage of the Danube to shipping, have been eliminated. The international waterway should not become a new line of conflict; we should help it play its natural role of a link rather than allow it to act as a dividing line across Europe. The issue I am raising at this point concerns both the economic damage that has been caused and the very principles of the European architecture since the end of the crisis in Kosovo. The location of the Balkans at a crossroads has been a curse for its people in the past; in today's globalized world, it is our greatest blessing. The Balkans should serve as a link between Western Europe and Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea. It is one of the most promising regions for the coming century. A case in point is the restoration of the historic silk road, which crosses the whole of Asia and links it to Europe. Restoration will entail huge infrastructure projects and investment which in turn could improve the quality of life of whole nations and regions. The Balkan nations have already demonstrated a willingness to adopt a new approach in their relations with one another. The various forms of aid which neighbouring States generously offered each other in response to the I cannot fail to mention here the success of the trilateral initiatives between Bulgaria, Romania and Greece and between Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey for cooperation in combating organized crime and illegal drugs and arms trafficking. The Kosovo crisis calls for a contemporary rereading of the chronicles of the Balkan wars by all the Balkan peoples: the modern perspective will reveal to them that those wars have done no country in the region any good. The new task facing the political elite is to translate these lessons of history into a lasting commitment to peace and cooperation. Having paid such a high price in suffering and fear, it would be a pity if we failed to learn from our experience. In conclusion, I reiterate my country's willingness to cooperate with and contribute actively to the joint efforts of all Member States to streamline the United Nations, an Organization with a key role in maintaining international peace and security and achieving the objectives of sustainable development in the coming century.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Bulgaria for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of El Salvador.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of El Salvador, His Excellency President Flores Pérez (spoke in Spanish): I should like to take this opportunity to thank Mr. Didier Opertti for his tireless work during the session just closed. I should also like, on behalf of my Government and my compatriots, to thank the Secretary-General for his tireless work to carry forward the principles that unite all the nations represented in this Hall. I should like to tell the Assembly about the fundamental challenges facing my country, which have to do, in those more specific circumstances, with those more universal issues that are the concern of this Organization of all nations. In only my fourth month as President of El Salvador, I believe I must say that I recognize what a great honour it is for me to address the Assembly. During the months when I was a presidential candidate, my country was full of confused and contradictory ideas as to its direction and destiny. I therefore felt the need to counter the many opposing viewpoints with the one inescapable argument — the reality of my country — in order to find what direction that should be. That is why I dropped the political debate to delve deeply into the only matter that is of interest to any candidate in El Salvador: reading the relationship between the citizens of El Salvador and their country in order to move forward. That enabled me to identify with rural people, potters, industrialists and tradespeople in their efforts to build a decent future for themselves and their families. At no time during the conversations that I had in various parts of my country was I asked for privileges or perquisites, and neither did people demand assistance programmes: they all wanted to see their own families' destinies built on a foundation of decent work and their own efforts. That requirement, those aspirations addressed to my Government — and to which my Administration is duty bound — are what bring me to this rostrum to address the Assembly. It seems to me that in recent decades significant progress has been made by our region and by the world as a whole in developing all the political freedoms. My country in particular has moved rapidly during the past seven years through universal suffrage to democratic institutions and the will of the people expressed in all organs of the State. Just seven years ago, El Salvador was completely divided by a fratricidal war; today it has a fully However, I must say that the commitment of nations to political freedom finds no corresponding stimulus to or development of economic freedoms: developed countries respond to our efforts to bring our products to the world market with protectionism, trade barriers and quotas. By contrast, our nations are completely open; we have complete economic freedom; we welcome free trade with all nations. What is the cause of this discontinuity between political freedoms and economic freedoms? How can we promote political freedom and democracy when the world is being closed to economic freedom? Neither I nor my compatriots are asking the world for assistance because of poverty: we are trying to build honourable nations forged by our own work. That is the aspiration of my compatriots, of El Salvador, and of all nations that can hold up their heads in dignity. It is absurd for us to be called upon to demonstrate openness when the developed countries respond with protectionism. That is why it is important that I highlight these essential challenges. We must choose the path of freedom, but not freedom limited to certain areas. It must be freedom in all its fullness. If political freedom is not matched by economic freedom, how can we justify the efforts of those of us who are trying to change our countries institutionally in order to make them freer? Some in our region are waxing nostalgic about State interventionism and other forms of authoritarianism, as a way of solving our problems. Future generations will not judge us only by our deeds; they will judge us too by what we fail to do. If we lack the courage to speak or to act, they will demand to know why, on the threshold of the new millennium, we did not want genuinely to open the world to freedom. Let me acknowledge United Nations assistance and intervention in my country. The efforts of Salvadorans to meet our aspirations to lasting peace would not have met with success without the proper forum through which to bring conciliation among Salvadorans: the United Nations. We must therefore express our gratitude to the Organization, a house of concord among nations, and to its Member States, for their involvement in the achievement of our Peace Agreement. El Salvador has Following the armed conflict, hundreds of thousands of Salvadorans were forced to leave their homes and communities in order to feed their families. Many of my compatriots have been received in nations represented in this Hall. Let me address the nations in which Salvadorans are living, sometimes in difficult circumstances: I ask for understanding for my compatriots; they are in your countries solely because they have to earn a living for their families. They must not be blamed for social tensions that predate their arrival. I call for respect for those Salvadorans. Citizens of the world do not lose their dignity or their rights when they become emigrants. And I wish to send this message to my compatriots scattered across the globe because of the armed struggle: in El Salvador there will always be room for them to thrive. Our common destiny is linked to our hopes and to a hopeful future: that we should be together. I am here not only to represent you but to defend your rights. In the name of the freedom I have so often evoked, let me speak of a matter that has been a concern of the General Assembly: that of the Republic of China on Taiwan. We believe that when a people, expressing its sovereign will through democratic elections, elects officials, chooses a common destiny and builds a vision of its relations with the rest of the world, it is has the absolute right to participate on an equal footing with the rest of us in this forum. For nearly 50 years, we Salvadorans have maintained relations of all kinds with the Republic of China on Taiwan. It is our firm hope that that friendly people will be able to have a voice in this forum. We also express our concern that so many years have gone by, and that the matter of setting up operational machinery to promote peace among nations has so often come before the Security Council without any resolution. It is a paradox that, as we speak of concord for the next millennium, we have been unable to reach agreement on this matter. This weakens all; it weakens the United Nations. It is a betrayal of the beliefs of all the nations that want the Organization to participate actively in promoting peace. I stand in solidarity with nations that have been the victims of natural disasters. We in Central America owe a debt of gratitude to all who helped us when the recent In solidarity between the peoples of Latin America and in solidarity between our two countries — for we too have experienced such a conflict — we offer our brothers in Colombia any kind of assistance or experience they ask for to deal successfully with this problem so like the one that tore apart the lives of the people of El Salvador. In this Hall that is the forum for the comity of nations, it is incumbent upon us to give substance to the rhetoric of our words. For this reason, since you have done me the honour of patiently listening to me, I would like to say to you that we, just as you, in our efforts for our common future, foresee that the entire world will live in peace, justice and liberty in the years to come.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I thank the President of the Republic of El Salvador for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of Mongolia.

