A/78/PV.13 General Assembly

I now call on His Highness Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Prince Al-Saud (Saudi Arabia) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, I would like to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis on his election to preside over the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session and to wish him every success in his work. I would also like to thank His Excellency Mr. Csaba Kőrösi for his outstanding efforts as President of the preceding session. And I want to take this opportunity to commend the efforts of the Secretary-General to enhance the competencies of United Nations entities with a view to realizing the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia stresses the need for States to uphold the Charter, the principles of international legitimacy and our aspirations for a better future for humankind on a basis of mutual respect for the sovereignty, independence and values of States, non-interference in their internal affairs, the peaceful settlement of disputes and refraining from the use or threat of use of force. The Kingdom’s Vision 2030 is aimed at strengthening development efforts, meeting the aspirations of our future generations, contributing to the empowerment of women and young people, building capacities for creativity and innovation and consolidating the values of openness, dialogue, tolerance and coexistence. Saudi Arabia considers human rights issues enormously important, and our legal system includes explicit provisions that promote and protect human rights. Through a development-driven approach, we are working to foster a comprehensive and sustainable renaissance for our country that is centred on and aimed at the human beings who will guide development in the present and create development in the future with knowledge. The Kingdom has enacted numerous laws and amendments to rules and regulations in that regard and has provided capabilities that enhance the dignity of our citizens and residents by doing everything possible to preserve their lives, guarantee decent livelihoods and grant them social protection and care. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia stresses that security in the Middle East is in need of a just and comprehensive solution to the question of Palestine as soon as possible, one that is based on internationally recognized resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative and thereby guarantees the Palestinian people’s right to establish their own independent State within the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. As always, we reject and condemn all unilateral steps taken in flagrant violation of international law, as they undermine regional and international efforts to achieve peace and obstruct the path to a political solution. The Kingdom is committed to supporting all efforts aimed at promoting security and stability, with a focus on comprehensive development, making room for peaceful dialogue and alleviating tensions. We urge the States in our region to avoid escalation and instead to focus on mutual interests and benefits, with a view to realizing the hopes and aspirations of the peoples of the region. In our efforts to build a better future for the region and the world, we have worked to reinforce the principle of collective action by hosting several regional joint summits under the framework of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the League of Arab States, with the participation of all States, including the Syrian Arab Republic, out of a belief that resolving the crisis in Syria will contribute to regional and global stability. As part of those efforts to achieve regional stability, the Kingdom held rounds of talks with the Islamic Republic of Iran, hosted by Baghdad and Muscat. That led to the conclusion of the Beijing Agreement, which inaugurated a resumption of diplomatic representation and direct communication between the two countries, based on mutual respect for the sovereignty, independence and security of States, non-interference in their internal affairs and respect for the Charter of the United Nations and that of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is committed to the security and stability of its sister country of Yemen. We support all efforts aimed at resolving the crisis there, alleviating the human suffering of our brother people of Yemen, reaching a political solution that restores security and stability in the country and reduces potential threats to the Kingdom and the region. We want to emphasize our initiative aimed at ending the war in Yemen and reaching a comprehensive political solution, and we support United Nations and international efforts to reach a political settlement, in accordance with the three terms of reference, including Security Council resolution 2216 (2015). With regard to Lebanon, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia continues to stand with its brother Lebanese people and calls on all the parties involved to carry out comprehensive, structural political and economic reforms that will enable Lebanon to overcome its current crisis. We also stress that the State should work to extend its authority over the entire Lebanese territories, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions and the Taif Accords, with a view to re-establishing security and combating drug- smuggling operations and terrorist activities that endanger regional and international security. With regard to the situation in Iraq, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia considers the security and stability of Iraq to be crucial to security and stability in the region generally. The Kingdom reiterates its support for the security, development, territorial integrity, Arab identity and social fabric of Iraq. Turning to the situation in the Sudan, we are alarmed by the escalation and military clashes in the country between the Sudanese armed forces and the Rapid Support Forces, and we support all efforts to de-escalate the situation and prevent the crisis from deteriorating further. We have taken the initiative to host talks between the parties to the conflict and we are working with the United States of America to protect civilians and deliver assistance to the people affected. We have been working on humanitarian efforts since the crisis began, including by carrying out a rescue operation at sea that saved thousands of Saudi Arabian citizens, nationals of fraternal and friendly countries and staff of the United Nations and other international organizations who had been stranded in the Sudan. His Majesty King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud has launched a popular fundraising campaign for our brother people of the Sudan and has allocated $100 million in relief and humanitarian assistance to address the crisis through the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Centre, in addition to facilitating sea and air bridges to deliver food, health-care and relief supplies and other essential needs. As part of those efforts, along with our international partners we hosted a high-level donor conference for the Sudan in June at which donors pledged to address the humanitarian crisis, mobilize international humanitarian support and provide more than $1.5 billion in assistance. The Kingdom is eagerly anticipating seeing those efforts succeed and hoping for the Sudan to reach safe harbour and emerge from the crisis. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia stresses that it is vital to achieve security and stability in Libya, safeguard the country’s sovereignty, independence and territorial unity and put an end to interference in its internal affairs. We support a full ceasefire in Libya and Libya’s call for a full and immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces, fighters and mercenaries from the country in accordance with Security Council resolution 2570 (2021). We also reaffirm the importance of security and stability in Afghanistan, which must not be a safe haven for terrorist organizations. We call for respect for the fundamental rights of the Afghan people, including the right of Afghan women to education and employment, and for regional and international efforts to be stepped up in order to provide humanitarian and economic assistance to alleviate the suffering of our brother people of Afghanistan. With regard to the situation of Russia and Ukraine, the Kingdom reiterates its call for putting an end to the crisis and reducing its negative impact on global security and stability. We should spare no effort in working to end the crisis and find a peaceful solution, while respecting the principles of international law so as to safeguard the security and interests of all. As an extension of our humanitarian efforts, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister has taken initiatives aimed at resolving the crisis and has continued to work with the States concerned in support of international efforts to establish peace, while using his good offices to facilitate the release of prisoners of various nationalities. In addition, Ukraine was invited to attend the thirty-second session of the League of Arab States Summit held in Jeddah. In August, the Kingdom hosted a meeting of national security advisers on the crisis in Ukraine, bringing together representatives from more than 40 States and international organizations. We emphasize our willingness to continue mediation efforts between the two parties. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia stresses the importance of efforts aimed at the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons. It is incumbent on the entire international community to honour its commitments to the existing treaties and legal frameworks in order to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons, especially in the Middle East. We reaffirm the importance of maintaining international peace and security and remain ready to deploy our good offices to resolve international and regional conflicts in accordance with the relevant international principles and norms. In that regard, my country stresses that the only way to establish security and stability in any region of the world is through cooperation and coordination among States aimed at realizing development and progress, and by avoiding races to acquire weapons whose destructiveness is a threat to humankind. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia remains committed to achieving the purposes and principles of the United Nations for maintaining international peace and security. We reiterate our call for reforming the Security Council so that it can play a fairer and more representative role in our world today, and so that we can make it more effective in keeping up with the constant changes and developments in the international community and more efficient in addressing our common challenges. Our international community has made great strides in the fight against terrorism and extremism. We must continue to work tirelessly to counter and eliminate that scourge, which is not linked to any race, religion or belief. The world must show steadfastness and determination in the face of those who support or sponsor terrorism and extremism. We must reject all forms of aggression against sacred values, including the propagation of hatred and Islamophobia under any pretext, as well as recurring incidents such as burnings of the Qur’an. Such grave acts jeopardize mutual respect and harmony among peoples and hinder international efforts to spread the values of tolerance and moderation as well as the rejection of extremism. We advocate an approach aimed at consolidating a culture of peace worldwide. My country welcomed the resolution adopted at the eighteenth extraordinary session of the Council of Foreign Ministers of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation on repeated incidents of desecration and burning of the Holy Qur’an. We also commend the Human Rights Council’s adoption of its resolution 53/1, entitled “Countering religious hatred constituting incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence”. We call for the promotion of dialogue, understanding and cooperation among cultures and civilizations with a view to realizing peace and harmony in the world while complying with relevant international human rights instruments and laws. The stability of global energy markets is a cornerstone of global economic growth. Saudi Arabia is firmly committed to preserving the stability, reliability, sustainability and security of global crude-oil markets, as well as to meeting the needs of consumers to ensure a healthy and beneficial economy for producers and consumers worldwide. We continue to emphasize the importance of collective cooperation with the Organization of Petroleum-Exporting Countries Plus (OPEC+) in order to promote the stability, reliability, sustainability and security of global crude-oil markets. The policies adopted by OPEC+ have made it possible to closely monitor the markets through a preventive approach, thereby contributing to their stability and balance, which was clearly illustrated by the stability shown by the oil markets in 2022 compared to other energy markets such as natural gas and coal. Conscious of the importance of addressing the challenges posed by climate change, Saudi Arabia has a major interest in reducing emissions and developing adaptation measures. In that regard, we support the calls for a gradual and responsible transition to low-emission clean-energy systems, using all available energy sources to ensure sustainability. We must continue international cooperation and concerted efforts to reach those goals, taking into account variations in national and regional circumstances, along with the inclusive socioeconomic goals of sustainable development. Given the scale of that challenge, Saudi Arabia seeks to establish its global leadership role in the field of sustainability. We have launched the Saudi Green Initiative and the Middle East Green Initiative aimed at leading the global efforts to protect our environment, reduce greenhouse-gas emissions and promote public health and quality of life. We are working to increase the use of renewable energy and to reduce or even eliminate emissions and achieve sustainable development. The Kingdom has announced that it will double its contribution to reducing emissions compared to 2015 — to the tune of 278 million tons per year by 2030  — in order to achieve carbon neutrality, as per the circular carbon economy approach. We are also working to promote international efforts to ensure water resources worldwide. The Prime Minister recently announced a proposal for establishing a global water organization with a view to developing and integrating the efforts of States and organizations to ensure sustainable water resources accessible to all, and thereby helping to address water challenges in a comprehensive manner. Based on our ambitious vision for the future, Saudi Arabia has applied to host World Expo 2030 under the theme “The era of change: Together for a foresighted tomorrow”. We intend to apply the Expo’s theme to the future of the planet, basing our efforts on cutting- edge technologies while focusing on the Sustainable Development Goals. The Expo will be an opportunity for promoting projects with universal impact and for cooperation aimed at finding global solutions through innovation, sustainability and inclusiveness. All of those factors will be at the core of the World Expo 2030 in Riyadh and will demonstrate to the world the Kingdom’s firm and continued commitment to developing countries. We would like to express our thanks and appreciation to the States that have supported our candidacy and ask all others to support us in hosting World Expo 2030. In conclusion, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia would like to convey to the world its message, values and principles in a spirit of partnership and respect, with the aim of laying the foundations of a better future for all humankind.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation and Government Spokesperson of the Republic of Djibouti.

