A/54/PV.16 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Independent State of Samoa.

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of the Independent State of Samoa, His Excellency The Honorable Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. President, you assume the presidency at a historic moment and during the most challenging of times. Most warmly do we congratulate you. Samoa welcomes your leadership and pledges to you and to Namibia our fullest support. This Assembly is an especially happy one for the Pacific: we now have in our midst three more South Pacific Forum States, the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. Ancient in tradition and long in the business of political independence, each represents the variety and uniqueness of our region. They make more real the goal of universality, as I know their contribution will enrich the work of the Organization. In the name of my country, I extend to the Governments of Kiribati, Nauru and Tonga the warmest of greetings. Let me, at the outset, pay a tribute to the stewardship of our Secretary-General and acknowledge the remarkable work of the United Nations — remarkable in terms of what is being done and achieved, at times against extreme and appalling odds. The twentieth century has been marked by violence and tragedy throughout. Millions have died in countless conflicts worldwide. Millions more continue to perish from poverty and disease. The Secretary-General’s report on the work of the Organization (A/54/1) is thoughtful and challenging. Our world is one of trouble and insecurity. The range and complexity of the issues are worrying, in some respects seemingly overwhelming. Ordinary aspirations are not being matched by effective action. Far too many are embroiled in the brutalities of war. Fundamental human needs and rights are being denied. I believe we should all pay much more attention to the reports of the Secretary-General. There is much there to confirm, and much to test our own perception of events and trends: directly, and in my view rightly, the Secretary-General has drawn attention to the place of Yet there are challenges that need to be met, seriously and urgently. I would agree with the Secretary-General that it is critical to set clear criteria for international action and intervention. It is the United Nations, with its multilateral setting, that is best placed to determine such criteria; it is the United Nations that has been invested with the global ideals to deal with interventions, but, alas, there have been failures and there has been inability. We should now look more deeply into the causes of those failures and lack of ability and in so doing we must balance competing rights and values. The very essence of the Organization is thus brought into focus: we need to ensure that the United Nations is able to function effectively in the new century, that we have a United Nations strengthened by commitment and reform. Above all, we need to bear in mind the essential connection between peace, development and human rights. We ignore any one to the fundamental detriment of all, although peace is the ultimate measure of our common interest, indeed, of our common future. We think it is time to move to a more definitive phase in the current efforts to reform the Security Council. The issues are clear, and have been clear for some time: points of argument are now being repeated, or repackaged. Substantive changes are required: the current structure does not reflect the facts and realities of today; suffers from imbalance and inequities. Membership of the Security Council should be enlarged: we have said before that Japan deserves to be a permanent member. Provision for this should be made. We appreciate the procedural changes made to the working of the Council, and we would encourage more of them: it would not be desirable to seek to resolve the unfairness of representation in one category without proper attention to the other. We share the view that Security Council reforms must necessarily be comprehensive and must address all aspects as a whole, including the power of veto. The veto is a central issue which must be resolved in the context of the current reforms. We think there is a proven case for the power of veto to be curtailed, and restricted to Chapter VII matters. The anomaly of Australia and New Zealand being counted outside their geographical area should be corrected. They form a natural part of the South Pacific subregion of the Asian Group. Samoa adds its voice to the call made by Fiji and Papua New Guinea during this session for such regional reconfiguration. The matter should figure in the reform of the Organization and should be taken into account in reforming the structure and membership of the Security Council. In the coming year, as we move towards an agreed approach to the Millennium Assembly, my Government believes that the world community should focus on major global challenges likely to confront humankind in the next century. We agree with the Secretary-General that, alongside war and conflicts, natural disasters are a major and priority global challenge. Natural disasters remain a most serious threat to human lives and national economies. As we have seen in recent times, natural disasters occur widely and indiscriminately, not stopping at any border. At this moment, we think especially of communities whose lives and property have been affected in Greece, Turkey, Taiwan, the United States and the Bahamas. The world has experienced three times as many great natural disasters in the 1990s as in the 1960s, the year 1998 being the hottest year on record and the worst for weather-related natural disasters. Yet we learn with dismay from the Secretary-General’s report that emergency aid funds have declined by 40 per cent in the past five years alone. For small island States such as the Bahamas, these “once-in-a-century” events are occurring with alarming frequency and severity. They are truly calamitous in effect. Hurricane Floyd was the fourth- strongest hurricane measured this century. My own country has not been spared. We can only be thankful that our neighbours and traditional friends come so readily to our assistance at moments of disaster. Our Pacific neighbours, Australia, Japan and New Zealand, continue to be at the forefront of emergency and rehabilitation efforts in disasters affecting our Pacific region. Countries far from the Pacific, such as those of the European Union, have also been generous. Even China last week commemorated the fiftieth anniversary of the establishment of the Republic. Samoa joins other nations in congratulating the People’s Republic of China in reaching this important milestone in its history. The immediate practical needs are to determine what preventive action might be available, especially to the small and vulnerable. Advanced early-warning systems using satellite-derived data and Internet dissemination would be essential, as would be the need to train and improve capacities. Greater efforts to establish contingency planning and other preparedness measures for disaster-prone countries are required. In all these, active cooperation at all levels — national, regional and international — would be vital. Above all, we agree that we should maximize the lessons learned from the experience of the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction. It is critical for all countries, especially the most vulnerable, that this work be continued. Samoa adds its voice to the expression of outrage at the violations in East Timor. These are violations of principles and of Government responsibilities, violations against the innocent and defenceless. The real lesson of East Timor is that a people’s aspirations for freedom will triumph in the end. They cannot be suppressed for ever. Indeed, their balloted choice is abundantly clear. It is also the lesson of East Timor that the United Nations is best placed to safeguard rights and freedoms while ensuring order and security. We are relieved that the multinational force is now in position and we appreciate the ready and effective response of key States, including our South Pacific neighbours, Australia and New Zealand. Samoa is especially grateful for the clear and committed leadership taken by Australia. The violations to which I have referred reinforce the need for the world community to move as expeditiously as possible to complete the establishment of the International Criminal Court. Those responsible for these unacceptable acts of violence and crime must be brought to account. Samoa was able to contribute to the making of the Rome Statute. We are firmly committed to the early establishment of the Court, and we will continue to play a role in the Speaking now in Samoa's role as Chairman of the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) and on behalf of the forty-three members of our Alliance, allow me, Mr President, to thank you most sincerely for the time and effort you have devoted to the special session to ensure its success. I also wish to express to all Member States, to the United Nations agencies and intergovernmental and non- governmental organizations, our very deep appreciation for their participation in the twenty-second special session in the past two days. The AOSIS countries are especially grateful for the expressions of commitment, understanding and support. What we have heard provides additional motivation for us to make the Barbados Programme of Action one of real and sustained implementation. There are critical challenges that require attention. We are determined to turn those challenges into opportunities. With your support, we believe there is every prospect for achievement.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Independent State of Samoa for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of Malaysia.

