A/60/PV.11 General Assembly

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Alfredo Palacio, President of the Republic of Ecuador, and to invite him to address the General Assembly. President Palacio (spoke in Spanish): The people of Ecuador wish to express their deepest condolences and fraternal solidarity to the South-East Asian nations affected by the tsunami, as well as to all our brothers and sisters living in the southern United States who were so severely affected by Hurricane Katrina. Faced with the danger of natural disasters, Ecuador is committed to the implementation of the Hyogo Framework for Action and to support the International El Niño Research Centre, based in Guayaquil. Today, the nations of the globe have come together to celebrate 60 years of human hopes, 60 years after the proclamation of the founding Charter of the Organization that represents every man, every woman, and every child. Six decades have passed since we inaugurated this institution and its essential objectives of human coexistence, peace and the international rule of law. After six decades we can rejoice with old Neruda, who lives on in our hearts, along with Stravinsky, Garcia Marquez and Mother Teresa. Let us celebrate, but let us also take stock of the dream yet to be fulfilled. Sleeplessly, we face threats and challenges that affect the survival of our species. When the second millennium ended — quite unlike the first — our world was not threatened by the terror-filled visions of the apocalypse and the seven trumpets that would transform a third of the world into blood, darkness, smoke and locusts. However, our new millennium faces the reality of increasing poverty in two thirds of the planet. Water is becoming scarce, there are holes in the ozone layer and, along with biodiversity, the Amazon is being destroyed. Entire nations are being disinherited and condemned to roam the earth, mortal illnesses hover over humanity and terrorism lurks in every corner. I have come from the middle of the world to speak of faith in the renewal of the dream. Ecuador is a small nation in South America sharing an identity with almost 400 million human beings living in an area of 8 million square kilometres. We have more than one fourth of the fresh water of the world and immense energy, mineral and food resources; we boast the greatest tropical rain forest in the world and colossal mountains, deserts and prairies. Yet, our region remains a realm of social injustice. The world order that governs us is not the one we want. It is unjust, inefficient and inhuman. We must therefore set in motion factors that were unimaginable in the middle of the twentieth century. The economy, international law and biology constitute a fundamental triangle from which the future of the human being can be projected. I set out for the Assembly the idea of building a new world order based on this trilogy. First, with regard to international law, Ecuador reaffirms its commitment to the San Francisco Charter and the principles of non-intervention and the self- determination of peoples, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the rejection of all forms of colonialism, discrimination or segregation. In accordance with these principles my country believes in the need to strengthen the Organization, transform it and democratize it. The United Nations must develop new mechanisms to protect the survival of our species and of all forms of life. Secondly, the economy must eliminate marginalization and redress the unequal nature of opportunities, among both nations and individuals. This is the conflict. In 1945, the vital need to establish policies to promote a just and progressive distribution of surpluses was proclaimed. Nevertheless, 60 years later we see ever more regressive patterns of distribution and growing gaps at all levels, basically produced by the tragedy inherent in the accumulation of foreign debt, which represents such a heavy burden for developing nations. The burden of the debt has pauperized our peoples. It has put a brake on productive development and cancelled out the aspiration of all to have access to food, health, shelter, safety and education. The ethical mandate of our time demands a change in the collective conscience of social welfare. Heavily indebted middle-income countries must organize their efforts to arrive at joint agreements with the world’s creditors. Thirdly, the incorporation of biology into the new international order obliges the United Nations to transfer its focus from man to biology. The presence of this new factor — biology — brings with it the need to raise the level of ethics and international law to the highest degree of respect for biodiversity and the preservation of all forms of life. Ecuador attaches particular importance to this topic and is therefore concerned at the controversial spraying of glyphosate as a herbicide to eliminate illegal crops along border areas between Colombia and Ecuador. Studies on this substance suffer from technical and methodological shortcomings. Ecuador therefore calls upon the United Nations system to promote a comprehensive, reliable and credible study on the actual impact of this spraying. Ecuador considers that it is essential to apply the precautionary principle that has been recognized in many international agreements and other instruments, in particular the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development. Consequently, Ecuador has asked its neighbouring Government of Colombia to suspend aerial-spraying activities in a 10-kilometre strip north of our border. As I said in my statement during the High-level Plenary Meeting (see A/60/PV.5), in my country’s opinion the Millennium Development Goals constitute a well-honed and effective tool for this century to carve out a path towards a more just humankind. I am firmly convinced that ethical regulations to preserve the biological heritage of the planet constitute the paramount goal for this third millennium. With conviction and resolve, my country has adopted a date for its future: 2015. Copies of the reports on my Government endeavours to attain the Millennium Development Goals are available in the General Assembly Hall. I should now like to talk about migrants. Globalization is creating urgent demands for the new century. One of these arises from the pain that is giving rise to a new exodus. Today the United Nations must take over the role of a new Moses. It must lead the people to their homeland and provide the bread to calm the hunger of the wretched of the world. More than 175 million human beings have been forced to leave their homeland in search of better days. Today migrants are treated worse than capital or commercial goods: we are always looking to provide freedom of transit for these. The mere existence of this fact forces us to recognize that for the hungry of the third world there is no liberty and even less the equality and fraternity symbolized two centuries ago by the French revolution. The link between the migrant issue and development is undeniable and must be handled in a transparent manner based on a vision of shared responsibility on the part of all nations involved. On migration routes we must overcome the police stigmatization of the undocumented. Regularization requires that the rights of migrants be viewed as a fundamental human right and must be reflected in every State’s population policy. The Government of Ecuador calls upon this forum to address the problem of migrants in terms of equality for all nationals. We propose that this problem be addressed at the high- level dialogue on international migration and development, to be held in 2006. We in the Government of Ecuador, aware of the need for migration and its consequences to be treated in an integral and responsible manner, have approved a law revising our criminal code to define crimes of the sexual exploitation of minors and the trafficking of persons. In addition, we have placed before our National Congress a new proposal to punish all forms of trafficking in human beings. I should like to talk about indigenous peoples and peoples of African descent. The International Decades of the World’s Indigenous People, proclaimed by the General Assembly, have been a valuable opportunity to increase awareness of the situation of our brothers and to promote respect for their identity and the chance to find viable solutions to their problems. The biology of the new world order requires recognition of their rights as protagonists of history and as leading actors in society. In the Ecuador of the last decade, indigenous peoples have been significant components of our social and political life. That is recognized in our Constitution and in International Labour Organization (ILO) Agreement 169. In recent years, Ecuador has witnessed a serious deterioration in its democratic institutions. Faced with that situation, my Government has pledged to restore the rule of law by means of profound political reform legitimized through a referendum of the Ecuadorian people. We are determined to firmly fight the corruption that erodes democratic structures. Only three days ago, on 15 September, my Government deposited its instrument of ratification as the thirtieth State party to the United Nations Convention against Corruption, which made it possible for the Convention to enter into force. The voice of my people, the people of Ecuador, echoes the deep-throated clamour of Latin America. We want to be part of a greater nation, South America, a human assembly that can make its voice heard and follow the path to genuine, just development accompanied by greater solidarity on behalf of the principles that we have recalled here.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Ecuador for the statement he has just made.