First of all, I would like to reiterate my warmest congratulations to Mr. Dennis Francis on his election as President of the General Assembly and to express our deep gratitude to his predecessor for the work he accomplished. We are meeting at a time when the consequences of multiple security, economic and climate crises continue to strike our countries. Poverty persists and is worsening in some parts of the world, while ecological disasters are proliferating, leaving countless victims in their wake. We reiterate our condolences to the Governments and peoples of the Kingdom of Morocco and Libya regarding the recent earthquake and floods in their countries and reaffirm our full solidarity with them. Technological innovations bring hope, but also legitimate fears about their potential destructive uses. If we are to meet all those challenges together, more trust, more international cooperation and more solidarity are needed. The theme chosen for the seventh-eighth session, “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity: Accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all”, while noble, requires tacit recognition that the trajectory we appear to be on is going in the opposite direction. A lack of trust and mutual suspicion are omnipresent and negatively impact international cooperation. The inclusive, integrated multilateralism called for by the Secretary-General is running up against the tendency to form clubs and groups — what one analyst has called minilateralism. That erosion of confidence did not happen overnight. It is the result of a slow deterioration due, on the one hand, to implacable resistance to change global institutions established at the end of the Second World War, and, on the other hand, to a deepening and fossilizing inequality and the heightened geopolitical competition of recent years. However, in our view, this is not irreversible. Therefore, it is essential that we make a massive investment in multilateral efforts to strengthen confidence and solidarity among States. We see the United Nations at the heart of that effort. Let us imagine together a multilateral system that takes into account the geopolitical realities of the time, including the proliferation of those groups, not in a context of institutional competition but of reinforced complementarity and close coordination, in which we can all commit, without reservation or hesitation, to renewing strong and indissoluble bonds of solidarity. We must relearn to trust each other. We need to build a reformed, fair and representative multilateral system in which everyone  — the powerful and those less powerful — benefits. Together, we must be able to send an unequivocal and unambiguous message that we are determined to build a strong Organization that responds in a credible manner to the enormous challenges of the moment. Urgency must guide our action. Delays in implementing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are damaging the credibility of the system. We are halfway from where we need to be and a long way from reaching the Goals. According to some estimates, if the pace remains the same and the volume of finance remains unchanged, it will take another 63 years to get there. Almost a decade has passed since the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Addis Ababa Action Agenda. Many commitments have been made since then, but unfortunately, we are in a worse situation today in which our countries have more needs now than they did a decade ago. To that end, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has declared that a third of the world economy will be in recession by 2023, and for the first time, the United Nations Development Programme has also noted that the human development index is falling in nine out of ten countries. In that regard, our country remains fully and constructively committed to intergovernmental negotiations for the Summit of the Future, which should accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In addition, it is important to stress the crucial importance of reforming the international financial architecture and putting in place measures that go beyond gross domestic product so that we can close the gap in financing for development. The increasing vulnerability of developing countries with regard to debt also calls for urgent additional measures to reform the international debt architecture. Indeed, the high cost of borrowing, combined with declining public revenues, is preventing developing and least-developed countries from investing in the SDGs and is also increasing their risk of defaulting on their debt payments. We must redouble our efforts to achieve our objectives by 2030. This plan represents hope for humankind: we cannot give in to the temptation to give up. We are aware that the difficulties are real, but they are not insurmountable. The means to achieve our objectives are clearly set out in the Secretary-General’s SDGs stimulus package. The urgent actions identified therein, namely, improving debt sustainability; reforming multilateral development banks, whose support is crucial to increase the financing of the Sustainable Development Goals; strengthening the global financial security net; reducing the systemic risk that weighs on the financial stability system; the international monetary system and strengthening global governance and policy consistency form the basis of a rescue plan for the Sustainable Development Goals. If the Secretary-General’s rescue plan has not been sufficiently heeded up to now, it must be taken into account more in future discussions on a possible reform of the international financial architecture. In that regard, we are encouraged by the statements of support that we heard during the general debate. Reform of the international financial architecture, especially the IMF and World Bank, cannot wait. We need to strengthen the participation of developing countries in international economic decision-making and in establishing new standards, so that we can adapt to changes in the global economy. Together, we must accelerate the Bretton Woods moment which the Secretary-General referred to. We must step up the dialogue on reforming the international financial architecture between multilateral financial institutions and the United Nations, while respecting the mandate of each organization. Despite the global economic deterioration and the aforementioned challenges, Djibouti has worked tirelessly to achieve the SDGs and has made notable progress in reducing malnutrition and undernutrition and has effectively managed the coronavirus disease pandemic. Djibouti has integrated the SDGs into its national development plans and strategies, such as the Djibouti 2035 Vision. Therefore, our Government has taken steps to align its policies and programmes with the targets and indicators of the SDGs. We have also identified priority areas that correspond to specific SDGs, such as poverty reduction, access to drinking water and sanitation and sustainable economic growth. In fact, our country is facing many challenges related to poverty, unemployment and infrastructure development, which are at the heart of the SDGs. In addition, we have successfully collaborated with international organizations, donors and other countries to mobilize resources and expertise for the implementation of the SDGs. Those partnerships are helping to strengthen support for achieving the Goals. We have also been working to improve our data infrastructure to measure and report on the SDG indicators. Our country is located in a region that is vulnerable to climate change, which is why we have made significant efforts in the area of climate action, in keeping with SDG 13 on action to combat climate change. Those efforts include renewable energy projects and adaptation measures. In addition to the large-scale geothermal projects currently under way, Djibouti is proud to inform the friendly countries present in this Hall that we have inaugurated the very first wind farm, which will provide 60 megawatts of clean energy. That project has been undertaken through a public- private partnership and an additional capacity of 45 megawatts of renewable energy is expected through a consortium of investors and with the participation of the Port Authority and tax-free zones and the Djibouti Sovereign Fund. The project will be the first significant international investment in the energy sector in Djibouti, in the amount of $122 million, establishing the country’s first independent power producer and serving as a model for future private investment. The health and education systems are also priorities, and we are striving to improve health services and educational opportunities, in particular in remote and underserved areas. Infrastructure development is also crucial for economic growth and sustainability, and Djibouti has invested in transport and logistics infrastructure to strengthen regional connectivity and trade, with a view to becoming an international and regional logistics hub. Finally, in the area of peace and security, Djibouti has played a major role in regional peacekeeping efforts and seeks to maintain stability throughout the Horn of Africa region. All those commitments aimed at achieving the SDGs reflect our country’s efforts to address pressing challenges and improve the well-being of our people, while contributing to global sustainable development. Climate change remains an existential threat to our countries. It is a particularly acute reality in the Horn of Africa, but everywhere else in the world too. The earthquake that led to the loss of several thousand lives in Morocco and the enormous amount of devastation caused by Cyclone Daniel in Libya serve as reminders for us all, hence the urgency of honouring the commitments undertaken in the Paris Agreement. If nothing is done, the negative impact of climate change will continue to lead to significant disturbances, including many more extreme weather events, the scarcity of resources, sea level rise, an increase in the number of displaced people and the exacerbation of hunger and poverty. We are deeply disappointed that the pledge to mobilize $100 billion each year has never been fulfilled, and we strongly urge developed countries to live up to that commitment. We welcome the crucial decision taken at the twenty-seventh Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, in Sharm El-Sheikh, to create a loss and damage fund. We call for its rapid operationalization and express the hope that the Transitional Committee’s recommendations on how the fund should operate can be adopted at the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties, to be held shortly in the United Arab Emirates. We are encouraged by the determination of the Somali Government to implement key national priorities on the basis of dialogue, including federal taxation and amendments to the national security architecture. We urge it to continue that dialogue, in particular on the constitutional review process and all other outstanding issues. The fight to liberate Somali territory from Al-Shabaab forces is critical. The mobilization of all Somali forces, under the leadership of Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, deserves our full support until the ultimate goal is achieved. However, we fear that the gains made on this front will be jeopardized by the decline in the number of soldiers in the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia, whose courage and self-sacrifice we salute. While we understand the constraints linked to the financial resources available, the consequences of our decisions deserve to be carefully considered. At this critical stage, Somalia needs maximum support, commensurate with the threat it faces. We remain concerned about the deteriorating security situation in the Sudan and call for the rapid establishment of a ceasefire and the immediate resumption of talks aimed at ending hostilities and undertaking political negotiations to resolve the crisis. As current Chair of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and under the leadership of President Ismaël Omar Guelleh, Djibouti is determined to work for lasting peace in this brotherly country with which we share close political, historical and cultural ties. In South Sudan, we welcome the signing, in 2018, of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan and call for the accelerated implementation of its pending provisions in order to bring the transition period to a close. With regard to neighbouring Yemen, we agree with the members of the Security Council that the sustainable way out of the crisis is the conclusion of an inclusive peace agreement. We welcome the transfer of oil from the decaying supertanker FSO Safer, moored off the Red Sea coast of Yemen, to a new vessel. From the outset, the Republic of Djibouti has been committed at the highest level to lobbying the international community for a coordinated solution under the auspices of the United Nations. If our region and the