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of Mongolia, Mr. Rinchinnyamyn Amarjargal, and inviting him to address the General Assembly. The United Nations is a truly universal organization comprising large and small, developed and developing countries. This year its membership reached 188 with the admission of three new members: I take this opportunity to convey the warm congratulations of the Mongolian people to the peoples of Kiribati, Nauru and Tonga on this auspicious occasion. It is gratifying to note that our Organization is not only enlarging its ranks but is also making tangible efforts to restructure its activities in order to enhance its efficiency and effectiveness. This is a movement in the right direction. Further promotion of reforms is in the interests of the entire international community, especially the small and medium- sized States. Mongolia consistently supports United Nations reforms aimed at further strengthening the Organization’s role in ensuring international peace and security and promoting disarmament, development, social progress and the peaceful settlement of conflicts in various parts of the world. Increasing globalization and interdependence make it imperative that the international community should redouble its cooperative efforts to meet existing and future challenges and ensure a more secure environment for all nations. Globalization and interdependence also demonstrate the growing importance of multilateralism in world affairs and thus the need to further strengthen and invigorate the United Nations and other international institutions. As a result of its reforms, the United Nations should become more viable and effective, addressing the world’s problems equitably. The 1999 report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization (A/54/1) gives, in our view, a clear and analytical review of United Nations activities, its achievements and setbacks, and the challenges that lie ahead; it contains specific proposals on further measures to improve the Organization’s performance the better to serve the interests of its Member States. The Mongolian Government is supportive of the idea advanced by the Secretary-General in paragraph 61 of his report concerning Mongolia is consistently pursuing its all-embracing democratic reforms and its transition to a market economy. Neither is easy. However, the Government and the people of Mongolia are strongly committed to the choice they made 10 years ago. From this rostrum, I would like to reaffirm that the democratic process in Mongolia is irreversible and that Mongolia’s foreign policy will remain constant. My Government greatly appreciates the support and assistance given Mongolia by the international community of donor countries and international organizations. That support and assistance continue to be an important factor in our reform and development efforts. The major thrust of Mongolia’s development strategy is to accelerate economic growth by further advancing macroeconomic stabilization and development of a private-sector-led economy. Mongolia is giving high priority to creating an economic system that is flexible, open, allows a free flow of foreign capital, ensures a competitive environment and is underpinned by stable government policies and a reinvigorated, modern financial sector that encourages economic growth. In pursuing this policy, my Government pays particular attention to the social dimensions of economic reforms, namely poverty alleviation, unemployment reduction and protection for the vulnerable strata of the country’s population. Mongolia’s foreign policy activities aim to create a favourable external environment for implementing this development strategy. At the same time, my country is striving to make its contribution to strengthening international peace and stability generally as well as promoting dialogue and cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region. Active participation in regional affairs — integration into regional processes coupled with consolidation of our bilateral ties with the countries of the region — is one of Mongolia’s foreign policy priorities. I am pleased to say that this year has been especially fruitful in this respect. International developments highlight once again the fragility of peace and stability in certain areas of the world and the need for concerted actions and for the While noting some positive developments in international relations, Mongolia is seriously concerned with the lingering zones of tension, ethnic strife and armed conflict in Africa, Asia and Europe. It calls on the parties involved to display restraint and seek peaceful solutions through political dialogue and negotiations. In this context Mongolia welcomes the resumption of the peace process in the Middle East, which in our view should lead to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the region in compliance with the relevant Security Council resolutions and the principle of land for peace. Mongolia also duly appreciates the steps taken by the Security Council to address the emergency situation in East Timor and welcomes the cooperative approach of the Government of Indonesia regarding the establishment of a multinational force to halt and reverse the escalation of the human catastrophe there. The people of East Timor have overwhelmingly expressed themselves in favour of independence. My delegation stresses the importance of continuing the intra-Korean dialogue and the four-party talks for peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the Asia- Pacific region in general. We are concerned about the tension in South Asia and add our voice to that of the international community, which is calling on India and Pakistan to proceed to political dialogue and search for a peaceful solution to their dispute. Peace and stability are essential prerequisites for promoting economic development and social progress. That is why arms control and disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, remain at the top of the global agenda. Efforts to achieve further substantive progress in arms control and disarmament should be intensified. Agreements should be honoured and implemented. Nuclear tests, missile technology developments, concerns over the anti-ballistic missile treaty — all point to the urgent need for invigorating our activities in this field. International arms control efforts need to be comprehensive and include all aspects of arms and military technology. Strengthening of the nuclear non-proliferation regime stands out as one of the top priorities, due not only to the devastating nature of nuclear weapons and the enormous existing arsenal of them, Mongolia fully supports adopting multilateral norms restraining the development and possession of medium- range missiles and preventing their proliferation. We believe that progress on the START track will be helpful in advancing disarmament negotiations in all areas. Nuclear disarmament also calls for speedy agreement on banning fissile materials for nuclear-weapons purposes. Mongolia continues to attach great importance to establishing effective international arrangements to assure non-nuclear-weapon States against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. My delegation welcomes the outcome of the 1999 sessions of the Disarmament Commission and of the Preparatory Committee for the year 2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Mongolia attaches great importance to the role of the Review Conference in strengthening the international regime of nuclear non- proliferation. It also favours the earliest possible convening of the fourth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. Three years have elapsed since the adoption by the General Assembly of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test- Ban Treaty, which was a landmark event in the field of nuclear disarmament. Regrettably, this important international instrument has not yet come into force. Mongolia wishes to reiterate its call on those States that have not done so to sign and ratify the Treaty as soon as possible and thus contribute to the expeditious realization of its noble objectives. We sincerely hope that the forthcoming conference of the States that have ratified this Treaty will be conducive to taking the necessary measures to this end. It is our belief that all States, irrespective of their size and weight, can facilitate the attaining of the overall goal of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament. That is why we believe that the establishment of nuclear- weapon-free zones in different parts of the world should be encouraged and supported. For its part, Mongolia is making efforts in this respect by declaring its territory a nuclear-weapon-free zone and taking the subsequent steps necessary to institutionalize its nuclear-weapon-free status. Last year the General Assembly adopted by consensus resolution 53/77 D on Mongolia’s international security and nuclear-weapon-free status. This was a Recently Mongolia hosted a United Nations regional disarmament meeting, one of the agenda items of which was the issue of Mongolia’s international security and nuclear-weapon-free status. The meeting proved to be useful in clarifying the pressing security issues, and it provided an opportunity for the first in-depth analysis and discussion of Mongolia’s nuclear-weapon-free status in the light of its external security. We believe that identifying and defining Mongolia’s nuclear-weapon-free status will contribute to enhancing predictability, stability and confidence in north-east Asia. My Government fully shares the aspirations to ban anti-personnel landmines and welcomes the entry into force of the Ottawa Convention. The illicit trafficking in small arms and light weapons is a matter of growing concern for the international community. Therefore Mongolia supports the convening of an international conference to consider this issue in 2001. Considering that only comprehensive arms-control and disarmament measures will be effective in ensuring international security, we, like many others, stand for prompt agreement on a new comprehensive and non- selective agenda for disarmament that will address the relevant issues in a balanced manner, taking into account, among other things, the need to prevent the development and use of new weapons as well as to demilitarize the global economy by reducing military budgets and shifting resources towards human-security programmes. Development issues continue to be the focus of attention of national Governments and international organizations and undoubtedly will be a major challenge in the forthcoming century. Globalization affects all States, though differently and unevenly. Many developing countries, particularly the least developed, not only fail to The Asian economic and financial crisis has had significant socio-economic and security implications for the countries of the region. Though the situation is somehow stabilizing and the countries directly hit by the crisis are showing some signs of recovery, the international community should draw the necessary lessons from this crisis and consider ways and means of preventing such crises in the future. While appreciating the work done by the United Nations in the social and economic fields, my delegation would like to underline the importance of taking further effective measures to ensure the best utilization of the existing capacities and comparative advantages of the Organization. Therefore, it seems appropriate to stress the necessity of closer interaction and cooperation between the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions, the World Trade Organization (WTO) and other relevant international organizations. The financing of development represents a very sensitive and pressing issue that requires special attention on the part of the international community. Mongolia believes that the high-level intergovernmental meeting on financing for development to be held in 2001 will be timely in exploring the various options of promoting financial stability and development. In this respect, relieving the debt burden of the highly indebted developing countries would be a form of contribution to their development efforts. We also attach great importance to the South-South summit and the tenth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD X), to be held next year. Mongolia supports the universality of the World Trade Organization. The new round of multilateral trade negotiations should facilitate the integration of the developing countries into the world economy. The expansion of international cooperation for development should place particular emphasis on assisting the most vulnerable countries, which find themselves more and more marginalized and insecure. Unfavourable geographical location serves as a major impediment to the development efforts of landlocked developing countries. The problems of this group of States demand the increased attention and support of the international In North-East Asia, efforts are under way to conclude a subregional agreement on transit transportation as a follow-up to the decisions of the 1997 Ulan Bator meeting on transit transportation. The conclusion of this agreement will create a legal framework for facilitating transit trade not only within the subregion, but well beyond it. Sustainable development, environmental degradation, illicit drug trafficking, HIV/AIDS, organized crime and other transboundary problems should be adequately addressed at the national, regional and global levels. The “+5” review special sessions of the General Assembly held or scheduled to be held as follow-ups to the United Nations summit conferences are important not only for assessing the work done, but also for giving a fresh impetus to the implementation of their objectives at all levels. At the national level, Mongolia, in close partnership with the United Nations organizations and the non- governmental organizations, successfully organized the One-World Conference Series in 1998-1999. The aim of the six national conferences was to raise awareness at the grass-roots level of the commitments made at the global conferences and to ensure their integrated and coordinated follow-up. Mongolia is committed to the promotion and protection of human rights and supports the strengthening of the existing international instruments in this field. We believe that the approval at this session of the draft optional protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women would mark an important contribution to the protection and promotion of human rights and the dignity of women the world over. Continued gross violations of human rights make it imperative to speed up the establishment of the International Criminal Court. Mongolia highly appreciates and fully supports the efforts of the international community in this respect. Likewise, Mongolia joins other States in condemning terrorist acts that are taking the lives of an increasing number of innocent people in various parts of the world and supports every effort of Member States and of the international community as a whole to fight all This year, the United Nations Decade of International Law is drawing to a close. The decade has been instrumental in drawing the international community's attention to the need for the codification and progressive development of international law. Today, international law is regulating many aspects of international relations. I agree with the Secretary-General that one of the greatest accomplishments of the twentieth century is the creation of an international code of human rights, to which the outgoing Decade has duly contributed. One of the practical results of the Decade was the adoption last year, on Mongolia's initiative, by the General Assembly of a set of principles and guidelines for international negotiations that could be useful in conducting negotiations to manage international relations, to peacefully settle disputes and to create new international norms of conduct for States. Fully conscious of the challenges that lie ahead, mankind still looks forward to the twenty-first century with great expectations and hope. I believe it is the earnest hope and keen desire of all the peoples of the world that the next century be far better in all respects, more progressive and prosperous, than the outgoing one. Where there is a will, there will surely be a way to achieve it. It is up to Member States to make the dream a reality. As the Secretary-General has underlined in his report, we can do it.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Mongolia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of Cape Verde.