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency The Honourable Ludwig Scotty, M. P., President of the Republic of Nauru, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Scotty: The outcome document adopted at the High-level Plenary Meeting (resolution 60/1) serves as a map by which we navigate in seeking to improve the lives of the many peoples of the world; it may be imperfect, but it is our task as leaders to provide a vision of a better world and to lead our peoples towards the achievement of that vision. The outcome document spells out this vision, and we should use it much as one uses a map when navigating the destiny of our respective nations. In this respect, Nauru looks to the United Nations as the global leader in reaching this vision of a better world: a world in which human rights are collectively recognized and defended, terrorism in any form is eliminated, peace and security is promoted and maintained, and poverty is eradicated. We therefore applaud the effort to strengthen the work of the United Nations through management reform. This should improve the delivery of the global services that this Organization is expected to provide. Equally important is the need to reform the Security Council, to recognize that international developments since the establishment of that body many decades ago now demand a more democratic representation of the global family in an expanded Security Council. The earlier these reforms are implemented, the earlier the work of the United Nations can be further improved, with commensurate benefit to the people whose interests we all serve. Nauru is in the unenviable position of having lost its earlier status as a donor country, with much of its wealth lost through mismanagement and, in particular, corrupt leadership. We therefore speak with some experience when we note with encouragement the decision by the United Nations to implement management and structural reforms to improve, amongst other things, transparency and accountability for the greater good of Member countries and the peoples we represent. Nauru itself is undertaking significant economic and political reforms as it recommences the nation- building process. These include the design of a national development strategy, the public consultative phase of which has just been concluded; it will be presented to the donor community in November this year. We hope that the international community can participate, not by driving the development agenda for the people of Nauru, but by accepting the vision of our people as that to be implemented by Nauru with the support of its development partners. The development agenda for developing countries, particularly those with fragile and vulnerable economies, must be designed by those on whose lives that agenda will have an impact and not by external parties that have a different agenda. We believe that the thorough consultative process within which the national development strategy is being designed is in itself an exercise in democracy. The views expressed by government and non- government agencies and by community, faith and other leaders, is testament to the strength of democracy in Nauru. To turn a blind eye to this process by driving a development agenda not envisioned by the people is not only dangerous to the development needs of the people it should serve, but a threat to democracy itself. We hope that the United Nations itself will have a leading role in assisting the rebuilding of Nauru and in achieving the Millennium Development Goals by 2015. We reiterate our call for a United Nations presence in Nauru for this purpose. Nauru also calls upon the developed world to match its rhetoric with action when it comes to meeting the development needs of the developing world, through development financing and/or debt relief. It is simply not good enough to be targeting the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals by 2015 without making available the resources to fund that effort. The developed world has an obligation to share its resources with the developing world by ensuring it meets its own target of official development assistance expenditure of 0.7 per cent of gross domestic product, and to achieve it promptly, if the developing world is to achieve the Millennium Development Goals within 10 years. The decision not to consider the question of the people of Taiwan is a gross dereliction of duty by this Assembly. There are 23 million people on Taiwan who are being denied the right to be recognized and protected by this Organization. The United Nations has a role in assisting and facilitating constructive dialogue to ensure a future of peace for the people of Taiwan and the rest of that region. Peace and security in the Taiwan Strait is peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region. I am very hopeful that Member States will recognize and accept the appeal by the good people of Taiwan at the sixtieth session of the General Assembly. God bless the Republic of Nauru and God bless the United Nations and the peoples of the world. We shall proceed with God’s will first.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Nauru for the statement he has just made.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Robert Gabriel Mugabe, President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, and to invite him to address the General Assembly. President Mugabe: Allow me to extend to you, Sir, our sincere congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of the sixtieth session of the General Assembly and to express our confidence in your ability to guide our work throughout the session. In the same breath, let me also express our appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Jean Ping, for managing successfully the very difficult business of the fifty-ninth session. Although we began our last session with a weighty agenda, we were able to reach general agreement on a number of important issues in the area of development. We are yet to agree on other pressing issues, such as the reform of the Security Council and the composition of a new Human Rights Council. For many years we have spoken in favour of an approach to international peace and security that is firmly rooted in the principle of multilateralism and the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. We maintain that any diversion from this approach is unacceptable, undesirable and devoid of legal justification. We are pleased to note that the majority of views expressed during the last session reinforced that principle. Our expectation is that the Security Council in its current form, or in whatever character and composition it will eventually take, will, like all other bodies of the United Nations, limit itself to what is contained in its mandate. We do not subscribe to the suggestion that all problems — social, cultural, economic and health, among others — are necessarily threats to international peace and security and should therefore be referred to the Security Council. Recently we witnessed the United Kingdom abusing its privilege and acting dishonestly as a member of the Council by seeking to score cheap political points in its bilateral dispute with us. We were dragged on to the Council’s agenda over an issue that has no relevance to the maintenance of international peace and security. Let me pay tribute to those members of the Security Council who saw through this cheap politicking and manipulation of procedures — which the same country, by the way, has vowed to resume as soon as the Council is appropriately chaired. It is my hope that other Member countries will join us in rejecting this neocolonialist attempt and blatant interference in the internal affairs of Zimbabwe. But then, is it not obvious, that Britain under the regime of Tony Blair has ceased to respect the Charter of the United Nations? Witness its being a principal member of the illegal anti-Iraq coalition that went on a devastating campaign in that country in complete defiance of the United Nations Charter. Any State or group of States that commits such an act of aggression on another, justifying it on blatant falsehoods, surely becomes guilty of State terrorism. Zimbabwe is a country at peace with itself and with its neighbours and offers absolutely no threat to international peace and security. Is it not therefore surprising that Britain and its Anglo-Saxon allies have embarked on a vicious campaign of first peddling blatant lies intended to tarnish it and then appealing to Europe and America for sanctions against it? Those imperialist countries have unashamedly abused the power of the media by hypocritically portraying themselves as philanthropists and international saviours of victims of various calamities. Yet they have remained silent about the shocking circumstances of obvious State neglect surrounding the tragic Gulf coast disaster, where a whole community of mainly non-whites was deliberately abandoned to the ravages of Hurricane Katrina as sacrificial lambs, and sacrificed to which god one cannot tell. Most of the victims were blacks. And we are bound to ask what transgressions we, the blacks of this world, have committed? Was it not enough punishment and suffering in history that we were uprooted and made helpless slaves, not only in new colonial outposts but also domestically at home, through a vicious system of colonialism that made us landless, propertyless and mere slaves and serfs in our own lands? Must we again in this day of humanitarian ethics, this day of the sacred principles of the equality of mankind and the rights of men and women, this day that has seen us assemble here to save, enhance and prolong life, become victims of callous racial neglect? We of Africa protest that in this day and age we should continue to be treated as lesser human beings than other races. We reiterate our deep sympathies and condolences over the massive loss of life that occurred in the Hurricane Katrina disaster. If, as we are told, many who survived the wrath of Hurricane Katrina are still dispersed, the question we ask ourselves is where they are and for how long will they remain where they are. We ask further whether they will ever get back, truly