world had failed to act, the coasts of the Horn of Africa and the Arabian peninsula would have been polluted, thereby exposing communities to deadly toxins and contaminating drinking water supplies throughout the region. Shipping through the Suez Canal would have been disrupted, cutting off food, fuel and vital supplies and exacerbating the already dire humanitarian conditions in Yemen. In addition to its role as a rear base for withdrawing and coordinating sensitive and crucial activities, the Republic of Djibouti served the United Nations as part of the rescue operations of the FSO Safer, as a platform for securing and storing crude oil  — more than 1 million barrels, which was transferred from that vessel to a tanker, the Nautica. Through that collaboration, Djibouti and the United Nations have saved the region from an ecological disaster that would have had extremely harmful effects on the environment, the economy and the health of all the populations of the countries bordering the Red Sea. The international community was also spared an oil slick estimated to cost $20 billion to clean up. At a time when the world is facing a multitude of urgent crises, this is a positive reference point and a model of international cooperation. Now we need to finish the job by removing the FSO Safer from the Red Sea. We are gravely concerned by the escalation of violence and the resumption of hostilities in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We are appalled by Israel’s continued illegal construction and expansion of settlements. The resumption of hostilities and continued settlement activity jeopardizes the viability of the two- State solution. In the face of rising despair, growing uncertainty and the absence of a political horizon, we must act. The initiative to revitalize the Arab Peace Initiative, led jointly by Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan, the League of Arab States and the European Union, deserves our full support. We have said this several times from this rostrum, and we will repeat it again today — we are a peace-loving nation, and we remain fully committed to completing the process of normalization with Eritrea and finding a lasting and peaceful settlement to the border dispute that continues to oppose us, as well as the other outstanding issues. In conclusion, I would like once again to urge the States Members of the United Nations to work together to build a safer, more prosperous and more united future in which war, hunger and poverty are no more.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Sergei Aleinik, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Belarus.

For decades, this lofty stage served an important purpose — to hold discussions on how to make life on the planet safer and better. Regrettably, over the past decade, that discussion has not been translated into concrete positive action. As a result, global politics have deteriorated. That trend has had a negative impact on all other spheres of international relations. What is the role of the United Nations in these processes? To serve merely as a stage for discussion? That is the role that many ascribe to it. It is therefore no surprise that the Organization is often reproached for its inaction and inability to stop the growing global chaos and to stop the triple crisis  — of security, food and energy  — that has engulfed the entire world. Of course, such reproaches are not entirely fair. The United Nations is all of us. The Organization can do only as much as its Member States allow it to do. On the one hand, that is perfectly logical. On the other, it is fraught with determinism. It implies that the United Nations is hostage to external forces and will be able to effectively fulfil its mandate only when there are positive changes in its environment. Does that not sound familiar? That was the same prevailing attitude towards the League of Nations before the Second World War. Just a century ago, on the shores of Lake Geneva, many, like us, discussed the threats of their time. However, those discussions had little effect, and the world inexorably slipped into the abyss. The League of Nations was consigned to oblivion because of its uselessness. The United Nations could suffer the same fate if it remains a passive observer. We are convinced that the overwhelming majority of Member States do not wish to see such an outcome. If that is so, then the United Nations must not wait, but act. The Organization must work to produce positive changes in external circumstances and ensure peace, stability and sustainable development on our planet. That is an immense task given the current toxic global politics. However, if we, as Member States and the reasonable global majority, help our Organization, then it can rise to that task. In the context of assessing Soviet Russia’s relations with the West a century ago, the famous American diplomat George Kennan said that: “some degree of conflict and antagonism is present in every international relationship; [therefore] some measure of compromise is necessary everywhere, if political societies are to live together on the same planet”. Let us be guided by that wise advice, and despite the high degree of antagonism in today’s international system, let us seek compromise and harmony everywhere. And let us act within the framework of the United Nations. We see a number of key steps that should be taken in that regard. First, the policy of ostracism at the United Nations must be stopped. It is a practice that runs counter to the very essence of our Organization. After all, according to the Charter of the United Nations, all members are equal. Let us treat each other with respect and equality. No one should stoop to insults and disrespectful rhetoric, such as the use of the word “regime” to describe the legitimate Governments of Member States. Similarly, certain countries should refrain from trying to restrict the participation of any other States Members in the work of our Organization. Such actions are a direct violation of the Charter. Moreover, the entire history of multilateral diplomacy has taught us that we can achieve positive results only through inclusiveness and cooperation. Secondly, certain Member States must cease their attempts to turn the United Nations and its system into instruments to serve their foreign policies. Politicizing our Organization only discredits it in the eyes of ordinary people around the world. After all, the United Nations was created for cooperation in the interests of people, not to settle scores between one State and another. We believe that bilateral issues should not be brought into international organizations to serve as an apple of discord. Thirdly, we can — and should — work productively in the United Nations on our common challenges. We should therefore work to resolve them using an approach that starts with the simplest and moves on the most complex. The most difficult problems — let us call them first-tier issues — are undoubtedly those related to security. They are the most dangerous, even explosive, apple of discord  in global politics. Then there are other, second-tier issues, such as combating climate change, transnational crime, pandemics and diseases, which can be solved. Every country in the world suffers equally from their effects, and they all are equally interested in responding effectively to such challenges. Let us therefore intensify our work in those areas. Ordinary people around the world are expecting results. Let me give a very clear example of how we can work together successfully even in the midst of sharp political disagreements. At the thirty-second session of the Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, held in Vienna in May, Belarus submitted a draft resolution on combating trafficking in persons in supply chains. Initially, our initiative was perceived negatively by Western countries, for political reasons. However, once engaged in the negotiation process, they realized the importance of the initiative and began to work for a positive result. The resolution was adopted by consensus and all the parties involved have begun to implement it. Let us apply that same approach to all other second-tier issues of concern. In particular, we are hoping to see the same constructive efforts during this session of the Assembly on Belarus’s biennial draft resolution entitled “Improving the coordination of efforts against trafficking in persons”. However, where common sense is most needed for us is in finding a solution to the global food crisis. Let us assume that there is enough food in the world for everyone. At the same time, however, millions around the world are going hungry. That contradiction is a result of the unilateral illegal sanctions that Western nations have imposed in violation of the Charter against countries they do not like or in order to gain a competitive economic advantage. In turn, sanctions limit the ability to export food and fertilizers to the developing nations that need them the most. Consequently, the global food crisis is human-made, not systemic. As such, it is easy to resolve. All that is needed is to remove those illegal barriers. The countries that have set up the barriers should remove them. And that applies not only to global food security but to all other areas of international life. The unilateral coercive measures imposed by the West, directly or indirectly, against virtually every other State in the world must be immediately removed. Both common sense and the common interests of all people on the planet demand that. We believe that achieving progress in resolving global second-tier issues within the framework of the United Nations can help us to build a foundation of mutual trust for collective and effective work on security issues. In that area, we are witnessing a power shift from the West towards the rest of the world. Such shifts in history have often been accompanied by wars. However, it is in our power to channel that process onto a peaceful track. The best way to do that is to expand the permanent membership of the Security Council. The Council does not reflect today’s geopolitical realities. Three of its five permanent members are from the West. They have no interest in changing the global status quo. As a result, the Council is not fulfilling its function of maintaining international peace and security. Only a more representative and democratic body can carry out that task. Expanding the category of permanent membership in the Council to include major developing countries from Asia, Africa and Latin America is therefore an imperative of our times. We are pleased that China and Russia support such a reform of the Council, as they have repeatedly said. We call on the other three permanent members of the SecurityCouncil to acknowledge the new realities and to agree to enshrine them in a reformed body. As long ago as 2017, President Alexander Lukashenko of the Republic of Belarus proposed an initiative to launch a global security dialogue, in an attempt to prevent a negative spiral in global politics. Unfortunately, some key players did not want to listen to that reasonable call. As a result, the security architecture in Europe has suffered a serious setback. But it is never too late to do the right thing. If we all want to make life on the planet safer and better, as we constantly hear about from this rostrum, we have no choice but to engage in dialogue and negotiations. The Head of State of Belarus has consistently stressed the importance of organizing such a dialogue in the spirit of the San Francisco Conference. That Conference truly gave life to our Organization and brought hope for a better future for the entire world. We need that same hope today, and we believe that the United Nations is the platform where that initiative can become a reality. We believe that the international conference on the topic “Eurasian security: reality and prospects” that Belarus will hold in Minsk on 26 and 27 October is one such contribution to the global dialogue process. I should not fail to mention the subject of the conflict in our neighbouring country of Ukraine. It has been very painful for us to watch how people close to us have been suffering for a year and a half. Unfortunately, Ukraine and its people have become a bargaining chip in the West’s great game aimed at preserving its global hegemony. It is clear that by increasing its supply of arms to Ukraine, the West is determined to continue fighting the war to the last Ukrainian. But does Ukraine want that? Do Ukrainians need a war of attrition? We do not believe that. For its part, Belarus has always supported peace in our neighbour Ukraine and has taken every possible step in that regard. As the President of our country, Alexander Lukashenko, has said, we are still ready to do everything in our power to achieve that end.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Sayyid Badr bin Hamad bin Hamood Albusaidi, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Oman.

