A/54/PV.19 General Assembly

The Assembly will first hear an address by the President of the Republic of Mozambique.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Mozambique, His Excellency Mr. Joaquim Alberto Chissano, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Chissano: On behalf of my Government and on my own behalf, I wish to join previous speakers in congratulating you, Sir, most sincerely on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. Your election to this high office is a matter of honour to all Africans and to the United Nations family, for you represent a nation whose plight remained on the agenda of this Organization for many years. The attainment of the independence of Namibia, the last stronghold of colonialism in the African continent, and the subsequent political, economic and social developments that have occurred in the last few years, have indeed paved the way for the consolidation of the process of political integration of southern Africa. We wish you well in your new responsibilities, and are confident that this body will be well served in the months ahead. We shall cooperate with you in every way we can. A well-deserved tribute is also due to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for the exemplary manner in which he spearheaded the proceedings of the Organization during the last session. I would also like to express my high regard to the Secretary-General for his continued commitment to international peace and security and for his leadership in dealing with an ever-increasing array of challenges worldwide. I wish to encourage him to continue on this positive path. My Government welcomes the recent admission to the membership of the United Nations of the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. We are certain that the new Members will further enhance the universal nature of our Organization. I have come to the General Assembly first as a messenger of a people — the Mozambican people — who have embarked on a long process of political, economic and social stabilization, following years of instability. The process of consolidating Mozambique’s young, multiparty democracy is making steady progress. Step by step, our country is returning to normalcy, though we are conscious of the hurdles still ahead. In the past five years of pluralistic democracy we have registered important advances in the consolidation of nation-building through collective efforts involving all layers of society. Taking advantage of its diversity and vitality, our Parliament has held fruitful discussion, which resulted in the adoption of new laws that are contributing positively to the revitalization of political, economic and social institutions as well as to the consolidation of peace and democracy. More important, this forum has contributed to the creation among parliamentarians of a new vision and understanding of the facts about our country and a vision of a united nation pursuing peace, progress and prosperity for all Mozambicans, thus consolidating national reconciliation. The period under review has equally witnessed significant economic and social progress. We are proud that this has been highlighted and commended by well-advised outside observers and by many of the most respected organizations and institutions as a good example of commitment to implement economic reforms. The Mozambican economy has grown at encouraging rates, resulting in the allocation of an increased share of the national budget to the social sectors. The whole network of schools and health facilities destroyed during the years of destabilization has been rebuilt, and most roads and bridges are under rehabilitation. My Government has succeeded in creating a more enabling environment for private investment by redefining its role as facilitator. We have identified and established special incentive schemes in various areas with higher potential for development. These incentives are aimed at bringing new investments to a number of areas in order to develop internationally competitive economic zones, create employment opportunities and promote sustainable economic growth. They are also intended to bring about balanced development of the whole country, bearing in mind that some areas were neglected during colonial times. The streamlining of investment procedures, coupled with political stability, has contributed to the attraction of large investments such as the Maputo Development Corridor project. The concept of development corridors is The ambitious plan for the development of integrated programmes and projects in the Zambezi river basin, an extensive and potentially rich part of Mozambique, include the construction of a big hydroelectric dam at M’panda M’kua. The Zambezi valley covers more than 200,000 square kilometres, nearly one third of our national territory, and is endowed with a variety of resources of strategic importance, which we intend to develop in order to bring about sustainable development for our country and for the SADC region. The Cabora Bassa dam is already supplying electricity to Zimbabwe and to South Africa. Mozambique will thus be in a position to use its geostrategic location to make a greater contribution towards the integrated development of the southern African region; this is one of the building blocks of continental integration. We believe that cooperative interaction involving various segments of society, including the private sector, is the key to the promotion of sustainable development through a smart partnership in which all stakeholders will benefit. I come to this Assembly also as a messenger of the peoples of southern Africa, a region striving to develop as a community of nations and peoples at peace with itself and with others and working towards balanced and integrated development. Last month, the people and the Government of Mozambique were honoured to host the nineteenth Summit of Heads of State or Government of our community, the Southern African Development Community. The Maputo Summit was held on the theme In reviewing the progress made over the previous 12 months, the Summit noted with satisfaction that the economies of the Community continued to grow at in average rate of 3 per cent, thanks to sound macroeconomic policies implemented by member States and to the harmonization and coordination of activities towards economic integration. However, in order to eradicate poverty, the region needs to grow at an average rate of 6 per cent per year. To achieve this objective we need to mobilize more regional resources as well as to consolidate an enabling environment to increase the share of foreign direct investment. We have once again resolved to commit ourselves to ensure that all of our countries and peoples can benefit as they must from the globalization process. To that end, efforts will continue to be made to consolidate peace throughout the region, to harmonize sectoral policies and to implement sound economic policies. During the Maputo Summit, the heads of State and Government signed three important documents: on wildlife, on health and on productivity. They welcomed the recent entry into force of the SADC Protocols on Shared Watercourse Systems, on Energy, on Transport, Communications and Meteorology, and on Combating Illicit Drug Trafficking, and the charter of the Regional Tourism Organization of Southern Africa. The entry into force of the Trade Protocol on 1 January 2000 will bring additional opportunities and challenges to our region, and will enhance the programme initiated a few years ago with the entry into force of other protocols. All these legal instruments are, indeed, important steps towards regional integration leading to a better future. In southern Africa, HIV/AIDS is spreading at an alarming rate. Governments in the SADC region, aware of the far-reaching negative consequences, are seeking collective and individual strategies to counter the spread of AIDS. In Lusaka, Zambia, we met at a regional level to look into advisable approaches that can enhance awareness within each country and to consider measures that can help Governments to mobilize financial and human resources to face this global threat. We have no choice: either we stop This scenario foretells our future. Our economic, social and political development will remain on the horizon, and the structures of our societies will be seriously undermined, unless effective, concrete steps are taken. In this context, my Government very recently adopted a national strategy against HIV/AIDS. The resolution on cooperation between SADC and the United Nations to be adopted this year must reflect the positive progress that has taken place within SADC, and stress the importance of greater interaction with the United Nations in all fields of common interest. At the same time, our Community — which is built on democratic principles, equitable and sustainable development, improved living standards of citizens, free movement of factors of production, goods and services — remains equally committed to strengthening its relationship with other regional organizations. The search for a durable peace is still a constant objective of the region. It is for this reason that we welcome the progress made in the settlement of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The signing of the agreement by all parties opens a new era for the region and beyond. What is required now is for the international community, particularly the United Nations, to meet its responsibilities by sending, as expeditiously as possible, peacekeeping forces with an appropriate mandate and adequate resources, under Chapter VII of the Charter, for the achievement of lasting peace and stability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We hope that the progress to which I have referred to above will make a positive impact on the Angolan conflict. The people of Angola must be given the opportunity to live in peace and harmony. The international community has a moral and political obligation to assist the Angolans to reverse the humanitarian tragedy which is unfolding in vast areas of their territory. At the same time, the international community, while supporting the Government of Angola in restoring peace and stability in that country, must call on Mr. Savimbi to abandon his aggressive and irresponsible action. In particular, the Security Council sanctions imposed on UNITA must be fully observed, in order to prevent further suffering in that SADC country. In this context, we salute the positive work already done This is our vision of the future of Mozambique as an individual country and also that of SADC as a whole. The recurrence of conflicts in Africa has exacerbated the plight of children as the main victims. The recent Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit, held in Algiers, echoing the recommendations of the African Conference on the Use of Children as Soldiers, held in Maputo in April this year, adopted a resolution calling, inter alia, for the elaboration of an international convention outlawing the use of children under 18 years of age in armed conflicts. We urge all members of the United Nations to adhere to and support this initiative, which, in our view, must be associated with all other rights of the child. We believe that the implementation of that OAU resolution, together with the concept of “children as zone of peace” would constitute a valuable contribution to the protection of children. In this regard, I commend the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the Special Representative of the Secretary General on Children and Armed Conflict and non-governmental organizations for their relentless efforts to promote and ensure respect for the rights of the child. Moreover, the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, together with transnational crimes such as money laundering and drug trafficking, constitute major sources of instability for many countries, including my own. We in southern Africa are undertaking a coordinated action with a view to addressing these challenges and bringing about peace and stability. In May this year Maputo hosted the First Meeting of States parties to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on their Destruction. The Maputo Meeting was held when thousands of innocent civilians were being maimed in many parts of the world, including my own country. The Meeting adopted a Declaration calling upon us to rededicate ourselves in the struggle against these insidious weapons, in fulfilment of our obligations under the Ottawa Convention. More important, the Maputo Meeting offered a unique opportunity to remind the international community of the need to meet the targets set by the Convention. In four years we must destroy all As we concluded in Maputo, these targets are non-negotiable. What is negotiable is the ways and means for the attainment of these objectives. We therefore call upon all States and organizations in a position to do so to ensure that these goals are met. Failure to reach these goals would undermine the credibility of the international community and, above all, the universalization of the Convention. It is our earnest hope that the General Assembly will give additional impetus to the momentum created by the adoption of the Maputo Declaration. We in southern Africa are disturbed about the low levels of foreign direct investment in Africa. We are deeply concerned about recent evidence presented by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) showing a drastic reduction in official development assistance, in particular for Africa. More worrisome is the fact that the target of 0.7 per cent in official development assistance has never been entirely met, and, on the contrary, it has reached only one third of the established target. Lack of adequate funding has contributed to poor realization of the goals set by major international conferences, including those contained in the Cairo Programme of Action, which was reviewed during the recently held twenty-first special session of the General Assembly on population and development. Without political will there will be no sustainable development in the global economy, and the risk of the further marginalization of developing countries, with all of its negative consequences, will remain high. In addition, the issue of external indebtedness continues to be the single most important obstacle to the development of many countries, particularly in Africa. Efforts must be made to ensure that the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative is accessible to the countries in need. As I speak on this issue, I must once again thank the international community for the assistance rendered to Mozambique under this Initiative, as of last June. The fact of the matter, however, is that our debt burden continues to undermine our efforts to achieve sustainable development. We believe it is high time for the international community to start writing off the external debt of those countries that have made visible and My Government wishes to commend the 5 May Agreement signed by the Governments of Indonesia, Portugal and United Nations which culminated in the holding of a referendum in East Timor. We salute the people of East Timor for the exemplary and orderly manner in which they participated in the referendum and for the clear and unequivocal way in which they decided for independence. We are deeply saddened and gravely concerned over the tragic developments that have followed the announcement of the results of the referendum. We are particularly distressed over the fact that massacres against innocent civilians and indiscriminate destruction of property have occurred, largely due to the failure by Indonesia to secure order and by the international community to act expeditiously. The fact that the East Timor tragedy occurred when similar situations had been prevented not long ago leads us to believe in the existence of passivity and selectivity in dealing with issues that undermine international peace and security. We nevertheless commend the decision taken by the Security Council to send a mission to Jakarta and Dili and the subsequent actions taken with the cooperation of the Government of Indonesia. Along with restoring peace and stability, efforts must be made to provide a speedy humanitarian response to assist the people who were displaced or became refugees as a result of the unprecedented levels of violence we have witnessed in that territory. The tragedy in East Timor underlines the importance of translating into deeds the relevant recommendations contained in the “Report of the Secretary-General to the Security Council on the protection of civilians in armed conflict”. Mozambique has given its modest contribution to the United Nations Mission in East Timor and stands ready to continue to play a role in future efforts of the international community. On behalf of my Government and on my own behalf, I wish to seize this opportunity to convey our deepest sympathy to those who have lost their loved ones. It is our hope that their suffering will not be in vain, and that the The issue of East Timor reminds us of other people who are striving for self-determination. We are encouraged by the latest positive developments that have taken place in the Middle East. They confirm that, with the necessary political will, taking into account the interests of all parties to the conflict, peace is possible in that region. Our task is to help the Palestinians and the Israelis take maximum advantage of the momentum that has been created as a result of the signing of the Sharm el-Sheik Memorandum, on 4 September 1999, following the deadlock in the implementation of the Wye River Memorandum of 23 October 1998. Success in the implementation of the current Memorandum depends on strict observance of the principle of land for peace. Recent incidents along the common border between India and Pakistan are a source of great concern to all peace-loving countries. We call upon both Governments to exercise maximum restraint and to refrain from taking actions that might jeopardize further the already volatile situation along their common border. It is our earnest hope that the United Nations intervention in Kosovo will bring lasting peace and stability to that territory and the region. To this end Mozambique is contributing with a small team of police officers. We equally hope that now that the Lockerbie issue is in the hands of justice, the Security Council will honour its undertakings by lifting the sanctions on Libya. Both the final settlement of this issue and the holding of a referendum in Western Sahara will have a positive impact on the development of Africa. We are at the threshold of the next century, and the challenges ahead are enormous. They require stronger commitment and greater international cooperation. In this connection, we wish to commend the Secretary-General for organizing the Millennium Assembly and the millennium summit for the year 2000. Indeed, there could be no better way to inaugurate the new era than by assembling all world leaders to reflect on the strategies and policies that will govern our planet in the next millennium. Whatever themes we choose to debate, they should include the promotion of a culture of peace within nations, regions and throughout the world, for this will allow the realization of all other objectives, in particular the eradication of poverty, promotion of development, It is therefore our hope that the forthcoming historic gatherings will signal the beginning of the crystallization of the process of building a better and safer world by producing meaningful strategies, actions and policies that will guide the United Nations of tomorrow. We agree that these high-level events should not result merely in the adoption of declarations that cannot be translated into concrete actions for both the United Nations and Governments. We should therefore aim at pragmatic, action-oriented and implementable decisions. Then, and only then, shall we meet the aspirations of the founding fathers of our universal Organization.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Mozambique for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands.