rehabilitated, to their original homes — properly rehabilitated also, homes which at present are mere wreckages. Where, I ask, are the Zimbabwe-famous United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN- HABITAT) and the Commission on Human Rights? Why should they maintain an ominous silence? For here is real homeless work for HABITAT and the Commission on Human Rights. This indeed is where they rightly belong and not anywhere in Zimbabwe. We do not need them there. With reference to the vexatious issue of the reform of the Security Council, we have made our views known through the African Union. We seek fair and equal treatment as partners in this community of nations and pledge our commitment to work with others in pursuit of that objective. The promotion of human rights is one of the major aims of the United Nations as enshrined in its Charter. As such, the subject rightly occupies space on the agenda of each session of the General Assembly, including this one. We believe that the United Nations should make every effort to promote and protect the full enjoyment of human rights, including the right to development. Regrettably, we have seen over the years a deliberate tendency to create a distorted hierarchy of rights, with the sole mischievous purpose of overplaying civil and political rights while downplaying economic, social and cultural rights. That explains why the whole human rights agenda, instead of being a cooperative exercise, has degenerated into a Western-managed kangaroo court, always looking out for “criminals”, as they call them, among developing countries. Hence, we continue to argue that the human rights discourse needs to be rid of selectivity and double standards and to be approached without hidden political agendas. The African Union has indicated its support for the establishment of a Human Rights Council that will be subordinated to the General Assembly. Zimbabwe subscribes fully to that position. We believe, however, that a correctly sized and properly structured Council, with equitable geographical representation, will be a major step in addressing the deficiencies of the current Commission on Human Rights. At the beginning of the last session (see A/59/PV.5) I informed the Assembly that despite the recurrent droughts that we had experienced, Zimbabwe had the capacity to cope with its situation of hunger and was thus not appealing for humanitarian intervention. In spite of that message, our detractors and ill-wishers have been projecting a false picture of mass starvation. There has been none of that. Recently, particularly in the aftermath of our urban clean-up operation, popularly known at home as Operation Murambatsvina, or Operation Restore Order, the familiar noises re-echoed from the same malicious prophets of doom claiming that there was a humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe. Those unfounded alarms are aimed at deliberately tarnishing the image of Zimbabwe and projecting it as a failed State. We find it strange and obviously anomalous that the Government of Zimbabwe should be maligned and condemned for restoring order and the rule of law in its municipal areas. Our detractors fail to acknowledge that Operation Restore Order soon gave way to a well- planned, vast reconstruction programme through which properly planned accommodation, factory shells and vending stalls are being constructed in many areas of the country for our people. We have rejected the scandalous demand, as expressed in Special Envoy Anna Tibaijuka’s report, that we lower our urban housing standards to allow for mud huts, bush latrines and pit toilets as suitable for our urban people and for Africans generally. Nothing can be more insulting and degrading of a people than that. Surely we do not need development in reverse. Let me conclude by making my message to our detractors very simple and clear. The people of Zimbabwe came through a protracted guerrilla struggle to establish themselves as a free — I emphasize “free” — and sovereign nation. We indeed went through long and bitter times to get our freedom and independence, and to be where we are today. We cherish that hard-won freedom and independence, and no amount of coercion, political, economic or otherwise, will make us a colony again. But we also cherish peace and development and good regional and international relations. Together with all other nations of good will, we will continue to work tirelessly for a just, peaceful and prosperous world.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe for the statement he has just made.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Alejandro Toledo Manrique, President of the Republic of Peru, and to invite him to address the General Assembly. President Manrique (spoke in Spanish): Allow me first, Sir, to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixtieth session. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to express from the very bottom of the Peruvian heart our sincere feeling of solidarity with the women and men of the United States who have suffered as a result of the natural disasters in Mississippi, Alabama and other southern states. Their suffering is shared by us, just as we would share suffering anywhere in the world. I am sure that the faith and hope of the people of the United States will enable them to overcome this tragedy. A year ago in this forum (see A/59/PV.5) I spoke of the need to face, with vision and realism, the new challenges now facing us, the developing countries in particular. On the one hand, our countries are becoming part of the globalization of production, trade, financial flows, the digital telecommunications revolution, and the spread of values such as democracy and human rights. At the same time, however, the world is fragmented by an increase in social inequities, the proliferation of civil wars, the collapse of States, genocide, terrorism, transnational crime and environmental degradation. These contradictory trends of globalization on the one hand and fragmentation on the other, call into question the governance within States and within the international system, and ultimately call into question international collective security itself. Peace and security and the stability of the global system are not related only to political, military and strategic issues. Peace and security also have social and economic components. Poverty and exclusion conspire against peace, security and democracy. Social exclusion triggers violence and instability, renders democracy fragile and leads to national and international fragmentation. That is why we must agree on action to confront these contradictions. That is the main commitment that we as States undertook at the recent High-level Plenary Meeting on the Millennium Goals, and that is what the United Nations and the multilateral system as a whole must tackle next. That is why I am highlighting the two main axes along which these commitments must develop. I refer to security on the one hand and development on the other. While each country is responsible for its own development, it must be recognized that development encounters obstacles at the international level that call for new partnerships and new forms of association. These must go beyond the assistance-based paradigm characterizing much so-called development assistance. And, more important, they must overcome the asymmetry that currently prevails in relations between developed and developing countries. On the one hand, developing countries are being asked to commit to open their markets, to foreign investment regimes and to reforming their public administrations. We agree with all of that. But there is no matching solid commitment that developed countries will, as promised, allocate 0.7 per cent of their gross national product (GNP) for cooperation. Nor — even less — do we see obstacles to foreign trade being dismantled. The new partnership for development has to overcome adverse factors for developing countries and eliminate obstacles such as rigid intellectual property standards, the speculative volatility of global capital, the lack of foreign investment, subsidies, the debt burden, and, above all, the absence of genuine special and differential treatment in trade negotiations for developing countries. This is not only about receiving assistance to reduce poverty; it is also about a new association for development that will make it possible to generate employment and create wealth. Implementing this new partnership would fulfil Millennium Development Goal 8 and the commitments made in the Monterrey Consensus. That is why it is necessary for the Doha round to be completed next year. That is tremendously important. As the Millennium Declaration recognizes, a very important cross-cutting element in the partnership for development is assuring the sustainability of the environment. As proof of our commitment, I was proud some days ago to deposit the instruments of ratification of the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants and the Rotterdam Convention on the Prior Informed Consent Procedure for Certain Hazardous Chemicals and Pesticides in International Trade, both of which are intended to reduce the negative impact of pollution. As it carries out its development agenda, the international system must strengthen collective security to confront threats such as terrorism, nuclear proliferation, and organized transnational crime. This year again, we have been shaken by acts of terrorism perpetuated all over the world. Peru suffered from, and combated, terror for many long years, and expresses its solidarity with the victims of these criminal acts. We reiterate our firm condemnation of all acts of terrorism and restate our commitment, through mutual cooperation, to prevent, combat, punish and eradicate terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. Peru appeals to the Assembly not to continue to delay the adoption of a comprehensive counter-terrorism convention. For my Government, international