A/60/PV.4 General Assembly

The United Nations must come of age. It must become the visible and credible expression of the globalization of politics. The modern world insists that we be dependent on each other: we work with each other or we suffer in isolation. The principles of the United Nations have always had a moral force. Today, they receive the sharper impulse of self-interest. The terrorist attacks in Britain on 7 July 2005 have their origins in an ideology born thousands of miles from our shores. The proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons will never be halted outside of an international consensus to do so. Failed States, as we know to our cost, fail us all. For the protection of the environment, the promotion of international trade, we can do nothing without effective action together. When we look with revulsion, as we should, at the misery of the millions who die in Africa and elsewhere through preventable famine, disease and conflict, the urgency to act is driven not just by conscience but by an inner sense that one day, if we refuse to act, we will reap a dire reward for our refusal. What is more, humanity today is confident of the values it shares. Give people the chance and they will always vote for freedom, always prefer tolerance to prejudice, never willingly accept the suppression of human rights and governance by extremism. So the challenge is clear. The values are clear. The self-interest in upholding them together is also clear. What must now be clear is that the United Nations can be the instrument of achieving the global will of the people. It must give leadership on terrorism. There is not and never can be any justification, any excuse, any cause that accepts the random slaughter of the innocent. Wherever it happens, whoever is responsible, we stand united in condemnation. The United Nations must strengthen its policy on non-proliferation, in particular on how to allow nations to develop civil nuclear power, but not nuclear weapons. The new Human Rights Council must earn the world’s respect and not its contempt. The Peacebuilding Commission must become the means of renewing nations, where war and the collapse of proper systems of government have left them ravaged and their people desolate. For the first time, at this summit, we are agreed that States do not have the right to do what they will within their own borders, but that we, in the name of humanity, have a common duty to protect people where their own Governments will not. And finally, stalking this summit like a spectre are the Millennium Development Goals. The struggle against global poverty will define our moral standing in the eyes of the future. The Group of Eight, meeting in Scotland, showed how we redeem our pledge. I have heard people describe the outcomes of this United Nations summit as modest. And no summit requiring unanimity from 191 nations can be more than modest. But if we did what we have agreed — on doubling aid, on opening up trade, on debt relief, on HIV/AIDS and malaria, on conflict prevention so that never again would the world stand by helpless when genocide struck — if we fulfilled our undertakings at this summit, our modesty would surprise. There would be more democracy, less oppression; more freedom, less terrorism; more growth, less poverty. The effects would be measured in the lives of millions of people who will never hear these speeches or read our statements. But it would, I suggest, be the proper vocation of political leadership, and the United Nations would live up to its name. So we should do it. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The General Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Jan Peter Balkenende, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

We are capable of sending spaceships to faraway planets in search of life. But are we sufficiently smart and determined to save the lives of innocent children on our own planet? We live in a world where HIV/AIDS undermines entire societies. We have the knowledge and the resources to do something about it. But do we also have the political will? We live in a world where the prospect of devastating climate change confronts us all. The recent floods in the heartland of Europe, in China and, of course, in this very country, might be seen as clear warnings. One third of my country, the Netherlands, lies below sea level. We can raise our dykes. But is it not high time for us to work together on a real solution? We live in an age when our shared values, such as freedom, justice and respect for all, are under attack by terrorists. Will we be able to overcome the boundaries that divide us in the fight against violence and terror? Poverty, disease, pollution, terrorism and violence have a worldwide impact; and they are all interconnected. Let us not make the mistake of thinking that if threats are far away they are not our business. Such threats can set off a global chain reaction that will affect us all. All of us are equally vulnerable. Only if we are united can we transform our world for the better. Together, we are responsible for taking action. In 2000, we promised the world that we would achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Now the time has come to fulfil that promise. As political leaders we must have the courage to choose a model for international partnership that does justice to the tasks confronting us. We need an effective, multilateral system with clear commitments and rules, and strong institutions. That alone will give us the chance to make the world more secure, just and humane. Rather than pretending that the United Nations is some entity distinct from us Member States, we should acknowledge that the Organization is “us” and that together we determine whether or not it is an effective tool. If we do not want the United Nations to be a lame duck, we must dare to give it the wings to fly. Multilateralism works. Whenever we join forces, we help people to live their lives in dignity, freedom and peace. I applaud the efforts made so far in the run- up to this summit. In many respects, the outcome document presented to us today presents much needed progress. In other areas, however, we clearly must be more ambitious. We welcome the establishment of the Peacebuilding Commission to deal with conflicts in a more structural way. Also, I applaud our readiness to address deficiencies in the management of this Organization. We are equally pleased with the reaffirmed ambitions on development cooperation. We welcome the recognition in the document of the important contribution of the private sector and civil society to our common objectives. Public-private partnerships are an effective and indispensable tool in combating poverty. Let us put these lofty principles into practice. We can do it. Together with the private sector, for example, the Netherlands and Ghana will take up an idea of the Hunger Task Force to support a school feeding programme that will increase school enrolment, reduce hunger and strengthen the local economy. Examples such as this one show that it is possible to bring the MDGs within reach. Nevertheless, we can and should do more to enhance our capacity to deal with human rights violations. The Human Rights Council should be up and running by early 2006. We need to take the appropriate steps to make the Council a truly effective tool to promote and protect human rights. Equally pressing is the need to enhance the credibility of the multilateral mechanisms in the field of non-proliferation. The document’s deafening silence on this issue undermines the credibility of the United Nations. No country in the world — no matter how powerful — can achieve these results alone. We must do it together. The key question is: are we able to combat poverty, disease, environmental degradation, terrorism and violence? The answer is: yes, we are. So now, let us act. It is time to deliver, for the sake of our children and grandchildren. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Owen Seymour Arthur, Member of Parliament, Prime Minister and Minister for Finance and Economic Affairs of Barbados.