At the outset, we would like to express our warm congratulations to Mr. Dennis Francis and his friendly country, Trinidad and Tobago, on his election to preside over the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session. We also express our great appreciation to Mr. Csaba Kőrösi of the friendly nation of Hungary, the President of the Assembly at its previous session, for his efforts and good management. And we would like to convey our greetings and respect to Secretary-General António Guterres for his laudable work to promote and achieve the purposes and principles outlined in the Charter of the United Nations and the values of justice and peace worldwide, as well as to fulfil the Sustainable Development Goals and enhance effective international cooperation in addressing the common challenges facing our world. We reaffirm Oman’s firm commitment to cooperating with the international community in that regard. Dialogue is a steadfast principle and a successful approach for the Sultanate of Oman in its foreign policy, given its effectiveness in achieving reconciliation, consensus and peace among all parties to conflicts and all nations generally. In that regard, we would like to take this opportunity to reaffirm Oman’s unwavering commitment to engaging with the international community in its pursuit of a peaceful global system based on justice, fairness and respect for the Charter, international law and the sovereignty of nations, as well as non-interference in their internal affairs. We urge the international community to remain committed in that regard to the United Nations system as a means for settling disputes and resolving conflicts, and to use dialogue in order to arrive at peaceful solutions and negotiate to realize a world characterized by dignified living, prosperity, stability, security and peace. We are linked to the United Nations and all other countries by the unity of the purposes and principles through which we achieve our goals. By the grace of God, we will continue to support the truth and just causes, and the Palestinian question stands at the forefront of enduring causes, with a people who have suffered injustice that has lasted more than 70 years. The Palestinian people, however, have stood firm in confronting Israel’s brutal occupation, siege and oppression and its violations of international law and Security Council resolutions. Like all other peace-loving nations and communities, we see no alternative for a settlement of the issue other than a two- State solution such as is outlined in the parameters and resolutions of international legitimacy, including the Arab Peace Initiative. The United Nations has a moral and legal responsibility to find a just and equitable solution to the question that can ensure an end to the dire suffering endured by the Palestinian people and the restoration of their legitimate rights to freedom and self-determination. That includes the withdrawal of Israel from the territories occupied after 1967 and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State with East Jerusalem as its capital. The ramifications surrounding the Russian- Ukrainian crisis and the escalating security and military situation there, as well as the painful humanitarian consequences, pose a significant threat to international peace and the flow of energy and food supplies, as well as representing a serious challenge to international cooperation and the global system based on respect for the law and the Charter. My country therefore calls for dialogue and peaceful negotiations based on harming no one, as well as respect for State sovereignty, good- neighbourliness and sincere efforts to address the root causes of the crisis. The Sultanate of Oman is actively implementing various plans and programmes aimed at adapting to climate change and mitigating its effects. We are also working to promote investment in renewable energy projects, in line with our 2050 carbon-neutral strategy. My country is committed to participating actively in the upcoming session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, scheduled to take place in November in Dubai. Oman’s Vision 2040 serves as a gateway for my country towards promoting sustainable development, overcoming challenges and keeping pace with regional and global change. The ongoing modernization of the educational system at all stages and improving its outcomes are key to the development of human beings and enabling them to advance economic development. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic brought lessons for all States and societies, making it necessary for them to review preparations and response mechanisms to health-care emergencies, with a view to promoting their capacities in that regard. Perhaps one of the most important lessons drawn relates to the need for early preparedness in addressing public health risks and threats along with investing in scientific research and technological development. My country held a global conference at the ministerial level with the aim of devising solutions to antibiotic resistance and accelerating cooperation at the national, regional and international levels in order to reduce that threat to public health and to States’ economic capacities. We would also invite all States to encourage partnership in the areas of research, innovation and industry in order to develop preventive and treatment alternatives to reduce the effects of epidemics and stop their spread. My country is seriously determined to bolster human rights and promote the relevant international treaties and conventions with a view to bringing about an international community that is fair and has absolute respect for the dignity and rights of all human beings and for the religious and cultural values of States. In that context, my country rejects and condemns all acts of incitement to violence, hatred and discrimination based on religion or race. We call on the international community to adopt clear and explicit legislation that criminalizes such acts, which pose a threat to social peace and security and even to the national security of States and societies. We are currently grappling with complex challenges worldwide. Those challenges include the exacerbation of climate change, the spread of epidemics and the trafficking of drugs and human beings, in addition to political and sectarian conflicts. We therefore call on the family of nations to firmly uphold the principles of rights and justice and to implement international law, without any double standards, so that security and safety can prevail among peoples and trust among States, and so that partnerships among peoples can develop and prosper. In conclusion, we would like to wish the General Assembly every success at this session.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Eamon Courtenay, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Foreign Trade and Immigration of Belize.

It is with immense pride that Belize offers its heartiest congratulations to Mr. Dennis Francis as a Caribbean Community (CARICOM) national unanimously elected to preside over the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session. The theme for our general debate, “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity: accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all”, is timely. When we act in good faith, when we respect the rule of law, when we embrace our responsibility to act in the common interest of humankind, when we foster unity for a larger purpose — we manifest those principles. Trust and solidarity are foundational to multilateralism. Regrettably, trust and solidarity are in diminishing supply at a time when the capacity of Planet Earth to sustain human life is in grave peril. The 0.7 per cent official development assistance/ gross national income target first agreed in 1970 has never been met. By one estimate, that failure has resulted in $6.5 trillion in undelivered aid to developing countries. At the fifteenth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, developed countries committed to mobilizing $100 billion per year by 2020 for climate action. That commitment has yet to be met. Consequently, $381.6 billion in public climate finance has been forgone. The commitment made in 2015 in the Addis Ababa Action Agenda to phase out fossil-fuel subsidies has been completely ignored. According to the International Monetary Fund, fossil-fuel subsidies surged to a record $7 trillion last year. Despite its strident calls for respecting human rights, the Global North remains outside the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Their Families; deaths and the inhumane treatment of migrants at the southern borders of the Western world continue with impunity. The hoarding of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) vaccines by developed countries and their continuing refusal to waive intellectual property rights for such vaccines caused prolonged suffering in the developing world, with some countries still below global vaccine targets. Mistrust is widespread. Solemn promises are routinely broken. Narrow nationalism and insularity have displaced global solidarity. Indeed, the situation is critical. Only 12 per cent of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are on track for achievement. For the first time, the Human Development Index declined globally for two years in a row, placing greater burdens on the most vulnerable. Poverty and food insecurity are rising. Hunger is at levels not seen since 2005, a major regression. High inflation has returned. The global average temperatures for the last three months were the highest on record. Yet the Group of 20 countries, which are responsible for 80 per cent of greenhouse-gas emissions, are failing in their duty to drastically curb their emissions. Keeping the goal of 1.5°C alive is slipping from our grasp. The development financing gap is widening, putting development out of reach for low-income and vulnerable countries. Our Governments face a callous choice between Scylla and Charybdis, expensive debt payments or acquiring even more expensive debt to invest in development and resilience. More than half of the world’s top 50 most climate-vulnerable countries are home to 40 per cent of people living in extreme poverty. But as they represent only 2.5 per cent of the global economy, their debt distress falls through the global financial cracks. Paradoxically, accompanying the progressive erosion of trust and solidarity is the inclination to further dig in, to deny the science, to dismiss the perspectives of others, to retreat into like-minded spaces and to stoke more division. The spaces for dialogue and cooperation are closing. Polarization and fragmentation are trending. Too much is at stake: our existence and our prosperity, our way of life and our future. In answer, Belize proposes three broad actions that are urgent and necessary to restore trust and to foster solidarity. We are living now with the tragic consequences of twentieth-century multilateral institutions and their governing mechanisms, which are ill-suited to the crises of the twenty-first century. Urgent reform of the international financial architecture is imperative. The objectives and policies of international financial institutions must be better aligned with our climate and development goals. The eligibility criteria, which currently exclude some vulnerable countries from access to development finance, must be reformed to take account of vulnerabilities. The governance of international financial institutions must be broadened to include the voices of developing countries. Decisions for us cannot be made without us. The upcoming annual meetings in Marrakech, the realization of the multilateral development banks vision emanating from the Paris Summit, the Bridgetown Initiative and the prototype multidimensional vulnerability index are all real reforms that would reinvigorate genuine trust in the international financial system. We must all seize the day. The events of the last decade have shown how ineffective the Security Council is and the dangerous vacuum that arises therefrom. Threats to international peace and security demand an effective Council, one that is inclusive with equitable representation that reflects today’s global dynamics. The inability of the Council to act in the face of the illegal Russian invasion and illegal Russian war against Ukraine exemplifies the Council’s impotence. Reform of the current Council is urgent, and Belize calls for the commencement of text-based negotiations at this session. Unmet commitments, insufficient to meet growing needs, have contributed to the huge financing gap we face today, to the stalling of the climate and development agendas and to the deepening of current crises. By course-correcting immediately, we can begin to restore trust and solidarity and get us on track to achieving the Paris goals and the SDGs. In truth, regrettably, we are all on the road to climate perdition — all of us; no one is exempt. The global stocktake to be concluded at the twenty-eighth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP) is