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands, His Excellency The Honourable Bartholomew Ulufa’alu, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

The Assembly will next hear a statement by the Prime Minister of the Republic of the Niger. Mr. Ibrahim Assane Mayaki, Prime Minister of the Republic of the Niger, was escorted to the rostrum.

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of the Republic of the Niger, His Excellency Mr. Ibrahim Assane Mayaki, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I am delighted to have the opportunity at this fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly to share with the entire international community the concerns — but also the hope — that inspire the nation of Niger in the progress of world events. The Niger welcomes the new Member States — the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga — to membership of the United Nations community. I would also like to say how proud and pleased we are, Sir, over your unanimous election as President of the General Assembly for this session. On behalf of the delegation of the Niger, I wish to sincerely congratulate you and the other members of the Bureau. Your professional skills and your well-known human qualities, as well as your unceasing commitment to your country, Namibia, and to the defence of the noble causes of humanity, guarantee the successful outcome of the Assembly’s work. My delegation also has the agreeable duty of paying a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, for the excellent work done during his term of office. The Niger is a landlocked, heavily indebted country which has for almost a decade suffered from chronic institutional instability. This situation has seriously undermined its people’s efforts to establish a viable political, economic and social environment. Since its accession to independence in August 1960 the Republic of the Niger has experienced profound upheavals which have affected its progress towards the establishment of a democratic, harmonious and prosperous society. But these upheavals, far from weakening the democratic ideal of our people, have strengthened its resolve to overcome these challenges. Strengthened by this conviction, the Council for National Reconciliation and the Government resulting from the events of 9 April 1999 have made the strong commitment that the people of the Niger, at peace with itself and possessing stable and durable democratic institutions, will be able to meet the challenges of the third millennium. On 18 July, in a referendum, the people of the Niger adopted the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, which will lead to the establishment of lasting democratic institutions. The timetable decided on by our Independent National Electoral Commission sets the first round of presidential elections for 17 October. The second round will be held at the same time as the general elections, on 24 November. The investiture and assumption of office of the President- elect of the Republic will take place on 31 December 1999. In this respect, every step has been taken to organize the elections in the most transparent, honest and neutral way possible. The measures taken include a ban on the military’s submitting candidates for the presidential and general elections, even if those candidates are on leave of absence or have resigned from the military. The Government will ensure that the elections are held in a spirit of impartiality. With this same aim, the Independent National Electoral Commission was institutionalized and a national communications monitor set up to guarantee equal access Basically, therefore, our political transition is on the right track, and the instruments for this transition will be active until power is handed over to the duly, freely elected authorities. In view of all this, we hope that our traditional external partners will help us establish true democracy in the Niger. We expect their support, which is necessary to help us in the process of establishing dialogue among all parties concerned to guarantee the holding of credible, honest elections. But as the Assembly is aware, democracy does not just mean holding a series of elections. A legal arsenal and a different way of thinking are essential to consolidate democracy, and this is why we have started giving organized, concerted consideration to the drafting of basic texts that will govern the future Republic. Varied and burning issues, such as the depoliticization of the administration, the electoral code, the charter of political parties, the status of the opposition and the role of the army in a democratic context have been tackled. In this context, I call upon interested States to take part in the national workshop to be held next December on the theme “The army and democracy in Africa: the case of the Niger”. I wish very sincerely to thank all bilateral and multilateral partners of the Niger, in particular United Nations agencies, and more specifically the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), for having continued to support my country’s efforts to create the right institutional environment to restore social peace and to enable men and women of the Niger to meet the major challenges they face. This highly appreciated assistance will continue to be necessary in this decisive phase of the democratic process and the process of national reconciliation. The recurrent theme of post-conflict insecurity deserves special attention from the United Nations system. The Niger, resolutely committed to the process of cantonment, disarmament and socio-economic reintegration of elements of the former rebel army which rampaged in the north and far east of the country a few It is in this spirit that my country submitted to the Secretariat a plan to put an end to the illicit circulation of small arms and light weapons. It endorsed the decision taken by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in June 1998 and the declaration adopted by the heads of State and Government of member countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in October 1998 to deal with the destabilizing effects and the threat to peace and security posed by the illicit circulation of small arms and light weapons for the West African region and for the entire continent. We welcome the emerging concordance of views and action regarding the priority nature of this question among African organizations on the one hand, and other international institutions — including those of the United Nations system, the European Union and the Organization of American States — on the other. This international consensus will make it possible to take effective steps in time for the upcoming international conference on all aspects of the illicit arms trade, to be held in 2001. The Niger has always sought to make its modest contribution to the settlement of conflicts that threaten peace and security in Africa and throughout the rest of the world. Despite our limited resources, we sent troops to Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea-Bissau, as well as civilian police officers to Haiti. In this regard, my Government wishes to reaffirm its constant willingness to send military and police contingents to all United Nations peacekeeping operations when needed. In Africa, thanks to the efforts of the international community, we have reason to hope that the process leading to the referendum on self-determination for the Sahraoui people will soon lead to a final settlement of this question. The conclusion of the Peace Agreement in Sierra Leone under the aegis of ECOWAS and the Ceasefire Agreement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have given us a glimmer of hope. These efforts must be continued and must serve as an example for those involved in other conflicts, such as in Angola, in Somalia or in the armed confrontation between Ethiopia and Eritrea. It must be acknowledged that these situations of crisis and insecurity demand first and foremost that African Governments and leaders of public opinion commit Outstanding and effective initiatives have been taken in various places and should be welcomed. Among these is the action initiated by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika of Algeria, who had the praiseworthy idea of holding on 16 September last, a referendum on civil concord, which was massively supported by the Algerian people. The Government and the people of the Niger welcome this genuine plebiscite and the prospects it ushers in for that fraternal country. The Niger also welcomes the positive developments in the Lockerbie case. We believe that conditions now exist for the total lifting of sanctions against the great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. In the Middle East, the attention of the international community is still focused on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, which, fortunately, seems to have been revived with the change in the leadership of the Israeli Government. In Asia, the Jammu and Kashmir conflict remains a source of great tension between two nuclear States, India and Pakistan, and a persistent, serious threat to peace and security in that part of South Asia. The Niger, therefore, as a member of the contact group established by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, reiterates its appeal to both parties to step up their negotiations in order to reach a peaceful settlement of the conflict by recognizing the Kashmiri people’s right to self-determination pursuant to the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. In Europe, my Government welcomes the return of peace to the Balkans. The establishment of an administration under United Nations control is a sure guarantee for the safe return of the refugees. It is more essential and urgent than ever to reverse the decline in official development assistance which, it must be recalled, is at its lowest level in 50 years. In order to meet this challenge, the international community must consider the possibility of mobilizing additional resources. It is therefore urgent that progress be made It is on the basis of this experience that my Government adopted a national strategy note and an economic recovery programme that clearly defines the coherent networks for action by our development partners. Furthermore, the crucial problem of African countries’ debt — which is wiping out all development efforts — calls for the international community as a whole to implement, without delay or conditions other than good public administration, appropriate regulatory policies and mechanisms. In this connection, the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt (HIPC) Initiative of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), as well as the recent initiative undertaken in Cologne at the Group of 7 Summit, must be extended to all the least developed countries in order to produce the effects we hope to see. This must take the form of an outright cancellation of the debt. Despite the outstanding efforts made by many African countries in the area of economic reform, foreign private investment flows are still meagre, notwithstanding the enabling environment that has been established. We very much hope that the positive initiative taken by the Secretary-General at Davos will allow greater involvement by the private sector in implementing adequate measures to reverse that tendency. It is in this connection that my delegation would like to appeal to all development partners to help reinforce the institutional capacities of our States and to create adequate infrastructures, which are guarantees of balanced development. The second special dialogue between the Economic and Social Council and the Bretton Woods institutions held here on 29 April 1999 reaffirmed the need to continue the reform of the international financial system, bearing in mind social imperatives and the external debt situation, that is to say, the close link between settling debt, poverty reduction and lasting development. Niger belongs to the group of least developed countries and has a population that is growing at an annual rate of 3.4 per cent. It has a fertility rate of 7.4 children per woman and a life expectancy of 47 years, and is ranked among the poorest countries of the world. Despite all these constraints, my country has made efforts to design and These various difficulties have exacerbated the political instability I referred to before and have kept our country at the bottom of the human development table. Poverty affects 63 per cent of our compatriots, 34 per cent of whom live below the extreme poverty threshold. Those people are victims of continued declining maternal, childhood and adolescent health standards — a critical social and health situation marked by high mortality and illiteracy rates, one of the lowest standards of education and insufficient drinking water resources. They even lack basic social services. The economic and financial crisis that has hit my country has, among other things, led to a drastic reduction in public investment, particularly in the social sectors, thus depriving 80 per cent of the rural population of adequate living standards. With the valuable assistance of international financial institutions we have initiated an enormous economic recovery programme to confront this situation. This programme includes, among other things, a series of economic and financial reforms and framework programmes to restore the macroeconomic balance, reduce poverty and stimulate growth. I wish, from this rostrum, to reiterate our great appreciation for the ongoing support that the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and other development partners have been steadily providing to implement our national framework programme to combat poverty. This programme we are implementing is one of the priorities of the first country cooperation framework adopted by the UNDP Governing Council last January. I would like here to make a heartfelt appeal to the United Nations system to allocate sufficient supplementary resources to UNDP, UNICEF and UNFPA so that they can complete their development activities in the least developed countries. This appeal also goes out to the international community to supply all the necessary support to my country so that the major challenges we are confronting can be met. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, special attention should be given to making a reality of the universality of our world Organization. Peace, security and development are too important to be the sole responsibility of a club of military, economic and A large number of countries, including my own, that share the use of French with other States of the world very much hope that they can work in all United Nations bodies and agencies in their official language. The member States of the Organisation international de la Francophonie, which is increasingly establishing itself as an essential actor in world affairs, will make an additional contribution in the give-and-take process in the third millennium. In conclusion, I should like to express the confidence that Niger and its people have in the United Nations, which is trying very hard to be an institution that embodies hope on the basis of justice, equity, peace, freedom and progress. These values will build the coming twenty-first century we are expecting if the United Nations is stronger and more effective.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of the Niger for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Nepal.

I take great pleasure in welcoming The Right Honourable Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Nepal, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