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of Cape Verde, Mr. Veiga, and inviting him to address the General Assembly. We would like to express our appreciation and gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for the professionalism and devotion with which he conducted the work of the Assembly at its fifty-third session. We would also like to say that, at a time when the international community must confront complex challenges, it is a great privilege for the United Nations to be able to rely on the creativity, dynamism and determination that the Secretary-General brings to his lofty office. We are pleased to welcome the Republics of Kiribati and Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga as new members in our Organization. The annual session of the General Assembly which opened a few days ago will lead us into the next millennium; during the session, preparations will be made for various important events planned for the year 2000, including the special sessions of the General Assembly on the implementation of the outcome of the World Summit for Social Development and Further Initiatives and the Fourth World Conference on Women. The fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly will also prepare for a major event, the millennium summit. Therefore, this will be a time when we will need to demonstrate not only our most lucid thinking, but also and perhaps primarily a firm will to act. The core of our discussions will be the great challenges that humanity faces today and will face in the foreseeable future, and we will need to identify what must be done to meet them successfully. In that regard, clarification of the role which the United Nations must play and specific ways for it to attain this goal must be a priority of the summit agenda. We are at the end of a decade marked by a new phase in international affairs, a decade, however, that was one of unmet expectations when we think back to how high they were at its beginning. The experience of the past few years has been one of continuous increase in the complexity and frequency of emerging situations leading to a veritable overhaul of concepts and perceptions. But we are not sure Given that the destiny of humankind is a collective challenge, control over it must be sought collectively for it to be meaningful. The effective implementation of the concept of “international community”, which has been the basis of our political philosophy for a long time now, can no longer be avoided or postponed as it has been so far. When the millennium summit meets a year from now, the leaders of the world must be prepared to start rebuilding an international community and usher in a new era in which sustainable human development will become a real right for all peoples; in which international justice will be more effective; and in which the United Nations Charter will no longer be applied in a manner that bends with the wind. Democracy as a means of ordering and managing societies has seen important progress during this decade. In its most visible aspects, such as the selection of leaders through pluralistic, more transparent processes, it is based on an understanding that governance by elected officials can and should bring peace, prosperity and justice to a society and that elected leaders are politically accountable for the results obtained. As we all know, these assumptions are not absolute and are becoming even less so. When looking at governments individually, it is apparent that command and control of important factors which determine the well-being of citizens are sorely lacking. Meeting the necessary conditions for each State to succeed depends to a large extent on multilateral concertation and cooperation. This dialogue between States, however, will not be enough to resolve all the points at issue, which are increasingly in the hands of third parties. Today, therefore, there is a growing gap between social responsibility — which remains limited to the public and the political domains — and the availability The progress to which we aspire will always coexist with differences and even inequality. Of that we are well aware. But the shocking magnitude of poverty today must provoke a gut feeling of rejection that makes it imperative for this situation to be remedied at any cost. The palliative measures that we seek to introduce and maintain should not lull us and cannot take the place of definitive solutions. It is imperative that poverty should no longer be seen as an acceptable or inevitable by-product of the economic and social process: rather, we should come to see it as a serious breakdown in it that must be attacked and corrected. Even in societies considered to be well off, poverty victimizes certain segments of the population that lack even the minimum material conditions to live in dignity. The least- developed countries are even less able to roll back poverty in any meaningful way. Speaking of poverty necessarily prompts a discussion of the situation in Africa, where the greatest number of least-developed countries are found. We have said before — and this does not detract from Africa's own, inherent responsibility — that the way Africa has been left out of development is also a failure of the international system. Africa's development difficulties have often been aggravated by conflicts, but we cannot just wait for peace to happen there or be discouraged by the current situation. Finally, while conflicts in Africa have many causes, economic underdevelopment has been recognized as an important factor. It is therefore regrettable to witness the reduction in development assistance in Africa; this has a direct negative impact on the living conditions of its peoples, including a decline in health standards, the dooming to failure of adequate education prospects and a slowdown in provision of the necessary African infrastructure. The impact has been worsened by the decrease in official development assistance to small island developing States, some of which — in apparent contradiction to their particular structural constraints — are showing relatively acceptable human development indicators and higher gross national product per head indicators than those found at the bottom of the world scale. That, together with the good performance of these We would not claim that our countries should be spared from changing and improving in order to mobilize and rechannel resources towards these areas and many others that I have mentioned. I would, however, stress that this reduction in assistance, due to a certain “fatigue” that sometimes takes on the appearance of a form of punishment, cannot solve anything. Rather, development assistance policy should continue to seek means of combating and eliminating wasteful activities and guarantee an effective channelling of resources towards activities that are necessary to development. Of course, we agree that official development assistance is not the key to prosperity. But, added to vigorous strides with regard to debt to ease the current financial stranglehold, it facilitates the creation of favourable human and material conditions for direct investment, competitiveness, fruitful trade and Africa’s lasting integration into the world economy. This reference to Africa’s external debt is not mere rhetoric. While welcoming recent steps taken and announced by countries and groups of creditors that have a particular solidarity with Africa, I must say that this question has for too long been dealt with too ungenerously, too late and too slowly. Today’s steps, limited in content and in the range of countries concerned, and with overly restrictive eligibility conditions, would have had much more impact if they had been taken when they were so urgently demanded a long time ago. Moreover, they would have facilitated the continuation and necessary deepening of the economic and political reforms under way on the African continent, and would have stimulated increased African regional cooperation. After 24 years of illegal occupation and extreme suffering inflicted on the people of East Timor, the process of self-determination appeared to be leading to an honourable conclusion for all interested parties. But with great dismay and indignation we witnessed violent events in the Territory in recent weeks. These vile acts, perpetrated by people determined to reverse the choice of independence that the Timorese clearly expressed at the ballot box, could and should have been prevented, and they should receive the total rejection and most vigorous, effective condemnation of the international community. Since the illegal occupation and annexation of East Timor by Indonesia, Cape Verde always strongly We therefore welcome the arrival of the International Force in East Timor (INTERFET) and strongly support any necessary measures it might take to carry out its mission of restoring order and security; protecting the Timorese people from coercion, intimidation, violence and terrorism; and guaranteeing a peaceful transition towards independence. However, our pleasure at the effective quick reaction by the international community as a result of the pressure of worldwide public opinion should not allow us to forget the thousands of Timorese suffering great shortages and brutal violations of their most elementary human rights, or the men, women and children persecuted and forcibly deported to West Timor and elsewhere in Indonesia simply because they freely exercised the right of a people to self- determination under the aegis of the United Nations. It follows that the international community has a moral and legal duty to give them immediate, sufficient humanitarian assistance; to promote and guarantee the return of all Timorese refugees and deported persons, with dignity and security; to bring to international justice all those morally and physically responsible for crimes against humanity and gross violations of the most fundamental human rights, committed in East Timor in a planned, systematic way; and to provide substantial, effective support for the reconstruction of a country which has suffered from criminal, premeditated destruction. In Angola, unfortunately, hostilities have resumed and the prospects for the implementation of the Lusaka Protocol have vanished, despite United Nations intervention, which, it must be acknowledged, has not been successful. The clear inability of the international community to secure strict compliance by all the parties and States concerned with the commitments that they undertook under agreements negotiated under the aegis of the United Nations, including resolutions of its own bodies, has led to the re-emergence of this conflict. That is because it has not prevented UNITA from seriously rearming and impeding the extension of State administration to the whole of Angola's territory. One priority must be to bring together everything needed to deal with the unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe hitting Angola. The need is great and urgent. Everything possible should be done to provide immediate and adequate humanitarian assistance to the people suffering from the scourge of war. Cape Verde follows with the same fraternal solidarity developments in neighbouring Guinea-Bissau, where the Government is making preparations, with the assistance of the United Nations and the international community, to hold free democratic elections. We look forward to the success of the people of Guinea-Bissau as it enters a new stage in its life, when the whole of society is preparing to rebuild its country and to use all of its resources to improve its living conditions. We call upon the international community to provide ongoing generous support to rebuild the country within this long-term process. We welcome recent events reflecting the decision of the United Nations to intervene more concretely to maintain peace in Africa, particularly in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sierra Leone — and we hope soon in Eritrea and in Ethiopia. Today it is clear that our continent is more than ever determined to harmonize its efforts to control and resolve conflicts in the region while hoping for the necessary outside support to strengthen its capacity in this regard. Regional responsibilities cannot, however, take the place of the responsibilities of the United Nations, which must fully play the role given it by the Charter. As well as efforts to contain and resolve conflicts, there must be — as has often been stated, but all too often not put into practice — efforts to prevent them. They are often rooted in long-standing situations of injustice, exclusion, inequality and the denial of rights. The latter is something that individuals, groups and even whole nations continue to suffer from. While the conflicts prevailing today are basically internal, it would be irresponsible for us to ignore the external factors that feed them. From classic territorial disputes to more diffuse questions with an impact on the acquisition of advantages in economic competition, we see on the international scene various factors that thwart the desired security and balance. We must replace the narrow criterion of national self-interest, or its equivalents, as the paradigm of international affairs with multilateral participative arrangements based on equity. Among the items on the agenda that this session inherited from the previous one, reform of the Security Council is a key element for rebuilding and revitalizing the United Nations. For some years it has been the subject of ongoing negotiations. This entire time, we feel, was needed for the various bases and arguments underpinning existing positions and proposals to be properly understood. The questions posed are complex, and we cannot deny the relevance of any position. The basic divergence, we think, lies in the priority given by some to the preservation of the Council’s effectiveness and by others to the representation of the current body of Member States. We believe that the impasse we are facing is clear and that the consideration we have already given to the matter should enable us to take decisions in the not-too-distant future. We believe that increasing the Council’s effectiveness, while increasing the number of its members, is a challenge within our grasp. In our view, we should not give more weight to the size of the gap, which is quite small, between the various proposals made in this area than to the special nature of the fundamental principles of representative participation. For example, how can one, by attaching more importance to the question of effectiveness, refuse to give the African countries, which represent almost 30 per cent of the United Nations membership, at least two permanent seats enjoying full powers? We hope, Mr. President, that under your enlightened guidance we can make a big leap forward in the Before I conclude, I wish to reiterate what a constant source of inspiration the Charter is to us. I refer in particular to the noble and always relevant words of the preamble, whose implementation will be a constant challenge to us in the course of the century to come.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Cape Verde for the statement he has just made.

I now call on the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Croatia, His Excellency Mr. Mate Granic´.