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of Malaysia, His Excellency Mr. Mahathir Mohamad, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. President, allow me first to congratulate you on your election to the I join other speakers in expressing our gratitude to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Didier Opertti, for the dedicated and effective manner in which he had guided the work of the General Assembly at the last session. I would also like to take this opportunity to commend the Secretary-General for his great dedication to the Organization and the many contributions he has made in the service of the international community. Malaysia would also like to join other Member States in welcoming, most warmly, the Republics of Kiribati and Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga as new Members of the United Nations. We look forward to working closely with them, particularly on issues of common interest to the Asia- Pacific region whence we come. The twentieth century is coming to an end. Before we enter the twenty-first it is useful to review the events of this century so that we may learn from our experience and hopefully we will know how to conduct the affairs of the twenty-first. This century saw the most destructive wars which destroyed billions of dollars of property and killed millions of people. It saw the most inhuman dictatorship in Germany where six million Jews were tortured and killed. It witnessed the first nuclear bombs that killed hundreds of thousands instantly and many more due to the after-effects. When the greatest war in human history ended, this body, the United Nations, was founded. We thought there would be peace as the great Powers worked together in the United Nations. But that was not the case. Immediately the victors divided themselves into two camps and initiated the cold war. However, it was the threat of a hot war that kept the war cold. Each side built huge arsenals of nuclear and non-nuclear weapons and glared at the other across deep chasms of misunderstanding as they threateningly fingered their nuclear triggers. Unfortunately this choice to defect to the other side did not last. Suddenly the Communist side collapsed. Lured by the apparent wealth of the Western free-market liberal democracies, the Eastern bloc jettisoned their authoritarian centrally planned economies and adopted the liberal democratic free market overnight. They thought that since they would now have a system similar to that of the Western bloc they would get the friendship, cooperation and help from the Western countries. They were naive enough to think that after 70 years of command economy and dictatorship they could overnight switch to the free market economy under the liberal democratic system. They soon found out that they knew nothing about how to make the system work and that they would get no help from the Western nations. Instead the Western nations saw in their incompetent floundering an opportunity to destroy the Eastern bloc, in particular the principal flag-bearer, forever. Even as the inability to manage a free market resulted in galloping inflation, destruction of State enterprises and massive unemployment, the hedge funds and the Western financial institutions moved in to devalue the currencies and make debt defaulters of this once powerful enemy. Despite knowing that these people could not manage a free market liberal democracy at all, they were nevertheless urged and threatened into continuing anyhow. There was no going back for the Eastern bloc countries. The destruction of the Eastern bloc was complete. It could never again militarily challenge the Western liberal democratic free marketeers. Now there would be only one choice for the world, and no defection would be possible for the countries of the world, big or small. With this the liberal democratic free market capitalists saw no more need to be gentle in spreading their systems or in profiting from them. No one would be allowed any other political or economic system except what was prescribed by the sole dominant bloc. The true ugliness of Western capitalism revealed itself, backed by the military might of capitalism's greatest proponent. A few countries apparently managed to grow and prosper, but not for long. The currency manipulators and short-term investors of the rich soon impoverished these countries through devaluing their currencies and share prices. Impoverished and politically unstable, they were forced to borrow from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Whether by design or through sheer lack of understanding, the economic regime imposed by the IMF further destroyed their economies. Soon their political freedom was also subverted, and many had to accept political direction by the IMF, or the loans would not be made available. For practical purposes, there was no more independence. So for the small independent countries of the world, the future looks bleak. They are now being told that the world should be borderless, that capital, goods and services should flow freely between countries. There should be no discriminatory taxes to protect local industries or products. Local banks, industries and products must compete on the same footing as imported products, and their banks and industries must compete with foreign banks and industries set up in their countries. No conditions must be attached to foreign banks and businesses which want to set up operations in their countries. They must have national status like those given to local businesses. This way, it is said, a level playing field will be created and competition will be fair. But can competition between giants and dwarfs be fair even if the playing field is level? The giant banks, corporations and industries from the rich countries, with huge local markets, can afford to lose money in a small foreign country when they make huge profits at home and elsewhere. The small businesses in the small countries will go bankrupt if they lose money repeatedly. In the end they will have to sell to the giant foreign companies or close down altogether. There will be no more big local companies; there will be only branches of large foreign companies who will indulge in transfer pricing and will repatriate most of their profit. The markets of the poor countries may not be big, but impoverishing them would result in lost sales for the rich. That was what happened when the currency traders impoverished the countries they attacked. These countries could not buy the products of the rich; that is, the rich lost their markets, and world trade contracted. Free, unrestricted flow of goods and services across borders may be good for a while, but eventually it will destroy markets and result in contraction of world trade. The world would actually become poorer because of free trade. After the last war, the confrontation between East and West led to most of the colonies being liberated and becoming independent countries. Being independent meant the right to govern their countries themselves. Unaccustomed to wielding so much power, many of these Governments failed. They became hopelessly indebted to the banks of the rich countries. Their people suffered from incompetent and frequently oppressive rule. But the principle that prevailed in the third quarter of the twentieth century was that no one should interfere in the internal affairs of a nation. That, in fact, was the essence of independence. As long as the world was divided into Eastern and Western blocs, this principle was respected. But then a president decided that his country had a right and a duty to see that human rights were not abused anywhere in the world, irrespective of borders and the independence of nations. No one conferred this right on this crusading president. But small things like that were not going to stop him. The claim to victory of the West in the Gulf War was regarded as a moral endorsement of the right of the powerful to interfere in any country’s internal affairs. Soon, it was not just human rights. Systems of government and of the administration of justice and the financial and commercial systems came under scrutiny of the powerful countries. They insist that there must be only one way of administering a country, and that is the liberal democratic way. They insist that there can be only one economic system for the whole world, and that is the free market system. They insist that there must be openness in everything, transparency, separation of the All these and more sound very good. They have apparently worked for the developed countries of the West, making them rich and powerful, giving their people high standards of living. But will they work for everyone? They seem to have forgotten that they took centuries to make their system work. Their transition from feudal oppressive rule was based in copious blood. Both rich and poor were massacred as reforms were forced by a succession of uncaring tyrants, many elected by the people. Even today their system has not brought freedom and equity to large segments of their people, yet they insist that all the countries of the world, new or old, must immediately adopt the only system of government — their system, their liberal democratic system. The newly independent countries, which knew only the authoritarian system of government, cannot but fail. The former Communist countries in particular found themselves unable to cope with the destabilizing challenges directed at government authority in a liberal democracy. But the new countries are not going to be allowed time to learn and operate the system. They must change now, immediately. If their countries are destabilized, if their people suffer, if they regress economically, that is irrelevant. The important thing is that they must democratize and liberalize. If they fail to do so, they will be forced to do so through arm-twisting, trade sanctions and military action, if necessary. That these measures are more oppressive than those of the disapproved regimes and systems does not matter. The adoption of the approved system would destabilize the countries further and cause further suffering. All this does not matter, because the most important thing is the adoption of the system, not the benefit to be derived from it. It is the same with economic management. There must be liberalization and deregulation. The Government should not help the business sector, should not give it any protection. If businesses are attacked by outside forces, fairly or unfairly, and they lose, then let them die. They must be inefficient if they lose, and the world has no time or sympathy for inefficient losers. And so giant currency traders, their funds leveraged one hundred times or more, are pitted against central banks with limited reserves and without leveraging rights. The In the financial crisis, Governments may not help businesses to recover. To do that means a bail-out of cronies. Let them die; let there be blood. Only then will Governments be considered serious in wanting to reform their systems, to adopt best practices, world standards and the only proper way to administer the economy. If the Government becomes bankrupt in trying to do this, that is all right. The important thing is to do things correctly, even if the country is destroyed, the people starve to death, anarchy reigns and the Government overthrown. There is a touching concern on the part of the West over human rights. But the definition of human rights seems limited to an individual’s right of dissent against the Government. Millions of people in a country will be made to suffer through sanctions and even bombings in order that a few dissenters may enjoy their rights of dissent. Apparently the rest of the population, hundreds of millions of them sometimes, have no rights. Their rights are not considered human rights. Thus depriving millions of the right to work as a result of currency trading is not considered as a violation of human rights. In the Western perception only individuals have rights; the masses do not. The concern over child labour and sweatshop factories is expressive of a sense of caring. Unfortunately the concern is shown only when the products of child labour and sweatshops compete successfully with the products of highly paid, high-living four-day-a-week workers in the developed countries. Child labour and sweatshops are not something which anyone would defend, but consider the extreme poverty of the people in some countries. They have no capital, no technology or expertise, no markets at home, no Harvard-trained managers. All they