I bring to you, Mr. President, to Secretary-General Kofi Annan and to all representatives the greetings and best wishes of His Majesty King Birendra and of the Government and people of Nepal. Your election is testimony to the wide recognition of your great country's contribution to the cause of freedom of the peoples and to the work of the United Nations. Please accept our congratulations and pledge of support. Our appreciation goes also to your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, for the The massive loss of life and property and the untold suffering caused by the recent earthquakes to the peoples of Turkey, Greece and Taiwan have touched the hearts of the Nepalese people. Indeed, our hearts go out to the hundreds of thousands of peoples across the globe who have suffered from both natural and man-made disasters. Nepal wholeheartedly welcomes Kiribati, Nauru and Tonga as new Members of the United Nations. Their admission has enriched the world Organization and enhanced its universality. Following the restoration of the multi-party political system in Nepal, I had the unique privilege of steering the country at a turning point of history as its Prime Minister, entrusted with the twin responsibilities of overseeing the formulation of a new democratic constitution of the Kingdom and the holding of free, fair and peaceful general elections at the beginning of the last decade of this century. With the people's trust and guidance, the cooperation of all political parties and the support of His Majesty the King, and above all with God's will, those responsibilities were fully discharged. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal not only guarantees the fundamental human rights of the people but also the independence of the judiciary. It defines and protects the basic tenets of parliamentary democracy in Nepal, and it identifies the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations as the fundamental plank of the foreign policy of the country. Standing today before this Assembly of nations, I wish to reaffirm Nepal's commitment to the principles and objectives of the United Nations and to share, in brief, our hopes, aspirations and views. Last year we observed the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a milestone in human history. The fiftieth anniversary of another historical milestone — the Geneva Conventions of 1949 — this year provides the international community with another opportunity to reiterate its deepening commitment to democracy, human rights and improved living conditions for peoples. At the national level, we regard the protection and promotion of human rights as a sine qua non for the all-round development of the people. Democracy and development, I believe, are two sides of the same coin, hard to guarantee and secure except in a Nepal is a nation with a young democratic setup and an ever-deepening commitment to human rights and the all- round development of the people, who are beset with the numerous unique and onerous challenges characteristic of a small land-locked and least developed country with difficult Himalayan and mountainous terrains and the greatest of contemporary problems — poverty. At no point in history have we witnessed poverty eating up so systematically the spiritual richness of peoples in many countries, including Nepal — the land of the Buddha. Nepal's development efforts are driven by an overriding objective of poverty eradication through employment and income generation, social mobilization and the strengthening of social capital within a democratic values-based system. The country has almost unlimited potential for hydropower development and tourism, and we have created legislative conditions for the participation of foreign investors in these sectors as well as in other trade and services-generating sectors in Nepal. Our commitment to sustainable development has been translated into several measures aimed at the preservation of the environment and ecological balance, including the earmarking of a large part of our land area for the development of wildlife parks and nature reserves. I want at this stage to reiterate our commitment to the development of Lumbini — the birthplace of the Buddha — as an enduring peace monument, a holy shrine for pilgrimage and one of the world's greatest cultural heritages. I am disheartened that despite several world summits, conferences and international commitments, absolute poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy and hopelessness should still remain the lot of the bulk of the world's population. One billion adults, the majority of them women, cannot read or write. Almost a billion people are underfed and malnourished, and a similar number have no access to clean water, shelter or health care. Many millions die before they reach the age of 40. Equally threatening is the ever-widening gap between the haves and the have-nots. The conclusion of this year's Human Development Report is the unbelievable polarization between peoples and countries, which the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) characterized as grotesque and dangerous. The one fifth of the world's population in the highest-income countries commands 86 per cent of world gross domestic product and 82 per cent of world export markets, while the bottom fifth, in the A few years ago, at the request of the heads of State or Government of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, I undertook the task of chairing the Independent South Asian Commission on Poverty Alleviation as part of a regional endeavour to work out regional strategies and programmes of action for the eradication of poverty from South Asia. My own experience as Chairman of that Commission leads me to the inescapable conclusion that the goal of poverty eradication requires, among other things, sustained political will and commitment of the highest order, an integrated and coordinated approach and decisive national actions, with the participation of all, including grass-roots organizations and civil society, backed by enhanced international development cooperation. But the fast-dwindling official development assistance flows and ever-increasing resource constraints of United Nations development agencies, such as the United Nations Development Programme, make our task of poverty eradication and development harder and harder with each passing year. This is particularly true in the case of least developed and landlocked countries such as Nepal. While we deeply appreciate the help of our development partners, we urge developed countries, which are undoubtedly in a position to do so, to generously increase the volume of their official development assistance so as to attain the target set by this Assembly. Reallocation of official development assistance in favour of the less developed countries is another area which deserves attention. As we are a democratic nation, women — who make up half of every country's population — are the backbone of Nepalese society. We can hardly remain oblivious to the urgent need for their empowerment and advancement. We have made legislative arrangements to guarantee their participation in the national polity by reserving exclusively for them as many as 40,000 seats in the local elected bodies. In the three general elections since 1991, the number of women parliamentarians has steadily gone up. But we are aiming for more. Their literacy rate is also improving. The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, to which Nepal recently presented its country report, has acknowledged the progress made in raising the status of We are equally committed to the protection and promotion of the rights of the child as well as the rights and interests of other vulnerable and disadvantaged sections of society. In short, we have before us a large agenda for nation-building, for the consolidation of gains in democracy and human rights and for living up to our international commitment to peace, cooperation and development in the world. We are dealing with the agenda with a sense of purpose and commitment, although there are several obvious difficulties, including the economic, social, environmental and political problems created by 100,000 refugees from Bhutan. We seek the continued support and understanding of the international community in the creation of an environment conducive to the resolution of this problem through bilateral negotiations. We also seek its support for their sustenance until they are repatriated. I wish to place on record our appreciation of and gratitude to Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the world's foremost public servant, for his efforts and successes in defusing tensions around the world and solving many seemingly intractable problems, such as those of Libya and the popular consultation in East Timor. I am impressed with his impassioned call for the transition from a culture of reaction to a culture of prevention in the United Nations. He has drawn our attention to the benefits and risks provided by globalization and to the need for strengthened international cooperation to offset the vulnerability of many countries, particularly the least developed and landlocked ones, and the marginalization of Africa. We have noted his emphasis on the maintenance of international peace and security as the primary responsibility of the Security Council. We thank him also for his dedication to comprehensive United Nations reform and for his package of reform proposals. Reform is a continuing process. It will be neither meaningful nor complete unless we arrive at a ratifiable global consensus on the functioning and composition of a reformed Security Council. The statement of the Foreign Ministers of the five permanent members that any attempt to restrict or curtail their veto rights would not be conducive to the reform process is a matter of deep disappointment. Nepal supports the common position evolved at the Durban Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement on the question of Security Council reform. We are also firm in our view that no reform measure should curtail the authority of the General The United Nations cannot continue to function effectively without a fair and sound financial base. Assessed dues must be paid in full and on time. Peacekeeping is a unique and most useful instrument for the United Nations in the maintenance of international peace and security. Nepal has participated in United Nations peacekeeping for over 40 years in all parts of the world. Some 35,000 of our troops and 800 of our police have served with many peacekeeping operations, 39 having been martyred and several more wounded in the line of duty. It is the firm policy of Nepal not only to maintain but also to increase our contribution to United Nations peacekeeping. It is disappointing that for three years in a row the principal United Nations forum for disarmament negotiations, the Conference on Disarmament, has not been able to agree on an agenda of work. Some important arms control and disarmament measures have been adopted without reference to the Conference on Disarmament. As host to the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific, Nepal's commitment to general and complete disarmament, including total nuclear disarmament, remains undiluted. In the summer months of this year, South Asia witnessed a flare-up between two of our close neighbours. Disquieting because it broke a peace that had lasted for nearly three decades, it also exposed the myth fostered in a bygone era that countries possessing nuclear weapons would not go to conventional war against each other. The risk of an accidental nuclear war engulfing other countries was magnified by the close proximity of the two countries. Leaving aside the causes of that flare-up, I would like to commend the Prime Ministers and the Governments of the two countries for their restraint, good sense and wisdom in containing the conflict and displaying a high degree of responsibility to their peoples, to the rest of South Asia and to the peoples of the entire world. May I take this opportunity once again to appeal to the Prime Ministers of those two countries to resume their dialogue, begun in Lahore last February. Nepal welcomes the Sharm el-Sheikh accord between Prime Minister Barak and President Arafat as an irreversible step forward in the Middle East peace process. It opens the way to a just, lasting and comprehensive peace. We hope, for the sake of peace, Let me conclude with a brief mention of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), which consists of the seven countries of the region, representing one fifth of humanity. We are united in a common effort to enhance the quality of life of all our peoples. I am looking forward to hosting the next summit meeting of heads of State or Government of the South Asian region in two months' time at Kathmandu. Our important agenda will deal with such issues as free trade and a SAARC social charter. We will also be signing a regional convention on combatting the crime of trafficking in women and children. This will be another landmark in the work of SAARC, a regional association dedicated to peace and cooperation in South Asia.

On behalf of the General Assembly I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Nepal for his statement.

I call next on the Chairman of the delegation of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, His Excellency Mr. Abuzed Omar Dorda.