Today we gather, as a family of nations, to take stock of the progress that has been made in fulfilling the commitment that was given as part of our celebration of the start of a new century, to bring about a dramatic improvement in the human condition everywhere. It is important that this meeting does not become just a theatre of the absurd, an occasion for expressing anger at what has not been achieved and for giving new commitments that we know we will not honour. It is time that we began to hold some common ground and use it as a beachhead from which to launch our drive for progress. Almost exactly one year ago, Hurricane Ivan devastated Grenadian society. Today the United States of America is coming to terms with the enormity of the destruction inflicted on its southern states by Hurricane Katrina. It is therefore highly significant that in a world where we talk about developed and developing, the undiscriminating forces of nature render us all equal and point to our common fragility and humanity. These recent events have thereby highlighted our interdependence, reinforced the need for sustained and effective international cooperation and have placed before us, forcibly, the need to carry out a programme for global development to stop poor people from being poor, no matter where they live. They also highlight the unnecessary and unsavoury dilemma that we have imposed on ourselves, because with today’s technology, financial resources and accumulated knowledge, humanity has the capacity to overcome extreme deprivation. Yet, the international community allows poverty to destroy lives on a scale before which the impact of all of the world’s natural disasters pales into insignificance. It is unconscionable that we should have to continue to live in a world that consists of a permanent coalition of “unequals” — the fabulously rich and the desperately poor. It is especially unacceptable that the principal agents of international cooperation — trade and aid — should be used as instruments to perpetuate underdevelopment. The world can do better. The issues at the core of global development have nothing to do with means; they have to do with morality. We feel that this occasion should be one not only for recommitment to the goals set out in the Millennium Declaration, as narrowly defined, but also for a new commitment to a process of compassionate global development that draws upon the best values known to humanity. Five years ago, Barbados wholeheartedly adopted the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which gave expression to the substance of the Millennium Declaration. We accepted those goals not as new international tests to be passed, but as an inspiration to reach for higher social and economic heights. We therefore propose not just to meet the Goals, but to exceed them. To that end, we have woven them into our national strategic plan for the next 20 years. We, however, entertain no illusions about the difficulty we will experience in meeting these Goals. Though small, our nation has attained a human development index that puts us ahead of countries in the European Union. The price we have had to pay for this is to have access to aid and development finance denied to us at an early stage in our development. We are therefore largely on our own as the financier of our development programmes. At the same time, we can no longer plan our national development on the expectations of enjoying preferential access to the markets of the world. This double-edged challenge posed by the reduction in our access to financial resources and the demands of trade liberalization has drastically transformed the environment within which our national development takes place. It, however, does not deter us from believing that we can attain full development; rather it causes us to look to new means and devices by which that full development can be attained. Similarly, we believe that the state of the global society requires us to look to new means by which global economic and social progress can be attained. In that regard, permit me to suggest that the MDGs will only be achieved if the eighth Millennium Goal of a global partnership for development is fully addressed. Barbados believes that it is vitally important for this High-level Plenary Meeting to be used by heads of State or Government to reaffirm commitment to the global partnership for development in the Millennium Declaration, the Monterrey Consensus and the Johannesburg Plan of Implementation. This calls for increased and more predictable resources; a comprehensive, sustainable and development-oriented solution to the debt problem; the promotion of a universal, open and fair multilateral trading system and a global governance system that not only allows for the full and effective participation of developing countries in international economic decision-making, but also manages world economies in a manner that would distribute more equitably the world’s resources. Anything less will find us wanting by 2015. The Barbados economy is now largely a coastal economy. Like many other small island developing States, Barbados faces a high degree of vulnerability occasioned by climate change, climate variability and other phenomena such as the increased frequency and intensity of natural disasters. The Mauritius Strategy for the Further Implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action clearly identifies the key areas that need to be addressed to help such small island developing States respond to these and other sustainable development challenges. The compassionate development of which I spoke earlier requires that our development partners assist small island developing States in getting easier and more effective access to the financial resources and appropriate technologies needed as well as assistance in developing human and institutional capacity. The Government and the people of Barbados have a vision to transform Barbados into a fully developed country; a model democracy that is prosperous, productive, peaceful, socially just and inclusive; a centre for high-quality services whose standards of excellence are global but at the same time rooted in our best traditions. We have made substantial progress in each of these spheres. Throughout this endeavour we will count on the solidarity of like- minded alliances, and we have the fullest hope in the shared responsibility of multilateralism, of which this Organization, the United Nations, must be the core. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The General Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Bertie Ahern, TD, Prime Minister of Ireland.