peace and security is a prime objective, and we have adopted the following measures in that context. First, Peru is promoting the limitation of defence spending at the regional level in order to release resources for social investment. The first decision I adopted on my Government’s first day in office was to cut back military expenditure in my country by 23 per cent in order to allocate it to food, health, education and social investments. Progress in this field has been significant; there are agreements with Chile, Colombia and Ecuador to craft and implement standardized methodologies to reduce our military spending. Secondly, Peru was an advocate of the creation of the South American Zone of Peace and Cooperation and the Andean Zone of Peace, which have been recognized in Assembly resolutions 57/13 and 59/54, respectively. Thirdly, Peru participated actively in formulating the Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. Fourthly, Peru is participating in peacekeeping operations by providing troops, staff officers, military observers and equipment. To increase our contribution in this area, Peru has signed a memorandum of understanding under the United Nations Stand-by Arrangements System, which includes army, air force and navy units. Currently, Peruvian Blue Helmets are participating in peacekeeping operations in Eritrea- Ethiopia, Liberia, Côte d’Ivoire, Burundi, the Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as well as in Cyprus and Haiti. We cherish peace. For all these reasons, Peru is a candidate for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the term 2006-2007 in the elections to be held during this session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I should like here to express Peru’s deep gratitude for the majority support for our candidacy; we now enjoy the widest possible support from Latin American and Caribbean countries as well as from our brother countries in Africa and Asia, the Arab League States and countries of Europe and of Oceania. This generous support encourages us and strengthens our commitment to work with dedication and responsibility in the Security Council. We are grateful for this opportunity and the support offered by countries worldwide for our candidature for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for 2006-2007.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Peru for the statement he has just made.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Levy Patrick Mwanawasa, President and Minister for Defence of the Republic of Zambia, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Mwanawasa: I am pleased to join those who have spoken before me in congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the sixtieth session of the General Assembly. For us in Zambia your election is especially significant given the historic bond of friendship that exists between our countries. It was in our country that your illustrious compatriot, then Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld, lost his life in 1961 while on a mission for peace in the Congo. I pay tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Gabon, who presided over the fifty-ninth session, for his selfless commitment and devotion to the search for consensus on the outcome document which the Assembly adopted two days ago (resolution 60/1). My delegation’s appreciation also goes to the Secretary-General, His Excellency, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his outstanding leadership and dedication to the well-being of the Organization. Five years ago we committed ourselves to eight identifiable Development Goals. Today we have recommitted ourselves to uphold the principles and meet the Goals set out in the historic Millennium Declaration. We hope that the commitments we have undertaken will not remain mere empty words but that, this time around, the international community will make a concerted effort to implement them. In this regard we are inspired by the report of the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change (A/59/565). Those of us from Africa see the report of the Secretary- General (A/59/2005) as an opportunity to realize the goals set out in the Organization of African Unity’s 1997 Harare Declaration, which called for the reform of the United Nations Security Council. My delegation supports the demand of the African Union for two permanent seats on the Security Council, with all the privileges attached to such seats, including the right of veto. Our position is not meant to frustrate the reform process. The African region considers the reform of the Organization as an opportunity to correct historical injustices that stand as a dark cloud over our people. We would actually prefer that the right of veto be removed from the United Nations, as it is undemocratic. We are, however, aware that some permanent members of the Security Council are reluctant to give up the veto power at the moment. It is in this regard that Africa, like other regions, deserves the right of veto, as the absence of that right will only serve to perpetuate the marginalization of the continent. The position I have outlined does not in any way mean that Africa is against the expansion of the Security Council to include other important countries that contribute to international peace and security. Let me reaffirm in this regard that Zambia supports the four candidate States of Brazil, Germany, India and Japan for permanent membership of the Security Council with full privileges, including that of veto power. I am only stressing that Africa is entitled to, and deserves the right of, permanent representation in the Security Council, with the right of veto, not only as a matter of correcting an historical injustice against Africa but also to uphold the democratic principles of regional equality. Two days ago we adopted the outcome document of the High-level Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly on the review of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The High-level Plenary Meeting provided a rare opportunity for us to share experiences in the implementation of the development agenda, in particular, and highlighted the need for enhanced international cooperation and coordination if we are to achieve much-sought-after economic development. While the document does not contain everything we would have wanted to include, it nevertheless represents an important basis for continued dialogue during this session. Since 2001 Africa has been implementing the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), whose main objective is to enhance the capacity of African countries to reduce the high incidence of poverty on the continent and to strengthen efforts to achieve sustainable economic development. While we acknowledge the support that the international community has so far rendered to the realization of NEPAD’s objectives, it is also true that this support that has proved to be insufficient. It is the view of my Government that while official development assistance (ODA) may help in the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals, trade would help to sustain those gains. In this regard, Zambia urges all stakeholders to bring to a speedy conclusion the Doha round of trade negotiations, which will act as a catalyst towards achieving sustainable development. The external debt problem is still a major hindrance to development. The current unfavourable terms in agriculture and commodity trading make the problem even more unbearable. My delegation commends the United Nations for supporting the efforts of the African Union’s peace initiatives on the continent. The Pan-African Parliament and the Peace and Security Council are part of the infrastructure in support of peace and security. In this regard, I wish to pledge Zambia’s continued support of the process. Zambia, as one of the core States of the Great Lakes region, would like to associate itself with the remarkable progress that continues to be made in the areas of peace and security in the subregion since the 17 November 2003 report of the Secretary-General to the Security Council on preparations for an international conference on the Great Lakes region (S/2003/1099). We are encouraged by some positive developments brought about so far through the process of regional ownership and international partnership and the combined efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, the Group of Friends and the subregional Governments concerned. My Government will continue to play its part in the fight against international terrorism. Zambia rejects terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We are determined to work with the rest of the international community to implement the counter-terrorism strategy. Zambia is committed to promoting and respecting human rights, the rule of law and democracy. In Zambia we believe that democracy is a universal value. We believe therefore it is under conditions of democracy that all human rights are protected. Allow me to conclude my statement by referring to the efforts my Government is making to fight corruption. The nation as a whole has realized that the state of our economy could have been much better if all the resources available had been utilized properly. In this regard, one cannot overemphasize the fact that corruption erodes the incomes of households and businesses, thus defeating efforts to reduce poverty. I wish to explain that the Zambia Task Force on Corruption is an instrument for development that my Government hopes will enhance the capacity to utilize public resources for purposes that benefit the nation as a whole. More important, the attainment of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative completion point by my country can, in large measure, be attributed to the success of the campaign against corruption, which prompted the Government to introduce stringent financial controls and transparent and accountable public expenditure measures. The United Nations should consider increasing its resources in the fight against corruption. As we mark the sixtieth anniversary of this, our great institution, we cannot but conclude that its importance and continued relevance to mankind is beyond question. It is in that context that we need to revitalize it in order for it to fulfil the ideals for which it was established.