I would like at the outset, Sir, to express the warm congratulations of my delegation and of my country on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. You are one of sisterly Namibia's freedom fighters, and one of Africa's faithful sons. Your unanimous election to your important post and your country's simultaneous membership of the Security Council are strong evidence of the respect and appreciation that Namibia enjoys in the eyes of the entire international community. In the Security Council, Namibia's notable positions on important international issues also irrefutably demonstrate Namibia's unremitting struggle for freedom, right, sovereignty and justice — a struggle now waged by means different from those that Namibia used during its independence struggle. I also commend your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Didier Opertti, for his successful guidance of the previous session. The Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, deserves our deepest appreciation for his continued efforts to make this Organization freer and less submissive to the domination and control of the super- Powers of this critical historical era. Over the past several decades, the United Nations has made considerable achievements, the most notable of which has perhaps been its role in the elimination of direct colonialism and in the attainment of independence by many countries which today occupy their proper place as States Members of this Organization. The world has witnessed fundamental changes, which imperatively call for serious reform of the United Nations and its basic structures, so that the Organization can truly perform its role as an umbrella, a haven and a reference-point for all. Colonialist soldiers have left the harbours and the airports, but with the collapse of international equilibrium, colonialists are reappearing in new guises, with new means and with both new and old approaches. Colonialism is coming back in the guise of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, other financial institutions, economic cartels, and, when necessary, military alliances. It is coming back in the guise of international conventions imposed through so- called international legitimacy, which is really nothing more than an expression of higher policies dictated through temptation or coercion. Colonialism is coming back in the guise of globalization, which is but a means of ensuring and consolidating dependence in terms of the economy, politics, culture and even social values. Colonialism is also returning through direct armed invasion, when necessary, as we have recently witnessed. It is also returning through bilateral sanctions policies enforced through so-called international legitimacy and through selective disarmament or rearmament. Colonialism is returning through the elimination — not the mere violation — of State sovereignty. The slogan that is now much in vogue, “humanitarian intervention”, will help erode the little that remains of State sovereignty. That pretext has been completely exposed. If the new Colonialists understood the real meaning of humanity, they would not be producing and stockpiling all kinds of weapons of mass destruction or committing aggression against others. Nor would they be imposing sanctions on countries, as they continue to do, with the aim of This is the world following the collapse of international equilibrium: the strong and the rich are becoming stronger and richer, and the weak and the poor are becoming weaker, poorer and more deprived. In the face of these fundamental changes, it has become necessary, indeed urgently imperative, that the United Nations should undergo a transformation that would enable it to respond to its new tasks as an umbrella, a haven and a reference-point for all. This change will not happen by itself, nor will the powerful initiate it. The weaker nations can only resort to uniting their limitless efforts, strengths and potentials to bring about and impose such change. My country believes that this desired change must achieve the following: First, the authority for decision-making in the United Nations must rest with the General Assembly, where Member States enjoy equal sovereignty. Secondly, the Security Council must become an executive instrument or authority for the General Assembly. Thirdly, there must be a radical revision of Security Council membership that will be equitable to all under- represented regions, particularly in the southern hemisphere: Africa, Asia and South America. Fourthly, the Security Council's rules of procedures must be issued by the General Assembly, which represents the international community. Otherwise, it will be meaningless to say that the Security Council works on behalf of the international community. Quite simply put, the majority of the members of the international community did not participate in the formulation of the Charter. A very small number of the United Nations Members formulated it over half a century ago. Fifthly, all privileges resulting from the victories and defeats of World War II must be abolished, particularly the privilege of veto, and any other privileges that prevent this most important international Organization from becoming truly democratic. Despite the crises, conflicts and wars that ravage the African continent, this year has witnessed solutions for some of them, prospects for several others and initiatives for the solution of the remaining conflicts. As we express our satisfaction with this trend, we wish to recall, as we Libya has effectively supported and participated in these initiatives, and will continue to do so, in close cooperation with the OAU, all other concerned countries and the Secretary-General of the United Nations. As a contribution to the efforts made to tackle the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Great Lakes region, Libya has succeeded in convening a number of meetings, for heads of State of the region, in Sirte, Libya, where they reached the Sirte Agreement, later completed and signed in Lusaka, which is aimed at putting an end to the conflict in the area. In Somalia, Libya continues its efforts, in coordination with all concerned countries and groups in conflict, for national reconciliation in that forgotten country. We hope that these efforts will result in the reunification and stability of Somalia. Libya has also contributed to bringing peace to Sierra Leone and stability to Guinea-Bissau, as well as contributing to the efforts undertaken by the OAU to put an end to the dispute between brothers in Ethiopia and Eritrea, in the Horn of Africa. A Libyan envoy was sent there to help end the war and bring peace to those two brotherly countries. Africa's plights are not confined to wars and conflicts, but also include several economic and social problems: 44 per cent of Africans live in abject poverty; AIDS threatens the entire African population; malaria and other epidemic diseases still threaten the lives of millions in Africa. In respect of the latter, my country calls for the speedy adoption and implementation of an international plan to eradicate these diseases in Africa before it becomes impossible to contain and eliminate them. Attempts by African states to confront and solve these problems are hampered by the heavy debts of the continent, which reached $350 billion in 1998, equalling 300 per cent of the value of African exports and services. The time has come to cancel African debts and to deal with this question on the basis of new and equitable principles. The Palestinian issue has not been settled yet, simply because the essence of the problem is being ignored: Palestine is still occupied. Its people are still scattered all over the globe as refugees, replaced by immigrants from all over the world. Unless an end is put to all this, and unless the Palestinian people are given their right to return to their homeland, neither peace nor security will be achieved in the Arab East region. The occupation of the Syrian Golan Heights must also be totally ended, as well as the occupation of southern Lebanon, in implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978). We demand the immediate lifting of sanctions imposed on Iraq, and we emphasize the importance of preserving its unity and territorial integrity, respect for its sovereignty, non-intervention in its internal affairs and ending the ongoing military aggression against it. In order for the world to live in peace and security, it must be freed from the nuclear horror that threatens all peoples. Elimination of nuclear arsenals and all other weapons of mass destruction must have priority, and all efforts to achieve disarmament, at both regional and international levels, must be concentrated on realizing this goal. Unless those who currently possess such weapons get rid of them, there will always be those who strive to possess them. Efforts aimed at the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons will be futile unless the nuclear Powers take practical steps that would demonstrate their serious commitment to the undertakings they have made. These two The Arab region is subject to the threat of nuclear weapons possessed by Tel Aviv. These weapons constitute a permanent threat to the people of the region and to neighbouring areas, and unless these weapons are eliminated, all efforts to prevent their proliferation in the region will be unsuccessful. Libya is the southern Mediterranean country with the longest coast. Therefore, we have a vital interest in making the Mediterranean a Sea of peace and cooperation for the benefit of all peoples of this basin. This goal can be achieved only if foreign military bases and fleets are removed from the area, as they are a source of constant danger to all Mediterranean peoples. Several countries, including my own, are still trying to overcome the thorny problem of landmines that were planted in by the belligerent Powers during the World Wars. These landmines have caused damage, losses and tragedies of untold magnitude, both human and material. Vast areas of Libya are covered by millions of land mines deployed by the Allies and the Axis Powers during the Second World War. We hold those Powers responsible for what they have inflicted upon our people as a result of these landmines, and we reiterate our demand that the States responsible implement the resolutions of the General Assembly adopted in this regard, through the payment of compensation to the affected countries and peoples and the removal of these landmines. The revolution of 1969 allowed Libya to achieve its true and complete independence. By driving the foreign military forces and bases from its soil, my country liberated its policies and decision-making capabilities. For these reasons, Libya has since then been the target of ongoing hostile media campaigns aimed at distorting our policies and tarnishing our international image. Our support for and solidarity with liberation movements have been portrayed as support for terrorism. Our standing by the side of the oppressed and the downtrodden and our assistance to help them liberate their countries and their resources and defend their own interests have been considered interference in the internal affairs of others. There have also been clandestine campaigns that have sought to assassinate political leaders, in particular the leader of our revolution, Colonel Muammar Al-Qadhafi, who has been targeted several times. Both air force and naval campaigns have targeted Libya’s Economic pressure has been used against Libya. Unilateral boycotts and embargoes were followed by bilateral and collective embargoes, then by the internationalization of these embargoes after the Security Council had become hostage to the will of the powerful since the collapse of the international balance of power. This was particularly the case during the first years of the “era of frenzy”, as Mr. Kofi Annan called it in a report to the General Assembly. Why and how was the international “boycott” — as opposed to international “sanctions” — imposed? I call it a boycott and not sanctions because a sanction is a form of punishment for a definitively proven action, a punishment decreed after a final sentence has been pronounced by a competent court that has the jurisdiction to condemn the action in question. But no proof or evidence was presented to the Security Council that Libya, or even the two Libyan suspects, had actually committed any action that led to the crash of Pan Am flight 103 over the Scottish town of Lockerbie. Nevertheless, the sanctions resolutions were issued in the name of so-called international legitimacy, a legitimacy that is both wrong and wronged. This is wrong because resolutions are adopted in the name of the Security Council; the Security Council is wronged because it is forced to issue resolutions under political and economic pressures and threats. The relevant resolutions were adopted on the basis of suspicions regarding just two Libyan citizens — yet the sanctions targeted the entire population of Libya. This was a form of collective punishment against an entire people on the basis of a mere suspicion that had not been fully investigated. This punishment was imposed without a trial and obviously without any conviction in a court of law. So much indeed for legitimacy. In fact, how legitimate could this be during the years of frenzy? The conclusions — or cinematic fantasies — regarding the suspicions were refuted at the time. Malta conducted an official investigation, the findings of which demonstrated that not one unaccompanied suitcase was loaded onto the flight from Malta to Frankfurt. For their part, the Frankfurt authorities investigated the matter and reached the conclusion that not one unaccompanied suitcase had arrived I would like to briefly remind the Assembly that from the first moment that the accusation was broadcast by the media, and before the matter was even presented to the Security Council, Libya had done the following. First, we had requested the other party to provide the judiciary authorities in Libya with its findings so that these authorities could commence their investigations accordingly. Alternatively, we proposed that that party send investigators to Libya to participate in the investigation. We proposed sending Libyan judges to review the case file. We also proposed that an investigation be conducted by a neutral party or parties, or by the United Nations. All these requests were refused. Secondly, we requested the application of article 14 of the Montreal Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation or the assignment of this matter to the International Court of Justice. All these requests and proposals were also refused. Then, on 27 February 1998, the International Court of Justice issued two rulings in favour of Libya, confirming its jurisdiction over the case under the Montreal Convention. The Non-Aligned Movement — at a meeting of its Foreign Ministers in Cartagena, Colombia, from 18 to 20 May 1998 — made a recommendation to the upcoming Non-Aligned Movement Summit in Durban, South Africa, that the sanctions imposed on Libya be lifted if the other party to the dispute did not agree to suspend the sanctions at the next review of the Security Council, which had been set for July 1998. At the Organization of African Unity summit in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, held on 10 June 1998, that organization declared that its members would no longer comply with the Security Council sanctions if the other party continued to reject any of the options proposed by international organizations to resolve the conflict. Faced with all these developments, the other party had only two options left: either to accept a trial in a third country, or for the international community to immediately lift the sanctions without having recourse to the Security Council. Such a situation would have threatened the authority of the Security Council — or, more accurately, it would have threatened the authority of those who influence the Security Council — this latter being in the Council’s view — a much more serious matter. Once again, most Security Council members supported Libya, and once again the international community reiterated its strong support for Libya in letters that reflected the will of the overwhelming majority of the international community. These letters are all official documents of the Security Council. But in all fairness, and to state the truth, from which we have never deviated, I will say that the Government of the United Kingdom has reacted seriously to the Libyan proposal, expressing its willingness to refer the whole question to none other than a Scottish court sitting in the Netherlands. We state the truth in our own interest and in the interest of others. The rest is well known to all delegations. On 5 April 1999, the two suspects arrived of their own free will in the Netherlands, accompanied by Mr. Hans Corell, the Under-Secretary-General for Legal Affairs. But has the other party fulfilled its obligations? Has it shown respect for the resolutions of the Security Council? The answer is no. In fact, the other party prevented the adoption of a resolution by the Security Council to suspend the sanctions and agreed only to a press release. Once again, under pressure from the Non-Aligned Movement members of the Security Council and from the other Council members, and after several letters were submitted by the States members of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organization of African Unity, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Arab League to the Security Council and to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the other party accepted, unwillingly, the text of a presidential statement for the suspension of the embargo. What justification, if any, does the United States have for using the veto to prevent the Security Council from adopting a resolution to lift the unjust sanctions on Libya? First, the United States has reiterated the accusation it has made before and since the fabrication of the Lockerbie case: that Libya supports terrorism. The United States has been repeating that allegation ever since we evicted it from Libya's military bases and harbours, ended its monopoly on our oil, and liberated our country from colonialism. That is why the United States still accuses us of terrorism. The Secretary-General's report categorically refutes this claim. Members may refer to paragraphs 29 to 34 of the report and to other pages in order to ascertain the baseless nature of this accusation. Moreover, one can also cite reports issued by the American State Department and statements made by present and former officials of American Administrations that all point to the fact that such claims can no longer be made. Libya is a victim of American terrorism, not vice versa. It is the United States of America that committed all the acts of aggression that we have previously referred to. It is the United States that sheltered, financed, trained and armed terrorists and transported them to Libya to commit acts of terrorism in 1984 and afterwards. Those who continue to shelter terrorists wanted by other countries are not in a position to refer to others by descriptions that apply only to themselves. Libya has stood by liberation movements, particularly in Africa. This is a legitimate cause, not support for terrorism. The third justification is even harder to swallow. It is the demand that Libya compensate the families of the victims. How can this be done when the court has yet to sit? It will not hold its first session until 4 February 2000 and the laws state that the suspect is innocent until proven guilty. When we raised this issue, it was suggested that we settle out of court. Why out of court? Why then is the court in the Netherlands? We were told that these are American laws. American laws apply to United States citizens, not to Libyan citizens. The Security Council and the General Assembly reiterated last year and the year before that national laws cannot be applied beyond national borders. This logic of power should be used only to uphold the law. At the joint meeting, the Secretary-General himself was surprised to hear this proposal before the court was in session. They reiterated it. He asked them how it could be done. They said that the court would hand down a sentence. He pointed out that it had not yet done so and that, if it did, Libya would be committed to respecting it. How could they possibly make such a request when the suspects have not been found guilty? We are trying to prove their innocence and our country's. How can we be asked to pay compensation when a ruling has not yet been issued? This is yet another way of interfering in the internal affairs of the Scottish court sitting in the Netherlands. Who will compensate Libya for the damages it has sustained in excess of $70 billion after seven years of unjustified sanctions and embargoes? Who will compensate us? The United Nations? Will the Member States compensate Libya for something they have not done? Let Libya's fulfilment of its obligations has also been underlined in the Secretary-General's report, in the decisions of the thirty-fifth African Summit held in Algeria last July, in the decisions of the Arab League this September and in the decisions of the Ministerial Council of the Non-Aligned Movement a week ago. All these decisions call for the immediate and complete lifting of the sanctions. In this, they join the overwhelming majority of the international community. Preventing the Security Council from adopting an overdue resolution lifting sanctions that should not have been imposed in the first place will threaten the Council's credibility and ability to honour its obligations. It will also reinforce the Security Council's failure to act in compliance with the will of the majority of the United Nations Member States and in accordance with the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter, as stated in Article 24. The will of one State cannot represent the will of the entire international community. My country requests one thing: that the Security Council speedily adopt a decision lifting all the sanctions imposed on Libya. We demand that the case not be allowed to be politicized after the matter has taken its legal course. The case should be left entirely to the Scottish court in the Netherlands, without any interference from any political entity, including the Security Council. If the Security Council continues to be prevented from adopting such a decision, my country will take all necessary steps to guarantee fairness, including raising a constitutional dilemma between the highest and most important judiciary organ, the International Court of Justice, and the Security Council. We will raise it before the General Assembly in order to have a decision taken.

I call on the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Yemen, His Excellency Mr. Abdul-Qader Ba-Jammal.