have is low-cost labour. For the workers, the tiny wages that they earn are far better than starvation and death. If we really care, then invest and pay high wages. The sweatshops will disappear and adults will earn enough to feed their children. Forcing them to stop child labour and sweatshops will only cause more suffering for their people. Telling them to stop With the end of the East-West confrontation, conflicts have increased instead of decreased. The Palestinian problem is still not resolved, but the sanctions against and the bombing of Iraq, the sanctions against Libya, the conflicts resulting from the break-up of the Soviet Union, and the stirring up of unrest and rebellions, or near- rebellions, by open support for insurrection go on. Before, it was the Communists who stirred up rebellion everywhere, including in Malaysia. Now we have the liberal democrats doing exactly the same in the same manner, complete with supply of arms. Whether it is a communist or a liberal democratic insurrection, the people suffer not one bit less. The United Nations seems helpless. Indeed, it is often bypassed by the big and the powerful. Now groupings of powerful nations or even one nation by itself seem to decide when to step in and when to step out. While they like to wield power, they are inordinately unwilling to pay the price. “Tele-wars” are conducted using high technology, such as the so-called pinpoint bombings, in order to avoid body bags coming home. This unwillingness to face the enemy often results in the unnecessary killing of innocent people and the destruction of the wrong targets. Unfortunately, no one should expect any change for as long as the United Nations belongs to the permanent five. The structure of the United Nations will continue to reflect the glorious victory of these nations 50 years ago. For the small countries, yearly speeches and various anniversary speeches will be allowed. Occasionally there will be membership in the Security Council. But despite the fact that at least three of the permanent five are vociferous advocates of democracy, there will be no democracy in the United Nations. The only saving grace is the agencies and their good work. Unfortunately, some in the United Nations have rather unusual principles. Normally a neutral or unbiased person would be chosen to study, report on and give an opinion or pass judgment on something. But the United Nations chose a person well-known for his virulent attacks against the Malaysian judiciary to report on that institution. The United Nations then conferred on him total immunity with respect to the laws of his country without reference to or consent by the country. This immunity apparently extends beyond We are told that Governments must not interfere with the judiciary. Yet in this case the Government is expected to instruct the judiciary not to act against this United Nations Commissioner for breaking the laws of the country. I am not blaming the Secretary-General for this. It is the peculiar system and principles which guide the choice of the United Nations Commissioner or Rapporteur that I find unacceptable. Nor do I think it proper to hint at dire consequences for the Malaysian nation if this man is not freed from court action for open contempt and defamation. There is something not right here which the United Nations needs to look into. But small countries lack a public forum to air their views freely. The Western media distorts everything that they say or do. Again we are expected to give immunity to western journalists; they may break our laws, but no legal action may be taken against them. I would like to point out that in Malaysia not even the King and the hereditary Sultans are above the law. This then is the scenario in the last quarter of the twentieth century. We will carry this baggage into the twenty-first century and the new millennium. For the poor and the weak, for the aspiring tigers and dragons of Asia, the twenty-first century does not look very promising. Everything will continue to be cooked in the West. Just as communism and socialism came from the West, liberal democracy, globalization, a borderless world, deregulation, unfettered free flows of capital and their flights to quality, the disciplining of Governments by the market and by currency traders, and a host of other ideas all come from the West. And what is from the West is universal. Other values and cultures are superfluous and unnecessary. If they remain, there will be a clash of civilizations. To avoid this clash there should be only one civilization in the world. Everything should be standardized according to Western best practices. They may change only if the West changes. Thus the globalized world will be totally uniform. Variety is equal to intransigence and must therefore be eliminated. Malaysia has just gone through a very traumatic experience. In a matter of weeks, 42 years of hard work to develop the country was destroyed, in particular the We have devised our own formula for recovery. With the blessings of Allah, we have turned around and are on the road to recovery. But we are being pressured to abandon our currency control. We do not understand why. It has done us a lot of good. It has done no harm to anybody except a few thousand rich currency manipulators. Foreigners doing real business in our country have profited from the so-called controls. But we are still being urged to conform to an international financial system which has enabled the unscrupulous to destroy the wealth of many nations. No serious attempt is being made to change the international financial system. So far there is only talk about intentions. But the threat of financial, economic and political destabilization remains. Malaysia wishes only to be allowed to manage things in its own way, in the interests of its own people. We will not harm others. We are not turning our backs on the world. We have always cooperated with the rest of the world, in particular with the United Nations. We will continue to do our bit for world peace. Just as we accept criticism, warranted and unwarranted, we hope others will also tolerate our criticism of them. Free speech would be meaningless if criticism could be directed only at the poor and the weak and never at the rich and powerful. In criticizing others, we are only exercising our right to freedom of expression. We are not too enchanted by the prospects we foresee for the next century. But I can assure the Assembly that we will be a responsible nation, friendly towards all who are friendly towards us and harbouring no bad intentions towards anyone.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Malaysia for the statement he has just made.

I now give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Australia, His Excellency The Honourable Alexander Downer.

May I begin by adding my congratulations to those of my colleagues on your election, Before I move to the main substance of my remarks today, I want to take this opportunity to mention two matters. First, I welcome the three new members of the United Nations: Kiribati, Nauru and Tonga. Having worked closely with these three countries in our own Asia-Pacific community, it is a particular pleasure for me, as the Foreign Minister of Australia, now to have the opportunity to take that cooperation into this larger family of nations. The second matter is one that seized the attention of the entire Australian population earlier this year: the fate of two CARE Australia workers, Steve Pratt and Peter Wallace, who were imprisoned by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Thanks in no small measure to the support of the international community, Steve and Peter were released from prison on 1 September. The efforts of Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the High Commissioner for Refugees, Mrs. Ogata and the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mrs. Robinson, and the continued support of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, were invaluable in gaining the men’s release. I would also like to thank President Ahtisaari of Finland, the Greek Government, Nelson Mandela, Pope John Paul and the many other individuals who generously lent their support to this cause. The international community’s cooperation in this case demonstrates the strong commitment we share to protecting our humanitarian workers from persecution, and to ensuring their capacity to carry out their important work in safety. Australia will continue to support international efforts to secure the release of Branko Jelen, a Yugoslav national and an employee of CARE Australia, who continues to serve time in a Yugoslav prison. You, Mr. President, take up your responsibilities at a most auspicious time, as the nations of the world enter a new millennium. As they do so, it is appropriate for us to reflect on the past and the future of the United Nations, what it has achieved and what tasks remain unfulfilled. Today I want to concentrate on just two matters. The first is perhaps the most fundamental task before this Organization: the maintenance of global peace and security through humanitarian intervention. This is a subject that has been at the centre of my own thinking, especially over recent weeks because of the role Australia has played in the resolution of the conflict in East Timor. I believe that the activities of the United Nations in that Territory stand as an example of the kind of work to which this Organization can really add value. The other matter — the reform of the United Nations — is on the face of it a rather prosaic matter. But, in truth, reform is the key to every single function of this Organization, for without it we cannot hope to equip the United Nations to face the demands of our ever-changing international environment. The United Nations must change and adapt, or become increasingly irrelevant. I turn now to the question of the future of East Timor. It is now just over a week since the first elements of the International Force in East Timor (INTERFET) began arriving in Dili to commence the task set for it under Security Council resolution 1264 (1999) of 15 September to restore peace and security in East Timor, to protect and support the United Nations Mission in East Timor in carrying out its tasks and, within force capabilities, to facilitate humanitarian assistance programmes. I am pleased to report that INTERFET’s deployment has been smooth and peaceful, and that elements of the force are now spreading across the territory of East Timor. It has begun the vital work of bringing peace back to the troubled island, and of assisting in creating the right climate for the provision of the food, shelter and medical assistance that the East Timorese desperately require. This is the latest chapter in the long association of the United Nations with East Timor, an association that has lasted for more than a quarter of a century. The process that has brought us here has been long and difficult, but at last we may be approaching a peaceful resolution of the tragedy that has beset the East Timorese people for so long. The fact that we have arrived at this point owes much to President Habibie of Indonesia. It was President Habibie Regardless of the problems that have beset the transition process in East Timor, President Habibie and his administration deserve full credit for actually initiating that process. I also want to make special mention of the role played by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, in seeking a peaceful resolution of East Timor's status. The conclusion on 5 May this year of the tripartite Agreement among Portugal, Indonesia and the United Nations owed much to the hard work and perseverance of the Secretary-General, who helped guide the parties towards a settlement that provided for a credible and orderly ballot on East Timor's future. In doing so, he maintained the honourable tradition of his predecessors as Secretary-General, who since 1983 had been working with Portugal and Indonesia towards a comprehensive and just solution to the region's difficulties. It would be remiss of me if I did not also mention the sterling work done both before and after the conclusion of the Agreement by the Secretary-General's Personal Representative, Ambassador Jamsheed Marker, and his deputy, Francesc Vendrell. The work of those two men was crucial to the successful outcome of the negotiations and to the holding of the ballot in East Timor. Of course, the conclusion of the tripartite Agreement was just the beginning of the process to allow the East Timorese to decide their own