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Zambia for the statement he has just made. I particularly want to thank him for his words about former Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld, who, 44 years ago this very weekend, lost his life in an air crash in Zambia while on a mission for peace in the Congo.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Tassos Papadopoulos, President of the Republic of Cyprus, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Papadopoulos: Before proceeding with my remarks, I wish to begin by indicating that my delegation fully subscribes to the statement delivered by the presidency of the European Union. At the outset, Sir, let me express my sincere congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly and my sincere gratitude to Mr. Jean Ping, President at the fifty-ninth session, for his tireless efforts during a very crucial year for the United Nations. With the end of the summit, we have entered a far more crucial phase, that of the follow-up and implementation of its outcome and the furtherance of the progress achieved, especially in terms of those targets which have been subject to an enforcement road map since the Millennium Summit. The realization of the content of the summit outcome document (resolution 60/1) in conjunction with reforming the United Nations, may very well decide the Organization’s relevance and standing in decades to come and with it the fate of our attempts to render effective multilateralism the cornerstone of international order. Beyond the wide spectrum of issues covered in the summit’s outcome document, we must not lose sight of those realities on which the United Nations must — and is expected to — remain primarily focused. For these, we must go back to the genesis of the Organization. In the wake of the Second World War, a vision emerged to establish a system of collective security and institutionalized mechanisms that would ensure the maximization of conflict prevention and the minimization of the duration and impact of a conflict. Not only has the new century inherited many of the challenges and problems of the previous one, but new scourges have emerged that jeopardize the legitimacy and the very existence of our system of collective security. These require an urgent response from the international community through an action- oriented strategy encompassing the appropriate institutional framework, appropriate decision-making mechanisms and the efficient implementation of our commitments. Fulfilling our pledges in a timely manner is not a responsibility applicable only to traditional security threats. Terrorism, transnational crime and many other security deficits require our full attention in the form of elaborating result-oriented action plans. Regarding, for instance, weapons of mass destruction, although we are aware of the inextricable link between disarmament and non-proliferation, we have not yet been able to strike the kind of balance that would allow us to pursue them equally and simultaneously. And while we have identified underdevelopment and poverty as key enemies of stability, this realization is not yet adequately reflected in our actions. The assessment of the current state of the world through the comprehensive report of the Secretary- General on the work of the Organization, which we have before us in document A/60/1, leads to the conclusion that long-standing conflicts, with all their ramifications, remain a primary source of concern for the international community. Africa is a prime example of this. Today more than ever, and rightly so, it remains at the core of our mobilization. Our endeavour to make a difference there in terms of conflict resolution, peacekeeping and peacebuilding and fighting poverty, underdevelopment and deadly diseases will be the litmus test of the effectiveness of our commitment to meet the Millennium Goals. The Middle East is another test case. In recent weeks it has been proven that reciprocal gestures have the capacity to construct common ground, even where that does not seem on the surface to exist. Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza and parts of the northern West Bank is an important development that should lead to the implementation of the Quartet’s road map. Israel’s paradigm of removing settlers is one to be followed by other occupying Powers using settlers as a means of warfare. Even though the security situation is still fragile, and even though the political negotiation might not always be moving forward, the parties are offered a closed course in the form of the road map, which has the potential to steadily lead to progress. Furthermore, we firmly believe that the gathering momentum would be aided by strict adherence to international law and international humanitarian law, including the 4 July 2004 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the construction of the barrier. Let me now turn to the Cyprus problem. Almost 18 months have elapsed since the April 2004 referenda on the Annan plan. Let me stress once more that in rejecting that plan the Greek Cypriots rejected neither finding a solution that would reunify Cyprus nor the urgency of achieving this. They rejected that particular plan because it did not provide for and could not bring about the reunification of the country, its society, its economy and its institutions. During this time we have not remained idle. Our priority has been to revisit the content, product and shortcomings of the last negotiation process which led to the referenda. Simultaneously, emphasis was placed on dispelling certain misconceptions that were solidified as a result of the last negotiation process. One such misconception was that our constant and keen pursuit of peace and of achieving the reunification of our country has been diminished or that we have come to terms with the unacceptable division of our country which was imposed in 1974 by the invasion and occupation of 37 per cent of our land. The second misconception concerns the role of the United Nations in offering and continuing its good offices mission mandated to the Secretary-General by the Security Council. The Secretary-General’s mandate for the good offices mission has not come to an end but has entered a new phase with the end of the referenda. Regardless of its level of activation at different times, this mission is an ongoing and sustained process. Through it we expect the Organization to broker a negotiated settlement without any arbitration. The active contribution of the European Union in this regard would be catalytic. Only an agreed settlement endorsed by the leadership of the two communities can be put to referenda. The timetable for seeking a solution should genuinely and exclusively be determined by the parameters of the Cyprus problem, and as such there should be no deadlines embedded in the process that are dictated by exogenous elements. We remain committed to holding negotiations under the umbrella of the United Nations and to working for the creation of those conditions that will render fruitful negotiations feasible. In this context we have been implementing substantial practical measures on the ground with the aim of building confidence and promoting the economic development of the Turkish Cypriots. We hope that enhancing cooperation between Greek and Turkish Cypriots will be conducive to making progress on different aspects of the Cyprus problem, especially the elements composing its humanitarian dimension such as the fate of missing persons and the welfare of those in enclaves. The divisive character of the most recent plan, which essentially led to its rejection, epitomized its remoteness from the essence of the problem. Another source of great concern is the apparent willingness of actors involved in the process to concede a disproportionately large number of politically driven demands at the expense of those principles that should govern the solution. It should be clarified that a settlement should be formulated on the basis of the concerns and expectations of the people of Cyprus as a whole and should not aim at accommodating the interests of foreign Powers on the island. The Cyprus problem is at a critical juncture. Time may not be working in favour of reaching a settlement, but we must keep in mind that we cannot afford any more failed attempts. We should be particularly cautious but resolute. Revival of the talks requires thorough preparation and an honest assessment that the prospect of success is at least credible. This in turn requires confirmation that the Turkish political aims have now changed and that Turkey has reconciled itself to the fact that achieving a settlement is synonymous with the concept of a single, reunified State. We have always hoped that Turkey’s accession course to the European Union would radically shift its mentality, a prospect that would mark the single biggest development in the Cyprus problem in decades. The fulfilment of Turkey’s obligations emanating from its accession course to the European Union will ipso jure rid the Cyprus problem of some of its most intractable components and facilitate a settlement. Simultaneously, the existence of the United Nations negotiating framework cannot serve as a pretext for postponing or refusing to fulfil these obligations. For our part, we remain committed to a bizonal, bicommunal federal Cyprus in line with what we consider to be the pillars of the survival of this model of settlement — the high-level agreements, United Nations resolutions, international law and the acquis communautaire. We anticipate that these will safeguard the