Ireland’s support for the United Nations is unwavering. We have always placed the United Nations at the very centre of our foreign policy. Many Irish soldiers have served under the blue flag, and many have sacrificed their lives in that noble service. The United Nations is, and will remain, fundamental to the pursuit of global justice, prosperity and security. Yet all of us here know that the United Nations must change. Of course, its failures are mainly the result of our failures. Too often in recent years, we have not mustered the will and resources — the courage — to match the determination of the founders of the United Nations to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. The many successes of the United Nations make our failures — failures which have at times been catastrophic — all the more inexcusable. That is why what we have agreed is so important. It does not achieve all that Ireland and many others would have hoped for. I regret that the Secretary-General’s ambitious vision has not yet been fully realized. But significant progress has been achieved in several areas, and we have established a demanding agenda for the future. Reform must continue, and change must happen. The realities of our world demand it. Globalization has brought enormous benefits. More people have been lifted out of extreme poverty in the past decade than at any time since the United Nations was founded. But globalization also has its dark side. We see the spread of deadly infectious diseases. We see terrorists and organized criminals exploiting a more open world. And along with economic growth have come environmental degradation and climate change. And globalization has left over 2 billion people behind: people who bear the brunt of conflict, of disease, of grinding poverty. The links among development, security and human rights are clear and inescapable. It is no coincidence that many of the countries furthest from reaching the Millennium Development Goals are those most affected by conflict and by the abuse of human rights. We live in a world where the clear distinction between conflict among States and conflict within States has become blurred. Recently, threats to peace have arisen mainly from internal strife, and those threats, as we have seen to our cost, do not stop at national borders. We are all sovereign States, with sovereign rights and responsibilities. But where those responsibilities are not exercised to protect citizens from gross abuses or genocide, others must assume them through the United Nations, including, if all else fails, by military force. We have rightly committed ourselves never to allow events such as those that took place in Rwanda and Srebrenica to happen again. Where countries have, with our help, taken the first steps out of conflict, we cannot leave them on their own. I welcome therefore the agreement to establish a Peacebuilding Commission and to have it up and running by the end of this year. We must intensify our common efforts to deal with terrorism and move quickly to conclude a comprehensive convention on international terrorism. The Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is of special importance to Ireland as its first signatory. The Treaty’s twin goals of disarmament and non-proliferation reinforce each other. I deeply regret the failure to make any progress on this occasion. However, Ireland will continue working to strengthen the Treaty. Let us quickly make a reality of the new Human Rights Council. We will work to make it fully effective in the promotion and protection of human rights. The United Nations must become more efficient. Its Secretariat, agencies and staff must be fully accountable. The Secretary-General has to have the authority and flexibility to manage the Organization and to devote resources to where they are most needed. It is not fair to deny him this and then to blame him when things go wrong. It is an affront to our common humanity, five years after the Millennium Summit, that 30,000 children die each day from easily preventable diseases, or that 100 million people go to bed hungry, or that 100 million children are not receiving a basic education. Ireland is not a silent witness to this continuing tragedy. Over the past five years, my Government has more than doubled Ireland’s official development assistance (ODA) — from €254 million to €545 million. Indeed, since coming into office my Government has tripled ODA. Today I commit Ireland to reaching the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent. This will be achieved by 2012, three years earlier than the agreed European Union target date of 2015. Given current economic projections, this will mean a tripling of Ireland’s ODA above current levels. Our commitment is demanding but achievable. And it will be achieved. As the first milestone on the way to reaching the United Nations target, I commit the Government to significantly increasing our official development assistance in the next two years in order to reach an interim target of 0.5 per cent of our GNP in 2007. This means that we will spend €658 million next year and €773 million on official development assistance in 2007. Quantity is important, but so also is quality. Ireland is one of the very few donors all of whose aid is untied. Our aid will remain untied. Our aid is effective aid. The new money will support new activities. First, next year, Ireland will double its spending on the fight against HIV/AIDS to €100 million. This builds on the commitment I gave here in 2001 to put the battle against HIV/AIDS at the very centre of our programme. Secondly, the new resources will allow Ireland to respond more quickly and effectively to major humanitarian emergencies. We will work in partnership with the United Nations and non-governmental organizations to bring relief to victims and to tackle the root causes of hunger. Thirdly, we will support the United Nations in creating the new fund to promote democratic values throughout the world. People want to help but they want to be sure their money is being properly used. To ensure that public support for aid remains strong, we must work with developing countries to improve governance, promote human rights, increase transparency and stamp out corruption. And, finally, we know from our own experience that reducing poverty needs strong economic growth and a vibrant private sector. We will work together with Irish industry and partner companies in Africa to promote trade, investment and technology transfer. By committing to the 0.7 per cent target, Ireland will spend up to €8 billion on helping to tackle poverty and alleviate poverty in some of the world’s poorest countries. By any standards this is a huge commitment on behalf of the Irish people, but I know that they, and especially the young people, will welcome it. Gathered here, we have pledged to take action to make the world more secure and more just. Now we must follow through. We have taken a step forward, but there is a long road still to travel. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency The Honourable Winston Baldwin Spencer, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Antigua and Barbuda.

Exactly four years ago this past Sunday the 9/11 terrorist attack on America united the world in horror and in compassion. Today this sixtieth session of the General Assembly is taking place in a nation again traumatized. Our hearts go out to those unfortunate Americans and citizens of other countries who lost everything, including loved ones, in the devastation that Hurricane Katrina has wrought. Fortunately for Katrina’s surviving victims, a silver lining has broken through the dark clouds of the Gulf Coast disaster. Sadly, the underprivileged in poor countries have no hope for any silver lining to brighten their permanently bleak existence. Adversity is the dominant feature of their existence and their expectations. There could be a silver lining for that global underclass. This would happen if the riveting television images of the ongoing agony of Katrina’s victims could ignite among all nations and among all peoples the recognition that we all share the duty to be our brothers’ keepers. It would be to the immeasurable good of humankind if members of this family of nations assembled for this High-level Plenary Meeting could embrace this shared responsibility. It should also underline the imperative for comprehensive United Nations reform that would make this Organization more responsive — and more timely in its response — to the vulnerabilities of, and pervasive threats to the poor in its smaller, developing Member States. Should we fail to respond in this fashion, we would condemn ourselves to history’s verdict that when called upon we would all be guilty of failing humanity. That is a charge that we must not permit history to levy against us. Antigua and Barbuda is a small, twin-island nation of approximately 85,000 people. An estimated thirty-five percent of our population is immigrant, the vast majority of non-natives being from sister Caribbean countries to whom we opened our borders when they faced economic distress and natural disasters. In consequence of this, social and economic development is increasingly challenging for a developing nation shouldering a debt burden out of all proportion to our economic capacities. We recognize, nonetheless, that we live in a global and interdependent world, in which no State can stand alone. The current crippling impact of continually rising energy costs on our fragile economies is a current case in point. Venezuela’s offer of stable fuel supplies on concessionary terms through the PetroCaribe Initiative is therefore a timely and welcome intervention for member countries of the Caribbean Community. These and other issues highlight the need for the expansion of the partnership between developed and developing countries. Meeting the agreed official development assistance target of 0.7 per cent of GNP, including within the context of the Mauritius Strategy, must be addressed if small States are to devise strategic infrastructural mechanisms for sustainable development and competitiveness. Antigua and Barbuda, like other members of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States, has