I am pleased to convey to you, Sir, the assurances of my greatest esteem on your election as President of the General Assembly at this session. On behalf of the Government of the Republic of Yemen, I congratulate you on your assumption of this high office. We are certain that under your distinguished and capable The democratic process in our world today is undergoing real expansion and is receiving the attention of all nations, whatever their creeds, races or regimes. It is further consolidated by being increasingly linked to human rights, in particular the rights to sustainable development, global knowledge, equality, justice, peace and stability. The Republic of Yemen has linked itself in complete unity to the democratic process and has made it a continuous process towards comprehensive development. Both State and society are tirelessly struggling to make democracy in our country a firm and established system, evolving daily in order to ultimately form an integral system for the conduct of political, social and economic life. On 23 September 1999, the Republic of Yemen, for the first time in its history, held free and direct elections for the presidency of the Republic, reflecting the credibility of the country’s political regime and its constitutional commitments requiring the holding of direct elections for the presidency for five-year terms. This is proof that democracy in Yemen has become established as a firmly rooted principle and a unique and unrestricted option for achieving a peaceful change of government respect for human rights, and for enhancing people’s role and participation in sustainable development and cultural progress. Democracy in Yemen appeared in its highest form in the direct presidential elections, which reflected the free will of the people and the need for development and stability. The results of the direct secret ballot showed participation in all parts of the country by 66 per cent of all registered voters. The President-elect of the Republic of Yemen for the forthcoming term, Ali Abdullah Saleh, obtained 96 per cent of the votes. A new term and a new era will begin on 3 October this year, when the directly elected President will take the constitutional oath before the Yemeni Chamber of Deputies. The wish of the people to achieve democratic progress reflects their need for stability and for an end to states of emergency in their lives. This goes hand in hand with their desire for a future that embodies radical change in the economic, social and cultural fields. It also requires serious Sixteen States convened the Forum on Emerging Democracies in Sana’a, the capital of Yemen, and issued an important instrument called the Sana’a Declaration, with a view to intensifying the concepts, framework and applications of the democratic process in real life, and to achieving broad popular participation and the affirmation of human rights in those countries. I wish to reaffirm here the announcement of President Ali Abdullah Saleh that the Republic of Yemen would like to host the International Conference of New or Restored Democracies to be held in Asia in 2003. Our world today is witnessing profound changes that essentially represent the remnants of the cold war and that are, at the same time, new harbingers of hope that forthcoming changes will be in the interest of peace, economic progress and development, and that the people, political leaders and intellectuals have absorbed the lessons to be derived from ideological and racial conflicts, power politics and their tragic clashes. The only way to prepare the way for peace and stability is through the language of dialogue, the rule of law, stable relationships and the absence of fear, doubt and uncertainty. Dialogue will for ever remain the only way to extinguish fires, spread the spirit of tolerance and coexistence and promote the values of cooperation, solidarity and integration among all active forces and actors in the cause of peace. The position of the Republic of Yemen regarding world events consists of our commitment to the principles of peaceful coexistence, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, non-use or threat of force in the settlement of disputes and peaceful negotiations and dialogue in the settlement of all issues, including border issues between States on a no-fault basis. As a member of the international family and an active participant in regional organizations, Yemen unequivocally affirms its sincere desire to contribute to the maintenance of security and stability in the Arabian The Republic of Yemen demonstrated in practice the credibility of its positions of principle, its respect for international law, its wholehearted desire for stability and peace in the region and its awareness of the importance of such peace for international economic, commercial and maritime relations. Yemen proved that when it accepted unconditionally the decision of the arbitration tribunal regarding the sovereignty dispute over the Yemeni island of Greater Hanish, which lies in the Red Sea between Yemen and the neighbouring State of Eritrea, thereby furnishing a prime example of how peaceful solutions to differences and disputes between States can be achieved by international arbitration. We hope that the island-related dispute between the United Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran will be settled peacefully in accordance with internationally recognized principles and rules relating to the settlement of such disputes, and in keeping with the desire to achieve peace, stability, development and cooperation in our region. In accordance with these firm premises and guidelines, the Republic of Yemen will remain faithful to the principle of the rejection of violence and the combating of terrorism in all its forms, whatever its motives and sources, and regardless of whether it involves individuals, groups or States. Our country is combating this phenomenon with all its might. It believes that terrorism has become a worldwide phenomenon meriting investigation at the international level and the creation of integrated mechanisms and rules to contain it and to counter its effects, with a view to ultimately eliminating it. The Assembly might agree with me that there is now an urgent need to review the policy of imposing international embargoes and sanctions. Experience has demonstrated their ineffectiveness in achieving the goals and purposes for which they were adopted and the tremendous harm they have visited upon people, not political regimes, especially the middle and lower strata of The situation in Iraq attests to this. The need for a total and final lifting of the sanctions imposed on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has also become self-evident, after recent developments and the Libyan leadership’s compliance with the Security Council resolutions concerning the Lockerbie affair. We also call for the lifting of the sanctions imposed on the Sudan, which is currently holding an internal democratic dialogue for the achievement of unity and national concord. Wars and clashes result only in human tragedies, in the form of displacement, imprisonment, forcible detention and flight from war zones in search of refuge and safe havens. In this context, my country emphasizes the need to deal in a humane and civilized manner with the question of prisoners, the missing and those who are forced into hiding as a result of wars, conflicts and clashes of all kinds. In this regard, we have great hope that the issue of Kuwaiti and other prisoners will meet with a humane and objective solution that will help to create an atmosphere conducive to reconciliation and to the achievement of harmony, peace and stability in the region. It is known that societies that host refugees fleeing from areas of war and oppression bear heavy burdens and sustain tragic consequences, and that their peoples face serious environmental and health hazards. Those societies also face considerable economic and financial hardships as a result of hosting refugees. It is indeed regrettable that the humanitarian work done for refugees by certain countries should have disastrous, tragic results for those countries. This is what is happening today in the Republic of Yemen as a result of the steadily increasing daily influx of refugees from the Horn of Africa, which is ablaze with regional and civil wars and local dissension. The Republic of Yemen calls upon the international community to assume its responsibility with regard to this humanitarian issue, which weighs heavily on the Yemeni State and society, by increased efforts on the part of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and a more concerted international alliance among all donor countries able to provide emergency and long-term assistance. Allowing the persistence of such inhumane phenomena and conditions reflects a tragic deterioration in human rights and an alarming regression in the values of civilized nations. We undoubtedly need At the same time, we wish to emphasize that the time has come for renewed solidarity and efforts on the part of the United Nations, the international community and all parties concerned with a view to finding practical solutions to the situation in Somalia that will help restore the unity and territorial integrity of Somalia and bring security and stability to the region. The peoples of the world seek a peace that is based on justice, equality, respect for human rights and the absence of tyranny, abuse and double standards. Accordingly, the Republic of Yemen, which has supported and given its blessing to the efforts towards a peaceful settlement in the Middle East, believes that a comprehensive, just and lasting peace must be based on the restoration of all legitimate rights to the Palestinian people, first and foremost of which is its right to establish its independent State on its national soil, with Jerusalem as its capital, and likewise the restoration of Israeli-occupied territories to the Syrian and the Lebanese peoples. At a time when we are positively and with renewed optimism discussing the peace process in the region, Israel must realize that a just, comprehensive and lasting peace is a genuine goal for the people of the area. Furthermore, it is a regional, international humanitarian goal that will help open a new page in the life and relations between peoples and help end the tragedies of the past. It will hopefully assist in overcoming all rancour and grudges and in providing opportunities for tolerance between creeds, cultures and races. All this would constitute a genuine starting point for stability, trust and mutual understanding among the States and peoples of the region. As we approach the end of the second millennium, we are confronted with a reality exemplified in the increased speed and movement of political, economic and social variables, whose ramifications and relationship with other contrasting factors are becoming increasingly more complex, in terms of time and space. We are all therefore called upon to cooperate and to respond responsibly for the creation of a healthy climate for the building of a new world order based on justice, freedom of choice, tolerance and genuine partnership in all governmental and non-governmental activities at the regional and international levels. The ultimate goal is to permanently ensure a balance of interests and a sense of Since one of our primary goals is the reform of the United Nations and, in particular, the Security Council and the international institutions, we are giving this goal our full attention and support. At the same time, we commend the Secretary-General for the initiatives and measures he has taken towards the goal of reforming the United Nations, its mechanisms and its methods of work, which would broaden democratic practices and achieve transparency of work and effectiveness of participation. In this context, we reaffirm our welcome and support for the Open-ended Working Group established for this purpose. We call for the continuation and early completion of its work, taking into full account the importance of a full understanding of the essential variables in international relations in recent years. I reiterate my esteem for the President of the Assembly, and I thank all those participating in the current session. May peace and God’s mercy and blessing be upon you.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Trade of Saint Lucia, His Excellency The Honourable George Odlum.

As the curtain falls on the twentieth century, this time-honoured institution, the United Nations, rejoices in the presence of two distinguished Africans at the helm. The outstanding freedom fighter of Namibia, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab occupies our presidential perch, while our principled, purposeful and persuasive Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, like the proverbial Ol’ Man River, keeps rolling along, relentlessly serene in his pursuit of world peace and human development. If Africa is the last impression of the twentieth century, poetic justice demands that it must be our first preoccupation in the twenty-first century. This international forum must readjust the balance over centuries. We must pay for our dereliction of duty over Rwanda and the Congo. We must remove the remaining vestige of apartheid, and we must make a quantum leap in eliminating poverty and disease by addressing the causes of poverty. The Caribbean has always leapt over the restrictions of size and resources to embrace the global vision of a liberated world, and the liberation of Africa plays a We recognize, however, that an essential condition for fulfilling this role must be the overcoming of the underdevelopment that plagues that continent. But if we are to progress in that direction, we must first boldly admit that disunity among the countries of Africa has much to do with this condition. In an era when other geographic regions and continents have been uniting for economic advancement, the African continent remains divided. The time has come, therefore, for the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to go further than just making declarations of unity. Pan- Africanism must not continue to remain stunted, as it was at the threshold of the sixties. African leaders and statesmen must show the resolve and the unwavering character of Nelson Mandela, and give African children, born and unborn, hope in the future of Africa. In this regard, the results of the recent Algiers summit of the OAU are therefore most welcome, for the summit has demonstrated a new sense of urgency and commitment on the part of the new leaders of Africa. The United Nations must not fail to support this progressive development. For our part, Saint Lucia, mindful of the African heritage of our people, will exhort our Caribbean colleagues to consider applying for associate status with the OAU and to consolidate further our solidarity in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) forum. Our call for unity is not being sent only to our brothers in Africa. It goes out also to all developing countries, be they in the Caribbean, Latin America, Asia or elsewhere. If we in the developing world are to have a better future in the new millennium, if we are to obtain any benefits from the new international systems that are evolving around us, we cannot depend only on the goodwill of the countries of the developed world. There must be unity of action and purpose among us; there must be an end to the in-fighting, the skirmishes, and the wars between us. The South-South Summit in Havana next year will provide an excellent opportunity for cementing solidarity on issues of common concern and deciding on a forward-looking agenda for the development of our people. In the Commonwealth Caribbean, we the members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) can be proud of the 25-year integration movement in which we have been engaged. We are in the process of completing arrangements We can extend this tableau to embrace the Non-Self- Governing Territories of our region. My Government was pleased to have hosted, in May of this year, the annual United Nations seminar of the Special Committee on Decolonization to review the economic, political and constitutional developments in the remaining small island Non-Self-Governing Territories. This highly successful seminar brought together representatives from Governments and non-governmental organizations and experts from the Caribbean and Pacific regions. This important activity resulted in the adoption by the Special Committee of targeted recommendations in the furtherance of the decolonization of these Territories. To this end, we strongly support a second decade on decolonization to focus on the socio-economic, political and constitutional development of the remaining small island Territories, which are integral components of both the Caribbean and the Pacific regions. But the realization of these regional goals turns on the full emergence of Cuba as a vital and creative force in the integration and development of the Caribbean. This emergence is frustrated by the inability of the United Nations to harness the political will to remove the inhumane sanctions imposed by the United States on the Cuban people, despite the successive overwhelming votes religiously taken every year in the Assembly. At the fifty- third session of the General Assembly, 157 countries voted in favour of resolution 53/4 to end the economic embargo against Cuba. The totally callous disregard for the cumulative will of the Assembly is the touchstone which characterizes the relationship between the super- The events in Rwanda, Kosovo and East Timor have drawn serious lessons for the international community. The spectre of an effete United Nations looking on helplessly while Member nations intervene unilaterally is a nightmare on the eve of the new millennium. It is for this reason that Saint Lucia strongly supports the call by Secretary-General Kofi Annan for the United Nations to be empowered to take action, whether militarily or otherwise, to stop crimes against humanity. Saint Lucia remains concerned at the systematic weakening and marginalization of the United Nations. In this regard, attention is drawn to its operational activities and its development programmes, particularly the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). We call on donor countries to reconsider the effects of the budget cuts on regional and country programmes. We need a United Nations that not only carries out its peacekeeping and humanitarian capacities, but one that also plays a central role in the governance of globalization and trade liberalization to ensure that globalization is about development. Our common humanity must demonstrate itself in our prompt response to natural disasters in each other's countries. The people of Taiwan have been the most recent victims of devastating earthquakes, which claimed the lives of thousands of innocent people. We commiserate with them. It is at such critical moments that the spirit of brotherhood must emerge. There was a surge of hope at the news that the People's Republic of China had pledged assistance to the Taiwanese across the Taiwan Strait. Let us hope that the Creator is working in a mysterious way to bring about the peaceful and mutually agreeable reunification of the Chinese people on this occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of China. Our own island State of Montserrat continues to struggle to recover from the destruction caused by volcanic eruptions. Yet the international community continues to exclude this small island from concessional assistance on the basis of its high gross national product per capita, calculated from its small population and inflows of assistance, mainly from the United Kingdom. The United Nations, in particular the Committee for Development Policy, must take the lead role in the revision of the criteria Saint Lucia is particularly concerned about the exclusion of transnational corporations from the rules of engagement the World Trade Organization (WTO) sets for trade, since a large percentage of the financing for our development comes from trade in one commodity. Saint Lucia will continue to call for an integrated approach to the consideration of trade and finance in the context of the upcoming conference on financing for development and for the participation of all actors, including the Bretton Woods institutions and the WTO, under the leadership of the United Nations. The dispute over the arrangements for the marketing of bananas has been particularly distasteful. People in member countries of the European Union are being punished through sanctions by the United States for the support of their Governments for the banana marketing regime. That country continues to promote the interests of its multinational companies involved in the banana trade at the expense of smaller economies. There are at the moment proposals on the table designed to put in place a new WTO-compatible system for the marketing of bananas in Europe. All parties, particularly producing countries, are of the view that a tariff rate quota system is the most viable regime for all concerned. A continuation of the tariff rate quota is essential for ensuring that the market continues to generate adequate prices. Yet the United States transnationals engaged in the industry are instead promoting a simple or linear tariff mechanism that will have disastrous effects for Caribbean producers. Saint Lucia and other ACP countries have expressed dissatisfaction with this recommendation. We again implore all European Union member States to revisit this choice and to consider its implications for Saint Lucia and other ACP countries. We are inherently unequal trading partners, and the WTO should not subject small economies to liberalization and unbridled competition on an equal footing with economies and corporations far more advanced than they are and expect them to survive. Saint Lucia again calls on the international community, including the WTO, to differentiate between trading partners and promote fair trade through special and differential treatment, not on a voluntary basis, but as a contractual obligation. “We must refuse to accept a future in which one part of humanity lives on the cutting edge of a new economy, while the other lives at the knife edge of survival” (A/54/PV.6). Globalization has left us on the knife edge of survival. We are thankful to Europe for empathizing with our vulnerabilities, and we regret that they have attracted the wrath of sanctions for their pains. Between the rhetoric and the reality lies the gaping wound of disillusion and despair. President Clinton rightly posed the question: “Will globalism bring shared prosperity, or will it make the desperate of the world even more desperate?” (supra). Saint Lucia can confidently attest to the truth that the small States and the developing world are desperate, and that their desperation is compounded by the fact that the global preoccupation with money and markets is fast destroying the values and sacred norms in our respective countries. “Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey Where wealth accumulates, and men decay”. (Oliver Goldsmith, The Deserted Village) The decadence and moral turpitude that has taken over our paradise of an island is unbelievable. The conspiracy that threatens to decimate our bananas has left us with tourism as a strategy for diversification. The twin monsters of drugs and crime promise to overrun us, and the filth that spews from cable television pours into our homes. Some of these homes are nothing more than vile little hovels whose inhabitants are sustained at night by religion and unemployed by day. The decay is all-pervasive, and women from nearby territories are imported to ply their sordid trade in strip-tease joints. We have lost our innocence; this is the surest legacy that globalization has visited upon us. We cannot be swayed by the rhetoric of partnership when the relentless logic of globalization is geared to decimate, to marginalize and to eliminate. The developing world must focus closely on the Seattle Round and ensure that the wide sweep of liberalization and open markets does not wash us away. If the dogmatism and inflexibility of powerful States threaten We share our apprehension with this body. We will work in the embrace of its wise Charter, but we would describe globalization in the words of the Irish poet William Butler Yeats: “And what rough beast, its hour come round at last, Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born?” (The Second Coming)