right of all Cypriots to preserve their fundamental interests while simultaneously taking into account their most basic concerns. Aside from procedure, the time has come to go back to basics and realize that as long as the basic aspects of the problem are not truly tackled, progress will be difficult. Without dealing with the core components of the problem by putting an end to the military occupation, the massive violations of human rights and the plight of the refugees and by effectively addressing the question of settlers deliberately and illegally transported to the occupied part of the island, there can be no solution. At the same time, for progress to be realized on the ground all secessionist attempts on Cyprus must be terminated immediately, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions, and a single vision based on the unification of the island must prevail. Unfortunately, however, we have not been moving closer to these imperatives. Instead we have been witnessing for well over a year a tendency to entrench the faits accomplis on Cyprus, particularly through an outburst of illegal exploitation of Greek- Cypriot-owned property in its occupied part. In establishing the new constitutional and institutional set-up we should avoid artificial structures that will require an abnormally long transitional period to be absorbed by the people and the institutions at a great socio-economic cost. We visualize that seeking a settlement will increasingly centre on and fall under the establishment of a functional, working democracy that does not require exceptionally taxing efforts for basic governance. We also visualize that with Cyprus’s membership of the European Union taking solid root, a settlement would encompass an integration of the currently occupied area to the characteristics of a European society and the standards of the acquis communautaire in full harmony with the rest of the island, and leading to a process of osmosis there.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Cyprus for the statement he has just made.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Fradique Bandeira Melo de Menezes, President of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President De Menezes (spoke in Portuguese; English text provided by the delegation): First, Sir, I should like to extend my sincere congratulations to you on the occasion of your election to the presidency of the sixtieth session of the General Assembly and to wish you the greatest success in conducting the work of the Assembly. I am also pleased to take this opportunity to offer my sincere thanks to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Gabonese Republic, for the considerable results produced during his term as President, especially towards the end of the session, when we reviewed matters related to the implementation of the Millennium Goals and the reform of the United Nations. I should also like to take this opportunity to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his valuable efforts to bolster and propel the role of the United Nations in international peacekeeping, security and development. The report by Mr. Kofi Annan (A/59/2005) and the recommendations set out in it provide us with important elements capable of leading to consensus on strategies that will help us to achieve the Millennium Goals and to make progress on reforming the United Nations. I cannot fail to take advantage of this opportunity, on behalf of the people of Sao Tome and Principe, to reiterate to the Government and the people of the United States of America and to the bereaved families our sincere condolences regarding the tragedy caused by Hurricane Katrina. These difficult times, being experienced by a large part of the American people, cannot leave us indifferent, above all because we are fully aware of the role that the American people and its Government play in international solidarity and cooperation, constantly seeking peace and prosperity for peoples in difficulty, and of their support and financing of this great Organization. From the early days of the signing of the Charter in 1945 in San Francisco, the United Nations has played a crucial role in undertaking many matters of a political, economic, social and humanitarian nature throughout the world. Nevertheless, it seems to us that the world now needs a stronger and more dynamic United Nations. The present session takes place in a very complex international environment. Indeed, the climate of permanent tension experienced in some parts of the world, the unbridled arms race, human trafficking, cross-border organized crime, terrorism, systematic violations of human rights, economic depression and environmental degradation constitute important matters that are in need of the attention of the United Nations now and in the years to come. In the face of such challenges, Member States must manifest a sense of wisdom and responsibility in order for an international order based on peace, security and cooperation to prevail. Small island States met this year in Mauritius to evaluate the Barbados Programme of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States. In Mauritius, States reaffirmed their commitment to support the efforts of small island developing States that would lead to sustainable development through a greater and more effective implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action. Decisions and recommendations were adopted on climate change, natural and environmental disasters, water resources, waste management, tourism, energy, transportation, biodiversity and marine and coastal resources. All the problems that affect small island States, from global warming to ecosystem problems, can be resolved only if the international community makes an effort to effectively increase the resources that will support the sustained development of small island States. In this regard, we would like to take the opportunity to express our thanks both to the international community and to the Government of Mauritius for the efforts made to organize the special conference. International security is based on the protection of the people and on education for capacity-building, promoting a community’s development. Nations that do not pay attention those factors could be in a state of permanent tension, which is not conducive to progress. For this reason HIV/AIDS, poverty, political crises, ongoing violations of human rights, oppression and occupation constitute threats to human security. Many of our countries continue to face challenges in combating HIV/AIDS and other illnesses. In some regions of Africa HIV/AIDS is devastating families, cultures and economies — entire societies. The cost of treatment continues to be extremely high and our economies are beginning to buckle under the effects of the illness. If significant resources and additional scientific investment for research to seek a cure for HIV/AIDS are not forthcoming the development expectations of Africa will be far from being met. Very recently the Republic of Angola was attacked by the worst outbreak ever of Marburg fever, caused by a virus related to the Ebola virus. We are concerned because Sao Tome and Principe, being an integral part of the Central African States, cannot remove itself from that situation. We appeal to the World Health Organization (WHO) to strengthen the capabilities of the countries of the subregion by holding seminars and providing training. This initiative will help us to deal prophylactically with similar situations that might arise. Likewise, malaria continues to be a serious public health problem for my country despite its active involvement with existing programmes supported by several countries and organizations. The situation of insecurity primarily affects the most vulnerable populations, especially refugees, children, women and the elderly. Terrorism is destabilizing Governments, destroying lives and claiming innocent victims. We are faced with a challenge that requires reformulating our strategies to combat it. It seems entirely appropriate to start with an understanding of the origins of the problem by identifying its causes, and then to forge new consensuses and improve the methods of combating the problem and implementing Security Council resolution 1373 (2001). However, the United Nations must take additional action to benefit States which, like my own, are not in a position to fully comply with all the provisions of that resolution. We need resources that will contribute to the improvement, inter alia, of our security, including control of our borders and territorial waters. Here, strengthening our capability to fight the phenomenon of terrorism is a priority. In my capacity as President of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries, I should like to refer to Guinea-Bissau, which has just successfully concluded a long and difficult political transition. First, let me congratulate the people and the authorities of that country on their success. I commend the international community, and in particular the United Nations and its Secretary-General, for its prompt contribution, which bolstered the people’s action for peace, stability and development. Now, Guinea-Bissau faces the giant task of promoting development and well-being for its population. The international community must therefore continue to provide its traditional help so that legitimate expectations may not be frustrated. The universality of the Organization requires that all nations must be represented. However, this continues not to be so despite several calls for it. As we reflect on reforming the United Nations, we must once again take advantage of the opportunity from this rostrum to invite the international community to review the problem of the need for the Republic of China on Taiwan to be represented in the Organization. In this regard, my country signed the letter contained in document A/60/192 requesting the inclusion of an item in the agenda of the present session entitled “Question of the representation of the 23 million people of Taiwan in the United Nations”. Once again, we have lost an opportunity to correct this injustice. We are further concerned by the recent adoption by the People’s Republic of China of the so-called anti- secession law, which, by increasing tension in the Strait of Taiwan, may compromise peace in the region. Aware of the role of the United Nations, specifically under the provisions of Articles 1 and 34 of the Charter, Sao Tome and Principe also joined in proposing the draft resolution annexed to document A/60/193. That document contains a letter requesting the inclusion of a supplementary item in the agenda of the present session entitled, “A proactive role for the United Nations in maintaining peace in the Taiwan Strait”. Neither proposal received the expected support. We are faced with an excellent opportunity to infuse our Organization with greater dynamism and rationality, more action and less bureaucracy. Reform of the system is urgent. It is a high priority. To that end, we must all work without hesitation for the good of the world to which we belong.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe for the statement he has just made.