limited options for trade in a globalized world. We lack the factors required for a viable manufacturing base. Our principal economic options are tourism and financial services, and in the case of Antigua and Barbuda, Internet gaming. It is thus not difficult to grasp Antigua and Barbuda’s compelling need to seek World Trade Organization intervention in the dispute with the United States of America regarding Internet gaming. Internet gaming is one of the limited available options through which Antigua and Barbuda, as a small developing State, can bridge the digital divide and use information and communications technology as an instrument of economic development. Rendering Antigua and Barbuda poorer by unlawfully denying market access to Internet gaming will not make the United States richer. Forgiving the disproportionate debt that continues to cripple developing economies will not make creditor countries poor. Deporting hardened convicted felons to vulnerable Caribbean societies will not make America or any OECD country safer. Enabling developing nations to access vitally needed pharmaceuticals at rates reasonably close to the cost of production will not put transnational drug companies out of business. Last October, just seven months after our election to our first term of office, the Government of Antigua and Barbuda enacted an unprecedented trilogy of integrity legislation, comprising an Integrity in Public Life Act, a Prevention of Corruption Act and a Freedom of Information Act. We are convinced that transparency, accountability and integrity in government are fundamental to economic and social development. Without prompt solutions to the debt obligations of small and vulnerable economies, the targeted eradication of poverty will remain an elusive Millennium Development Goal. A reformed United Nations system must, therefore, devise special mechanisms to reduce the debt burdens of low and middle-income countries. An area of immediate potential for small States would be assistance from the international community in capacity-building in information and communications technology. As small-island developing countries of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States, Antigua and Barbuda and our immediate neighbouring islands face the challenges of very limited land space, fragile ecosystems, and vulnerability to natural disasters and the effects of climate change. Compounding these challenges is our heavy dependence on the natural environment to support our tourism industry, the lifeblood of the economies of our nations. Threats to our natural environment are therefore threats to our very existence. We contribute the least to the causes of climate change, yet we suffer the most from its effects. The devastation wrought by the increased intensity of hurricanes can set back our development efforts by decades, and has indeed done so. As we continue to invest in development of our human capital, HIV/AIDS continues to eat away at those investments. We need the cooperation of our international partners to gain access to health-care resources. A reformed United Nations system must be empowered with the necessary financial and technical resources to assist its Member States in the fight against the spread of HIV/AIDS, the distribution of anti-retroviral drugs and the necessary resources for prevention programmes. The United Nations plays a crucial role in international peace and security. Its reform is unavoidable in order to meet today’s global challenges. Antigua and Barbuda fully believes that in order to respond to global threats and challenges, United Nations reform must be multifaceted. It must be achieved through a process of democratic deliberations designed to achieve a consensus. Reforms must take into consideration the goals of developing countries, which make up two thirds of its membership. It is my country’s hope that the 60th session of the General Assembly will achieve reform through unity and in the long-term interest of the membership of the United Nations. I trust that these reflections will remind all nations in whose names this High-level Plenary Meeting was convened that among these United Nations the obligation falls to the bigger brother States to be their smaller brothers’ keepers. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Prime Minister of Malaysia. Mr. Badawi: Sixty years ago, the founders of the United Nations pledged in writing that this Organization should save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, reaffirm the dignity of the human person, uphold international law and promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. Indeed, much has been achieved but much, but much more remains to be done. Why are we continuing to witness many wars in our times? Why do we continue to see human rights trampled with impunity? Why do States continue to commit serious breaches of international law? Why are hundreds of millions of people still living in poverty and indignity? Yet our best hopes still lie with this Organization. Let us therefore write another solemn pledge on this occasion, to put forth honest efforts and to take the necessary steps to reform the United Nations so that it can truly serve the purposes for which it was intended. Malaysia holds the view that the most fundamental objective to be achieved in any reform and renewal of the United Nations system must be the protection and enhancement of multilateralism. I am aware of the growing consensus towards accepting that the existing provisions of the United Nations Charter regarding the use of force are sufficient to address the full range of security threats; that the only issue remaining is how to ensure that the use of force is applied only as an instrument of last resort. However, any intervention must give due recognition to Charter principles pertaining to sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference. While the Security Council would appropriately be the body to take decisions on these matters, it is Malaysia’s view that provision must also be made for the General Assembly to have an oversight role in this critical matter of the use of force to deal with threats to international security. Malaysia is convinced that an effective multilateral system, centred upon an appropriately empowered General Assembly, is our best guarantee against the exercise of absolute power or disregard for international law. We note that here is also a growing consensus to accept the justifiability of the use of force to protect civilian populations from crimes against humanity, such as genocide and ethnic cleansing. I should like to say that it is equally a crime against humanity to allow poverty and deprivation to persist in these modern times. How can we continue to stand by while eight million people around the world die each year because they are too poor to stay alive? There are over one billion people — that is, one in every six people around the world — who live in extreme poverty, subsisting on less than one dollar per day. Poverty has deprived more than 100 million children of the opportunity of going to primary school. In this connection, a high premium must be placed on providing educational opportunities and on the capability of people to have access to education. Education and the power of knowledge are the greatest equalizer among individuals in a society and the greatest leveller that can bridge the prosperity gap among the nation States in this globalized world. The United Nations is best placed to play the lead role in embarking upon a capacity-building programme specifically earmarked to eradicate poverty. We should never renege on our commitments to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. I come now to my final point, which is why we need effective multilateralism in order to fight terrorism successfully in all its forms and manifestations. First and foremost, terrorism must be condemned. However, the global scope of the fight against terrorism requires the widest possible collaboration among all countries. It is only the United Nations that can galvanize such a huge undertaking. We must know the motives of terrorists in order to identify the root causes of their actions. These could be political injustice, the denial of human rights, a brutish life entrenched in pervasive poverty or something else yet to be uncovered. We must take action to address the root causes so as to render their motivations irrelevant. It is possible to disrupt, capture or kill individual terrorists. However, unless the root causes are addressed and removed, new recruits will take the place of leaders and groups killed or destroyed in the fight against terrorism. Terrorists deserve neither compassion nor sympathy. But we do need to know their minds and their mentality. We must also maintain a distinction between acts of terrorism and the right of peoples fighting for self- determination. It is equally unjustifiable to associate terrorism with any particular race or religion. Terrorists must be singled out only by their acts of terror and nothing else. Let me briefly refer to the Outcome Document before us, which we all know is a text that has finally emerged after many stages of painstaking negotiations. Undoubtedly, the language and content of the document reflect many degrees of compromises. This means that no one is fully satisfied. Certainly, many issues remain unresolved. Quite clearly, therefore, we have much unfinished business on our hands in the months and years to come. We have really no choice but to make the United Nations relevant for now and for the future. The causes of future conflicts may come from a complex mix of political, economic and strategic reasons. The quests for prosperity and security may very well intersect. We must reform the United Nations to make it competent to address the interrelated and cross-cutting issues, and succeed in preventing future conflicts. In settling conflicts, we want to use the United Nations, but a United Nations that is abused is of no use. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The General Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Gerard Latortue, Prime Minister of the Republic of Haiti.