I give the floor to the Minister for External Relations of the Sudan, His Excellency Mr. Mustafa Osman Ismail.

Allow me at the outset to extend to Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab the sincere congratulations of my delegation on his election to the presidency of this session. We are confident that his well- known experience and abilities will lead this session to a successful conclusion. We assure him of the full cooperation of our delegation to achieve that objective. We also wish to express our appreciation to his predecessor for his valuable efforts, which led to the success of the previous session. By the same token, our appreciation also goes to Mr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary- General of the United Nations, for his efforts at the helm of the Organization. I also wish to welcome our newest Members — the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. Mr. President, heeding your appeal to be very brief, I will not touch on all the points detailed in my statement before the Assembly, and I ask that the edited version be placed on record. Since I last spoke before the Assembly one year ago, the Sudan has witnessed numerous developments in the political, economic and social fields. A permanent constitution was endorsed by an overwhelming majority of the people in a popular and free referendum. This constitution guarantees for the Sudanese people all political and civil freedoms and rights, including the right Despite the difficulties faced by Sudan, as a result of both the war and natural disasters, it has been able, through its own efforts, to restructure its economy to meet the requirements of the free market. All this took place in the near-total absence of foreign aid. The Sudan has also started to exploit its natural resources, both agricultural and mineral, in particular oil, which we started exporting on 30 August last. Oil revenues will contribute to strengthening national efforts for socio-economic development. In the economic field, these endeavours have contributed to reversing a number of the short-term negative effects of the economic liberalization policies. These reform measures have so far helped to achieve an 8 per cent total growth rate and to reduce the rate of inflation to 13 per cent, and have led the International Monetary Fund to commend this remarkable achievement. In order to alleviate the economic burdens resulting from economic reform policies, our Government has adopted a number of measures to assist the more vulnerable groups and low- income citizens through social assistance funds, the provision of “soft” loans and the establishment of small productive projects for youth and women. In the search for peace in southern Sudan, the Government accepted the Declaration of Principles as a basis for its negotiations with the rebels within the framework of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). It also declared a partial ceasefire, as it had repeatedly done, in order to ensure the delivery of relief assistance to its citizens affected by the war. Subsequently, we came to the conclusion that the most effective way to show our seriousness about arriving at a genuine and lasting solution to this humanitarian tragedy was to ensure the cessation of all hostilities. The Government therefore took its recent initiative to establish a general and comprehensive ceasefire while continuing the negotiations through IGAD, with the assistance of our IGAD partners. However, those efforts by my Government were met by prevarication and were not taken seriously by the other side. The failure of the rebel movement to accept a comprehensive ceasefire is proof of its lack of interest and seriousness in searching for a solution to the problem, which has enriched its leaders at the expense of the Sudanese people in general and of our southern citizens in particular. The Sudan looks forward to a more effective role by IGAD, the partners of IGAD and the Egyptian and Libyan In this context, we call upon the international community to take punitive measures against the rebel Garang similar to those taken against Savimbi in Angola, in order to persuade him to join the peace effort. We also call for continued support for the Government initiative aimed at achieving a comprehensive ceasefire, through bringing pressure to bear on the rebel movement to accept that initiative and to show some seriousness in the negotiations in order to find a solution to the problem. Furthermore, demands must continue to be made for the handing over of the remains of the four relief workers murdered by the movement last April. With regard to the practices of the rebel movement, I should like to speak about developments in the humanitarian situation, which continues to deteriorate in the south of the country despite relative improvements in Bahr el-Ghazal and other areas. From this rostrum, I would like to express our thanks and appreciation to the countries and organizations that continue to provide relief and humanitarian assistance to those affected in the Sudan, whether directly or through Operation Lifeline Sudan. We believe that there is a need for the gradual transition from relief to development in the areas that enjoy stability, security and peace now that the Khartoum peace agreement and the Fashoda accord have been signed. We call upon the donor countries and organizations to make contributions to the consolidated appeal for the Sudan for 1999, in view of the noticeable decline in its resources, which last June amounted to only 31 per cent of requirements. We also emphasize that it is important not to allow political posturing to get in the way of humanitarian and relief work. There is also a need to avoid selectivity in dealing with humanitarian issues, which affect the lives of peoples and individuals. The Sudan would like to inform the Assembly of its full commitment to a general and comprehensive ceasefire throughout southern Sudan for humanitarian reasons and as a means of paving the way for peace negotiations. We hope that the other party will respond positively so that The conflicts in Africa have brought untold suffering and hardships, to the peoples of the continent. One of the greatest problems is that of the more than 8 million refugees who live under extremely difficult circumstances. In its search to put an end to the suffering of the refugees and to find radical solutions to the problem, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) decided to convene the first ministerial meeting of the committee on refugees and internally displaced persons. That important meeting was held last December in Khartoum with the active participation of the sisterly African States, the relevant United Nations bodies, the regional organizations concerned, the International Committee of the Red Cross and other non-governmental organizations. The meeting adopted the Khartoum Declaration, which contained an assessment of the problems facing refugees and displaced persons with a view to addressing the underlying causes of these problems and to establishing favourable conditions for the restoration of peace and stability in order to encourage the voluntary return of refugees and internally displaced persons to their homes in safety and dignity. From this rostrum, we appeal to the international community and the relevant organizations to continue to provide support for the States affected by these problems so as to ensure the prompt and effective implementation of the Khartoum Declaration and its recommendations with regard to refugees and internally displaced persons. We call for the renunciation of selectivity in dealing with the question of humanitarian assistance, human rights and democracy at the international level. We also appeal to States to avoid politicizing these questions and using them as a pretext for interference in the internal affairs of others. We are eager to see those lofty principles applied effectively while preserving the principle of the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of States. In this context, we should like to draw attention to the cooperation of the Government of the Sudan with the United Nations in the delivery of relief assistance to the affected population in the south, as well as to the recent visit of the United Nations In his report on the work of the Organization and his opening statement before this session, the Secretary-General reflected the international concern about the expansion and intensification of civil wars and other conflicts in various regions and the human tragedies and physical and economic destruction that result from such wars. We share the Secretary-General's concern on this matter. We reaffirm the importance of maximizing collective efforts to eliminate the causes of conflicts before they erupt and of using all available means to put an end to them. We believe, however, that any actions taken or means used must have the consent and agreement of the State concerned and must be within the framework of international laws and standards, particularly those of the United Nations Charter. In the absence of a transparent, democratic and just international order, moving outside that framework and calling for interference in the internal affairs of States will only lead to chaos and the hegemony of the powerful over the weak. President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the current Chairman of the OAU, summed up the fears and concerns of the small and weak States in this regard by saying that we remain very sensitive to any encroachment on our sovereignty, not only because it constitutes our last line of defence against the laws of an unjust world but because we do not participate effectively in the decision-making process in the Security Council or in the monitoring of the implementation of these decisions. Modern history is full of examples of such unjust interpretation and application of laws and resolutions. I would like to highlight just one example: the unjust and unjustified attack by the United States on the al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory and the inability of the Security Council to take a decision on Sudan's request to send a mission to investigate the American allegations concerning the factory. The ideas put forward by the Secretary-General in his report require further consultations and consideration by the General Assembly and other United Nations bodies, with the participation of all Member States and within the framework of the Charter and international laws and norms. The fact that the Sudan is being targeted by the United States Administration is not open to question. Indeed, the United States Administration itself does not deny this. It has taken many measures aimed at destabilizing Sudan and its security, and has pursued a declared policy of isolating the Sudan through the provision of military assistance to some of its neighbours. It has consistently voted against the Sudan in the international financial institutions and has sponsored resolutions condemning and denouncing the Sudan at the United Nations and its specialized agencies. It has also attempted to smear the Sudan’s image in the international arena. It has made baseless accusations against the Sudan, charging it with involvement in international terrorism and placing its name on its list of what it calls States sponsoring terrorism. Furthermore, the United States Administration imposed unilateral economic sanctions on the Sudan despite the international community’s clear and declared position on such coercive economic measures. All these actions have been taken by the United States on the basis of totally false and unfounded allegations and accusations. The United States Administration has never been able to produce a single piece of evidence to prove its allegations. The unjust United States actions and accusations against the Sudan culminated last year in the bombing and destruction of the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory in Khartoum. A whole year has elapsed since I addressed the General Assembly from this rostrum about the flagrant aggression by the United States of America against that factory, which was privately owned and financed by the bank of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). Has any action been taken since the Sudan explained to the international community the enormity of the mistake perpetrated by the United States against the Sudanese people, depriving them of a main source of medication for their innocent children and for the Since I addressed the Assembly last year, dozens of articles and reports have been published in major United States newspapers. Numerous statements have been made by United States congressional officials and former Central Intelligence Agency experts, along with a number of academic studies by specialized institutes in the United States and other countries, all of which affirm that the Al- Shifa factory was a pharmaceutical factory producing human and veterinary medicines. They also affirm that the United States made a terrible mistake by destroying that factory, which had links to the United Nations: the Security Council had authorized the factory to export medicines to Iraq within the framework of the oil-for-food programme. The Sudan referred all these studies, articles and declarations to the Security Council. This year, the owner of the factory hired some of the best known United States experts in the field of chemical weapons to examine the factory and ascertain the truth about its output. The experts took samples, which were examined in the most sophisticated and advanced laboratories in Europe and the United States. The conclusion was that the factory produced nothing other than medications for human and veterinary use. The Sudan also formed its own specialized scientific committee composed of university professors in the Sudan to examine the factory. The committee issued a report affirming once again that the United States allegations about the factory had no logical or scientific basis. A most important development then followed: a decision by the United States Departments of Justice and of the Treasury to unfreeze the assets of the owner of the When the matter was put before the Security Council last year and when the Sudan requested the dispatch of a fact-finding mission, the United States objected on the pretext that it would settle the question bilaterally with the Sudan. A whole year has elapsed and all we have received is more procrastination. This led me last August to send another letter to the President of the Security Council asking him again to dispatch a fact-finding mission. We appeal to the United Nations, as it represents all countries, big and small, to prove its impartiality and objectivity; we appeal to the Security Council to send a mission to uncover the facts about the destruction of the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory. The United Nations should request the United States not to object to the dispatch of such mission if it is confident of the information and the causes that led it to bomb the factory. The bombing of the pharmaceutical factory took the lives of a number of Sudanese. It deprived hundreds of workers of their livelihood. It also deprived the Sudanese people and the refugees from neighbouring countries of their main source of medication and vaccines. All this makes the international community wonder about the sincerity of the United States commitment to human rights. In their 1998 and 1999 ministerial declarations, the Group of 77 and China called for applying justice in this case in accordance with the United Nations Charter and international law. This act of aggression was a unilateral act unacceptable to the international community. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries condemned this act at its Durban Summit and at subsequent ministerial meetings. Persisting in targeting the Sudan, the United States Administration recently appointed a special envoy for the Sudan with specific objectives and terms of reference. Sudan was not party to the choice of that envoy or to the definition of the objectives and terms of reference of his mission. The delegation of the Sudan is of the view that the Millennium Assembly, in which all world leaders will participate, is an important occasion for the United Nations to enhance its role and its neutrality. In this regard, we propose that the Millennium Summit declaration contain the following: a reaffirmation of the importance of peaceful coexistence; respect for plurality and diversity and the promotion of dialogue between various cultures and religions; a reaffirmation of the need to achieve security and stability by resorting to the United Nations for the settlement of conflicts between States; a reaffirmation of the need to coordinate international efforts for the achievement of development and the eradication of poverty; and a reaffirmation of the resolve of the international community to combat terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. In this regard, we would like to state our understanding that the adoption of a declaration by the Millennium Summit will not detract from the United Nations Charter, which embodies lofty and noble principles valid for all time. In conclusion, most of the people of the Sudan are adherents of Islam and Christianity. Thus, the Sudan has a rich legacy of tolerance and coexistence between religions and cultures. Christianity, the religion of Jesus Christ — peace be upon him — teaches fraternity, tolerance and succour for the weak. Islam, the last of the revealed religions, has brought an integrated way of life that upholds the value of freedom and thought. It also consecrates the principle of coexistence between religions and cultures. The Holy Koran states, “Invite (all) to the Way Of thy Lord with wisdom And beautiful preaching; And argue with them In ways that are best And most gracious.” (The Holy Koran, XVI:125).