fate. With the establishment by the Security Council on 11 June of the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET), the practical work of holding the popular consultation got under way. Under the leadership of Ian Martin, UNAMET began the difficult and often dangerous task of organizing a vote in only 12 short weeks. Thanks to the enthusiasm and application of Ian Martin and his team, that task was accomplished with results that few could have ever dreamed of. The fact that But it is also a tribute to the effectiveness of UNAMET and its staff, and a fine example of how effective the United Nations can be in situations of conflict and transition. The work done by UNAMET staff in the days before the ballot and in the tragic days following it deserves our highest praise. Unarmed, in a tense and emotionally charged atmosphere, they carried out their duties magnificently. In particular, the military liaison and civilian police components of UNAMET, led respectively by Brigadier General Rezaqul Haider of Bangladesh and Commissioner Alan Mills of Australia, played crucial roles as the interface between UNAMET and the Indonesian police and military authorities. UNAMET carried out its work at great risk to the staff involved, and, tragically, several locally engaged employees paid for their dedication with their lives. That fact is a stark reminder of the great personal cost that is often associated with United Nations operations, and a reminder to us all of the need to make the security and personal safety of United Nations staff one of our most urgent priorities. The United Nations must rely on its staff to carry out its various mandates. A threat to the person of a United Nations staff member must be treated as a threat against the United Nations itself. It is a matter of unfortunate record that the upsurge of violence in East Timor after the ballot on 30 August swept up not just United Nations staff members, but hundreds and maybe thousands of East Timorese. The world has witnessed the most horrible cruelty visited on the island's population by people who were unwilling to accept the outcome of the vote. To the great credit again of President Habibie, he sought military assistance through the Security Council. In response, the Security Council delivered a strong resolution and a positive mandate for peacekeeping operations, a mandate that will ensure that the will of the East Timorese people, as expressed in the 30 August vote, will be carried out. We in Australia have been very heartened by the positive international response to the call for military forces to make up the international force in East Timor and its successor peacekeeping force. As I have mentioned, the international forces under the command of Major-General Peter Cosgrove, have begun to restore order in East Timor. There are currently some 3,200 personnel on the ground, I am also very pleased to note that UNAMET personnel have now returned to the island, and will be able to continue their important work. In discussing the activities of the United Nations in East Timor, I must also mention the humanitarian work done by United Nations agencies. Mrs. Sadako Ogata, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, has travelled to West Timor to examine the plight of East Timorese refugees in that territory, and Australia fully supports her efforts. Australia is also the staging point for humanitarian assistance operations being carried out by agencies such as the World Food Programme and the United Nations Children's Fund. Additional relief efforts are also planned by the World Health Organization and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Australia has already pledged $7 million towards the humanitarian efforts of United Nations agencies and other organizations. The United Nations is also seeking to address the human rights violations that have been widespread in East Timor. Security Council resolution 1264 (1999) called on those responsible for violence in East Timor to be brought to justice. Australia supports efforts by the Indonesian Government and the United Nations to bring to account those responsible for the grievous acts of criminal violence visited upon the East Timorese people, and will offer all appropriate assistance in this regard. More generally, there is now an urgent need to move as soon as possible to the third phase of the United Nations plan for East Timor. This will require all parties, most especially Indonesia and Portugal, to work closely with the Secretariat. Australia will do what it can to assist in this process, which will build the foundation for the transition in the territory's status. In its activities in East Timor, the United Nations has demonstrated some of its fundamental strengths as an organization. It is helping to bring about the resolution of an international problem that had been festering for a quarter of a century. It provided the infrastructure that I have been struck by the deep historical resonances of this process, for when the United Nations was established at the end of the Second World War, part of its rationale as an organization was to have been the impartial and objective resolution of international problems, free of the old cycles of retribution through resort to aggression. The ancient resort to armed force and the notion that might was right were to have been overturned, and in their place the community of nations was to cooperate to settle international disputes and solve global problems. The world, having won a victory over nazism, was determined that similar evils would never again prevail. Well, we have seen plenty of occasions in the past 50 years where practice has not measured up to the ideals. But every now and then, the process works, and I believe that many elements of the work of the United Nations in East Timor are evidence of that. Of course, that is not to say that the process cannot be improved; of course it can. But if we can identify and build upon the positive elements of our East Timor experience, I believe that we can not only improve the situation of the people of that territory, but may also be able to provide a speedier and more thorough resolution of other international crises in the future. We need also to draw lessons from the negative aspects of events in East Timor. Through our efforts there, we have shown what the United Nations can do well. Let us build on that effectiveness, and strive for an organization that is even more relevant to global peace and security in the next millennium. I now turn to another aspect of increased effectiveness: the question of United Nations reform. In a recent report on preparations for the Millennium Assembly and the millennium summit, the Secretary-General described the United Nations as a unique institution. No one could disagree that the contribution of the United Nations to the pursuit of peace and security, to the economic and social advancement of all peoples and to the promotion of human rights over the last 50 years or so has been not just of enormous value, but also truly unique in world history. The twenty-first century, however, will bring with it new challenges and, I hope, new opportunities. The challenge for the United Nations — and, let us all recognize its Member States — is to ensure that this momentum is sustained and taken forward. A former Australian Prime Minister, Sir Robert Menzies, said over 40 years ago that “when we talk of the United Nations, we should remember what it is in fact, and not be led off by dreams of what we would like it to be in another kind of world.” We need to accept that the United Nations exists in a real world and be realistic about what it can achieve. We need to ensure that the Organization's structures and processes better reflect the realities of the twenty-first century. We need an expanded, more representative and more transparent Security Council, and an electoral group system which reflects the geo-political and economic realities of today rather than the early nineteen sixties. To achieve real reforms on these and other subjects, Member States must work together in a sustained and cooperative manner. And they must also demonstrate their commitment to the Organization by paying their contributions on time and in full. Reform of the United Nations means building a stronger and more effective Organization that can deliver on its commitments to the world's people. It means less waste and more practical activities. It means developing an Organization that is equipped to meet whatever challenges the new century may bring. Ultimately, it means creating a United Nations that can maintain its relevance when many national and international institutions are falling by the wayside, made obsolete by the rapid pace of change. I want to conclude my remarks with a call for the United Nations to concentrate on building on its strengths. I have mentioned the need to stick with a programme of Those are great strengths. But we need to be able to consolidate them to make the United Nations a more effective Organization. We must, for example, be able to ensure that the United Nations can intervene quickly when rapidly deteriorating conditions threaten entire nations. That was the lesson of Rwanda. I was struck by the comments made by the Secretary-General on this subject when he addressed the Assembly last week. As the Secretary- General suggests, changing international circumstances — including the spread of notions of individual rights and the idea that the international community has a responsibility to respond effectively to humanitarian crises — are challenging traditional notions of national sovereignty. The United Nations needs to focus on these challenges and begin the process of defining when and how the Organization should act in the face of humanitarian crises. It may be an old cliché to say that the world is growing ever smaller, but it is true just the same. In days gone by, the nations of the world may have been forgiven if they acted too slowly in the face of a humanitarian crisis. Tales of atrocities, famine and natural disaster took weeks or months to filter out from the more inaccessible areas of the globe. Today, those same stories are likely to be on television screens within hours, or even minutes. In the face of such indisputable evidence, Governments will be forced to act. Those that resist will have to face a domestic and international audience as well informed as they. That is the kind of environment in which the United Nations will increasingly have to function, where the results of inaction will be seen instantly and the consequences of failure subject to instant and very telling scrutiny. Some will be concerned about interference in national sovereignty, and obviously that is an important and legitimate concern. Others will say that the greater principle is that of natural human solidarity. But whatever view is How often do we stop, and remind ourselves of the purposes for which we meet? If we genuinely wish to uphold the Charter, if we really do want to maintain international peace and security, help develop our economic and social strengths and promote respect for human rights and fundamental reforms, surely we can start by upholding the most basic right of all, that of life. In the face of acts of genocide, or of human rights abuses on a horrendous scale, the nations of the world must act. I am a firm realist when it comes to foreign policy, but am also a great believer in the value of idealism. More than 50 years ago, our predecessors created the United Nations in the firm hope that there could be a new international order to replace the old, a spirit of cooperative international action that could avoid the competition and aggression that caused two world wars. As we approach the end of this century, it is true that the United Nations has not lived up to all the hopes of its founders. But the great promise of the Organization remains. The United Nations response to developments in East Timor has shown just what positive action on the part of this Organization can accomplish. We know the great things this body can achieve. Let us all try to build on those achievements, so that we may create an Organization that can truly address the most pressing problems of the international community. We can build an active and practical United Nations to meet both the aspirations of its Member nations and, also, the legitimate needs of all humanity. Mr. President: I next give the floor to the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Israel, His Excellency Mr. David Levy.