It is a pleasure for me to take the floor at this summit and to share with you the concerns and the wishes of the Haitian people on the issues being debated in this Hall. I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate the Secretary-General and his team for this excellent initiative, without which the Millennium Development Goals might well have remained no more than pious hopes. On behalf of the people of Haiti, I should like to thank the brother countries of Latin America, Europe, the Middle East, Asia and Africa, who have dispatched troops as part of the United Nations military and police contingents that are successfully contributing to restoring peace, stability and security in my country. These are essential prerequisites for holding the free and democratic elections that are planned for the end of this year. I wish above all this evening to dwell on the reform of the structures of this universal Organization and the essential review of the mechanisms for formulating and evaluating cooperation projects, and also for coordinating international development assistance. Let us begin with the Security Council. Haiti continues to support the enlargement of this organ through the admission of new permanent members to ensure a more just and more balanced representation more in line with the realities of today’s world. The President of Senegal said earlier that if we do not reach an agreement on a formula, then perhaps we should repair the historic injustice by giving a position to Africa. I support his position, but I should like to add that there has been a dual historic injustice in respect of Latin America and the Caribbean countries, which likewise are not represented in the Security Council with a permanent seat. I should also like to express my deep conviction that the selection criteria for the new members should not be just their economic, financial or military power. I believe that any country that observes the rules of good governance, respects human rights and ensures free elections should also be eligible for a permanent seat on the Security Council. With regard to the General Assembly, I believe that it is important for it to play a much more important role as a decision-making body. We will not reach this goal by continuing to view the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly as a catalogue of good intentions. It is time for a greater balance to be established between the powers of the Security Council and those of the General Assembly. What interests me most about this summit is that it is an opportunity to speak in a friendly way, but frankly and objectively, of the shortcomings of the United Nations system with regard to the machinery for providing, managing and coordinating development aid. A strengthened Economic and Social Council with a better structure and significantly enhanced resources should be able to contribute to a more effective system of international development assistance. I should like to take an example, that of my own country, a founding Member of the United Nations and almost the first developing country to enjoy United Nations assistance. However, this assistance has left very little in the way of tangible results. The Rosenberg Mission was sent to Haiti from 1948-1950, and its mission report, entitled “Mission to Haiti,” is still the authoritative reference document on the problem of development in my country. However, after more than fifty years of cooperation with the United Nations, there is still very little sign of all this assistance that we have received over the years. Our infrastructure is still in poor condition, our roads are crumbling, electricity is still a luxury out of reach for most of the population, more than half of Haitians are illiterate and there are many other problems, even worse than these. It is true that bad governance by the Haitian leaders is partially responsible for this state of affairs, but the international community must also call itself into question, engage in self-criticism and seek to develop a culture of efficiency. And we must begin by putting an end to this sterile competition amongst United Nations agencies, and between them and other bilateral and multilateral organizations. We wish for a sweeping review of cooperation policies and of the distribution of official development assistance. We understand that donors have a political interest in planting their flag on each project that they finance. But when they do so to the detriment of the goals pursued and at the cost of positive results for beneficiaries’ daily lives, the approach must be changed. I would be remiss if I ended my statement without requesting a considerable reduction in the percentage of international assistance that goes to the remuneration of international experts. This is possible if we make greater use of the qualified, experienced human resources available nationally, which are available both inside and outside the beneficiary countries. And finally, I should like to make a heartfelt appeal for greater coordination between the United Nations agencies and the Bretton Woods institutions. Whatever one may say, the latter organizations do not seem to have a conception of development that can really help our countries to achieve lift-off. This coordination is essential to ensure greater effectiveness of international cooperation, particularly with regard to financing for development. And in talking about financing for development, I should like to take the opportunity to welcome the excellent initiative of Presidents Chirac and Lula da Silva, who have proposed innovative machinery for financing international development assistance. We support those proposals and we call upon all those who can do so to support them in a concrete way and to make them operational as soon as possible. In conclusion, let me express the hope that the ideas being discussed today will not end up as reports piling up in drawers along with the masses of other reports produced over the years in this prestigious institution, but, on the contrary, that they will give us food for thought and influence behaviour and public policy choices. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The General Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Albert Pintat Santolària, Prime Minister of the Principality of Andorra.