an unmissable opportunity to agree solutions to address the perilous gaps in implementation, accelerate climate action and ramp up ambition. The just-concluded high-level political forum on sustainable development convened under the auspices of the General Assembly revealed the dire reality that we face. The refusal of developed countries to, so far, raise the ambition on the means of implementation is disappointing. That must change. The fourth International Conference on Financing for Development is an important opportunity to forge a new financing pact for sustainable development. While the implementation of the SDGs occurs at the local level, and Governments bear primary responsibility for national development, we should be clear: achieving the SDGs is the shared responsibility of all countries. The SDGs are a bulwark against conflict and insecurity, the pull of migration and social instability. Trust and solidarity can thrive only where there is justice. The terrible injustice and the poisoned legacy of native genocide, slavery and the transatlantic slave trade cannot continue to be ignored or to be the subject only of academic discussions. Descendants of slaves continue to struggle with persistent racial discrimination, marginalization and generational trauma. The consequences of slavery for our countries manifest today through underdevelopment, poverty and structural inequities. CARICOM has put forward a 10-point plan that addresses the core of reparatory justice as we see it. Reparatory justice is essential to any redemption from a historical wrong that is so indelible that it can never be fully remedied but must be reckoned with. To the Governments of the European countries that enabled that evil, we say that the time for redemption, respect and reparation is here, and we demand it. The decades-long call for climate justice must be answered. Small island developing States like Belize are the most vulnerable to climate change. Our countries are reaching the limits of adaptive capacity and already incurring loss and damage, and will continue to do so. Yet those whose economic prosperity and wealth have been based on climate-destroying activities are attempting to evade their historical responsibilities by lowering ambition on climate action, backsliding on the implementation of their obligations and refusing to deliver on climate finance. That blatant injustice is compounded by the reality that to invest in resilience, to respond to and recover from climate-induced disasters, we must borrow from the very same wealthy countries. Developed countries must urgently double adaptation financing and better align that financing with our growing needs. They must close the emissions and implementation gaps to keep the 1.5°C goal within reach. The loss and damage fund must be operationalized and capitalized at COP28. We need adequate resources for just transitions to sustain our low-carbon economies and to further decouple our energy, transport and electrical systems from high-polluting activities. Too many of our Member States continue to be oppressed by systematic but entirely repairable injustices. The ambivalence of the international community and the United Nations itself in response to the desperate call from Haiti for assistance is unconscionable. The Haitian people are suffering from unimaginable violence, human rights violations and a humanitarian disaster. The CARICOM Eminent Persons Group is working to facilitate political consensus-building, which will be essential to Haiti’s recovery. A broad-based political compact is urgently needed to transition to constitutional governance. Belize commends the offer of Kenya to lead a multinational force to provide security assistance to Haiti. Belize will join with other CARICOM countries in contributing to the multinational force once the appropriate framework is in place. We call for the full funding of the Haiti humanitarian response plan and a strong Security Council resolution to support the mobilization of the multinational force. Time flies. Haiti can wait no longer. Belize repeats its call for the immediate lifting of the illegal, immoral and unjust commercial, financial and economic blockade imposed on Cuba. The designation of Cuba as a state sponsor of terrorism by the United States of America is evil and pernicious. We deplore it, we condemn it, and we call for its immediate removal. In the post-cold war dispensation, the American policy has no other objective but to cruelly punish ordinary Cubans and stifle their sustainable development aspirations. Indeed, the increasing imposition of unilateral coercive measures against Venezuela and other developing countries is both illegal and a significant obstacle to development. For more than half a century, the international community and the United Nations have failed to deliver a peaceful and secure State for the Palestinian people. Consequently, the people of Palestine continue to suffer the indignities of illegal occupation and Israeli apartheid. I reiterate Belize’s full support for the realization of an independent Palestinian State, within its 1967 borders, with all attendant rights, including the recognition of East Jerusalem as its capital and the right of return. The continued exclusion of Taiwan from the international community is inconsistent with the realities of today’s world. Taiwan is a vibrant, democratic country with the willingness and capacity to contribute to addressing global challenges. Belize calls for Taiwan’s full inclusion in the international system. Regrettably, Russia’s war against Ukraine continues, with devastating effects, especially on civilians. We condemn the attempts to redraw international borders by force. That war must end. The price is too high. It is time for peace. The international community must urgently right the wrongs unceasingly and unnecessarily perpetrated against those countries. Doing so would serve immeasurably towards rebuilding trust and solidarity among our community of nations. As Belize and Guatemala continue to pursue the peaceful, just and final resolution of Guatemala’s claim to Belizean territory before the International Court of Justice, illegal incursions by Guatemalans continue. Recently, Guatemalan military forces illegally entered Belizean waters and unlawfully removed Belizean flags placed on Belizean soil. Deforestation, cattle ranching and the cultivation of illegal drugs by Guatemalans continue in remote and protected areas of Belize. Those activities are contrary to international law and good- neighbourliness. The conclusion of a Sarstoon Protocol to avoid unnecessary incidents in our southern and maritime space remains outstanding but necessary. Solidarity originates from the Latin word solidum, meaning to hold a debt together. All the States Members of the United Nations hold a debt together: a debt to one another, a debt to our planet, a debt to leave a better world for future generations. By rebuilding trust and solidarity, we can advance the robust international cooperation that is indispensable for rescuing people and planet. Let me close by quoting the father of our Belizean nation, The Right Honourable George Price: “Creation was not finished at the dawn of this Earth, but creation continues, and we have a lot to do to make the world a better place.”

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Osman Saleh Mohammed, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Eritrea.

Allow me first to express my warmest congratulations to Mr. Dennis Francis on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session. I am indeed honoured to convey the following message of President Isaias Afwerki to the Assembly. Seventy-eight years have elapsed since the historic establishment of the United Nations, on 24 October 1945. That historic event occurred on the ashes and in the aftermath of the Second World War, which caused unprecedented loss of life and devastation to humankind. Unfortunately, the poignant lessons drawn from that ferocious war did not usher in an era of enduring peace rooted in legality, justice and sustainable equilibrium in global terms. The cold war, which lasted for the subsequent 45 years, gave rise to a spiral of incessant conflicts and instability in many parts of the world, with all its detrimental consequences for enduring and inclusive prosperity. More ominously, the futile attempts to impose a unipolar world order in the last 30 years or so, in particular the crises spawned in those times aimed at reviving defunct alliances and military blocs, are increasingly pushing our global community towards the precipice of a much more perilous catastrophe. Within that calamitous global reality, the African continent has been, and remains, marginalized, compelled as it is to shoulder the brunt of those destructive policies. From that perspective, it must be recognized that the resistance movements unfolding in Africa — manifested in different variants — are expressions and a continuation of the struggle against colonialism. They are defiant reactions to modern slavery, unremitting plunder and domination. Another dimension that is often glossed over is the fact that Al-Qaida, Da’esh, Al-Shabaab and other offshoots and franchise terrorist groups are criminal enterprises propped up and funded by the same forces of domination for political ends. They are ruthlessly instrumentalized to foment crises and provide plausible pretexts for military intervention. I have dwelt at some length on the legacy of the acts of destabilization unleashed by the forces of hegemony because my country has not been spared their fallout within the overall global context. I am not referring to the distant past or the 1950s, in which Eritrea’s inalienable right to decolonization was sacrificed on the altar of the geostrategic interests of those Powers. We must recognize that the sanctions imposed on Eritrea from 2009 until 2018 were another recent act of transgression and deceit that requires full redress and accountability. Vigorous and persistent resistance — even if amorphous — by the peoples of the world have deterred the emergence and prevalence of the intended unipolar world order for global domination and hegemony. The vibrant trend— the invigorated resistance movements that are mushrooming in different parts of the world — indicate that we are on the cusp or threshold of a new reality, a historic crossroads that will augur a new world order. Obviously, that will not transpire tomorrow. Though inexorable, the path will not be easy or attainable in a short span of time. But there is no doubt whatsoever that that destiny will ultimately be fulfilled. The new desired global order will have to be accompanied and cemented by far-reaching structural changes in the global governance architecture as well as various international and regional organizations An avoidable pitfall in that indispensable collective effort would be a tendency to cosmetic and nominal measures that would only engender false hope and apathy among the peoples and countries of the world that seek and aspire to genuine changes aimed at bringing about enduring peace, stability and prosperity. In tandem, the United Nations will be impelled to undergo the requisite structural changes and profound reforms. The desired changes will, hopefully, be commensurate with the aspirations to justice and the rule of law; respect for national independence and sovereignty; and the advent of a new epoch of genuine partnership and shared prosperity. As the principal international platform, the United Nations must indeed be elevated – in terms of structure and mandate – to a cherished umbrella organization that can fulfil its historic mandate with efficacy and potency. From that perspective, the much-vaunted reform of the Security Council should not be perceived as nominal tampering that is limited to merely increasing the number and geographical representation of new members. The architecture of veto power and other institutional distortions that incapacitate the Security Council and prevent it from exercising its responsibilities on the basis of international law with impartiality and objectivity must be examined, with its historical track record as a guiding template. Members will agree with me that political horse-trading and the misuse of Security Council membership to advance narrow national interests are not compatible with the solemn responsibilities that they are entrusted with and that are expressly stipulated in the Charter of the United Nations. The criteria for membership should not be confined to or determined by mere political and economic clout, population size or other factors. Membership in the Security Council must reflect the wide spectrum of Member States in the United Nations. In that spirit, we hope that the deliberations of the General Assembly this year and in the period ahead will examine those and other associated complex parameters in all their dimensions and depth.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Ararat Mirzoyan, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia.