I call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Bahrain, His Excellency Shaikh Mohammed Bin Mubarak Al-Khalifa.

(spoke in Arabic): Mr. President, I have the pleasure of congratulating you on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty- fourth session. Confident that your experience and ability will strongly influence the successful outcome of the proceedings of this session, I assure you of my delegation's readiness to cooperate with you in fulfilling your task. I would like to avail myself of this opportunity to express my thanks to His Excellency Didier Opertti Badán, President of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session, for his contribution to the achievements and success of that session. It is also my pleasure to express appreciation for the efforts that Secretary-General Kofi Annan has exerted in order to enable the Organization to fulfil its role in promoting international peace and security and in furthering international cooperation. I also extend the sincere congratulations of the State of Bahrain to the Kingdom of Tonga, the Republic of Nauru and the Republic of Kiribati upon their admission to the United Nations. On 6 March 1999, the State of Bahrain announced to the people of Bahrain and to the world the sad news of the passing away of His Highness Shaikh ‘Isa Bin Salman Al- Khalifa, may God grant him peace and mercy. He was a great and humane emir who loved people and was loved by the people by virtue of the remarkable traits he exhibited, which are the embodiment of the Bahraini character: loyalty, tolerance and civility. He, may God bestow His mercy upon him, championed national independence, the Constitution, the consultative process and the erection of the State institutions and the rule of law. He championed development, comprehensive renaissance and diversification of the national economy. He championed Gulf cooperation and Arab solidarity through the most difficult times and These causes were the legacy of the late emir, whose approach will continue to be the beacon that guides Bahrain as it moves forward along its national path and as it pursues Gulf cooperation, Arab solidarity, regional cooperation with neighbours and international cooperation with one and all. In view of this session’s special momentousness, as it is being held at a juncture between the end of a century and the beginning of a new millennium, it behoves us to pause and reflect on the experience of the United Nations over the last half century. It should again be emphasized that, as we approach the third millennium, we ought to direct our actions in consonance with the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter, which are aimed at enhancing peace and economic and social development, in the interest of the world as a whole and on the basis of equality, justice and respect for law. The Organization’s experience of more than 50 years, with all its successes and setbacks in dealing with crises and in addressing the challenges facing the world, has demonstrated that the benefits of past experience should be taken into account as we prepare for the future. In this way we would be better equipped to contribute to the building of a new world and a brighter future and would be better committed to the United Nations. Some of that experience has proved that departure from the United Nations principles, Charter and resolutions has strained relations among many States and caused regional disputes and ethnic conflicts that have threatened security and stability in numerous regions of the world. Yet humanity has accomplished much during the last half century, particularly through United Nations involvement in the maintenance of international peace and security, sustainable development and international cooperation. Such United Nations endeavours deserve our appreciation and commitment so that we can alleviate the human suffering of those who are beset by poverty and lack of security, stability and the basic requirements of a life of dignity. Bahrain’s experience on the Security Council during the past two years has demonstrated that small countries are capable of effectively contributing to the causes of international peace and security. That experience has also reaffirmed Bahrain’s convictions, most notably its adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter and international legality, which reflect the will and desire of the international community to live in security, tolerance and peace. It has also confirmed the importance of strengthening the principles of equitable geographic representation and transparency as important values and principles in international relations. Such principles would enhance the Security Council’s role in maintaining peace and security and help develop its ability to function effectively. Therefore, it is essential that efforts be exerted to reform the Council so that it can adequately reflect political realities and cope with the changing international climate during the next century. The role of the Security Council in dealing with the questions of peace and security requires that the processes of peacekeeping and peace-building be interrelated in order to prevent the renewal of conflicts; hence Bahrain’s request for the convening of an open meeting during its term as President of the Council last December, to consider the relationship between peacekeeping and peace-building. The extensive participation of members of the Council and other Members of the United Nations bears witness to the conviction of many Member States that such linkage is essential for the integration of political action with action in the field of economic and social development. Bahrain’s enthusiasm and interest in taking part in joint efforts to reach solutions for issues of peace and security have been demonstrated by its active and constructive participation whenever the Security Council has dealt with such questions. By virtue of the expertise that it has gained, Bahrain will be active, both within its region and at the international level, in furthering the principles of security, peace and stability. Since the beginning of Bahrain’s modern revival, our country has been building a modern State and a developed civil society on the basis of developing, preparing and qualifying the individual to deal with the demands of our The State of Bahrain has long been aware of the importance of human development and has thus drawn up plans and policies for the development and utilization of the capabilities of Bahrainis in all fields. It has also enacted legislation encouraging women to join the workforce and to enter the labour market. Thus, the percentage of Bahraini women in the entire public sector labour force reached 33.5 per cent in 1998, and the total number of women in the private sector labour force has reached 20 per cent. The State of Bahrain takes pride in this achievement at the regional and international levels. It makes available equal opportunities to both men and women in the fields, inter alia, of education, health care and social welfare, as these are basic priorities of human rights for which Bahrain’s efforts have been applauded by United Nations human rights bodies and experts. In its new era under the leadership of its emir, His Highness Shaikh Hamad Bin Isa Al-Khalifa, Bahrain will continue on its course, which has allowed it to assume a prominent place economically and socially, thereby becoming an example of progressive development that takes into account both the global dimension and the preservation of its heritage and traditions. Over the last two decades, the Gulf region has witnessed serious and painful events, the ramifications of which continue to pose a threat to the security and stability of this vital region, which is an important hub for world trade and for mutual, beneficial exchange between various nations of the world. Those events have demonstrated that the maintenance and preservation of regional security can be based only on respect for and strict observation of principles that the State of Bahrain has always advocated, most notably respect for the status quo and the inviolability of established boundaries. Relations among countries of the region should be based on the principles of good neighbourliness, mutual respect and non- interference in the internal affairs of other States. Accordingly, and reaffirming its consistent position with respect to a number of regional and international questions and its keen interest in the maintenance of security and peace in the world, particularly in the Gulf region, Bahrain again calls on Iraq to implement relevant Security Council resolutions, especially those relating to weapons of mass destruction and the release of prisoners of war and detainees of Kuwaiti and other nationalities. At the same time, Bahrain urges anew that efforts be continued with a view to alleviating the suffering of the brotherly Iraqi people resulting from sanctions. It is also eager to ensure the independence, unity and territorial integrity of Iraq and opposes any interference in its internal affairs. In the interest of security, stability and peace in the Gulf region, Bahrain wishes to emphasize again its support for all efforts aimed at settling by peaceful means the dispute between the United Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran over the