Before I begin, I would like to express, on behalf of the people of the Principality of Andorra, our sympathy for and solidarity with those who have suffered following the recent hurricane on the American Gulf Coast. (continued in Catalan; English text provided by the delegation) This year is the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations. It is also the sixtieth anniversary of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. In the aftershock of the cataclysm of the atomic bomb, a terrifying truth was revealed: that with every technological leap forward, greater and more terrible dangers arise. The world recognized the need for the United Nations, not only as a means of curbing the dangers of our modem world but also as a forum for reflection. It is with the greatest respect and hope that I appear here today to address the United Nations. For in today’s world, a telephone call or an Internet message can take us to the farthest reaches of the planet in a split second. All countries have become neighbours. Any war, wherever it may be taking place, affects us all directly, just the same as a natural disaster. We are witnessing the birth of a global sensibility, of an ethical sense of fair play, decency and solidarity that transcends national borders, languages and even religions. Like it or not, fear it or accept it, we are all gradually merging into a single entity. What type of entity will this be? Will we live in a world where human rights are universally recognized? Where a decent standard of living is enjoyed by all citizens? Where medical care is available to everyone who needs it? Where education is prized as the foundation of spiritual well-being? Or will we be rent by divisiveness, war, terror, misery, and ignorance? Small States are in the majority amongst the Members of the United Nations, and this place gives us a forum in which our voices may be heard. I say may be heard; since it is true that globalized media increasingly control the dissemination of information. This makes the United Nations all the more valuable as a place in which original and courageous ideas can be proposed. Many countries are united in rejecting isolationism. We know that our borders are very close to each other. We know and trust our neighbours. The interconnected nature of the global community comes as no surprise. Multilateralism is essential in a globalized world. And for this very reason we must all support institutions such as the International Criminal Court. In these uncertain times, as a new chapter in history dawns, we must all commit ourselves to international cooperation in an attempt to create a safer and more just world. There is much talk about the reform of the United Nations. I embrace the concept of reform. Who can be against the improvement of such a vital institution as the United Nations at a time when the world so desperately requires its vision and its mission to preserve peace? At the same time, I would like to draw attention to all those parts of the United Nations system that have made such significant contributions over the past half century; for example, the United Nations Children’s Fund, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and the World Health Organization, which have all made our world a better place. It is remarkable that the United Nations has accomplished so much with so few resources. Of course, much remains to be done. We strongly support Kofi Annan in his proposed reforms. We believe, like him, that these reforms will enhance the credibility of the Organization and good governance within it, and will increase its transparency. One of the great achievements of the United Nations was the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, and we must now support the creation of a council with powers to reinforce the implementation of human rights. Education must also become our priority. It is without a doubt one of the essential elements that are necessary to promote human rights and one of the most effective tools for the development of humankind. Andorra also supports the gradual implementation of the Millennium Development Goals. These Goals were agreed on at a summit in 2000. At that summit, we committed ourselves to act, not simply to mouth empty words. In this globalized and interconnected world, geographic barriers no longer protect us, nor can rich countries ignore the hardships suffered in the poorest countries. Not only must we recognize the principles of social equality, but words must be matched by deeds. The abominable and unjustifiable acts of terrorism in New York, Madrid and London; the genocide in Rwanda; recent wars and conflicts — all these events have deeply troubled the international community. And yet there is still hope in this imperfect world. In a famous meditation written over 400 years ago, the Englishman John Donne wrote, “No man is an island, entire of itself; every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main. ... Any man’s death diminishes me, because I am involved in mankind; and therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for thee.” Perhaps we can turn his remarks around and meditate on life, on the nature of the life that binds us all. Countering hunger, AIDS and terrorism, overcoming poverty; working for more egalitarian justice: these are the goals and dreams which unite us here in this Assembly. Achieving these goals is to live as a human being and ensure the certainty of a better tomorrow. Let us choose life together and continue the fight, united under the blue flag of hope of the United Nations. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The General Assembly will now hear an address by Her Excellency Begum Khaleda Zia, Prime Minister of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh.

We gathered here five years ago to adopt the Millennium Declaration. We had faith in the document because it reflected the hopes and aspirations of our peoples and also the seriousness with which we wanted to address the issues that confronted us. Today, we have an opportunity to review the progress made and also chart the way forward to reach our common goals. The Millennium Development Goals are a set of goals to ensure development, peace and security, and human rights for our peoples. We have set for ourselves a target to implement the Millennium Development Goals by the year 2015. I cannot agree more with the Secretary-General that it is within our means to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. We can halve global poverty and stem the spread of major diseases, promote gender equality and empower women in 10 years time. Progress in achieving these Millennium Development Goals may have fallen short of expectations, but we are not totally disheartened. We in Bangladesh have the satisfaction of achieving two Millennium Development Goals already, namely removing gender disparity in primary and secondary schools and ensuring access to safe drinking water. Despite numerous constraints, we have made substantive progress in six key socio-economic development areas. First, in the last 10 years we have achieved a sustained growth rate of over 5 per cent of our gross domestic product (GDP). That was despite the floods and other natural disasters that so frequently visit our country. Secondly, as living conditions have improved, the incidence of poverty has fallen substantially. Indeed, our record exceeded that of most developing countries. The percentage of people living in poverty in Bangladesh fell from over 70 per cent, in 1971, to less than 45 per cent, in 2002. Thirdly, food security has improved in the past few years. Having suffered from chronic food deficits in the 1970s, Bangladesh is now very close to achieving food self-sufficiency. Fourthly, we have enhanced our capacity to better respond to, and manage, natural disasters. Despite last year’s floods, and as a result of people’s resilience and prudent and effective post-flood economic measures, our GDP growth rate was 5.5 per cent. Fifthly, there has been gradual improvement in the physical quality-of-life index. That has been achieved through the Government’s allocation of the highest amount of resources to the education and health sectors year after year. Sixthly, we have had laudable successes in key social sectors. Bangladesh has one of the highest primary school enrolment rates in the developing world. Most importantly, we have achieved gender parity in enrolment at the primary and lower-secondary levels. The population growth rate has been drastically reduced, falling to 1.47 per cent in 2005 from 3 per cent in the 1970s. The total fertility rate has dropped by 50 per cent, from 6.3 to 3 births per woman over the last two decades. Infant mortality has decreased by over 60 per cent since 1980. The empowerment of women has also gathered pace. Microcredit programmes have reached over 12 million people, most of whom are women. We have finalized a poverty reduction strategy paper through wide-ranging consultations with all stakeholders. Our strategies include ensuring the participation of poor people and women in economic development; promoting good governance and sound allocation of resources; improving the quality of delivery of services — such as in the areas of employment, nutrition, education and health — to meet the basic needs of the people; and ensuring sustainable development and environmental balance. At the same time, we are making determined efforts to strengthen democratic institutions and ensure good governance and the rule of law. An anti-corruption commission has been established. The office of the tax ombudsman has been created. An independent human rights commission will soon be constituted. The separation of the judiciary from the executive branch is under way. All those initiatives are expected to have a positive impact on our overall socio-economic development. The forces of intolerance, extremism and violence have to be tackled vigorously. Bangladesh’s unequivocal condemnation of all forms of terrorism is well known. The root causes that lead to such wayward behaviour must also be addressed. The problems of poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy and environmental degradation continue to haunt us. If we do not address those problems effectively now, we will not be able to contain the tensions and violence around us or build a peaceful and just tomorrow. This meeting should provide the necessary impetus to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. What we need today is firm political will to implement the plans we have already agreed upon. In particular, I appeal to developed countries to fulfil their commitment as clearly stated in goal 8 of the Millennium Development Goals. Let our meeting send a strong signal that we are willing and ready to translate action plans into reality. Let our gathering be remembered by posterity as the one that made a difference in people’s lives. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency The Honourable Lawrence Gonzi, Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta.