First of all, let me congratulate Mr. Dennis Francis on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy- eighth session. I will not be the first and definitely not the last speaker in this body who will identify global threats to democracies, challenges to security and violations of the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, including the non-use of force and the peaceful resolution of conflicts, as a main source of instability and tension in the world. The devastating developments of the past years, which have disrupted the security architecture throughout the world, especially in Europe, have significantly damaged multilateralism. If a few years ago we were contemplating the decline of multilateralism, today we are seeing an erosion of that very tenet and its foundations, including international law, human rights and cooperative security. That is not just a theoretical inference but a reality with which the Armenian people in the South Caucasus have been coping for the last three years. The repeated aggression by Azerbaijan against the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia and the military attacks against the people of Nagorno-Karabakh significantly disrupt peace and stability in our region and massively violate human rights and humanitarian law, representing an existential threat for Armenians. My Government, which has a sincere belief in and aspiration to the establishment of peace and stability in our region, has made significant and duly recorded efforts to that end. Alas, we do not have a partner for peace, but a country that openly declares that might is right and constantly uses force to disrupt the peace process. Exactly one year ago, from this very rostrum, the Prime Minister of Armenia presented the fact of the aggression against and the occupation of the Republic of Armenia’s sovereign territories by neighbouring Azerbaijan (see A/77/PV.9). Since then, the situation has deteriorated even further, and today I must present yet another very recent act involving a large-scale offensive, this time against the indigenous people of Nagorno-Karabakh, in blatant violation of international law and the trilateral statement of 9 November 2020. It happened this week, and the timing was not accidental. That shows Azerbaijan’s open disregard for and defiance of the international community that has gathered here in New York. The message is clear: Member States can talk about peace, and we can go to war, and they will not be able to change anything. Indeed, 120,000 people, whose sole aspiration is to live and create in peace and dignity in their ancestral homeland and who have already been suffering under the nine-month blockade and siege by Azerbaijan, were subjected to a military attack by tens of thousands of troops. In the course of that inhumane attack, the whole territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, Stepanakert and other towns and settlements was subjected to intense and indiscriminate shelling with heavy weaponry, including rockets, artillery, combat unmanned aerial vehicles and aviation, as well as prohibited cluster munitions. That atrocious large-scale offensive, which claimed hundreds of lives, including those of women and children, was cynically defined as a local counter- terrorist operation. According to recent information, there are confirmed reports of more than 200 people killed and 400 wounded, including, among the civilian population, women and children, a figure that is also accepted by the Azerbaijani Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The fate of hundreds of others is uncertain. Even as I speak today, 30 per cent of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh is displaced. The entire population remains without any means of subsistence, as only limited humanitarian assistance has been able to enter into Nagorno-Karabakh. There is no food, no medicine, no shelter, no place to go; they are separated from their families, terrorized and afraid for their lives. The policy and actions of Azerbaijan for the past nine months clearly demonstrate the preplanned and well-orchestrated nature of that mass atrocity. On 12 December 2022, Azerbaijan blockaded the Lachin Corridor — the only road and the lifeline connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia and the outside world, in blatant violation of its obligations under international humanitarian law and the trilateral statement of 9 November 2020. The blockade was further consolidated by the installation of an illegal checkpoint on 23 April, as well as by the complete cessation of any movement, even of humanitarian aid, through the Corridor since 15 June. The nine-month-long blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh has caused a severe shortage of food, medical supplies, fuel and other essential goods, almost depleting the resources necessary for the survival of the population. The blockade was accompanied by the deliberate disruption of electricity and natural-gas supplies, further exacerbating the situation and transforming it into a full-fledged humanitarian crisis. I would like to emphasize that on 22 February the International Court of Justice indicated a provisional measure according to which: “Azerbaijan … shall take all measures … to ensure unimpeded movement of persons, vehicles and cargo along the Lachin Corridor in both directions.” That order was later reconfirmed by the Court’s order of 6 July. A number of partner States; international organizations, including United Nations Special Rapporteurs; the International Committee of the Red Cross; Human Rights Watch; Freedom House; Amnesty International; and Transparency International have been continuously raising the alarm about the deteriorating situation on the ground. Moreover, on 16 August, during the emergency meeting of the Security Council convened at the request of Armenia (see S/PV.9397), the majority of Council member States stated clear positions regarding the need to unblock the Lachin Corridor, halt the suffering of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh and ensure their fundamental human rights — whereas in response to those clear-cut calls, Azerbaijan intensified its inhumane actions by launching a military attack against the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. On 21 September, two days ago, the Security Council gathered once again to discuss the devastating situation in Nagorno-Karabakh (see S/PV.9422). The majority of Council members expressed their position regarding the imperative cessation of hostilities by Azerbaijan, the opening of the Lachin Corridor, the ensuring of international humanitarian access and the need to address the issue of the rights and security of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. The chronology of the truly devastating developments in our region proves that the issues there cannot be addressed merely through statements and generic calls. Armenia has repeatedly warned the international community about the need for concrete and practical action, including the dispatching of a United Nations inter-agency needs-assessment and fact-finding mission to Nagorno-Karabakh. But the international community, the United Nations, has failed to come to the rescue of the people for the past nine months — 285 days. The use of starvation as a method of warfare, depriving people of their means of subsistence, the obstruction and denial of humanitarian access by United Nations agencies and the hindering of the humanitarian activities of the International Committee of the Red Cross constitute early warning signs of an atrocity crime. A number of international human rights organizations, lawyers, genocide scholars and reputable independent experts, including the former Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and the former Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide, have already characterized the situation on the ground in Nagorno-Karabakh as posing the risk of genocide. Just yesterday the Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide, Alice Wairimu Nderitu, stressed: “Military action can only contribute to escalating what is already a tense situation and to put the civilian population in the area at risk of violence, including the risk of genocide and related atrocity crimes. All efforts need to be made to prevent violence and sustain peace.” Let me draw the Assembly’s attention to the fact that after the failure to prevent genocide in Rwanda, the United Nations managed to create mechanisms for prevention, thus making “never again” a meaningful pledge. But today we are on the brink of another failure. The people of Nagorno-Karabakh, trapped in the inhumane blockade and hostilities inflicted by Azerbaijan and living with a threat to their very existence, continue to hope that prevention will not remain just a word but will become a line of action. The claims that the United Nations is not present on the ground and therefore has no capacity to verify the situation cannot be an excuse for inaction. The United Nations is a universal body that should stand with the victims of mass atrocity crimes all over the world regardless of the status of a territory instead of making dismissive statements. We are hopeful that the international community, namely, the United Nations, will demonstrate strong political will and condemn the resumption of hostilities and the targeting of civilian settlements and infrastructure, and demand full compliance with obligations under international humanitarian law, including those related to the protection of civilians, in particular women and children, and critical civilian infrastructure. The international community should undertake every effort for the immediate deployment of an inter-agency mission by the United Nations to Nagorno-Karabakh with the aim of monitoring and assessing the human rights, humanitarian and security situation on the ground. The unimpeded access of United Nations agencies and other international organizations to Nagorno-Karabakh, in line with humanitarian principles, are an imperative. In that regard, we also stress the need to ensure the full cooperation of the parties in good faith with the International Committee of the Red Cross to address the consequences of the military attack, including the removal and identification of bodies, the search for and rescue of missing personnel and civilians, the release of prisoners of war and the safe and unimpeded delivery of humanitarian assistance, in strict compliance with international humanitarian law. Azerbaijan must finally adhere to its legally binding obligations and ensure the freedom of movement of persons, vehicles and cargo, along the Lachin Corridor, in line with the International Court of Justice orders. We firmly believe that relevant mechanisms must be introduced to ensure the return of persons displaced in the course of the recent military attack, as well as persons and refugees displaced as a result of the 2020 war, to their homes on the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh and adjacent regions under the monitoring and control of the relevant United Nations agencies, as foreseen in the trilateral statement of 9 November 2020. A sustainable and viable international mechanism for preventing the ethnic cleansing of the indigenous population of Nagorno-Karabakh and for ensuring dialogue between representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh and officials in Baku to address the issues related to the rights and security of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh is an imperative. Furthermore, excluding punitive actions against Nagorno-Karabakh political and military representatives and personnel should be guaranteed. We also believe that the international community must demand the exit of any Azerbaijani military and law-enforcement bodies from all civilian settlements in Nagorno-Karabakh to prevent panic, provocations and any escalation as well as the endangering of the civilian population and to create the possibility for a United Nations-mandated peacekeeping force to maintain stability and security in Nagorno-Karabakh. The ethnic cleansing policy against Nagorno-Karabakh is just part of the bigger picture. In that regard, we clearly see an intention to involve the Republic of Armenia in military actions, thus widening the geography of hostilities into our sovereign territories. The unwillingness of Azerbaijan to genuinely and constructively engage in a peace process with Armenia, including a recognition of the territorial integrity of the Republic of Armenia, the withdrawal of its armed forces from the occupied territories of Armenia, delimitate the Armenian-Azerbaijani inter-State borders based on the latest available maps from 1975 corresponding with the Almaty 1991 declaration, create a demilitarized zone along the inter-State border, clearly illustrates the intentions I have mentioned. Likewise, Azerbaijan has a hidden agenda when it comes to unblocking regional transport and economic communications. As a landlocked country, Armenia is vitally interested in the implementation of the agreement on the unblocking of all regional communications on the basis of sovereignty, national jurisdiction, equality and reciprocity. Armenia is a long-standing advocate of inclusive and equitable transport connectivity with a view to promoting trade, cooperation and people-to- people contacts, whereas our neighbour continues to impose the three-decade-long blockade of Armenia as part of its well-established policy of economic coercion of my country. The so-called “corridor” logic promoted by Baku and its hidden and open sponsors is aimed at undermining the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Armenia and justifying its territorial claims. The narrative it has generated along with the use of force by Azerbaijan against both the Republic of Armenia and the people of Nagorno-Karabakh show that forcefully imposing on Armenia an extraterritorial corridor, a corridor that would pass through the territory of Armenia but would be out of our control, could be the next goal. That is unacceptable to us and should be unacceptable to the international community. Despite all the challenges, Armenia continues to engage in negotiations to achieve the normalization of relations and the establishment of a lasting peace in the region and supports the efforts of international partners to that end. Respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty within the internationally recognized borders and addressing the underlying causes of the conflict, namely, the rights and security of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh, are the foundation of a lasting peace. In conclusion, let me state that the people of Armenia will firmly stand for our sovereignty, independence and democracy and will overcome the hybrid war unleashed against us.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Bassolma Bazie, Minister of State, Minister of Civil Service of Burkina Faso.