three islands, namely Abu Musa, Greater Tunb and Lesser Tunb, all of which belong to the United Arab Emirates. In this respect, Bahrain wishes success to the work of the Tripartite Ministerial Committee formed by the Gulf Cooperation Council to solve the dispute in a manner that would lead to the establishment of good and normal relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran on the basis of the principles of good neighbourliness, mutual respect and observance of mutual interests. In conjunction with the questions of security and stability, it is imperative that we re-emphasize the danger of territorial claims aimed at changing established, inherited and traditionally accepted boundaries. Bahrain therefore welcomes the resolutions adopted by the summit of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) held in Algeria in July 1999 which confirmed the adherence of member States to the principles set out in the OAU Charter and OAU resolutions in respect of inherited and traditionally accepted boundaries. During the last three years, the Middle East peace process has encountered a setback which froze and almost completely destroyed the process, owing to the rigid positions and contradictory policies of the previous Israeli Government. Now that a new Government has taken over and has made promises regarding its readiness to revive the Accordingly, the State of Bahrain has welcomed the latest Palestinian-Israeli agreement on the implementation of the Wye River accords signed at Sharm el-Sheikh as a positive step towards a final settlement between the two parties and the enhancement of the peace process among all other parties. The Arab side has repeatedly confirmed its commitment to the peace terms reflected in the principles of the 1991 Madrid Conference and the relevant United Nations resolutions. It believes that achievement of a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the region should be the strategic option that would obligate Israel to recognize legitimate Arab rights, to comply with the relevant resolutions of international legitimacy, including Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), to respect the right of the Palestinian people to have their own independent State with Jerusalem as its capital, to fully withdraw from all occupied Arab territories, including the Syrian Arab Golan Heights, to the boundaries that existed on 4 June 1967 and to withdraw from Lebanese territory pursuant to Security Council resolution 425 (1978). The success of the peace process and the achievement of a just, comprehensive and lasting peace will undoubtedly have a bearing on the future stability and development of all the countries and peoples of the region. At the same time, we wish to stress the importance of intensifying efforts to make the Middle East, including the Gulf region, a zone free of all weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons. The world has witnessed this year positive developments in respect of an issue that was a source of deep concern to the international Organization and the international community, namely the question of Lockerbie. We should like here to commend the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya for complying with relevant Security Council resolutions, as well as the other parties in the case for the cooperation they have displayed. We also welcome the suspension by the Security Council of sanctions against Libya and express our appreciation of The easing of the Kosovo crisis by virtue of the return of refugees and displaced persons to their homes and villages has imbued the international community with hope and satisfaction. However, the whole world has seen shocking images of the crimes of ethnic cleansing and the terrorizing of innocent people and of the human suffering that has beset the people of Kosovo, including the displacement of about one million Kosovars, mass graves and the destruction of villages and homes. It is incumbent upon the international community to unfailingly guard against and to address the causes of the phenomenon of racism and all its manifestations. In view of its keen interest in the maintenance of international peace and security, the State of Bahrain calls upon the United Nations and the international community quickly to intensify their efforts, in cooperation with the competent regional organizations, to settle the ongoing conflicts in various regions and among a number of States. These include the tense situation between Ethiopia and Eritrea and internal strife in Afghanistan, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, East Timor and other parts of the world. Other sources of concern are the phenomena of terrorism, violence, organized crime and related activities such as transnational drug and weapons trafficking that continue to pose a threat to all societies. To address these problems the State of Bahrain supports the call by the Arab Republic of Egypt for the convening of an international conference, under the auspices of the United Nations, with a view to drawing up a comprehensive strategy to combat and eliminate these phenomena. Since the end of the Second World War, the world economy has experienced tremendous changes on the international trade landscape, including the emergence of giant trade conglomerates and a revolution in the fields of technology, information and communications. About half a century after the establishment of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the international community was able to establish the World Trade Organization (WTO) in order to undertake the responsibility of establishing frameworks for world trade in Although the positive and constructive position taken recently by the Group of Eight regarding the settlement of the problems of indebtedness has created an atmosphere of confidence and satisfaction, two important points should be stressed. First, the burden of repaying the remaining balances and the servicing of debts should not interrupt the growth and integration of the national economies concerned into the world economy. Secondly, it is essential to create a favourable environment for the promotion of economic and trade cooperation between States on the basis of equality and mutual benefit and within a framework of transparency of capital markets, in addition to facilitating the transfer of technology and encouraging international investment, which would enhance development and growth for all, as well as facilitating the equitable integration of the economies of developing countries into the world economic system. This will enable the world economy to avoid any other shocks that are liable to have a universal impact. The State of Bahrain is pleased and willing to contribute to international efforts aimed at achieving increased international economic cooperation, due to its stability and strategic location, and the trade and investment environment it enjoys — elements that have helped it attract foreign capital and enhance its standing as an advanced financial and commercial centre. With the imminent approach of a new century, the world has witnessed major historical changes precipitated by technological and scientific advances, a telecommunications revolution, a rapid flow of information, a trend towards open global markets and a widening scope of interaction between nations, cultures and civilizations. All this serves as a harbinger signalling the advent of a better world for humanity as a whole. Yet, while we appreciate the positive aspects of such advance, we are duty-bound to warn against the dangers that accompany those positive aspects. Those dangers raise the following questions. To what extent can poor countries benefit from the technological revolution? If they cannot, then the revolution will serve only to widen the gap between the poor and the rich. To what extent can scientific advance With the advent of the third millennium, it behoves us to consider and reflect upon the accomplishments of humanity, on the one hand, and the horrible human suffering that has beset thousands of individuals as a consequence of disputes, conflicts and poverty, on the other. We believe that the United Nations is the principal forum for such reflection and consideration so that solutions can be found for these disputes and conflicts. It is Bahrain’s conviction, in this connection, that the international community can enhance its standing and its values during the next millennium and ensure a better destiny for itself, through the achievement of peace, security, solidarity and cooperation within a framework of universal human partnership and pluralism. Bahrain regards these elements as essential for the survival of the planet and calls for strengthening the role of the United Nations system, as it is the trustworthy custodian of our accomplishments and aspirations, so that it can carry out its task to the fullest extent. We are confident that mankind can reach higher levels of advancement, development and growth through coordination and cooperation within the United Nations and other regional organizations. It is our hope that the new millennium will usher in a new era of abundance wherein the world will be endowed with security, peace and stability.

I now give the floor to the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of Chad, His Excellency Mr. Mahamat Saleh Annadif.