We can safely claim that the United Nations summit that has just been concluded will have far-reaching implications for our Organization. Its outcome has prepared the ground for the most radical reform in the entire history of the United Nations. An effective response by the family of nations to global challenges and threats is the ultimate goal of these reforms. Kazakhstan expresses its confidence that the United Nations, as a universal Organization to which there is no alternative, is in a position to achieve that goal. As a matter of principle, Kazakhstan supports closer interdependence among the three main pillars of the contemporary world: development, freedom and peace. Yet the issues of development should continue to be the focus of attention of the world community. The Millennium Development Goals can be achieved only through the active engagement of the entire international community on the basis of partnership and cooperation. Kazakhstan is committed to its undertakings with regard to the timely and effective attainment of the Millennium Development Goals. The recently published report on Kazakhstan’s progress in implementing the Millennium Development Goals report in Kazakhstan reveals that as a result of successful reforms my country is close to reaching important targets in this area. Today Kazakhstan is confidently leading other post-Soviet States in all macroeconomic indicators. The Government of Kazakhstan is implementing a large-scale programme to ensure further development in the social field. Human development is the focus of all these efforts. Kazakhstan is reaching a new level in the area of sustainable development. The national Government is paying priority attention to poverty, women’s issues, employment, financial aid from the State to poor families, the development of small and medium-sized businesses, and large-scale educational, health and environmental programmes. We commend the United Nations and its specialized agencies for their efforts to assist our country in addressing the effects of environmental disasters in the area of the Aral Sea and in the Semipalatinsk region. The problems facing those regions are global in their scope as the environmental situation there has negative effects on the habitat and livelihood of people all over the world. We urge the international community to be involved actively. In particular we ask it at this session of the General Assembly to support a draft resolution to be sponsored by Kazakhstan on the problems of the Semipalatinsk region. International trade is an important factor for development. Accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) is a priority for Kazakhstan. We consider further liberalization of trade and WTO membership as key elements of our country’s general development strategy. In 2003 Kazakhstan hosted the International Ministerial Conference on Transit Transport Cooperation. We attach great importance to that forum and believe that the special needs of landlocked developing countries should be fully taken into account in accordance with the decisions and recommendations emanating from the Almaty Programme of Action. The integration of Kazakhstan and other Central Asian States into the world economy is of exceptional importance both for the social and economic development of our region and for the world economy in general. Our country is committed to comprehensive cooperation with the other States of Central Asia. That is our consistent policy, unswayed by political exigencies. Since the early years of its independence, Kazakhstan has been pursuing a principled policy of demilitarization and nuclear disarmament. We call for the universalization of international instruments in that area. This year we marked the tenth anniversary of the removal from the territory of Kazakhstan of all nuclear devices left over from the former Soviet Union. Kazakhstan has set a commendable example by voluntarily eliminating its nuclear arsenal, the fourth largest in the world, and shutting down the Semipalatinsk nuclear testing ground, the site of nearly 500 nuclear explosions. The global security system is in serious crisis today. The 2005 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) failed to set up a balanced and comprehensive mechanism that would facilitate the strengthening of the international non-proliferation regime and the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. Even more disturbing is the lack of clear recommendations on non-proliferation and disarmament in the outcome document of the summit (resolution 60/1). We believe that it is necessary to put in place a mechanism for international sanctions against States that violate both the NPT Treaty and the non-proliferation regime in general. Otherwise we will not be able to prevent the continuous spread of nuclear weapons around the world. Our country calls for the establishment and enhancement of controls over nuclear, chemical and biological materials and their production technologies in order to prevent terrorists from getting hold of deadly weapons. Kazakhstan recognizes the special role of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). All of our country’s nuclear activities are being carried out in accordance with its standards and under its control. It is time to establish similar effective bodies within the framework of the international Conventions on chemical and biological weapons. The international community should not relax efforts to combat illegal trafficking in conventional arms. According to the United Nations, some 500 million small arms and light weapons are in circulation all over the world. We share the view of the Secretary- General, who has compared small arms to weapons of mass destruction, because, year after year, they kill hundreds of thousands of people all over the world, thus fostering a culture of violence and terror and trampling on human rights. Kazakhstan categorically condemns terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and considers it to be the most dangerous threat in today’s world. We are convinced that economic and social underdevelopment, poverty and misery breed international terrorism. That is why speedy economic advancement of poor countries is a priority task. Yet the ideology of terrorism is a factor of no lesser importance. It is extremely dangerous that young people are increasingly being sucked into the ideological orbit of international terrorism. Fighting terrorism is a mission of paramount importance. For that reason, close attention should be paid to the efforts to prevent recruitment for terrorist operations. In that context, the international community must urgently take practical steps to curb the ongoing drug trafficking across Central Asia. We cannot but be seriously concerned by the situation in Afghanistan. Kazakhstan appreciates cooperation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. Enhanced regional cooperation in the struggle against international terrorism is also important. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization sets a positive example in that regard. Kazakhstan believes that international cooperation in fighting terrorism should be pursued in strict compliance with the norms of international law. We support further universalization and enhancement of anti-terrorist treaty mechanisms. The signing by Kazakhstan of the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism is a practical reaffirmation of that position. We are looking forward to the early completion of a comprehensive convention against international terrorism. At the same time, joint practical actions to curb that evil represent a key element of the international community’s counter- terrorism activities. International peacekeeping operations conducted under the umbrella of the United Nations remain an effective tool to prevent and settle crises and to ensure global and regional stability. The lack of an effective and comprehensive mechanism to address the root causes of destructive conflicts is a serious problem of peacekeeping. Preventive action and post-conflict peacebuilding constitute important elements of a comprehensive response by the United Nations to emerging crisis situations. For Kazakhstan, the proposed Peacebuilding Commission is a step in the right direction. As its main mission it should strive to avert the recurrence of situations in which the lack of a peacebuilding strategy results in the escalation of internal conflicts and ultimately in States further losing their capacity to perform their sovereign functions in an effective and responsible way. Our country is actively working on issues related to the Conference on Interaction and Confidence- building Measures in Asia (CICA), which we treat as an important