On behalf of the delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and on my own behalf, I should like to warmly congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. I am convinced that, thanks to your experience and wisdom, this session will have a successful outcome. I should like also to express my thanks and great appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, for his important contribution and the effectiveness of his presidency during the fifty-third session. I should also like to congratulate and warmly welcome the three new States Members of the Organization: the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. The Government and the people of Viet Nam are pleased to greet those three Pacific countries and to assure them of our willingness to establish and develop fruitful and close cooperation. The current session of the General Assembly is of special significance. As a bridge between the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, it will prepare us for entering a new century and a new millennium. This is therefore an important moment, as it affords us the opportunity to take stock of the advent and evolution and the highs and lows of this greatest international Organization over more than half a century. Such an assessment will help us draw lessons and provide us with the necessary valuable experience from which we can identify what needs to be done so as to allow the United Nations to continue to play its role and exercise its influence in the world today and in the future. The twentieth century, which is drawing to a close, has been marked by great achievements for humankind at every level of its development, but it also requires us to reflect deeply about problems unforeseen in previous centuries. Two world wars and hundreds of protracted conflicts, civil wars and situations of local tension in various regions of the world have claimed the lives of more than 150 million people and left permanent scars, both spiritual and physical, on hundreds of millions of others. They have destroyed the creative achievements of many generations, some of which was irreplaceable. That has given human beings a deeper, more burning desire to live in peace, security, freedom and happiness, and to achieve stable and sustainable development for the benefit In spite of the important progress made towards the development of nation States during the twentieth century, we must acknowledge that humanity is confronted with many unresolved problems. Over the past few decades of this century, the explosion in science and technology, especially in the field of information technology, has changed the structure of many economies and profoundly affected the cultural and social life of every State. Our world has become a global village, geographic distance is less of a factor than it used to be, and interdependence, interaction and cooperation among States, regions and continents have continued to increase. It is unfortunate, however, that many of these achievements have not been used purely for the benefit humankind, but have been misused or even used abusively against humankind. The arms race, especially the development of nuclear weapons and other new weapons that are more and more sophisticated, dangerous and deadly weapons, is not only draining significant resources but also threatening to destroy people's lives and the environment. In the past year, the situation in certain regions has faced the international community with the challenge of the politics of diktat practised by a group of countries and regional organizations. The unilateral military attacks against the territorial integrity of sovereign States in the Balkans and the Gulf have set a dangerous precedent in international relations, running counter to the purposes and principles of the United Nations and in violation of the fundamental principles of international law, especially those of respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Member States. This presented a serious challenge to the role and effectiveness of the United Nations, as well as to its legal foundations. The first lesson to be learned from those events is that it is not possible for the United Nations to build or guarantee peace and security in the world at large or at the By so doing, the United Nations will be able to prevent any country or regional organization from using a pretext, or a cause such as human rights, for example, to trample on the independence, sovereignty or territorial integrity of another country or to interfere in its internal affairs. By so doing, the United Nations will be able to preserve its important role and to meet the expectations of Member States with respect to preventing policies of diktat and the use or threat of use of force in international relations. And by so doing, the United Nations will be able to help create and foster the climate of lasting peace and security that is needed for the solid, sustainable development that all Member countries need today and will need in the coming century. Today, peace and security have a dialectical and consistent link with development. Development has become an important element in the broadly accepted concept of security. This has made every country more globally relevant while making all States less isolated. It should be no surprise that socio-economic development has become the main focus of the policy of the majority of States and an area in which the United Nations will continue to have an important role to play. It is undeniable that over the past decade the process of regionalization and globalization has transformed the world and benefitted many countries. But the side-effects and adverse consequences of this trend have also been increasingly evident. Obvious examples have indicated over the past two years that those consequences could destroy the achievements of long years of development and could lead to instability, locally and on a broader scale. The first victims are none other than the least developed countries: those that face the greatest difficulties in their process of socio-economic development and that should have enjoyed greater attention and more favourable conditions in the process of regional and global integration. Those countries can and should count on United Nation support as they engage in this process. Despite the striking progress we have made on the long road of civilization, the end of the twentieth century is still marked by poverty and hunger, which are among the gravest tragedies and the greatest challenges facing mankind. Poverty and hunger not only lower living standards in certain countries; they have become a global problem, a factor for socio-political instability in many regions, and a problem that at present many countries cannot resolve by themselves. This problem will grow more serious if early efforts are not made to adequately address the adverse consequences of globalization and regionalization. Over the past half century, the United Nations and its specialized agencies have made an active and effective contribution to the fight against hunger and poverty; they have gained a great deal of valuable experience, of which the Organization should now make greater use. The eradication of hunger and the alleviation of poverty have become a primary, pressing task for the United Nations. They also form part of the Organization's responsibility towards Member countries that are now suffering under these twin scourges. The United Nations has set as a target the halving world hunger and poverty by 2015. To this end, it is crucial that every country's internal resources be mobilized, but external cooperation to create an enabling environment for development is equally important; it is, indeed, indispensable. We are convinced that the United Nations could play an important role in promoting North-South cooperation by encouraging developed countries to expand direct investment, provide and secure long-term financing, open their own markets and grant preferential terms of trade to developing and least developed countries, fulfil their commitment of allocating 0.7 per cent of gross national product for official development assistance, promote technology transfer, support human-resource development, vocational education and training and join other countries in implementing the 20/20 initiative on social development, especially the commitments embodied in the October 1998 Hanoi declaration on the 20/20 initiative. Such support by the United Nations will facilitate The problems facing the United Nations at the turn of the century are large, complex and difficult. But, with the benefit of the experience of 54 years, the support of Member countries and the opportunities that mankind has generated, the Organization will be able to tackle them if United Nations reform is accelerated and implemented at an early date. In this regard, we welcome the efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, to make the administrative structure more effective and to cut unnecessary spending. We consider that United Nations reform involves enhancement of the role of the General Assembly, the principal organ in which the vast majority of members of the international community are represented, to reflect fully the principles of democracy and equality among Member States. Reform of the Security Council is the most important part of the process. Viet Nam's consistent view is that the Security Council needs to be made more representative by increasing the number of both permanent and non-permanent members and by bringing about greater democratization, transparency and accountability. Viet Nam is of the view that an indispensable element of reform is that a representative of the developing countries must be a permanent member of the Security Council. With regard to the expansion of the Security Council, we support those candidates, such as India, Japan and Germany, that have the capacity to make a major contribution to the work of that important organ. At the same time, it should be stressed that the veto power should be used only in accordance with the letter and the spirit of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. Viet Nam welcomes the encouraging prospects of a peaceful settlement of conflicts and tensions in certain regions of the world, such as the Great Lakes region of Africa, and the resumption of the peace and reconciliation process in the Middle East. We follow with interest the developments in East Timor and hope that there will be no further complications, so that the situation there can be stabilized soon, thus contributing to peace and stability in the region. Viet Nam calls for an early and complete end to the policy of embargo and blockade against Cuba and other countries. Such policies are not only outdated, but run counter to current trends towards democratization and equality in international relations, causing damage and In South-East Asia and the Asia-Pacific region the economic recovery in many countries over the past year has restored confidence in the future. The countries of the region have learned lessons, found effective solutions and taken full advantage of assistance from the international community. As a result, the growth rate has gradually recovered; exports, cooperation and investment have step by step been revitalized. However, full economic recovery and overcoming the adverse impact of the crisis to ensure sustainable development is a continuing, long-term process, a challenge that the countries of the region must take up. The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) has taken new steps forward. The success of its sixth summit, held in Hanoi in December 1998, and the admission of Cambodia, which means that all 10 countries of the region are now members, have demonstrated a high level of unanimity and the determination and capacity of the ASEAN countries to promote solidarity, expand cooperation and overcome difficulties to give the group its appropriate role, status and strength. ASEAN with 10 members is now better placed to make its voice heard in international and regional forums, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and the Non-Aligned Movement, on regional and global problems pertaining to peace, security, development and the survival of humankind. Maintaining peace and security in Asia in general, and in South-East Asia in particular, remains a shared concern of all member States. We hope that countries outside the region, especially the nuclear-weapon States, will cooperate with the South-East Asian countries for the implementation of the South-East Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (SEANWFZ) Treaty. This Treaty, which came into effect in 1997, reflects the keen desire of the South-East Asian countries for peace and security in the region, and their serious commitment to the disarmament goal of a nuclear- weapon-free world. We are pleased to note, and greatly appreciate, the support for the Treaty expressed by China and Russia. When referring to the situation in the region, one cannot fail to mention the situation in the Eastern Sea — the South China Sea — where there are still incidents that cause concern to the countries of the region. Viet Nam believes that disputes in that sea should be settled by peaceful means, through bilateral and multilateral negotiations between the parties directly concerned, with As a Member of the United Nations and the international community, Viet Nam has done its utmost, and will continue to do so, to contribute to the common work of humankind. Viet Nam's consistent position is to pursue an independent, sovereign foreign policy, seeking the multilateralization and diversification of external relations, with regional and global integration. It wishes to be the friend of all the members of the international community struggling for peace, independence and development. Viet Nam is an active member of ASEAN and APEC and is preparing to join the World Trade Organization (WTO) as soon as possible. Viet Nam's diplomatic activities have been founded on the achievements recorded over the past 12 years in our work of national reconstruction, the industrialization and modernization of the country to achieve our goal of a wealthy people, a strong State and a just and advanced society. We have maintained a high rate of economic growth, reduced the poverty rate from 30 per cent in 1992 to 15.7 per cent at the end of 1998, and created more than a million jobs each year. These are tangible proofs of our economic and social development. The United Nations and its specialized agencies have greatly contributed to this achievement, as was acknowledged at the conference to review cooperation between Viet Nam and the United Nations development bodies, held in Hanoi two years ago. Furthermore, Viet Nam has, as a member of the Economic and Social Council and of the United Nations Development Programme/United Nations Population Fund Executive Board, played an active part in the joint undertakings of the international community. Viet Nam highly appreciates the role played by the United Nations in international life, both today and for tomorrow. It will make its contribution to the During its more than five decades of existence as the world's largest international body the United Nations has made fundamental contributions to humankind's development in all areas and has created a legal framework for international relations. What the United Nations has achieved to date will come with us into the new century, along with the conviction that it will contribute to new achievements, to further progress and the resolution of outstanding differences between nations. While placing a great deal of hope in the United Nations, the Member States also understand that its effectiveness depends on the active participation of all of them. Looking back over the path we have travelled, we now appreciate more than ever the role of the United Nations and its capability, as well as the complexity and tenacity of the problems before it. We can reaffirm that the United Nations — when it has been reformed on both the organizational and institutional levels and its objectives have been adjusted — will remain an irreplaceable organization. The fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly is entrusted with a great mandate: to complete the necessary preparations so that the United Nations can enter a new stage in its development. Allow me to express from this rostrum our great confidence in the capability and crucial role of the United Nations to promote peace, security, cooperation and development for a better future for mankind. In this regard, Viet Nam pledges to work closely with other Member States to contribute actively to this noble cause, the United Nations.

I now give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Kenya, His Excellency The Honourable Bonaya Adhi Godana.