On behalf of His Excellency Captain Ibrahim Traoré, transitional President and Head of State, I convey the warm greetings of the people and the Government of Burkina Faso. On behalf of the people of Burkina Faso, I pay a humble tribute to the memory of those great world leaders who embodied the hopes and dreams for a just and equitable world through their commitment, determination and spirit of sacrifice. I am thinking in particular of Fidel Castro of Cuba, Patrice Émery Lumumba of the Congo, Modibo Keïta of Mali, Ruben Um Nyobè and Félix Moumié of Cameroon, Sylvanus Olympio of Togo, Che Guevara of Argentina, Martin Luther King and Malcolm X of the United States of America, Nelson Mandela of South Africa, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Amílcar Cabral of Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde, Marien Ngouabi of the Republic of the Congo and Captain Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara of Burkina Faso, among others. Most of those leaders were executed violently; others were assassinated, dying in prison or by poisoning. Their only crime in each case was embodying the dreams, ambitions and hopes of peoples that had been wounded, raped, violated and pillaged. My intention as I stand at this lofty rostrum before the United Nations on behalf of Burkina Faso, a country of upstanding people, is not to beat my breast in lamentation or to make a predictable speech. I was sent here, instead, as a sacrificial lamb to tell the Assembly that State lies, diplomatic hypocrisy, the thirst for power, the frenetic quest for profit, the diabolical spirit of domination and exploitation of man by man — those are the true wounds that poison our coexistence and drive all societies toward perdition, including our Organization. Allow me to here cite excerpts from the statements delivered from this very rostrum, at the opening of this seventy-eighth session, by His Excellency Secretary- General António Guterres; His Excellency Mr. Joe Biden, President of the United States; His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis, Permanent Representative of Trinidad and Tobago to the United Nations, elected President of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session; and His Excellency Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, President of the Republic of Brazil, respectively. Let me quote from the first statement: “Our world is becoming unhinged”. “Bodies are washing ashore from the same Mediterranean Sea where billionaires sunbathe”. (see A/78/PV.4) And from the second: “We gather once more at an inflection point in world history ... [We have] a common cause … [and] share a common vision of the future of the world in which our children do not go hungry” (ibid). The third states: “In spite of the many … challenges we face, we do have the capacity to effect change. … We do not lack capacity. What we lack is the will to act … we can deliver … peace, progress, prosperity and sustainability to everyone, everywhere”. (ibid.) Fourthly, the President of Brazil mentioned the issues of dissonance and of the Security Council’s paralysis, adding: “The United Nations needs to fulfil its role as a builder of a world with greater solidarity, fraternity and fairness, but it can do so only if its members have the courage to proclaim their discontent at inequality”. (ibid.) The quintessence of those statements by four eminent persons clearly shows that the inequality throughout the world is deliberate. Otherwise, we would be able, with a modicum of courage and political will, if not to eradicate it, at least to minimize it. Indeed, every year we hear a multiplicity of speeches, as well as promises and commitments. But the proof of the dissonance between rhetoric and facts on these issues relating to Charter principles, including justice, equality, dignity, integrity, self-determination, the sovereignty of States, the inviolability of territory and respect for international law lies in what is happening in Libya; in the Sahel, especially the Niger; and the crisis between Russia and Ukraine. First, in Libya, thousands of people lost their lives in the catastrophic flooding there. To assuage their consciences, every nation rushed to offer its condolences and solidarity. That was, of course, to give the impression that we are living in society and that there are values that we defend. Intellectual honesty requires and the history of our consciences tells us that we should sincerely apologize to the Libyan people for having — collectively and individually, whether through reprehensible passivity or active complicity — sided with the butchers who caused the first man-made disaster in Libya. It was that disaster that brought Libya to its knees by looting it and killing its leader, before the flooding plunged it into even deeper sorrow. Unfortunately, that human disaster was spearheaded by the United Nations under resolution 1970 (2011) and enabled by the guilty silence, if not complicity, of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union. That macabre intervention, led by Nicolas Sarkozy’s France, killed the Libyan leader, Colonel Muammar Al-Qadhafi, on 20 October 2011. If condolences to the Libyan people had a modicum of common sense and were not hypocritical, that murderous diplomacy would never have taken place around the case of the Niger to create a second Libya there. Next, as proof that international relations are tinged with a high level of diplomatic hypocrisy, devoid of conscience, morality, dignity, integrity, justice and, hence, peace, there is still same posturing in an outrageously deadly line-up swarming around like wild beasts to devour its wounded prey. Today we have come to the unfortunate realization that, contrary to the addresses made in good faith from this United Nations rostrum, calling for respect for the United Nations Charter and international law, the leaders representing the brotherly people of the Niger have been virtually barred from access to Headquarters. Burkina Faso strongly condemns that despicable tactic, which is based on practices that belong to the past. That can clearly be done only by minds that have lost the values vital to any harmonious life in society. We therefore stress that the United Nations must never be a tool in the hands of any country. The pan-Africanist leaders who fought for African unity, our grandparents who fell with dignity under the murderous bullets of the colonialists and worthy African sons who sacrificed themselves for the honour on the continent and fought hard against the slave trade and neo-colonialism, had their warrior’s slumber disturbed to hear that a handful of Africa’s lost children are holding the Niger like cottonwool for the invader to set on fire. Yes, I say to the dear African continent that a handful of its children decided to humiliate and vilify it through shameless State lies, starting with the Niger. I therefore launch a heartfelt and fervent appeal to the Senegalese, Beninese, Nigerian, Ghanaian, Chadian, Ivorian, Comorian, Bissau-Guinean and all African peoples to rally together in African brotherhood and solidarity to prevent the imperialists from igniting the Niger, as they did to Libya. From this United Nations rostrum and before the whole world, I urge that ECOWAS, the African Union and the United Nations urgently transform into genuine organizations of peoples instead of bodies of a minority of Heads of State. They must not be used and exploited to destabilize brother countries by assassinating their leaders. Only then will the United Nations Charter and international law have any meaning. Lastly, speaking of the United Nations Charter and international law, a conflict between Russia and Ukraine is being fomented and nurtured by certain Powers. Several Western countries, in particular the United States and those of the European Union, have therefore poured in all kinds of support, especially military. Ukrainian civilians, engaged as volunteers, some of whom even drive tanks, are congratulated and called patriots. Mali, the Niger and Burkina Faso are facing a war imposed on them by imperialism under the guise of terrorists of all stripes, spreading terror and desolation. Despite the existence of that same United Nations Charter, with its principles of equality and justice, on the one hand, and, on the one hand, the very international law invoked at this United Nations rostrum, there is clearly an abysmal divide in the way in which such issues are dealt with. Taking the case of Burkina Faso, the civilian population, faced with barbaric and murderous incursions by terrorists, decided to join forces with the defence and security forces. Such people thus engaged, trained and supervised by the defence and security forces, are called Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland. In Burkina Faso, we have 58,000 such volunteers, including 42,000 communal volunteers and 16,000 national volunteers, fighting on all fronts alongside the defence and security forces, trained, supervised and guided by them. They act only under the instruction and supervision of the defence and security forces, in accordance with regulations to protect their lives and property. Certain ECOWAS and African Union Heads of State, at the instigation of capitalist imperialist Powers, are trying to make the international community believe that those patriots are militias. That is the shameless State lie. If the international community were honest and sincere in its commitment to combating terrorism, civilian populations would not continue to become involved and train to defend themselves. Speaking of a lack of openness on the part of that international community, here are some examples. First, when Mali, Burkina Faso, the Niger and other countries organized themselves along their common borders by pooling their forces to confront terrorism, France came out of nowhere to impose its device, that is, the Group of Five for the Sahel (G-5 Sahel). Today ECOWAS, which suddenly has an intervention force to restore democracies, has announced a contribution of $2 billion. But, since the establishment of the G-5 Sahel to the present day and its own evaporation, ECOWAS has contributed only $25 million. Where, then, is the seriousness in the defence of human life advocated by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights? Secondly, Burkina Faso has suffered punitive sanctions