On behalf of the Chad delegation, and on my own behalf, I would like I would also like to express our gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, who tactfully and adroitly led the work of the fifty-third session. Allow me also to praise the merits of our Secretary- General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the foresight, wisdom and, above all, patience with which he is guiding the Organization, as well as for his sustained efforts in seeking international peace and security, despite all kinds of difficulties and the immensity of his tasks. In a few months we will enter the third millennium, a millennium filled with uncertainties, fears and unknowns, but also one of hope. That millennium will be characterized by globalization and, above all, the domination of human intelligence over nature. It will be an era of communications in which our planet will shrink to a tiny area. It will also mean the disappearance of barriers to the circulation of ideas, knowledge, culture and science. But it will also be an era of competition and complementarity. During this century, the aspirations of most peoples was to be fed, clothed, cared for, educated, trained, housed and gainfully employed. It is legitimate to hope that with the arrival of the coming century these essential, basic human needs will be met, so that we can avoid a further widening of the gap between wealthy and poor countries. On the eve of the third millennium, we must acknowledge that the lofty objectives of the United Nations, primarily the maintenance of international peace and security and the reduction of poverty among Member States, are far from being attained, although we have been focusing on them for half a century. How can we not ask ourselves these kinds of questions at this great annual gathering, where the scope and urgency of political and economic problems are made so clear? It is time to contemplate solutions that include Turning more specifically to Chad, our major concern is to create conditions of peace and security through a fully participatory political process that involves the various political parties in the management of public affairs and in the national reconciliation policy for all the people of Chad. The involvement in this approach of all segments of society has enabled our country to restore political stability and civil peace and to establish constitutional and democratic institutions. We are firmly convinced that a democracy can be effective only when it is based on certain republican concepts, primarily justice, the primacy of human rights and the participation of local communities in the management of their own affairs. The recent establishment of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Council speak to this major concern, as does that of the National Commission on Human Rights, in operation since 1994. These efforts were acknowledged and led the United Nations Commission on Human Rights last April to end its consideration of the human rights situation in Chad and consequently remove our country from the confidential procedural situation it had been in since March 1991. Finally, our Government has undertaken a decentralization policy aimed at implementing the choice made by the people of Chad, as reflected in the Constitution of 11 April 1996, through the establishment of decentralized territorial communities and the gradual transfer of authority. In an effort to consolidate peace and reinforce social cohesion, the Government of Chad has focused on two questions: the army and anti-personnel mines. With respect to the thorny problems relating to the army and security, our Government has undertaken to ensure professional training for demobilized former combatants in order to redeploy them to new jobs, to provide them support in developing income-generating skills and to see to it that their basic needs are met. With respect to security issues, we have set up a demining programme that should contribute to increasing the safety of the national territory, where approximately a million mines and an indeterminate amount of ammunition of all calibres remain buried, thereby helping to open up Chad, especially the northern part of the country. The presence of these dangerous devices seriously impedes the In this regard, my country has signed and ratified the Ottawa Convention and has set up national structures supervised by the National High Commissioner for Demining in order effectively to combat these lethal devices. The objectives of that programme focus, inter alia, on reducing the number of victims, making the main roads safer, promoting economic and social development and facilitating the return of displaced persons. The implementation of this ambitious demining programme, whose dimensions extend beyond the borders of our country, cannot be done without the assistance of our partners and friends. That is why we wish to appeal once again from this lofty rostrum to the solidarity of Member States of our Organization and to ask them to provide us with assistance and cooperation. On the eve of the twenty-first century, the welfare of the country's citizens remains the motivating force for governmental action in Chad. That action is based on the ambitious reforms undertaken since 1995 and focuses primarily on a modern and dynamic economy. In point of fact, following devaluation in 1994, Chad rejoined the Bretton Woods institutions and on 23 April 1995 adopted a structural adjustment programme for the medium term, with resources provided by the International Monetary Fund in the framework of its Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility and by the World Bank in terms of structural-adjustment credit, and with financial assistance from our usual partners — France, the European Union and the African Development Bank. Bold reforms have been undertaken that focus primarily on stabilizing public finance, correcting external imbalances and ensuring sustainable growth. To this end we instituted an effective policy to combat poverty. Our Government has drafted and adopted a new sustainable development programme focusing on three major challenges: economic and financial, social, and political and institutional. The goal is to create a climate of social stability through sustained structural reform and through fiscal, monetary and budgetary policies that will contribute to a macro-economic consolidation and to controlling inflation. This fight against poverty focuses on four strategic priority elements in the areas of health, education, infrastructure and rural development. In this undertaking we have received support from the international In this regard, I wish to express our deepest gratitude to friendly countries and international financial organizations and institutions for their strong response to our appeal for international solidarity. The people of Chad will never forget those commendable efforts. Following that round table, we organized two sectoral meetings, on health and on rural development. Meetings on infrastructure and education will take place in the near future. We reiterate our appeal to all interested parties to participate actively in these meetings, which will be held in N'Djamena in November and December 1999, respectively. One cannot speak of Chad's economy today without referring to the question of the exploitation of its oil resources. This is a key political, diplomatic and socio- economic issue that has fueled heated discussions both inside and outside the country. In addition to its undeniable economic importance, this project will contribute significantly to subregional integration because it establishes a partnership between two brotherly countries, namely Cameroon and Chad. In this respect, we have taken into account the development difficulties that Chad is facing, and we are considering our future in terms of petroleum-related issues with a great deal of caution. The Government and the Parliament of Chad have already set up management and distribution mechanisms for the anticipated oil income. For the first time ever in the history of the exploitation of oil deposits, legislation has been enacted to guarantee transparency in the management of oil revenue and also to set aside some of that income for territorial communities in the oil-producing regions and for future generations. The oil activity is an exceptional opportunity, which should contribute to the gradual rebalancing of our budget and give us room for manoeuvre to establish a true policy for development. This project has rightly raised hopes throughout the country. We are all firmly convinced that new efforts and many sacrifices are required to ensure the gradual implementation of the purposes and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter as they relate to disputes between a considerable number of Member States as well as to other equally challenging evils that continue to trouble the human conscience. How can we remain indifferent when confronted with the scourges of poverty, illiteracy, foreign aggression, conflict, various pandemics and transnational The interdependence of peace and socio-economic development needs no further proof, especially in Chad, which has experienced the torments of war, its disastrous effects on the population and its repercussions on social and economic life. Out of a sense of duty and international obligation, my country has made and will continue to make enormous sacrifices for other African countries that have fallen victim to the problems inherent in coexistence. That is why we have participated in various peacekeeping operations in the subregion of Central Africa. In this context, I am pleased to recall Operation Turquoise, in which Chad participated to save lives in Rwanda. Chad also contributed to the Inter- African Mission to Monitor the Implementation of the Bangui Agreements and the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic, which sought a negotiated solution between the Government of the Central African Republic and a part of the rebel army, and which resulted in bringing together different viewpoints opinions and establishing conditions required for the organization of multi-party elections. In that same spirit, my country intervened in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Our involvement, together with that of other countries, enabled the situation to be stabilized and promoted dialogue between the warring parties. With the signing of the Syrte accords on 18 April 1999, Chad withdrew its troops from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The signing of the Lusaka ceasefire agreement by all the parties in conflict has opened up new prospects for that brotherly people. Chad hopes that that agreement, which the Security Council has endorsed, will lead to a definitive peace in that country and the entire Great Lakes region. Chad will support that process. The tragedy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has not made us lose sight of the situation in the Republic of the Congo, which was recently on the verge of breaking up. Now passion seems to be giving way to reason. We welcome the will shown by both the Government of Congo and the opposition parties, who have taken the wise decision to negotiate to restore peace To this rather sombre picture we must add the fragile situation in Angola, where the civil war has resumed throughout the national territory. This is of great concern for all of Africa, particularly since the resumption of hostilities will undoubtedly mean the failure of the considerable efforts made on all sides to bring peace to that country, which has been ravaged by a long war, thus prolonging the suffering of the Angolan people. We appeal to the Security Council to assist in restoring peace to that wounded country. We welcome the tireless efforts of the Economic Community of West African States to bring peace and security to West Africa. Those efforts have led to the signing of the ceasefire agreements in Sierra Leone and Guinea-Bissau. All the parties involved in those crises should show restraint and work towards reconciliation in the higher interests of their peoples. With regard to the Horn of Africa, we note that there has been no obvious progress in the willingness of the parties involved in the conflict in Somalia to find a political solution leading to national unity. While we welcome the efforts of Mr. Hosni Mubarak aimed at a negotiated resolution of the crisis, we also appeal to the Somali leaders to