May I, on behalf of my delegation congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. Kenya's pride in seeing you preside over the affairs of the Assembly, which you have been associated with for so long, derives from our close and long bilateral ties with your great country. I take this opportunity to register my delegation's appreciation to your predecessor, His Excellency Didier We commend the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the effective and tireless manner in which he continues to manage the affairs of this Organization and encourage him to continue serving the international community with his characteristic selfless dedication to duty. Kenya will continue to support his efforts to further strengthen the Organization. Kenya warmly welcomes the Republics of Kiribati and Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga into this family of nations. As we approach the new millennium, there is need for us to reflect on the past, the present and the future of our world. The cumulative history of mankind during the current millennium has been characterized by the struggle of the human race to overcome the various problems of hunger, war and disease. Throughout time man has invested constantly to provide shelter, increase literacy and tackle the various problems of underdevelopment. The latter part of this millennium has witnessed enormous political, economic and social changes. Where once slavery was acceptable, today freedom is the norm. Where once crude methods of economic production dominated, today sophisticated production techniques govern. Where ignorance was widespread, today science and technology determine man's progress. Where before the human rights of peoples were unknown, today they are an integral part of the international agenda. But even as we note the progress that has been made, the scourge of poverty and underdevelopment remains a painful reality for most of us. We believe that poverty is the root cause of the conflicts that pervade various regions of our globe, unleashing immense suffering on humankind — particularly on women and children. Our continent, Africa, continues to suffer from the ravages of intra-State and inter-State conflicts. The issue of the complementarity of the roles of the United Nations and that of regional organizations needs to be addressed. African countries have taken their own initiatives to resolve the various conflicts raging in the continent. Although progress has been made in some cases, many of the conflicts remain intractable, making it difficult for affected countries to redirect their efforts and resources towards economic development. Kenya continues to be seized with the situation in Somalia. As a neighbour that shares a border of 1,200 kilometres with Somalia, we are concerned at the loss of international interest and support for this sad country. The international community should resume its active interest and support for Somalia in order to instill in the innocent people of that country some measure of hope for the future. We are grateful for the roles that the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations have played and continue to play. However, Kenya calls for greater involvement by the United Nations in support of ongoing regional efforts. The new initiative unveiled by the Chairman of IGAD, President Guelleh of Djibouti, at this podium on 22 September 1999, deserves serious consideration. In efforts to support and assist the people of Somalia, the territorial integrity of that country must be respected. Regional entities that may have come into existence during this period in Somalia's history should be seen as building blocks intended to eventually lead to a Government of national unity. We the neighbouring countries, as well as the international community, have an important role in facilitating the process leading to a peaceful and comprehensive settlement of the conflict. Our common commitment to a united Somalia should not waver. In the tradition of African hospitality, Kenya has always provided a home to displaced people from neighbouring countries. As a result of the collapse of the central authority in Somalia, a large number of refugees found their way into our country. We are proud to have been able to assist and even settle some of them. In this regard, we are grateful for the role being played by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the United Nations Children's Fund, the World Health Recently, Kenya decided to tighten its border controls with Somalia. However, we remain committed to facilitating ongoing humanitarian operations, which continue with numerous daily flights into Somalia from our territory — and, in some cases, by land as well. We have been able to do this by coordinating our actions with the relevant humanitarian agencies and organizations. The crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains of utmost concern to us because it poses a serious threat not only to the Great Lakes region but also to the rest of our continent. It is for this reason that Kenya has been involved in the attempts to resolve the conflict, particularly in its early, initial stages. Kenya's offer to host in Nairobi the proposed Congolese national debate on the political future of their country still stands. We commend the recent personal efforts that President Chiluba of Zambia has made in negotiating a settlement plan which seeks to find a comprehensive solution to that crisis. We will do everything possible to complement these efforts and hope that the international community will be prepared to fulfil its own supporting role. As the international community continues to play its part, the responsibility for a final, comprehensive and lasting settlement to the crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo falls largely to the people and their leaders. In that regard, Kenya urges all parties to the Lusaka Agreement to demonstrate their commitment by implementing it, both in letter and in spirit, in a timely and appropriate manner. We firmly believe that it is time for the Security Council to actively step in and provide tangible support for the peace process. Africa expects that the support given to peacekeeping operations in other parts of the world will be replicated, both in scope and in content, in the case of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We know that most members of the Security Council have embraced this challenge and are willing to do their part. The situation in Angola continues to be a source of great frustration. Indeed, the resumption of hostilities at a level not seen since the signing of the Lusaka Protocol does not augur well. Kenya is deeply disappointed that the leader of UNITA, Mr. Savimbi, continues to flagrantly defy the collective will of the international With regard to the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea, we note with satisfaction that the combined initiatives of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the United Nations and the United States to secure definitive agreement on the modalities for the implementation of the OAU Framework Agreement are still on course. We appeal to both parties to exercise utmost restraint and not to resume fighting. In accordance with the United Nations Charter, the Security Council has the primary responsibility to determine the existence of any threat to international peace and security and to recommend appropriate intervention measures. There can be no derogation from this primary responsibility. In the fulfilment of this responsibility, it must be borne in mind that the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of Member States remains a cardinal element in the conduct of international relations, as spelt out in the Charter. We have serious reservations on the evolving view that even the United Nations Charter provides leeway for non-United Nations intervention. We would like to caution that this approach needs to be carefully balanced with legitimate concerns of sovereignty. Whatever we may say on intervention, the sovereignty of States remains at the core of diplomatic discourse. Derogation from this principle in the case of serious humanitarian emergencies must be made on the basis of general consensus in the United Nations. It is in this spirit that Kenya has always supported and participated in many United Nations peacekeeping missions throughout the world. We will continue to contribute personnel and remain actively involved in United Nations peacekeeping activities. All peacekeeping missions must be established in accordance with the United Nations Charter. This is why we welcome the assumption of responsibility in Kosovo by the United Nations in the form of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). We should do everything possible to support efforts towards the restoration of normalcy in Kosovo. We also hope that the spirit that prevailed in the establishment and financing of UNMIK will be applied to peacekeeping operations in Africa. As Sierra Leone continues along the path of national reconciliation and true peace, we encourage the United Nations to remain committed to and engaged in that country. We again place on record our appreciation to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) for its immense sacrifice in assisting the people of Sierra Leone in their search for peace and democracy. On our part, we will continue to support our brothers and sisters in that country. Towards that end, we have already contributed personnel to the United Nations Observer Mission in Sierra Leone (UNOMSIL). Kenya is encouraged by the recent positive developments in the Middle East peace process. The resumption of direct dialogue between the State of Israel and the Palestinian National Authority, which resulted in agreement on the implementation of aspects of the Wye accords, demonstrates the vast opportunities that political goodwill can unleash. We encourage those involved to stay on course and we welcome indications that the other tracks in the Middle East peace process are receiving careful attention. On the economic front, my delegation is of the view that the slow progress in Africa's efforts to attain sustainable economic growth and development is directly related to the failure by the international community to mobilize adequate resources for development. This has been aggravated by situations of internal conflict and the prevalence of such diseases as malaria and AIDS, among others, which are compounded in turn by the shackles of poverty and deprivation and an unfavourable external economic environment. My delegation welcomes the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt (HIPC) Initiative made at the G-8 meeting in Cologne, Germany. The crushing burden of external debt on the developing countries, especially those in sub- Another issue that requires the concerted efforts of the international community is that of poverty eradication. Kenya has already launched a Poverty Eradication Plan, which has received some support and which we hope will attract wider support to allow us to achieve our goal of becoming a newly industrialized country by the year 2020. Bold actions are required to ensure that the developed countries fulfil the commitments agreed upon to maintain official development assistance flows to developing countries at 0.7 per cent of their gross national product. In this regard, Kenya supports the proposal to hold an international conference on financing for development next year. The United Nations remains our only hope to spearhead the process of development. Accordingly, all Member States have an obligation to support the Organization in order for it to fulfil its development mandate. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and other specialized bodies — such as the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (Habitat) — must be strengthened in order to enable them to succeed in their respective roles. Kenya looks forward to the convening of the first South-South summit in Havana, Cuba, in April next year. The conference will be a historic milestone in the strengthening of South-South cooperation. The South-South summit provides a golden opportunity at the highest Kenya attaches great importance to economic cooperation among developing countries. It is for this reason that Kenya has actively pursued the path of economic integration at the regional and subregional levels. In addition to the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), comprising 21 countries with a population approaching 400 million, we are determined, at the subregional level, to upgrade the East African cooperation arrangements — comprising Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania — into a full-fledged East African community by the end of the year. Our vision is to establish an East African community with a population of nearly 90 million people with natural, historic, social and cultural ties into one investment destination, one tourist destination, one single market and one common external tariff, with a free flow of goods, services and people. Kenya is greatly concerned by the rise in transnational crime, narcotics, money-laundering and terrorism networks. The tragic bombing of the embassies of the United States of America in Nairobi and Dar-es- Salaam in August 1998 is still fresh in our memories. This incident, not to mention the recent terrorist attacks in Moscow, has heightened our resolve to work closely with the international community to fight and eradicate terrorism. We call for concerted efforts to adopt effective international measures to eradicate the growing and dangerous links between terrorist groups, drug traffickers and armed criminal elements. Towards this end, Kenya participated actively in the Algiers summit of OAU in July 1999, at which African States adopted a convention on preventing and combating terrorism. Clearly, more needs to be done. We support the proposal to hold an international conference next year on combating terrorism. Kenya is situated in the heart of a turbulent region. The proliferation of illegal small arms and their increased criminal use on Kenyan territory, often by groups from across our borders, is motivating us to push for practical and sustained international cooperation to stop illegal trafficking in small arms. In this connection, we express our support for the convening of an international conference on the illicit arms trade in all its aspects to be held by the year 2001. In our own region, Kenya will host a meeting before the end of this year to address the complex problems of On this issue, Kenya would like to draw a clear distinction between the legitimate rights of sovereign States to self-defence and therefore to the procurement of armaments for that purpose, and the illicit traffic in small arms involving non-State actors. Kenya welcomes the urgency and importance with which the international community has recently addressed the problem of antipersonnel landmines. We participated actively in the negotiations leading to the Ottawa Convention on anti-personnel landmines and in the recent Maputo Conference of States Parties to the Ottawa Convention. We have signed the Ottawa Convention, which is now going through the ratification process. The prevailing international consensus on outlawing landmines must be maintained in order to achieve the target of a total ban on the production, use and eventual elimination of anti- personnel landmines. International cooperation is essential in the areas of landmine clearance and the physical rehabilitation of victims, as well as their social and economic rehabilitation and reintegration. As we celebrate the United Nations Decade of International Law, Kenya regards the adoption of the Statute of the International Criminal Court as a historic milestone in the progressive development of international law. We participated actively in the negotiations leading to the adoption of the Rome Statute, became the eighty-fourth State to append our signature to it and have embarked on the ratification process for it. We look to the Preparatory Commission for the International Criminal Court to elaborate on the outstanding issues, including the elements of crime and the rules of procedure, in order to reach an early consensus and ensure universal acceptance of the Statute. We hope that the Preparatory Commission will complete its work before the June 2000 deadline. As eloquently stated by the Secretary-General, reform of the United Nations is a process and not an event. In order to attain a more transparent, accountable and democratic United Nations, the collective resolve of its Member States is imperative. We must resist any attempts to approach the reform process in terms of downsizing: reform must entail restructuring to cope better with the immense economic development challenges facing our The changes that have taken place in international relations need to be reflected in the composition and structure of the Security Council. The Security Council is a body that is empowered to make important executive decisions on matters of peace and security on behalf of the entire membership of the United Nations. It is imperative that the reform of the Security Council should ensure greater accountability and democracy together with equitable representation. The universal and democratic nature of the United Nations should be preserved and reforms introduced to ensure fair representation of all the major geographic regions of the world. A strong and persuasive case has been made by African countries for at least two seats in the permanent membership of the Security Council. Our recent experience as a nonpermanent member of the Council has convinced us of the urgency of restructuring this important organ so that developing countries can play their rightful part in the maintenance of international peace and security. Kenya is of the view that sanctions should be imposed only in accordance with the Charter and only after all means for the pacific settlement of disputes under Chapter VI have been exhausted. A thorough study of the short- and long-term effects of sanctions, especially on innocent victims, should be undertaken. The objectives of sanctions should be clearly defined and the sanctions should be lifted as soon as those objectives have been achieved. Sanctions should be imposed for a specified time, and the conditions to be met by the country or party on which sanctions are imposed must be clearly defined and subjected to periodic review. We reject any attempts The application of sanctions usually has profound effects not only on the target countries but also on their neighbouring countries and other trading partners. Efforts should therefore be made to put Article 50 of the Charter, which refers to third States, into operation by establishing mechanisms or Funds to provide them with relief. In this regard, Kenya urges that the sanctions on Iraq should be urgently reviewed with a view to their suspension and eventual lifting. We also hope that the sanctions on Libya, recently suspended, will soon be lifted. As we enter the twenty-first century, it is hard to imagine what this world would be without the United Nations. Consider for a moment the number of lives that have been saved by the Organization; the personal freedoms that many countries and individuals now enjoy; and the diseases that have been controlled or eliminated: the list of successes is endless. But much still needs to be done: the Secretary-General's proposal for a Millennium Assembly, with a millennium summit as an integral part, would provide an important forum for us to reexamine the role of the Organization and chart our path for the next millennium. Kenya will play its part.

I call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ireland, Mr. David Andrews.