This gathering of world leaders constitutes an impressive manifestation of our collective determination to work together in the promotion of a more peaceful, just and prosperous global order. On the one hand, this meeting is a reaffirmation of the trust that our peoples put into the United Nations process in the pursuit of that objective. At the same time, this meeting is an expression of concern at the immense and growing challenges we face in that regard. We all share the sense of both risk and opportunity that arise from the contrasts and uncertainties of the current global order. Ours is a time characterized, as never before, by the parallel existence of unbounded wealth and unrelievable poverty, of major scientific breakthroughs and pervasive illiteracy, of overwhelming gestures of kindness and charity and of atrocious acts of wickedness and inhumanity. That mix of contrasts has the potential to seriously destabilize our societies and ways of living. At the same time, however, it contains within it the germ of remedial and healing action. Each one of us brings to this gathering his or her society’s unique experiences of how those contrasts are unfolding at the grass-roots level. Some have been the direct victims of acts of savagery and terrorism; others of catastrophic natural disasters. Many bring evidence of the ravages of poverty, malnutrition and ill-health; others of the dehumanizing impact of internal conflict and political upheaval. Malta is today experiencing the influx of overwhelming and unregulated immigration flows, which is in itself a result of many of the other problems. In our case that experience is all the more unnerving in that it has struck our small society with unexpected suddenness and magnitude. The catalytic ingredient to transform all those challenges from threats into opportunities lies in the readiness to take collective action across the board. In presenting his initial proposals for our outcome document, last March, Secretary-General Kofi Annan aptly reminded that us that the cause of larger freedom can only be advanced if nations work together. We have before us at this meeting a package of proposals which address the cause of larger freedom in all its dimensions — those relating to development, to security and to human rights. We also have before us a set of proposals aimed at improving the effectiveness and responsiveness of the United Nations as an institutional structure. Together with our partners in the European Union, Malta has played an enthusiastic and constructive role in the preparation of the outcome document. On this occasion, I wish to underline my firm commitment and the commitment of the Government and people of Malta to the values and principles that we have been promoting throughout the process. Many aspects of the outcome document we have before us reflect the sense of solidarity, the humanistic spirit and the attachment to the rule of law which need to underpin international relations. I will not hide my feeling that we would have wished the document to have been even more ambitious than it already is. In particular, we would have wished to see a more forceful reference to the question of impunity, and especially to the important role that is being played by the International Criminal Court. We would also have wished to see more ambitious sections on environment, on human rights and on disarmament. At the same time we realize that the consensus that has been achieved on a number of sensitive issues lays a good foundation for further measures of reform. There are, in fact, many encouraging examples of how we can achieve results, at times even against the odds. One of those was the recent conclusion of the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism, which I will have the pleasure and honour of signing on behalf of Malta tomorrow morning. Enunciations of principles and adherence to values have a necessary counterpart in the collective responsibility to undertake concrete and action- oriented measures. Our outcome document has identified a number of such measures. Discussion of many of them will continue through the sixtieth session of the General Assembly. Among other things, we are defining long-term targets and objectives for development cooperation; we are laying the institutional foundations for two new organs within the United Nations — the peacebuilding commission and the human rights council — and we are breaking new ground in the areas of terrorism and of collective responsibility. I would therefore like to affirm today Malta’s readiness to engage itself with vigour and determination in the implementation of those measures. It is appropriate that this important exercise is being conducted at a time when the United Nations is commemorating the sixtieth anniversary since its creation. Throughout those 60 years, the United Nations — our United Nations — has served as a point of continuity and a beacon of hope. It provided continuity throughout the dark period of the cold war. It provided hope throughout the complex and transformative decolonization process. Though much has changed in our world over the last 60 years, one thing has remained constant: mankind’s yearning for peace, dignity and freedom. It is right that, on this occasion, we rededicate ourselves to the pursuit of that objective. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Driss Jettou, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Morocco.