assist in restoring peace to their country. We regret the resumption of hostilities between the Ethiopians and Eritreans, which has led to a considerable loss of life and material damage. We urge all those who have mediated between the warring parties to persevere so as to put an end to those hostilities, which have further exacerbated an already disturbing situation. Closer to home, Chad welcomes the decision of the Security Council to suspend the embargo against the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. We urge that the sanctions be lifted once and for all; they have seriously damaged the interests of the brotherly people of that neighbouring country. Of all the continents, Africa seems to have suffered the most from the economic crisis and from wars and other conflict situations. But we have not forgotten the major problems that other peoples are facing. With regard to the situation in the Middle East, it has already been established that the question of Palestine is at the heart of the conflict. Its resolution lies in the implementation of the Oslo accords and, in particular, in Elsewhere, the effects of the conflicts between Iraq and Kuwait and between Iraq and Iran persist, hampering the final return to peace. We appeal to the sense of responsibility of the former warring parties to work tirelessly to restore full peace. In the Balkans, Chad encourages the efforts of the international community to restore peace to the region, and in particular to Kosovo. As for East Timor, we urge all the parties involved to complete the process begun under the auspices of the United Nations so as to end the suffering of the people there. In Asia, Chad is concerned about the fate of the Republic of China on Taiwan and its 22 million inhabitants. The Republic of China on Taiwan, which plays a major role in world trade, is a peace-loving country that fulfils the obligations in the United Nations Charter, as it has shown on many occasions. Chad supports the admission of the Republic of China on Taiwan to the United Nations as a means of correcting an injustice. It is well known that a number of conflicts stem from the unbridled arms race. In this regard, the circulation, proliferation of and illicit trafficking in small arms in Africa is of concern to us, particularly since this phenomenon, the result of the end of the cold war and numerous conflicts in the continent, has taken a disturbing turn. If appropriate solutions are not found soon, peace, security and stability in our countries will be constantly threatened. To address this situation, a conference on small arms and drug trafficking will take place in Chad under the auspices of the United Nations Standing Advisory Committee on Security Questions in Central Africa; it will be followed immediately by the twelfth ministerial meeting of that Committee. Those two important meetings will be held at Ndjamena from 25 to 30 October 1999. Chad is honoured to act as host to the Committee and will do everything in its power to ensure the success of its work. The United Nations was founded in a historical context with which we are all familiar. It has been and To respond to these concerns, the Security Council must be reformed. Here, Chad wholeheartedly supports the position of the Organization of African Unity that, inter alia, there must be equitable and legitimate representation on the Security Council for the African continent. With respect to the global economy and world trade, appropriate steps must be taken to ensure that the all States will share equally in the benefits of globalization. Globalization of the economy certainly can have the advantage of eliminating all discriminatory and unfair practices in world trade, but it must be recognized that the lack of competitive power of the economies of the countries of the South does not enable them to benefit fully from this. Moreover, the unbridled liberalization of markets and the lack of measures to consolidate certain gains are weakening their economies and marginalizing them in the world arena. Similarly, the indebtedness of those countries places a heavy burden on their meagre budgetary resources, and wipes out all their development efforts. I welcome the recent decision taken by the Group of Seven at its summit held at Cologne, Germany, to ease the debt of heavily indebted poor countries. Such initiatives are praiseworthy, but they remain insufficient. Chad urges the wealthy countries to make a greater effort to enable poor countries finally to address the external-debt burden, which is a true obstacle to economic and social development.

I call next on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Bhutan, His Excellency Mr. Jigmi Yoser Thinley.

Allow me to congratulate you most warmly, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. My delegation is confident that with your vast experience you May I take this opportunity to express our gratitude to His Excellency Mr. Didier Opertti for his leadership and for his contribution to the work of the fifty-third session of the General Assembly. My delegation takes great pleasure in welcoming the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga as they assume their rightful positions in the comity of nations. It is appropriate that, at this final session of the General Assembly of the twentieth century, the United Nations family has been expanded by yet another three Members. We look forward to the valuable contributions they will make to the Organization, and to working closely with them on issues of mutual concern. This century has witnessed perhaps the greatest changes in the annals of civilization, from enormous strides in science and technology to advances in social thought and organization. Yet we continue to witness the worst forms of devastation arising from conflict and from the buildup of destructive capacity. The United Nations was born out of the ashes of the Second World War as a reflection of the desire and aspiration of all people to live in peace and harmony. At this, the last session of the General Assembly before the end of the millennium, it is incumbent upon us to consider whether the United Nations has lived up to the high ideals and expectations of all its Members. The primary objective and responsibility of the United Nations is the maintenance of global peace and harmony on the basis of international law and the sovereign equality of all nations. Even though the United Nations moved swiftly to assume this important responsibility of maintaining peace and security right from its inception, its effectiveness has not been optimal. The end of the cold war raised new hopes and expectations, and renewed efforts to exercise that responsibility. The task has been complex and difficult, and, sometimes, decisive action on some issues has led us to question why there was inaction on others. In our view, the primary mechanism for the maintenance of peace and security must make use of early dialogue aimed at peaceful resolution of differences. The use of force to resolve conflict must be considered with extreme caution; it must be fully within the context of international law and must enjoy the support of all the members of the international community. Bhutan associates itself with the position of the Non- Aligned Movement, which maintains that new global realities must be reflected through reform of the Security Council, in terms of both its composition and its working methods. The legitimacy of an increased role and voice for developing countries must find expression in an increased permanent representation on the Council. We trust that deliberations on this matter will proceed within the established framework of General Assembly mechanisms, with the involvement of all Member States and with continued transparency. The threat to international peace and security posed by the abundance of weapons of mass destruction as well as conventional arms has not diminished. Progress on nuclear disarmament can take place only if the legitimate security concerns of all countries are addressed and if there is a firm commitment to the eventual elimination of all such weapons. Equal attention, we believe, must be given also to the regulation of global trade in conventional weapons and small arms. Terrorism continues to jeopardize and undermine human rights, fundamental freedoms and security in a growing number of countries and situations. There is an urgent need to accord greater priority to the elaboration of a comprehensive convention on international terrorism. The global community must enhance cooperation to prevent, combat and eliminate this scourge. Globalization offers unprecedented opportunities for sustained economic development. Paradoxically, the rapid processes of change and adjustment have been accompanied by intensified poverty, unemployment and social disorientation. Fears that current patterns of market-driven globalization may even give rise to further marginalization of developing countries are not altogether unfounded. All these clearly indicate that there is an acute need for balance in order to forge a middle path for the process of globalization. My country welcomes the decision taken at the Cologne Summit in June 1999 by the G-8 aimed at While we commend our development partners that have reached or surpassed agreed official development assistance targets, we regret that with a few exceptions, the long-standing commitment to United Nations targets for official development assistance remains largely an unfulfilled goal. In this regard, Bhutan joins other developing countries in underlining the importance of the convening of a high-level conference on the financing of development within the framework of the United Nations. Bhutan recognizes that all parties must exert equal efforts in order to foster a successful development partnership, but it is increasingly concerned by the growing marginalization of least developed countries in global trade, whose share remains below 0.4 per cent. While the least developed countries have taken steps towards economic liberalization and institutional reform, their smooth integration into the global economy must be facilitated through preferential access to markets and assistance for institutional capacity-building and infrastructure development. In this regard, we are heartened by the general sensitivity and responsiveness shown by the World Trade Organization. As a founding member of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) family, Bhutan is committed to further strengthening cooperation in South Asia, where infinitely vast resources and potentials remain locked and unrealized. We have made progress in fostering cooperation, particularly in the social fields, and in strengthening cooperation in the core economic areas. Of special significance is our commitment to establish the necessary mechanisms to enable SAARC to move from a preferential trade arrangement to a free trade arrangement within a reasonable period of time. One of the overriding responsibilities of the United Nations is in the field of socio-economic development. Over the decades, the contributions of the various United Nations agencies have been remarkable, although these have sometimes been taken for granted. It is important that we recognize their contributions and provide them with the necessary resources to effectively continue their support to developing countries. In pursuit of an equitable balance between material and spiritual development, the Government has consistently allocated a large share of resources over the last four decades for social services. Almost 30 per cent of the present national budget is allocated to the provision of free basic education and primary health care. To these are We have realized that balanced development is not always the easiest route to take. It entails considerable contemplation, a cautious approach and a deliberate choice of a measured path. It requires patience, restraint and; indeed, courage: patience to persevere over many years in order to reap long-term benefits, restraint and self-control to refrain from fleeting compulsions and courage to sacrifice immediate gains in favour of long- term sustainable development. I would like to seize this opportunity to thank the many worthy members of this Assembly and the various United Nations and other multilateral agencies for their inspiration, cooperation and meaningful support in my country's endeavour to ensure progress and sustained gross national happiness.