Mr. President, I congratulate you, the Foreign Minister of Namibia, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. Your experience as the Namibian people's chief representative in New York during your country's struggle for independence and your role in guiding Namibia into the family of nations will serve you well in directing the important work of this session. Our thanks are also due to Foreign Minister Opertti of Uruguay for his dedicated efforts in leading the Assembly over the past 12 months. I, too, would like to warmly welcome our three new Members to the United Nations, the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. In January of this year, my Government had the privilege of hosting a visit by Secretary-General Annan. As the first United Nations Secretary-General to emerge from within the international civil service, his personal commitment to the United Nations and its founding My colleague Foreign Minister Halonen of Finland set out the views of the European Union on the main challenges facing the international community today, and, of course, Ireland fully associates itself with our respected Finnish Presidency's remarks. The responsibility of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security has been severely tested this year. In Africa, in the Balkans and, most recently, in East Timor, we have seen bloody and vicious outbreaks of violence which could have been avoided. At the same time, the incidence and scale of natural disasters has increased, adding to the pressures facing the already overstretched relief agencies. We need to take up the challenge which the Secretary-General set out in his thought-provoking address earlier this week — to think anew about how the United Nations and the Member States respond to the political, human rights and humanitarian crises affecting so much of the world. We are all haunted by the collective failure to prevent humanitarian disasters — including genocide — as well as the outbreak of conflict in many regions. The case for better prevention strategies is overwhelming. Even the costliest policy of prevention is far cheaper, in lives and resources, than the least expensive use of armed force. It is simply unacceptable that the United Nations should be starved of the resources that are vital to this conflict prevention. Where conflict prevention fails, more fundamental questions relating to capabilities for crisis management arise. How is it possible, for example, that the international community finds itself repeatedly incapable of taking effective action? How has it come to pass that questions are being raised about the adequacy of the Charter itself? Or that the constraints impairing the effectiveness of the Organization have led to searching elsewhere for effective response? It is indeed a paradox that, in a world of unprecedented interdependence and technological capabilities, we should be confronted by such a dilemma. The Charter, I think, has been fairly described as a “living document”. I believe that this provides the key to resolving our dilemma. We have not used sufficiently the possibilities that already exist under the Charter, not only in the area of peace and security, but also in the social and economic fields. I would suggest that we should scrutinize its provisions and use them imaginatively. That could make possible a reinvigoration of the United I believe we should similarly look to see how we can support the Secretary-General in his immense labours. His report on the work of the Organization has diagnosed accurately the challenges that exist and has genuinely pointed out what needs to be done. He has powers under the Charter, and he should be encouraged to use them to the full. Greater empowerment of the Secretary-General is one practical step that we, the Member States, should take. We should seize the opportunity provided by the Millennium Assembly next year to reaffirm our commitment to the goals and principles set out in the Charter, in a pragmatic, action-oriented and forward-looking manner. We can learn, as has been said by previous speakers, from the crisis in East Timor. As the Personal Representative of the European Union Presidency, I witnessed at first hand the consultation process on 30 August. I wish particularly to pay tribute to the outstanding work of the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET). It has received criticism, and I reject that criticism. I saw the work at first hand. They were an unarmed force — a group of very brave men and women. Men and women of my own country were among that very brave group of people, and I salute them. Ireland, together with our European Union partners, is fully committed to seeing that the people of East Timor enjoy the independence which they have freely chosen. The poll itself took place peacefully in a fair and free manner — we witnessed it first hand — and reflected, as I understand it, the views of the people. It was, however, followed by systematic and ruthless attacks on the population. We have condemned these atrocities in the strongest terms. The perpetrators of crimes against humanity must be brought to justice. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mrs. Mary Robinson, has called for an international commission of inquiry, and, of course, we all fully support this, as I understand it. Had those seeking to frustrate and overturn the process initiated by President Habibie last January succeeded, they would have denied the democratic rights of the people of East Timor, posing a very serious challenge to the credibility and authority of the United Nations. I welcome the decisive action taken by the Security Council which led to the adoption of its resolution 1264 (1999), although I We fully support the deployment of the international force for East Timor under the leadership of Australia. Ireland is among the contributors to this force. We are facing a humanitarian disaster in both East and West Timor. All East Timorese refugees, wherever they are, must be allowed to return to their homes. The response that is now being made will go some way to restoring the credibility and authority of this Organization at a time when the restoration of that credibility and authority is so urgently required. In Ireland we will be continuing to support, in every way we can, the work of the United Nations and, of course, the international humanitarian agencies in East Timor. The dilemma which I earlier described is also illustrated clearly by the response to crises in many parts of Africa, as has been outlined by so many other speakers, and by the previous speaker in particular, my colleague Foreign Minister Godana of Kenya. This response has in the past been totally inadequate, leading in turn to further conflict, human suffering and neglect on an even greater scale. I welcome the steps recently taken towards national reconciliation in a number of the African countries, including, as was mentioned by the previous speaker, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The patient diplomacy and determination of individual African leaders has laid the groundwork for the resolution of a number of recent conflicts. We received a timely reminder of these efforts a few days ago from President Chiluba of Zambia in his excellent address to the Security Council. But these efforts deserve and require the support and commitment of the international community. The Secretary-General's report on conflict prevention in Africa has set out clear goals and proposals on the promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa, and we must all ensure that real progress is achieved on these issues. Countries emerging from conflict situations, in particular, face the need to rebuild lives and livelihoods. The launch of the joint World Bank/International Monetary Fund Heavily Indebted Poor Country Initiative two years ago gave hope that substantive action would at last be taken to relieve the debt crisis, particularly the large and growing burden of multilateral debt. Some progress has been made, but, unfortunately again, in the nature of those institutions — and I do not say it by way of great criticism — there is a slowness in their movement. That is why the Initiative has benefited so few of the countries to which it is directed. We need to extend it to more countries, with a greater degree of flexibility, and maybe a little bit of imagination. Ireland wishes to see the strongest possible link between debt relief and poverty alleviation. It is the poorest and most marginalized who have borne much of the burden. I saw this in recent visits to a number of these countries in Africa. We recognize the strength of international concern about the debt of poor countries, including the urgent demands for debt forgiveness. The Irish Government decided last year to direct resources to both bilateral and multilateral debt relief, and also to make it integral to Ireland's overall development cooperation strategy. The goal of poverty reduction, the primary focus of this strategy, cannot be met without concerted international action to stem the haemorrhage of resources caused by this burden. Ireland regrets the decline in flows of official development assistance to what can only be described as historic lows. This situation must be reversed. Developing countries, especially the poorest among them, need international solidarity now more than ever. The forthcoming special session on small island developing States is an important opportunity to focus international attention on countries with which Ireland has a natural affinity. Remote from major markets and ecologically fragile, they face the twin challenges of globalization and climate change. Ireland recognizes their unique situation and supports further work on an index which would reflect their vulnerability. The scourge of drug trafficking is a global problem which affects us all. Ireland is fully committed to the fight against drugs and to supporting the efforts of those countries which are already very much affected by this heinous traffic. Full respect for human rights is of fundamental importance to the achievement of all our other goals. As this millennium draws to a close, a series of the most barbaric violations of human rights imaginable in Bosnia, Rwanda, Kosovo and now in East Timor are testaments to our inhumanity to one another. The Secretary-General has produced a compelling report (S/1999/957) to the Security Council on the protection of civilians in armed conflict. We must address, with the utmost speed and seriousness, the Secretary-General's recommendations which are aimed at creating, in his words, a “climate of compliance” with international human rights and humanitarian standards, as set out. The Secretary-General has rightly placed great stress on the necessity to enhance efforts aimed at conflict prevention. His recommendations offer us an opportunity to redeem the pledges we made last year on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is imperative that the Statute of the International Criminal Court enter into force as soon as possible. A global enforcement mechanism which addresses impunity could also serve as a deterrent to genocide and crimes against humanity, some of which I have just articulated. Ireland will shortly assume the chairmanship of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, an important political forum for enhancing democratic values and stability throughout the continent of Europe. We will seek to promote further cooperation between the Council of Europe and the United Nations in areas of common interest. Intent on securing a new consensus on the way forward, I and my colleagues from Brazil, Egypt, Mexico, New Zealand, Slovenia, South Africa and Sweden last year launched an initiative called “Towards a nuclear-weapon- free world: the need for a new agenda”. With the adoption of a resolution on the new agenda in the General Assembly, the international community has demanded a clear perspective for the closure of the nuclear- weapons era. The approach of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) 2000 Review Conference underlines the imperatives of a fundamental change in approach. We require a new commitment on the part of the nuclear-weapon States. This would make the elimination of these weapons an immediate objective rather than an ultimate goal. Earlier this year I had the honour of participating in the first meeting of the States Parties to the Ottawa Convention, held in Maputo. The conclusion of the global ban on landmines is, of course, one of the striking achievements of our time. In this I salute the leadership of Canada, working with determined Governments, including my own, and in cooperation with the non-governmental community. It is the clearest demonstration of what can be achieved when the political will exists. The spread of small arms and the consequences for civilian populations in armed conflict must be confronted now. This traffic in arms is an obscenity and, in many cases, totally and absolutely irresponsible; its brokers know no morality. We must redouble our efforts to address both the supply and demand sides of a threat to the security of civilians that has reached epidemic proportions. We in Ireland are proud of our contribution to world peace through peacekeeping. Just under a year ago Ireland became a full participant in the United Nations standby arrangements system. We currently contribute to eight peacekeeping operations, with over 700 personnel in the field. Our largest commitment is to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in southern Lebanon. Our service has not, of course, been without cost. To date The changing and more complex nature of peacekeeping involves additional tasks, such as humanitarian assistance, the protection of human rights and civilian police work. Through our participation in the multinational forces operating under United Nations authorization in Kosovo, and soon in East Timor, Ireland is already playing its part in these new arrangements. Our commitment to United Nations peacekeeping remains, as ever, strong, steadfast and loyal. I will conclude by giving a short resume of the situation in Northern Ireland. A number of speakers have referred to the peace process in Northern Ireland during the course of their contributions to this session of the General Assembly, and I very deeply appreciate their remarks in that regard. Their support and, indeed, all the support of all the nations in the United Nations is very deeply appreciated. I will now turn to the evolving situation in that part of my benighted land, Northern Ireland. When I spoke here last year, I was honoured to be the first Minister to be able to report that a comprehensive and broadly based political accommodation had been reached, that is, the Good Friday Agreement of April 1998. The Agreement was reached by the British and Irish Governments and by eight political parties in Northern Ireland following almost two years of intensive negotiations. It was subsequently endorsed by the people of the island with decisive majorities in referendums held in both the north and south, an average between the two parts of the island in the nature of 72 per cent for a permanent peace on the island of Ireland and in favour of the Good Friday Agreement. As I say, it was subsequently endorsed by the people of the island with a decisive majority in a combined context, which I have just spoken about, namely, referendums in the north and south. The Agreement covers not just constitutional issues and political institutions, but a wide range of other matters essential to conflict resolution and the promotion of a fair and just society. All of us gathered here know, often from direct experience, that, though it can be hard to reach an agreement, it is often harder still to implement it. I doubt very much if anyone in Ireland expected the path ahead to be smooth and straight. While very substantial progress has been made, there continue to be frustrations and, of course, difficulties, and I would not seek to minimize the It is true that the peace we have remains imperfect, and there can be no tolerable or acceptable level of violence. In places, tensions between the two communities are worryingly high. But, overall, Northern Ireland is more peaceful than it has been at any time for a generation. Relationships between the two parts of Ireland, and between Britain and Ireland, are closer and more relaxed than they have ever been. And the longer it continues, it is peace which becomes the norm. The people were always entitled to peace. My belief is that now they are coming to expect it. I am confident that no attempt to return to the full-scale violence of the past would win any meaningful support or could be sustained for long. We have turned the corner and there can be no going back. During the past year, much good work has been done to carry the Agreement forward. For instance, its human rights and equality provisions are being given concrete effect, as are measures to promote cultural equality and reconciliation and to assist the victims of violence. The independent commission established under the Agreement to make recommendations on a new beginning to policing in Northern Ireland has recently produced an excellent and thorough report on this very sensitive and important issue. The Irish Government looks forward to playing our part in its implementation. Moreover, the Governments and the parties in the north have completed all of the preparatory technical work necessary to establish the new political institutions envisaged by the Agreement. You can understand, therefore, the disappointment we feel that it has not yet proved possible actually to establish those political institutions. While there is disagreement among some political parties on the precise relationship between the formation of an inclusive executive within Northern Ireland and the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons, there is no difference of view on the desirability of both objectives. However, there is a persistent mutual distrust and lack of confidence, with doubts about future intentions continuing to linger. Under the dedicated and committed leadership of the Taoiseach — my Prime Minister, Mr. Bertie Ahern — and the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, the Irish and British Governments and all the parties have devoted enormous energy to the task of seeking to find a generally acceptable way forward. But so far, despite some progress, we have not succeeded in bridging that particular gap. For that The institutional blueprint sketched out in the Agreement and endorsed by the people offers the only rational basis for a lasting peace and for reconciliation through practical partnership and common action. No other conceivable course of action represents a remotely satisfactory alternative. Whatever the short-term difficulties, the Irish Government, in continued cooperation with the British Government, will not cease to work for its implementation. It is not surprising that the stalemate of the past months has led to some doubt and, indeed, disillusionment. But I am convinced that there remains a huge reservoir of support for the Agreement within both the unionist and nationalist communities, provided each can be confident that all aspects will be implemented in full. People are open to persuasion if a reasonable accommodation is on offer. There is therefore an onus on all political representatives to be generous and creative and to be prepared to offer leadership to their own constituencies while reaching out to others — not recklessly, but courageously and honourably. I am convinced that there will be no return to our often bitter past. But it will be possible to realize the full potential of the future only when the Good Friday Agreement is implemented as a totality. The Agreement offers a bold and generous vision of tolerance and partnership between those who together share the island of Ireland. Moreover, it offers a framework within which profound differences can be accommodated without coercion and on the basis of consent. Those of us from within the Irish nationalist tradition value the unionist tradition. We have come to understand, to cherish and to respect its authenticity and, of course, its validity. It is a vital and irreplaceable strand of that diversity of cultures and identities which makes up Ireland as it really is. All over the world, we can see the tragic consequences of policies of domination and exclusion. The future of Ireland can be, should be and, I believe, will be radically different. That is why the task of implementing the Agreement should be completed now, and not left to another generation. As we benefit from the support of the international community, I wish in turn to pledge Ireland's continuing commitment to the fulfilment of the aims and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

The next speaker is the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of the Republic of Benin, Mr. Kolawolé Idji.