I should like at the outset to offer my most sincere congratulations to the Co-Chairpersons of this unprecedented High-level Plenary Meeting on their election. I also take this opportunity to express our thanks to Secretary-General Kofi Annan for his generous and tireless efforts to uphold the noble objectives of the United Nations in response to the aspirations of the international community. The principles of equality among States, respect for their sovereignty, national unity and territorial integrity, and the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, in addition to the need to refrain from the use or threat of use of force and to uphold human rights and international law, still represent the cornerstones of any world order. Morocco strongly believes that the prevention of conflicts and their settlement through peaceful means are the most efficient ways to preserve peace between States and peoples, whatever the nature of the disputes or differences between the parties to the conflict, in order to genuinely abide by and maintain the noble principles of coexistence. We have always demonstrated our sincere readiness to settle the artificial dispute over the Western Sahara with our neighbours in Algeria, and have demonstrated a strong desire to develop our bilateral relations in an atmosphere of solidarity, good-neighbourliness and fruitful cooperation, and within the framework of a strategic approach to placing the Arab Maghreb Union on strong and sound foundations. We sincerely hope to be able to end our current dispute once and for all, and are looking forward to working with our brothers and Maghreb partners to strengthen cooperation, stability and integrated development in our region. For several decades now, our country has also contributed to international efforts to establish peace and security in regions of conflict and severe crisis, particularly in the Middle East. We are also participating in and contributing to the consolidation of peace and stability in countries threatened by fragmentation and balkanization. That is why we now have forces in the Congo and Haiti, and why we sent contingents to Somalia, Angola and Bosnia and Herzegovina in the past. The United Nations excellent record in peacekeeping operations is a clear demonstration that the consolidation of peace and security can guarantee economic growth particularly in developing and poor countries, and allows them to face the international crises that threaten humankind as a whole. In that connection, we reaffirm Morocco’s strong commitment to cooperating with regional and international parties in the fight against the heinous scourge of terrorism. We insist on the importance of the international community’s engaging in such cooperation in order to address economic and social problems, overcome endemic and fatal diseases, and face the other problems that hinder the stability and development of developing countries, especially in Africa. The Kingdom of Morocco is working to give the profound hope to vulnerable populations that international solidarity will move from the phase of promises to that of actual fulfilment. To give substance to those international commitments, and while chairing the Group of 77 and China in 2003, we strove to achieve the objectives we set ourselves, pursuant to Morocco’s international commitments. We have also adopted a modern family code that ensures gender equality, guarantees children’s rights, and protects family cohesion and unity. Moreover, we have adopted a national initiative for human development that is in line with the goals of the new millennium and is based on a comprehensive vision and on the principles of political democracy, economic efficiency, social cohesion and responsible citizenship — all factors that ensure the individual’s integration into the process of development. Morocco is also pursuing tireless action to boost South-South cooperation and promote tangible solidarity with our African brothers by opening our markets to exports from the least developed African countries, and to alleviate their debts to our country. The sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations is an opportunity that we should seize so we can go forward in developing it soundly and with fairness, irrespective of the difficulties and obstacles. Indeed, the Organization is the most effective forum for dialogue and negotiation, for finding suitable solutions to complex issues, and for building a fair and multilateral international order. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Laurent Dona-Fologo, chairman of the delegation of Côte d’Ivoire.

The President of the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire, Mr. Laurent Gbagbo, has been unable to join us here today on this great gathering on the Millennium Development Goals and on the occasion of our commemoration of the sixtieth anniversary of the Organization, and he deeply regrets his absence. As Members know, our country, Côte d’Ivoire, is going through a difficult time, and certain urgent tasks have kept him at home. He has therefore asked me, humbly and on his behalf, to convey the greetings of Côte d’Ivoire to the President of the General Assembly, the outgoing President, the Secretary-General and all participants here. He also sends his respects to all his colleagues, the heads of State and Government who have been able to attend. Previous speakers have eloquently described all the Millennium Development Goals, the hopes invested in them, and their aspirations to achieve the desired results. Five years ago, Côte d’Ivoire, like all other countries, subscribed to those Goals and joins in welcoming all the efforts made to that end. At the same time, we call for greater solidarity and efficiency in addressing the pending issues. We welcome in particular the initiatives undertaken by the wealthy countries, the Group of Eight and the leaders of developed countries, including France through its President Chirac, the United Kingdom through Prime Minister Tony Blair, and the President of Brazil. All of those initiatives are encouraging and deserve our support and gratitude. However, failures and disappointments linger, for example with regard to the World Trade Organization and trade, where the farmers of the South still lack a level playing field with those of the North. That is embodied in the issue of cotton, which remains contentious. We must have the courage to resolve such issues if we wish together to shape a better world. Côte d’Ivoire is making its humble contribution to the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals, but we all know that, as the Ivorian adage says, one cannot ask a squatting frog for a chair. The frog squats because it has no chair to offer. Today, Côte d’Ivoire, which has been listed among the emerging countries of Africa, has been brought to its knees, but has not yet been felled. We hope that the international community, along with all the good will expressed here, will help us from going under. Our struggle with regard to HIV/AIDS, literacy, women and children — in a word, to the achievement of all the Millennium Development Goals — cannot succeed without the prerequisites of peace nor security. Our long and bitter experience of war comes through human error, stupidity and a mutual lack of understanding. We therefore call on the international community as a whole to help Côte d’Ivoire — as our brothers of the Economic Community of West African States; the African Union, through its mediator Thabo Mbeki, whom we commend; and the Secretary-General of the United Nations have done — to prevent the worst from occurring. We can no longer afford to falter between democracy, embodied in a legally established Government, and those who take up arms in order to seize power. I believe that the United Nations and the international community encourage and protect democracy, and that Côte d’Ivoire cannot be an exception to that activity. The international community must come to our aid, as it is doing with the deployment of some 10,000 French and United Nations troops on our territory, in order to avert the worst-case scenario. It is urgent that we cease wavering between the rebel forces and the legal authority. I hope that everyone will come to understand that and that, above all, the international community, with all the means at its disposal, will stop Côte d’Ivoire from going under. The Co-Chairperson (Gabon) (spoke in French): We have heard the last speaker for this meeting.