In connection with a remark made by an earlier speaker, may I remind speakers that only the statement as actually delivered by the speaker to the General Assembly will be reflected in the proceedings of the meeting. I now give the floor to the Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs of Saudi Arabia, His Excellency Mr. Nizar Madani.

It is my pleasure to express my sincere congratulations to Mr. Gurirab on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. His election to this eminent position reflects the appreciation of the international community for him personally and for the positive role played by country, Namibia, in the international arena. I am confident that his presidency at this session will be an effective factor in achieving the objectives to which the international community aspires under the present critical circumstances. I would like to take this opportunity to convey to Mr. Didier Opertti, Foreign Minister of Uruguay and President of the General Assembly at its fifty-third session, our appreciation, esteem and praise for his effective, wise and objective conduct of the Assembly’s work. I am also pleased to express my appreciation and esteem to Mr. Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who manages the affairs of this international Organization with great competence born of experience and who makes continuous efforts and persistent endeavours to achieve peace, security and stability in our modern world. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is also pleased to welcome the admission of the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga to the membership of the United Nations and hopes that their admission will further enhance the effectiveness of the Organization in achieving the noble goals it was created for. Some years have passed since we celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations. That celebration was a glorious occasion on which we reviewed the purposes and principles of this international Organization and the opportunities and challenges it had faced over the previous decades. We also reviewed its achievements in maintaining world peace and security and the difficulties and obstacles that it managed to deal with and overcome through the belief of its Members and the nobility of its ideals and objectives. The existence of this Organization, and its ability to find solutions to many of The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, as a founding Member of this Organization, continues to hold the same ideals and values that motivated it to join this universal effort with the other founding Members. The founders called for the rejection of war and the establishment of peace and for constructive cooperation among all peoples of this world. This was after a series of disasters and catastrophes had overwhelmed the human race during two destructive world wars that claimed millions of lives and left behind devastation and ruin. Wars and military confrontations are no longer thought of as politics or diplomacy by other means. Violence and warfare with modern lethal weapons can never be an effective means to attain political ends, nor a viable approach to achieving diplomatic gains. In today’s world there is no victor in any military confrontation. Our Organization’s objective of achieving cooperation in social and economic areas among peoples of the world is no longer a mere wish or luxury; in fact, it has become an unavoidable necessity as a result of recent political and economic developments, as well as of major advances and revolutions, unprecedented in human history, in technology and communications. As a result of these changes and developments, the world has been transformed from a vast collection of entities and multilateral trends and patterns into a village in which every part is affected by what ails the other part. These parts are interdependent as regards many of their vital needs and environmental conditions. The concept of globalization, which has become an integral part of our daily discourse, is nothing more than a condensed formula for the intellectual and existential changes that have overtaken the lives of our people and the work of States in the last two decades. If we are going to deal with this phenomenon in a way that emphasizes the positives and discards the negatives, we must adjust to it by developing our institutions and procedures. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia confirms, as it always has in the past, its steady commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and would like to reiterate the need for supporting this Organization and its specialized agencies. They provide a viable framework for cooperation between countries and peoples for facing the tidal wave of globalization. The Kingdom of The Security Council, being responsible for preserving international peace and security, remains the pivot around which different kinds of ideas for reform are being expressed. In this regard, my country’s point of view continues to be based on a deep conviction that any restructuring of the Security Council must endeavour to improve its capabilities to perform effectively its role under the Charter and to be more active in implementing its own resolutions and in dealing with international crises. In addition, the policies of the Council should harmonize with the will of the General Assembly in a manner that achieves the required balance and the desired objectivity. The General Assembly resolution declaring 2001 the United Nations Year of Dialogue among Civilizations manifests the desire of the international community to enter the third millennium firmly resolved to see harmony, justice and equality prevail among nations. It also shows the Assembly’s desire for everyone to participate in building a world that is balanced in terms of interests and mutual benefits in which people enjoy equitable living conditions free from fear, terror, hunger and poverty; a world in which the principles of justice, triumph and peace and prosperity are available to all. The dialogue among civilizations is the ideal alternative to theories of conflict and of the inevitable clash of civilizations. This compels us to affirm the importance of dialogue and harmony among nations and the need to observe differences in the nature of societies and in their beliefs, and to respect peoples’ and nations’ freedom of choice, as well as the need to abide by the rules of international law. This Organization, in both the Security Council and the General Assembly, has been preoccupied throughout At present there is an attempt to revive the peace process. Assurances issued by the new Israeli Prime Minister indicate that he intends to activate the peace process on all tracks. The Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum, signed on 4 September of this year, could be a good step if followed by similar steps to move the process towards the bases and principles that were established at the Madrid Conference — the principle of land for peace, first and foremost. On the Palestinian track, peace requires withdrawal from the occupied territories and the restoration of all the legitimate national rights of the Palestinians, including their right to establish their own independent State with Jerusalem as its capital. The final status issue of Jerusalem should be addressed in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 252 (1968). Jerusalem is part of the occupied territories, and Israel should refrain from undertaking any unilateral measures that prejudice the status of that sacred city. It is imperative and natural that any comprehensive and permanent settlement address the issue of the return of the Palestinian refugees, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 194 (III). It should also address the issues of the release of prisoners, settlements and water resources, among others. As for the Syrian track, negotiations should resume at the point where they left off because of a decision of the The Lebanese track is subject to Security Council resolution 425 (1978), which calls for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli forces from southern Lebanon and western Bekaa. More than nine years after Iraq’s aggression against the State of Kuwait, it is still procrastinating on the implementation of crucial parts of the relevant Security Council resolutions. The Iraqi people are still paying the price for crimes committed by their regime and for its continual challenges to international legality. In spite of all Arab and international initiatives and proposals aimed at finding an effective mechanism and process to lift the economic sanctions imposed on Iraq and to end the suffering of the Iraqi people, the Iraqi Government has not responded in a manner that might help move matters in the right direction. What encourages the Iraqi Government to continue manoeuvring and procrastinating is the fact that the Security Council itself is unable to take action due to the inability of its permanent members to agree on a common approach and on the proposals under discussion. These proposals are aimed at finding a way out of the current crisis by reviving the inspection and monitoring of banned Iraqi weapons and at regulating the present and future relations between Iraq and the United Nations. No matter what the circumstances, Iraq should be required to fully implement all international resolutions relating to its aggression against Kuwait and to cooperate seriously with the International Committee of the Red Cross to achieve the release of all Kuwaiti and non-Kuwaiti prisoners and detainees, as well as the restitution of Kuwaiti property. It should also refrain from all provocative or aggressive acts against the State of Kuwait and other neighbouring countries, in compliance with Security Council resolution 949 (1994), and prove its peaceful intentions towards its neighbours in word and deed. This is the proper way to put an end to the human suffering for which the Iraqi regime bears sole responsibility. The pain which the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and its sisterly countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) feel towards such human suffering is commensurate only with their keenness to preserve the independence, unity and territorial integrity of Iraq. Just when it seemed that the problem of Bosnia and Herzegovina was resolved in accordance with the provisions of the Dayton Accords — which laid the ground for Bosnian independence and sovereignty, paved the way for the return of refugees, provided for the pursuit and arrest of officials responsible for the crimes of ethnic cleansing and genocide, and the establishment of domestic peace — the Balkan region witnessed a crisis in Kosovo no less devastating in its human dimensions than that in Bosnia. Like the Bosnians, the Kosovars were exposed to ethnic cleansing, genocide, repression, intimidation and forced deportation at the hands of Serbian forces as the world watched. Once again, the United Nations faced the problem of dealing with a dangerous situation that threatened the entire Balkan region. This situation was reversed only by the intervention of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces after Serbia refused to accept the provisions of the Rambouillet agreement. Resort to military force without a United Nations mandate to resolve such problems might not be the ideal way to settle international crises, but it becomes an unavoidable necessity whenever the Security Council, due to disunity and disagreements between its permanent Members, fails to fulfil its role in maintaining world peace and security. We hope that this pattern will not be repeated, so that the United Nations may preserve its dignity and integrity. Many regions of the world remain plagued by wars, regional and ethnic conflicts, border disputes and national and tribal conflicts. Fighting between the Afghan factions The Pakistani-Indian conflict over Jammu and Kashmir remains a source of tension and instability between the two neighbourly countries, especially after the recent military escalation between them. We call on both sides to exercise utmost restraint and to settle the conflict through negotiations in compliance with United Nations resolutions, which recognize the right of the people of Jammu and Kashmir to self-determination. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been following with great concern the latest developments in East Timor. While it welcomes the positive stand taken by the Indonesian Government, especially its cooperation with the United Nations, it wishes to affirm the need to respect the regional sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia and the importance of peace and security throughout the region. The scenes of fighting and armed conflict between brothers in Africa, especially in the Horn, are a source of pain to us. These conflicts will only deepen wounds and enlarge the circle of poverty and distress. In this regard, we still have high expectations in the wisdom of the leaders of that great continent to consider the ultimate interests of their nations and to resolve conflicts through peaceful means. The international community was pleased to put an end to the Lockerbie issue, which caused much suffering for Libya and its people. We look forward to a Security Council resolution that would lead to a final lifting of all sanctions imposed on Libya by virtue of its positive reaction to international appeals and its adherence to all conditions related to this issue. I would also like to praise the people of Algeria for the great mandate they gave their new leadership to move forward with the suggested reconciliation plan that aims at ending the era of differences and violence, which was extremely painful for the fraternal people of Algeria. We believe in the urgent need to increase the effectiveness of the NPT through the activation and universalization of the International Atomic Energy Agency's safeguards system. We also find it extremely important to establish the necessary controls and measures that would assist in achieving progress in all areas of the comprehensive disarmament of all weapons of mass destruction, in conformity with General Assembly resolution 1 (I) of 1946. The scourge of terrorism, which strikes indiscriminately throughout the world, has become an international phenomenon with grave consequences, requiring systematic international efforts to contain and combat it. The Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has regularly condemned terrorism in all its forms, lending its voice to international efforts aimed at combating this dangerous phenomenon. What needs to be emphasized here is that violence and terrorism are universal phenomena not restricted to a certain people, race or religion. Precisely because of the comprehensiveness and universality of terrorism, the only way to combat it effectively is through unified and collective international action within the framework of the United Nations, which alone can put an end to terrorism, save the lives of innocent people and preserve the independence and sovereignty of the countries of the world. Fighting terrorism calls for international cooperation against sheltering terrorist groups and individuals, thereby preventing them from exploiting the territories and laws of the States where they live to pursue their destructive activities, regardless of their pretexts and arguments. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia considers environmental issues and environmental protection of key importance, as evidenced by their prominent place in our domestic and foreign policies. This is because we believe that a safe decent life for mankind is directly connected to the The emerging phenomenon of globalization, which is forcing geographic borders to recede and sovereignty and political barriers to disappear, has become an issue to which all nations must adjust. We are required now, more than ever before, to address this phenomenon in a way that brings about a world of balanced interests, mutual benefits and equal opportunities for all. If we are to achieve this goal, the developing nations must redouble their domestic environmental efforts in order to catch up with the global economy. They are further called upon to intensify their efforts to remove the barriers that hinder their integration into the multifaceted world trade system. They are also required to adjust their economic policies and to establish the infrastructures necessary for their manufactured goods to meet the standard specifications of the importing countries. In return, industrial and economically developed nations should contribute to the fulfilment of the desired goals in the following ways: first, by displaying greater flexibility in the conditions of admission to the World Trade Organization (WTO) by giving developing countries longer interim periods that are in line with their development needs and to help them adjust their systems and laws to the requirements of membership; secondly, by giving developing countries enhanced opportunities to benefit from the system of general preferences, to expand distribution of their products and to provide guarantees for greater stability and transparency in the regimes governing those products; thirdly, by limiting the imposition of protective measures by industrialized nations on major imports from developing nations that hinder their integration into world markets and reduce their ability to compete, and removing the obstacles faced by developing countries; and fourthly, ensuring that industrial nations carry out their obligations to developing countries, as set forth in the Uruguay Round and in the In this context, it is worth noting that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been at the forefront of contributions to the promotion and development of developing countries, whether bilaterally or multilaterally. In the same vein, and in view of the Kingdom’s desire to shape future trends in the world economy, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has applied for admission to the WTO and hopes, God willing, to gain the support of friendly nations in order to finalize the admission procedure as soon as possible. As we prepare for the third millennium, we are overwhelmed by different feelings and emotions. In view of the conflicts and the social, economic, cultural and environmental challenges that we currently face, optimism is mixed with pessimism about the future of our world in the coming historical period. If the purpose of creating the United Nations was to convert the logic of war and confrontation into the language of dialogue and cooperation, at a time when the cost of using military force has become exorbitant and the outcome uncertain, we now live in a new period full of signs that require us to work together as hard as possible and to cooperate not only in the face of political and military challenges, but also in confronting the new challenges of contemporary life, with all its complexities and complications, which can only be solved or managed through organized collective efforts. Our firm belief that the United Nations can play a major role in dealing with current issues and enhancing international cooperation in order to resolve and contain these issues makes us more determined than ever to support this Organization and endorse its constructive role. One of the valuable lessons we have learned from United Nations activities is the need to enable our Organization to detect crises and to move to contain them before they erupt by applying preventive diplomacy to the fullest extent. Moving to manage crises before they grow is the best way to avoid their harmful consequences and repercussions. In conclusion, I must re-emphasize a basic fact: in order to solve today’s problems it has become vitally necessary for us to cooperate in a spirit of total disinterest, objectivity and responsibility. The future of the United Nations, which is also our future, depends on this. Allah says in the Holy Koran:

I call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Sierra Leone, His Excellency Mr. Sama Banya.

On behalf of President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, the Government and people of Sierra Leone, and on my own personal behalf, I would like to congratulate Mr. Gurirab most heartily on his election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. This is the last session before the end of this century and today we have only 92 days until the beginning of a new millennium. We welcome Mr. Gurirab’s unanimous election to preside over this body. With his long experience, both in the public service of his country and in the international arena, I have no doubt that he will be able to steer the deliberations of the fifty-fourth session to a successful conclusion. I want to assure him of my delegation’s full support and cooperation during his tenure of office. The affairs that confront us as a country continue to cause problems all over the globe. We are faced with situations that we cannot completely handle. Permit me to convey the thanks and appreciation of my Government to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, and to his staff for their dedicated service to the United Nations in the never-ending quest to attain international peace and security. Mr. Annan has spared no efforts in drawing the attention of the international community, as well as that of the Security Council, to the tragic situation in Sierra Leone, stressing the urgent need for resources to sustain the Lomé Peace Agreement, recently signed between the Government of Sierra Leone and the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), and the need to send an appreciable contingent of peacekeepers and United Nations military observers to my country. The rebel war has gone on for a long time. Its intensification culminated in the invasion of the capital, Freetown, by the RUF/Armed Forces Revolutionary Council junta on 6 January 1999. I have no doubt that many members must have watched, heard or read of the ensuing mayhem, even though those ghastly events were overlooked because of the focus of the international media and, indeed, of the international community on Our people have gone through a very difficult and devastating period, covering more than eight years. We are now ready to put that nightmare behind us, to move forward and to do so quickly. The most important element in this is the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programme, under the supervision of United Nations peacekeepers and observers and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). My Government therefore welcomes the eighth report of the Secretary-General on Sierra Leone to the Security Council. Among other things, the report recommends the deployment of sufficient numbers of peacekeepers and observers, as well as support staff. The Secretary-General stresses the urgent need for the mobilization of adequate resources into a special trust fund for this purpose. My delegation welcomes with gratitude the contributions of the Governments of the United Kingdom and Canada and the World Bank to the trust fund, and the recent recommendation of the Secretary- General to the Security Council to deploy up to 6,000 peacekeepers and observers. The need for an early decision on this cannot be overemphasized. A special conference is to take place shortly in Washington, D.C., for pledges to the fund and for other post-conflict programmes, including humanitarian assistance, the welfare of refugees and the welfare of children associated with the war. I would like to thank all our friends in the donor community who will be participating in that meeting and to plead with them to donate generously. Since the signing of the Lomé Agreement, the peace has been generally holding. There have been a few severe hiccups, but because of the determination of all to move forward, we have been able to contain the situation. The war went on for a long time; the rebels were used to obtaining everything they needed by the use of force. Since the Agreement, they have simply been waiting for the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programme to commence. The delay in implementing this could be a factor in the restlessness observed in some elements from time to time. It is a dangerous void. The programme itself is under the chairmanship of our President, and because of the importance that our people attach to it, the civilian population has established a fund The speed and the extent of interventions in Bosnia and in Kosovo, and more recently in East Timor, clearly demonstrate the capacity of the international community to stop human suffering when it is willing to do so. Our people have been baffled at the delay in implementing the Sierra Leone programme. Although the heinous atrocities committed in Sierra Leone by the RUF and its collaborators barely received attention from the international community, various human rights groups denounced the United Nations for signing the Lomé Peace Agreement with a reservation on amnesty provision. May I at this stage appeal to the international community not to do anything that would adversely affect the implementation of the Peace Agreement. For the average Sierra Leonean, the Peace Agreement was a bitter pill to swallow, but an essential pill to end the atrocities in the country. However, in order to ensure accountability, a truth and reconciliation commission was provided for in the agreement. It may need to be backed by an international inquiry body, such as has been proposed by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Once again I would like to put on record my country’s indebtedness and gratitude to the member States of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and four countries in particular — Nigeria, Guinea, Ghana and Mali — which contributed troops to the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). As a new millennium dawns, the problems facing my country — and indeed many developing countries — are multiple; not least is the problem of finding a consistent set of policies and institutions that will enable us to have sustainable economic growth. Coupled with this is the fact that newly elected democratic Governments like ours are facing the paradox of how to sustain democracy in an environment where hard economic decisions are needed. In an increasingly shrinking world, the problems of developing countries, including those of Sierra Leone, ought to be seen as global problems. In these circumstances, the continuing decline in the levels of development assistance has not helped the African situation. Globalization cannot be effected as a “one-way street” where all the vehicles travel North, leaving only exhaust fumes in the South. A level playing field is required, and this cannot be achieved with Africa’s heavy debt burden. Sierra Leone welcomes the 1999 Cologne Debt Initiative, which enhances the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative framework for debt relief. We agree that further efforts are needed for greater focus on the priority objective of poverty reduction. At the same time, my delegation hopes that agreement will soon be reached to shorten the period during which countries can qualify to be part of the HIPC Debt Initiative framework. With the cold war over, mankind had looked forward to a period of peace and universal development. But, as the British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook observed at the recent Security Council meeting on trafficking in small arms, small arms have caused more death and destruction in recent times than weapons of mass destruction. Indeed, my delegation agrees with the general view that the illegal arms trade is as dangerous as drugs, both serving as instruments of destruction of civilian lives and of socio- economic structures. The proliferation of trade in light weapons, financed by cash from the sale of precious minerals, such as diamonds and gold, is at the core of Africa’s conflicts and their prolongation. My delegation therefore welcomes the recent decision of the Security Council on this nefarious trade. We call on the international community to support the Security Council decision so as to effectively prevent the availability and flow of arms to conflict areas. The decision should not be left to the merchants of death, whose only interest is money, by whatever means. The United Nations, despite its occasional imperfectability, remains an essential institution for moving international relations towards cooperative security. Its operational and procedural capabilities need to be strengthened for the next century. My Government fully supports the Declaration of Algiers, adopted by the My Government also reinforces its belief in the Harare Declaration, calling for the unconditional allocation of two permanent Security Council seats to Africa.

I shall now call on those representatives who wish to speak in exercise of the right of reply. May I remind members that statements in exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and to five minutes for the second, and should be made by delegations from their seats.

I should like to speak briefly in exercise of the right of reply to respond to the remarks about the Chagos Archipelago made this morning by the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Trade of Mauritius. The British Government maintains that the British Indian Ocean Territory is British and has been since 1814. It does not recognize the sovereignty claim of the Mauritian Government. However, the British Government has recognized Mauritius as the only State which has a right to assert a claim of sovereignty when the United Kingdom relinquishes its own sovereignty. Successive British Governments have given undertakings to the Government of Mauritius that the Territory will be ceded when no longer required for defence purposes. The British Government remains open to discussions regarding arrangements governing the British Indian Ocean Territory or the future of the Territory. The British Government has stated that when the time comes for the Territory to be ceded it will liaise closely with the Government of Mauritius. The question of access to the British Indian Ocean Territory is at present before the courts in the United Kingdom, and is therefore sub judice. The Government of the United Kingdom has the matter under careful consideration and cannot comment further. Against this backdrop, North-South relations are now at their worst level. The South Korean authorities are now pursuing an unprecedentedly tricky policy of antagonizing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea hand in hand with outside forces. They loudly proclaim engagement and generosity as though the “sunshine” policy were intended to improve North-South relations. However, the “sunshine” policy is an anti-reunification and anti-Democratic People's Republic of Korea confrontational policy aimed at changing the ideas and social system existing in the North. It is also a provocation against, and mockery of, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. The current Chief Executive of South Korea openly acknowledges that the essence of the “sunshine” policy is based on the same principle as was utilized by the United States in the disintegration of the former Soviet Union. Besides, the South Korean authorities are now engaged in the plot, in military alliance with countries such as the United States and Japan, on an almost daily basis under the pretext of the “sunshine” policy. Any attempt on their part to deny and do away with the ideas and social system in the North will inevitably lead to conflict and war and this could happen at any moment. The South Korean authorities are now talking loudly about reconciliation and cooperation with us while promoting the “sunshine” policy, but it is, in essence, preposterous hypocrisy and deceit, as well as a mockery of the international community. South Korea acts as if the North had greatly benefited from the “sunshine” policy in the economic field, but this too is a lie. Frankly, they mobilized many representatives of the mass media for the purpose of publicizing the economic and humanitarian assistance given to the North, but in reality they are playing dirty games. For example, they are pretending to show their sympathy for the humanitarian situation of the North, but actually they are visiting countries to ask them not to give assistance to the North. By so doing, they are slandering and obstructing the flow of humanitarian assistance in one way or another. We have so far established a self-sufficient national economy of which we are proud. But recently we have had some economic difficulties due to natural disaster and the collapse of the socialist market. Nevertheless, we will build a strong and rich country by resisting the slander and the current economic difficulties. The Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization has been described as a gift given to us out of generosity, but in fact the construction of the light water reactor power plant, which is the central mission of that organization is an obligation that the United States assumed under the Agreed Framework signed by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the United States in 1994. South Korea, Japan and other countries became members of the organization at the request of the United States. However, the construction of the light water reactor power plant has just been inaugurated, and not a single stone has yet been laid. Therefore, there is a question as to its completion in the year 2003, as envisaged in the Agreed Framework. In addition, there have been recent reports that the construction of the light water reactor power plant is only being paid lip service, because of the prediction that my As to our implementation of the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) Safeguards Agreement, South Korea has no right to intervene. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea-United States Agreed Framework clearly provides for all the obligations of both my country and the United States. We are now faithfully fulfilling our obligation in keeping with the implementation of the Agreed Framework. The responsibility for the non-realization of the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula lies with the United States, which is still maintaining its commitment of providing a nuclear umbrella for South Korea. The responsibility also lies with South Korea, which is asking for that commitment to be maintained.

The statement by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Syrian Arab Republic, Mr. Farouk Al-Shara’, asserts that commitments were made by the parties during past Syrian-Israeli negotiations that constitute internationally binding undertakings which have been deposited with the United States. These assertions do not accurately reflect the facts, and therefore a clarification by Israel is required. Israel has not made any commitment to withdraw to the line of 4 June 1967. It must be reiterated that the only basis of negotiations between Israel and Syria is Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), as stated in the Madrid invitation, which called for the establishment of secure and recognized boundaries and not for a withdrawal to the line of 4 June 1967.

The allegations we have just heard from the representative of Israel require a precise and well- pondered response, especially since American efforts are under way to resume peace negotiations at the point where they were left off. However, given the late hour, not wishing to detain representatives, and heeding the Chair's appeal to be brief, my delegation reserves the right to reply at the end of tomorrow's meeting so that we might be able to inform the General Assembly of the actual state of affairs.