In taking the floor on behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Benin, I would like first of all to express my heartiest congratulations to the entire Bureau of the fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I would also like to express my satisfaction at seeing the Foreign Minister of Namibia, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, presiding over the Assembly at this session, the last of the century and of the closing millennium. At a time when the United Nations more than ever is called upon to act in the interest of the peace and well- being of humankind, Benin takes pride in seeing a representative of Africa holding that important post. I would assure him of my delegation’s full cooperation and support, for it will be under his enlightened presidency that the Organization will stride forward into the twenty-first century. We see this felicitous and remarkable coincidence as a definite assurance of the success of the important debates we will be holding and a sign of hope that the decisions to be taken will so direct our actions as to ensure that the coming century is one of peace, progress and development, for the African continent in particular. Allow me at this stage to pay tribute to Mr. Didier Opertti, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Uruguay, for the outstanding work he did in the service of the Organization throughout the fifty-third session of the General Assembly. I wish also to pay a highly deserved tribute to our brother, Mr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for the unstinting devotion that he has demonstrated since his election and for the undeniable I should like here to reaffirm the full support and confidence of the Government of Benin as we pursue the lofty and legitimate goal of giving the United Nations the means of tackling the challenges that await us on the threshold of the first century of the new millennium. I should like also to congratulate and warmly welcome the three new States Members of the United Nations — the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. This session of the General Assembly is beginning at a particularly important moment in the history of humankind, for, after a century of deeds and events fraught with all kinds of consequences, the entire international community is preparing to move forward into the first century of a new millennium. We who have been privileged to witness this twofold historical transition should not ignore the great responsibility that we have borne throughout the century that is now closing and the equal responsibility that we will have to shoulder throughout the one that is about to begin. The challenges that face us are many and range across all human areas of activity. It is our conviction that if we so desire, we can make the next century an era of peace, security, development, understanding and concord among peoples. In order to do this, we will have to promote and strengthen worldwide cooperation, in particular in tackling the serious problems that the century that is now ending will have bequeathed to the one that is now beginning. Combating poverty should, it seems to me, be one of our priorities, because poverty is a factor of destabilization and a source of conflict and war, particularly in Africa. The holding of the millennium summit in September 2000 will be a historic opportunity for us to strive to strengthen peace, security and stability, for which all peoples of the world yearn. We could hardly overemphasize the close relationship among development, peace, security, democracy and human rights, and we all share the responsibility of day by day translating these words into reality. We can overcome poverty. Benin is at peace within its borders, with its neighbours and with the whole of the international community. But we are seriously disturbed by the appalling conflicts that continue to devastate and destabilize our continent. We are ready to continue to support the efforts of Africa itself and those of the great Powers in the context of the prevention, settlement and sustainable management of conflicts. Here I wish to pay tribute to the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and certain subregional organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community for their bold initiatives aimed at bringing peace and security to Africa. I have no wish to forget or to minimize the contribution of other countries, but I wish in particular to pay tribute here to the tremendous sacrifices made by the peoples of West Africa and in particular by the people of Nigeria in the context of the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) to help the West African subregion to put an end to war and insecurity, which hamper development and economic progress. I wish also to welcome the bold resolutions adopted by the Heads of States at the OAU Summit in Algiers, as well as the initiatives of the subregional organizations in West Africa and in the Great Lakes region, which attest to strengthened political resolve to reverse the course of events in a positive and constructive direction. These endeavours deserve to be sustained and strengthened by international solidarity. The example of Kosovo is there to remind us of the key importance of prompt and determined action on the part of the international community in order to restore and maintain peace. The distressing events in East Timor are another eloquent example of this. In this age of rapid globalization, we must realize that the risk of marginalizing the weakest economies and the most vulnerable peoples is very real; it is a mortal danger. Fortunately, there is still time to avert it. If we are to succeed, our vision for the twenty-first century and our prospects for the future must be clarified and strengthened by the effective implementation of the various plans and programmes of action adopted since the beginning of this decade within the framework of the United Nations system. In this context, the situation of the developing countries, the least developed countries in particular, deserves more attention from the international community, which should endeavour to create favourable conditions for those countries to develop. In this respect, we cannot evade the anguished question of the future of Africa on the threshold of the third millennium, particularly given the debt burden and the deterioration in the terms of trade. These are sad realities which are killing at least as many people as are dying from AIDS. Fortunately indeed, Africa can cease to be the continent of bad news. Today, it has the ability and the will to make it so. Throughout the decade that is now drawing to a close, the international community has repeatedly stated that Africa must be a priority. Mindful of the need for that continent to achieve economic progress, the United Nations has worked out appropriate strategies and embarked on specific development programmes. But none of those initiatives will have any impact on the development of the continent if African countries themselves, supported by their development partners, do not redouble their efforts to carry out the necessary reforms and mobilize the necessary resources. While we clearly reaffirm our own responsibility, we must also say that for Africa better economic performance necessarily involves a rapid and lasting solution to the problems caused by external debt; inputs of the new and additional financial resources required to meet the growing need for funding; transfers of new and appropriate technology; promotion of a genuine, open and fair system of international trade; and appropriate incentives for our efforts to diversify and modernize our This new partnership with Africa should set out to enable all African countries to enjoy the benefits of globalization. This implies mobilizing and pooling the efforts of the whole international community, inspired by the same vision of a common destiny and a new philosophy of sharing. That vision of development prompted the Government of Benin to host, in February 1999 in Cotonou, a conference of United Nations Development Programme Resident Representatives working in Africa to consider the problems of development in Africa in the coming millennium. The conference identified the major problems that African countries face at the close of the twentieth century: social and political upheaval; poverty; problems of access in meeting essential social needs; population pressure; the debt burden; and economic marginalization, among others. The conference also highlighted the assets and potential of the continent: significant natural and human resources; cultural wealth; a spirit of sharing; and a sense of solidarity. Accordingly, the conference recommended another approach for Africa's development, based on the promotion of peace and security within and between States; real integration of Africa into the world economy; and the creation of an African regional observatory for globalization. It would be regrettable if these highly lucid and relevant analyses and findings came to nothing because the United Nations Development Programme itself is stifled by a lack of resources. In keeping with those recommendations, Benin, together with several other African countries, has undertaken far-reaching political and economic reforms to improve the living and working conditions of its people, particularly those in rural areas. The measures include action to stabilize public finances, liberalize the economy, develop the private sector, stimulate economic growth, combat corruption and preserve social peace and political stability through the establishment of a State based on the rule of law that respects democratic principles and fundamental rights and freedoms. Against that background we are striving, tirelessly and resolutely, to ensure that the democratic process takes firm root in Benin. Our young democracy has just successfully completed an electoral process culminating in the renewal of Parliament before the deadline set by the Constitution. In a few months' time we will be holding local elections to However, despite these significant efforts and sacrifices, we know that our political and economic structures will continue to be fragile and vulnerable so long as poverty and disease continue to lay waste to our towns and countryside, so long as HIV/AIDS is not conquered or, at least, contained at the same levels as in Europe and America, and so long as insecurity and appalling internal and regional conflicts continue to undo the work of the African peoples and enrich a few arms manufacturers and traffickers. I should like to extend the recognition and gratitude of the people and Government of Benin to all its development partners, to the Powers which have realized that today poverty more than ever is a matter for all of us, wherever it may be found, and that violations of human rights involve us all wherever they may take place. I wish once again to express our thanks to all those who are assisting us in our activities aimed at making Benin, indeed Africa in general, a haven of peace, political stability and successful, integrated development. During its fifty-first session, the General Assembly accepted Benin's offer to hold the Fourth International Conference of New or Restored Democracies and encouraged it to do so, no doubt because of our efforts, which I have just outlined, to maintain peace, democracy and the constitutional rule of law. I am convinced that the fourth International Conference of New or Restored Democracies — the first that Africa will have the honour and privilege of hosting, following the conferences held in the Philippines, Nicaragua and Romania — will be an opportunity for all the friends of Africa — indeed, all the friends of democracy — to pool their experience and to work together to consolidate a political system that, For this reason, I fervently appeal to all those of goodwill, and to all development partners eager that democracy, the rule of law and good governance should be solidly established in every one of our States and on all continents, to lend their material and financial support and their experience to the preparation, organization and convening of the Cotonou conference. We earnestly hope that the Cotonou conference will enable us to build on existing achievements in the maintenance of international peace and security. Peace, security and sustainable human development are the themes that my delegation would like to see as the banner of this session of the General Assembly, the last before the year 2000: peace above all, so that the founding cry of this Organization, “never again”, may in the new millennium become a reality for all peoples and for all individuals.

I call next on the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of Uganda, His Excellency Mr.Alfred Mubanda.