and useful forum for the exchange of views on security issues in the Asian region. It is encouraging to see that the CICA process is gaining momentum and has already become an important factor in today’s international relations. Kazakhstan believes that the rule of law should play a leading role in international affairs today. Ignoring this principle is one of the main threats to peace and security. Continuing its consistent efforts to accede to international treaties concluded within the framework of the United Nations and to implement their provisions, Kazakhstan intends to ensure strict compliance with the rule of law at both national and international levels. We closely link our country’s development to building a democratic society based on respect for the rights and freedoms of every individual. Kazakhstan supports the strengthening of democratic institutions and the human rights mechanisms of the United Nations designed to promote the rights and freedoms of citizens and to ensure compliance with the principles of non-interference and the sovereign equality of States. Kazakhstan supports efforts to carry out a comprehensive reform of the United Nations encompassing all its principal organs. We strongly believe that priority attention should be paid to the General Assembly as the main deliberative, decision- making and representative body of the Organization. The sensitive issue of reform of the Security Council should be resolved on the basis of broad international agreement. We are convinced that the enlargement of the Security Council in accordance with the principle of equitable geographical representation and taking into account the contribution of States concerned towards the development of the world economy and global security would serve the interests of many States and would facilitate comprehensive reform of the United Nations. The United Nations needs to improve collaboration with regional organizations that make an important contribution to the collective security system. Kazakhstan has repeatedly proposed the creation of a standing body under the Secretary- General that would coordinate cooperation between regional arrangements. In this context we would welcome the establishment of a standing committee on regional organizations. We in Kazakhstan are convinced that in the twenty-first century the consolidation of peace and security is increasingly dependent on the development of dialogue and interaction between peoples of differing faces, cultures and civilizations. An interfaith dialogue is an integral part of the effort to promote the culture of peace and dialogue between civilizations and to advance the common values reflected in the Millennium Declaration. In this context, Kazakhstan is grateful to the international community for its support of our country’s actions to promote an interfaith dialogue. The General Assembly has recognized Kazakhstan’s positive role in this area through the adoption of a resolution. As demonstrated over the past 60 years, the United Nations was, still is, and I am sure will continue to be a link between our countries and peoples. The United Nations will not allow our planet to slide into chaos and unrest. It is within our power to strengthen this link. Kazakhstan expresses confidence that the agreements reflected in the outcome document of the historic summit will serve the cause of bringing nations together in the face of existing challenges and threats, ensuring the security, welfare and dignity of our peoples, and strengthening the Organization itself for the sake of its noble goals.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Borys Tarasyuk, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine.

At the outset I wish to express my congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixtieth session. Rest assured that you have the full support and cooperation of the Ukrainian delegation. Let me also pay tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Jean Ping, for his tireless efforts in the preparation of the world summit. The world summit of 2005 has just come to its conclusion. Its outcome document (resolution 60/1) provides us with clear guidelines. It is our common task to implement ambitious goals for building a safer and more prosperous world. In talking about implementation I wish to emphasize two key elements indispensable for the follow-up activities of the United Nations and, indeed, for the success of the global peace endeavour. They are credibility and democracy — or rather, credibility based on democracy. We know that the way ahead is beset with serious threats and challenges. We have to make sure that a lack of unity is not among those challenges. Every nation likes to sing its own song. It takes our fundamental values and a great deal of human wisdom to perform the role of a tuning fork in the global chorus of so many different voices. The credibility of the United Nations is indispensable if we are to accomplish our missions in the new millennium. Effectiveness, capacity, rapid response, financing for development and all the rest of it will come along with credibility. Security Council reform is a vivid example of how difficult it is to accommodate the interests of 191 nations. That reminds me of a joke about the distribution of committee posts in the Ukrainian Parliament. They say that we should have 450 committees — that is the number of members of Parliament — in order to make everyone feel happy and important. Unfortunately, we cannot afford to apply a similar approach in the case of the Security Council, since its powers exceed by far those of any other United Nations body. The official position of Ukraine on the matter is clearly reflected in the statement made by President Yushchenko during the summit (see A/60/PV.6). Ukraine highly appreciates the job done by the experts who have explored the various options for Security Council reform. We must not abandon hope and should continue to seek consensus. Ukraine has fully supported the Secretary- General’s bold initiative to reform the Organization and has actively participated in that process. We reiterate our support for strengthening the position of the Secretary-General. In view of the forthcoming election for Secretary-General in 2006 we would like to remind representatives that throughout the 60-year history of the United Nations it is only representatives of our Eastern European regional group that have never occupied that highest of posts. Therefore, we believe that the Eastern European Group has priority in nominating a candidate. In building this statement around the words “credibility” and “democracy”, I cannot but stress the key function of the Organization, which is to maintain international peace and security. The memory of Rwanda, Srebrenica or, quite recently, Darfur should lead us to look for urgent remedies. One of these could lie in the “responsibility to protect” concept, which Ukraine fully endorses. We must not remain passive observers of genocide, crimes against humanity or gross and flagrant violations of human rights, as happened in 1932-1933 when Ukrainians experienced the great famine with devastating effects. The horrible memory of that man-made calamity lives on today in every Ukrainian family, including my own. Twenty thousand innocent souls a day, half a million a month, 10 million altogether were taken as part of the death toll of Stalin’s favoured ethnic policy. The Ukrainian Government will never tire until it makes the international community abandon hypocrisy and finally recognize that act of genocide against the Ukrainian nation. It was therefore in earnest and with much hope that Ukraine followed the deliberations on the new concept. Early warning, prevention and rapid response are key to ensuring the success and durability of our concerted action. An expert combination of diplomatic, political and assistance tools should suffice to avert future humanitarian disasters. But should such measures fail to stop atrocities, the Security Council must be ready to act swiftly and resolutely, including with the use of force, as a final resort. I should like to reiterate the position of Ukraine that, apart from self- defence as provided for in Article 51 of the Charter, only the Security Council may legitimately take decisions on the use of force. Peace and stability go hand in hand with human rights, the rule of law and freedom of the media. The credibility of Governments rests on those fundamental values. We were all aware of malfunctions in the Commission on Human Rights. Poor mechanisms led to poor results. The credibility of the entire Organization was at stake. Therefore, Ukraine welcomes the establishment of the Human Rights Council. We firmly believe that this important achievement of the Organization will be reflected in the new Council’s future activities, not only in the change of name. Likewise, Ukraine supports the establishment of the United Nations Democracy Fund. Another matter of significance that should enhance the credibility of the United Nations is the creation of the Peacebuilding Commission. It is evident that conflict resolution always requires a complex approach. The institutional gap between prevention, settlement and post-conflict rehabilitation has finally to be eliminated. To save time at this late hour, I shall not mention many areas of cooperation and many regions of the world that genuinely require our undiminished attention and action. Non-proliferation; hot and frozen conflicts; AIDS; the fight against poverty; the Middle East; and Iraq: most often these are issues of the democracy of governance or the credibility of policies, or both. To conclude, let me recall the phenomenon of the Orange Revolution in my country, for it was the quintessence of what our Organization stands for. It was not a one-time act. It is a process. It is not country- specific, but is part of the global heritage of democracy, an unselfish gift to all nations striving for freedom around the globe.