On behalf of the delegation of Uganda, I should like to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab and all the Vice-Presidents on their election to guide the deliberations of the General Assembly at its last session of this century. I also thank the President of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session for the effective manner in which he discharged his responsibilities. Allow me also to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary- General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his tireless efforts on behalf of the United Nations, especially in the area of the maintenance of international peace and security. Uganda is pleased to welcome to membership of the United Nation the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. At the end of this turbulent century and on the eve of what my delegation hopes will be a more peaceful and prosperous new century, the United Nations stands out as the best hope for the future of humankind, international cooperation and solidarity. Uganda believes that a strong At the dawn of the twenty-first century, the economic situation in Africa and the living conditions of the vast majority of Africans are a cause of concern for my delegation. By virtually any standard, the African continent remains marginalized. The statistics for the continent are dismal. With slightly over 10 per cent of the world's population, sub-Saharan Africa accounts for a meagre 1.5 per cent of world trade. The region receives less than 0.6 per cent of total foreign direct investment. Coupled with this is the fact that Africa's export earnings have been on the decline due to a significant decrease in the demand for primary commodities; Africa's terms of trade have not improved; a crushing debt burden and a serious lack of capacity to generate domestic savings have worsened the economic situation. These negative trends have increased the dependence of most sub-Saharan African countries on official development assistance, but official development assistance itself has also been on the decline, falling from 0.33 per cent of the combined gross national product of donors members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in 1992 to 0.22 per cent in 1998. This is a far cry from the 0.7 per cent target agreed upon by the international community in the early 1970s. The current state of economic globalization indicates that Africa remains the least integrated continent and the most marginalized economically. Africa has effectively been locked out of the benefits accruing from globalization. The challenge before the international community is to adopt and implement, as a matter of urgency, concrete measures to mitigate the negative consequences of globalization on African economies. The United Nations must take the lead in efforts to restructure the international monetary system to make it more responsive to the plight of African and other developing countries. Uganda believes that fundamental restructuring of the present international economic system is essential to transform the world from a mere constellation of wealthy cities surrounded by a galaxy of abject poverty into a truly global village. I would like to underscore Uganda's commitment to uphold the tenets of human rights and fundamental freedoms. We believe in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and all other international human rights instruments. At the national level, Uganda has incorporated the universal principles of human rights into the basic law of the country, and we are committed to the principles of good governance, transparency and accountability. The world is aware of the great debate taking place in Uganda about the process of our democratization. In accordance with our Constitution, the people of Uganda will exercise a free choice to determine their system of governance in a referendum next year. I take this opportunity to invite observers and others who may wish to witness the referendum to do so when the time comes. With regard to internal conflicts, Uganda has granted a blanket amnesty to all who lay down their arms and become part of civil society. An amnesty Bill is before our Parliament, and in a very short time will be passed into law. I would be remiss if I did not emphasize Uganda's commitment to the observance, in the region, of human rights and fundamental freedoms. In 1994 the world was witness to genocide in Rwanda in which an estimated 1 million people were massacred. A similar act was about to be perpetrated in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the course of 1997 and 1998. Apart from our legitimate concerns about our national security and territorial integrity, Uganda finds it unacceptable that gross violations of the right to life should again be carried out in its neighbourhood or anywhere else in the world. It is vital for all of us to recognize the sanctity of the right to life. We are glad to note that the evolution of international law on human rights no longer condones In July 1998 the United Nations Conference of Plenipotentiaries overwhelmingly adopted the Statute for the establishment of an International Criminal Court. Uganda has consistently identified itself with the entire process which culminated in the adoption of the Court's Statute. It was to many a triumphant moment for those hitherto yearning for a world in which individual persons, regardless of their socio-economic or political attributes, would be held personally accountable for acts or omissions resulting in genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. At present work is under way in the Preparatory Commission for the Court to define aggression as a core crime. Once the Statute comes into force, it holds humanity's best hope for a new world legal order under which nobody, however high or low, can engage in horrendous crimes with impunity. We urge the international community to support our efforts in the Great Lakes region focused on stopping, averting and reversing progression towards further chaos and restoring peace. Such support must include real improvement of the socioeconomic wellbeing of our peoples through debt cancellations, promotion of democratic governance, adherence to sustainable human rights standards and, above all, strengthening our regional conflict- resolution mechanisms, peacemaking and peace- building initiatives. Throughout this year world attention has been repeatedly drawn to the fact that citizens of the world are about to enter a new millennium. I would like to share with the Assembly Uganda's expectations for the new century and millennium with regard to the role of the United Nations. We in Uganda recognize that the United Nations played a pivotal role in the decolonization of Africa and other parts of the world. The United Nations played an equally vital role in the eradication of institutionalized racial discrimination in southern Africa. For all these efforts we are grateful. The question arises as to what should be the vision and goals of the United Nations through the next century. We urge the United Nations to adopt concrete measures to deal with problems of the external debt burden, illiteracy, disease and famine. We expect the United Nations, through the World Trade Organization, to create a more favourable international trading regime which can promote fair competition and permit the ascendancy of primary commodity producers from abject poverty to reasonable wealth. Uganda supports the heroic struggle of the Sahraoui people for self-determination, and we look forward to the holding of a referendum by the United Nations to enable the people of that territory to freely determine their destiny. My delegation would like to express deep appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, and former United States Secretary of State, Mr. James Baker, for their tireless efforts in this regard. We appeal to the Government of the Kingdom of Morocco to respect the verdict of the Sahraoui people and to facilitate the implementation of whatever decision they make. The situation in the Great Lakes region, and particularly in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, has been cause for serious concern, not only to the countries in the region, but also to the international community. On its part, Uganda continues to view issues of peace and stability in the region with the utmost seriousness, which they deserve. Uganda's desire for peace and stability is born out of its conviction that without regional peace and security there can be no meaningful economic development and social well-being of its people. Uganda is hopeful that the conflicts that today beset many countries in the region will give way to peace and eventual socio-economic transformation. We are also hopeful that, with the region's resolve, we shall be able to surmount the challenges and exploit the opportunities of the new millennium. Indeed, sustained efforts are being made to put an end to the crisis and contribute to the search for peaceful solutions to the problems facing the region. And whereas efforts and contributions towards peace in the region have traversed a long and difficult road, there is optimism for the future. Uganda appeals to the international community to assist in efforts to operationalize the Joint Military Commission and the Political Committee, which are organs of the Lusaka Agreement and the key to the success of this Agreement and, therefore, to peace in the subregion. Uganda is committed to the implementation of the Lusaka Agreement and believes that all the signatories to the Agreement are committed to its success. Against this background, it was unnecessary for this matter to be included on the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly. The Ceasefire Agreement essentially covers the two primary causes of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, namely, the external and internal dimensions. Regarding the external dimension, a mechanism was established to handle the security concerns of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbouring countries, including Uganda. In particular, the Security Council was requested, in collaboration with the Organization of African Unity, to constitute, facilitate and deploy an appropriate peacekeeping force in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to ensure implementation of the Agreement, including the tracking down, disarming and documenting of all renegade forces in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Regarding the internal dimension, the Congolese parties agreed to undertake political negotiations as a result of which the parties are expected to conclude an agreement leading to a new political dispensation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, to the restructuring and rebuilding of a new national army in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and to the establishment and strengthening of State administration over the entire territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is Uganda's hope that the inter-Congolese negotiations will provide an opportunity for the Congolese parties to address issues of good governance. Our desire for the Regarding the conflict in the Sudan, Uganda supports the ongoing peace initiative launched under the auspices of the Inter-governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and with the facilitation of President Daniel arap Moi of Kenya. As a neighbour and a member of IGAD, Uganda has been working closely with the other countries in the region in efforts aimed at a peaceful resolution of the conflict. However, peace in that country remains elusive. Uganda is convinced that the fundamental issue in the Sudanese crisis is the link between state and religion. In a multireligious and multicultural society such as the Sudan, the only way to achieve good governance is to guarantee freedom of worship, equality and respect for all. At the bilateral level, we are concerned at the increasing hostility towards Uganda from the Sudan, as manifested in the consistent violation of Uganda's territorial integrity and in active support for rebel groups that are destabilizing us. Uganda has embraced and will continue to embrace all initiatives aimed at reconciliation with the Sudan, despite the fact that all previous initiatives have failed. I would like to single out initiatives by former President Rafsanjani of Iran, President Bakili Muluzi of Malawi, President Qadhafi of Libya, former President Mandela of South Africa and others — all these efforts have come to naught. The three East African countries of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda are very conscious of the fact that political stability is a prerequisite for economic development and have taken the necessary measures to achieve this objective. The three countries, together with their partners in the region, are engaged in regional peace efforts for Burundi, the Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, through organizations such as IGAD and the Southern African Development Community. The three countries have invested in peace in order to ensure regional stability because of the recognition that peace and political stability are vital if the region is to attract investments. Today, our region has created a favourable environment for foreign investment. There exists a very strong political will to move the region towards closer cooperation. We have harmonized many of our economic In conclusion, I would like to state that Uganda shares the vision of an African renaissance in which African peoples participate fully in their systems of governance and in the process of determining their destiny. We believe that this is a recipe for rapid economic development and therefore for the eradication of poverty in Africa.

We have heard the last speaker in the general debate for this meeting. I call on the representative of the Sudan, who wishes to speak in exercise of the right of reply. May I remind members that statements in exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and to 5 minutes for the second intervention and should be made by delegations from their seats.

We would not be taking your time at this late hour, Mr. President, nor that of the Assembly if the representative of the Ugandan regime had not made certain accusations regarding my country. I would like to reply to his fabrications. But first, I would like to recall a passage from a statement made by a Foreign Minister yesterday. He reminded us of the wise Buddhist understanding that people should ascertain facts before levelling accusations against others. We all know that all monotheistic religions and common moral values impose such standards on all of us. We would like to reaffirm the respect and appreciation of the Sudanese people for the brotherly Ugandan people, with whom we share blood, historical ties and a common destiny. At the same time, we would like to remind the international community of the practices of the Ugandan regime and the character of its President. In this Assembly and in the Security Council These acts were committed to achieve personal aims that are not recognized by international laws nor by African traditions and norms. We are all aware of these attempts, particularly the most recent, to invade a neighbouring State. Suffice it to say that one item on our agenda is entitled “Armed aggression against the Democratic Republic of the Congo”. These practices and policies of the Ugandan President, committed before the eyes of the entire international community, inter alia, to pillage the wealth of certain countries in which his forces had intervened and to transfer such wealth to his personal accounts have been reported in the world's press along with sarcastic reference to the extensive national resources that he wasted in carrying out such adventures. The Sudan, like all Uganda's neighbours, has also suffered from the adventures and the intervention of the Ugandan President in its internal affairs. These actions have all been documented by the Security Council and I do not believe I need to recall them all at this point. At a time when the Ugandan representative claims before the General Assembly that his country supports the efforts of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development to establish peace in southern Sudan, Uganda is actually providing political and material support to the southern rebels, who are headquartered on Ugandan territory, whence they launch their operations. The Ugandan representative also claimed that it was the Sudan that rejected all attempts by Iran, Libya and Mali to mediate the conflict between the two countries. All interested parties, especially those States that sincerely and repeatedly tried to reconcile our differences, are well aware of the reasons behind the failure of these attempts. The Ugandan President has continually made promises and signed joint statements and agreements on which he then reneged, reconfirming again and again the non-credibility of the Ugandan regime and that it has designs in the region to foment instability not only in the Sudan, but also in other neighbouring States.

I should like to draw the attention of the General Assembly to document A/INF/54/3, which contains a tentative programme of work and schedule of plenary meetings for the period from 29 September to the end of November and which has been distributed in the Hall. This schedule was prepared to facilitate the organization of work of delegations and to help ensure that the relevant documentation is ready for the discussion of the respective items. I should like to remind members that the list of speakers for the follow-up to the International Year of Older Persons under agenda item 106, “Social development, including questions relating to the world social situation and to youth, ageing, disabled persons and the family”, is already open. The lists of speakers for other items listed in document A/INF/54/3 are open. In addition I should like to announce the following activities. The 1999 United Nations Pledging Conference for Development Activities will be held in the mornings of both Tuesday and Wednesday, 2 and 3 November. The announcement of voluntary contributions to the 2000 programme of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees will take place on Thursday, 18 November, in the morning. The announcement of voluntary contributions to the 2000 programmes of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East will take place on Wednesday, 8 December, in the morning. Members are requested to consult the Journal for the announcements on these activities for further details. I will in due course announce the dates for the consideration of other agenda items as well as keep the Assembly informed of any additions or changes.