following the coup d’état of 30 September 2022. That shady so-called international community, led by France through its local henchmen in Africa, first tried in vain to have a Prime Minister appointed in Burkina Faso. Then, it proceeded, to no avail, to impose ministers in strategic positions within the Burkinabé Government. Finally, it negotiated the maintenance of relations so that Captain Ibrahim Traoré would implement whatever it decided, as a sine qua non condition for remaining in power for as long as desirable. Having also refused, in the name of his people’s best interests, an onslaught of repressive measures, threats and attempted coups d’état, unethical schemes are being devised in criminal workshops. Unfortunately, all those schemes and grisly operations are steered by puppets controlled remotely by figures from African presidential corridors. That is why even the famous Accra Initiative did not last long without Mali. Thirdly, in addition to the cuts in aid and the cancellation of training agreements for our defence and security forces, we are witnessing the blocking of our military equipment ordered through the hard-earned sweat of our compatriots, again at the behest of France. For example, for the airborne delivery systems needed to control and defend our country, we had a contract with Brazil, for which the weapons licence was to come from Belgium and the guidance and firing system and cameras from the United States of America, and then an engine from Canada. Today those resources are disingenuously and viciously blocked. At this United Nations rostrum, people speak of defending human rights. I therefore urge that our weapons be immediately delivered to defend and protect our battered populations. In any case, they are formally seized of the matter and, if nothing is done, history will hold them responsible for failing to assist people at risk. Does that bleak picture of the international community, characterized by failing to assist a State in the grip of terrorism, international hypocrisy, the dominance of some Powers within the United Nations, complicity in the plundering of Africa, et cetera, not call for the international community to be brought before the International Criminal Court? In a word, our security will first and foremost be ensured by ourselves, not by anyone else. On the issue of the Wagner Group’s presence in Burkina Faso, which is raised by some media controlled remotely by the Elysée Palace, I would like to say the following. Yes, we are the Wagner Group of Burkina Faso. Yes, those brave defence and security forces and the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland are the Wagner Group of Burkina Faso. From this United Nations rostrum, I therefore applaud the sacrifice of every patriot in the name of the national interest. I pay tribute to the memory of all those who fell with their weapons in their hands. And I commend the courage and integrity of those who are still alive and relentlessly and selflessly charging towards the victory of our people and the protection of our homeland. Instead of helping us to halt that human bloodletting, we are met with spurious accusations and shameless State lies, shrouded in hypocritical diplomacy and veiled threats, telling us which partners to go to and what to do. We say no. In the name of the same United Nations Charter and international law to which everyone here at this rostrum refers, the African peoples in general and the Sahelian peoples in particular are resolutely committed to absolutely and fully embracing their total emancipation in order to achieve genuine social progress. Burkina Faso will therefore enter into sovereign partnerships with whomever it wishes and buy its defence equipment from whomever it chooses. Whether the country is called Russia, Iran, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Cuba, Nicaragua or North Korea, Burkina Faso will freely buy and sell its products there, without any intermediary, let alone authorization from whomsoever, come what may. Still talking about hypocrisy and State lies, regarding the fight against terrorism in general and in the Sahel in particular, here are some other facts of which I am sure Member States are aware. First, in the Sahel we have almost 10,000 soldiers from foreign armies, mostly French soldiers, but also American, German and Italian soldiers, et cetera, with some of the world’s most sophisticated weapons and flight and surveillance equipment, yet no one see columns of hundreds of terrorists moving in to spread desolation and death, often with unimaginable weapons. In Mali, the Niger and Burkina Faso, there is no arms or munitions factory, so who recruits those terrorists? Who trains them? Who continues to equip them? Who feeds them and with what means? Do you believe in such philanthropy, in the name of which Westerners are going to send their soldiers to the Sahel to die for the good of the Sahelians? If so, what justifies the annoyance and other puerile diplomatic posturing as soon as France is told to pull out militarily? The real reason is the underground resources in the Sahel. The French National Assembly adopted Law No. 057-27 of 10 January 1957, published in the Journal officiel de la République française of 12 January 1957, establishing the Common Organization of the Saharan Regions, which brings together parts of Mali, Burkina Faso, the Niger, Mauritania, Algeria, et cetera. That area has no equal in the world in terms of subsoil wealth. By way of example, the largest water table stretches from Mauritania to Somalia, passing through Mali, Algeria, Libya, the Niger, et cetera. The newspaper Le Monde of 23 July 1957 put forward the figure of 6 to 7 million tons of oil as the potential annual production of the Sahara. In addition to those natural resources, we have uranium, gold, cobalt, zinc, diamonds, lithium, copper and so on. If Westerners are so fond of the Sahel that they bring their soldiers there to die in the name of democracy, freedom, human rights and peace, why is it that the entire African continent — which has 1.3 billion inhabitants, making it the second most populous continent, with 30,415,873 square kilometres and 54 States — has no permanent seat on the Security Council with a right of veto? Is not that more than a State crime? It is a United Nations crime. Let us therefore stop the blatant diplomatic lie that those imperialist Powers come to the Sahel to defend democracy and human rights. Speaking of human rights, I recall that the first charter in the world on the issue of human rights was the Kouroukan Fouga Charter of 1236 in Mandé, now Mali. So let the expansionist moralists keep their rhetoric of respect for all kinds of human rights for the terrorists whom they support. Secondly, Africa does not like to compare the dead. It would be ill-mannered to do so. Consequently, I respectfully pay tribute to the memory of people of all nationalities who lost their lives in Africa in general and in the Sahel in particular. Thus, regarding the rash, condescending and unfortunate outbursts by President Emmanuel Macron, which often verge on the ridiculous, while glorifying in a conjectural scorn for the people of Africa, I feel it my duty to give him a little history lesson on his own history. That is why classrooms are designed — for children to learn their lessons and grow up well rather than indulging in something else and risk being lost forever. But, to start with, I would like to point out that no African people has ever been against the French people. There is therefore no anti-French sentiment in Africa, and there never will be, because of our legendary hospitality and love of others. The fact is that the people of Africa condemn condescension, arrogance, insolence, smugness, paternalism, the plundering of its resources and organized crime. For the record, I would first like to remind Mr. Emmanuel Macron of the appeal to Africa made by his own elder, General De Gaulle, on 14 June 1940 over the British Broadcasting Corporation in England to come and save France from the clutches of the Nazis. As a reminder, we have 17,000 Malians who died during the two world wars in a blood debt that France seems to have concealed. For those who wish, they need only to see the book by Bakari Kamian, Associate Professor at the Sorbonne University. In addition, in that same text, on page 344, in table 21, entitled “Sudanese veterans of the two wars”, it lists a total of 82,208 fallen combatants from Mali, Burkina Faso and the Niger, and there were 154,519 combatants from French West Africa mobilized — compare the source Henri Liger’s end-of-mission report in French West Africa, Dakar, 13 July 1950, Senegal archives, reference 4D68 (89), see annex 5. Then, on 17 November 1986, François Mitterrand, the French President at the time, in response to Captain Thomas Sankara, said: “Africa has been plundered. I spoke of raw materials. I should have spoken of people. For centuries, we exploited you as human beings; we stole your men, your women, your children. We used you. I understand your refusal, your revolt, and I approve of your struggle. You are right to refuse to be a sacrificed continent. The time has come when you yourselves must develop your economies on the basis of its goods and its people. And the duty of the countries that have improperly profited from African labour is to return to Africa a share of what has been taken over the past centuries”. It is true that Africa has always been heavily plundered, but it remains rich in people, assets and mineral wealth. By way of proof, in terms of its mineral resources, Africa has 30 per cent of the world’s mineral reserves, 40 per cent of gold reserves, 33 per cent of diamond reserves, 80 per cent of coltan reserves, 60 per cent of cobalt reserves, 55 per cent of uranium reserves, and so on. Africa’s youth is standing up for itself now more than ever before in strong support of that Africa. I ask Mr. Macron if he still needs a bit of history to remind him? Lastly, long before that regrettable, and therefore unfortunate, exit by French President Emmanuel Macron, like so many of his fellow politicians, he had attacked African motherhood. In that regard too, I would like to remind him that Germany has a population of approximately 83 million over an area of 347,000 square km, as compared to the Congo, which has 95 million inhabitants on a surface area of 2,345,000 square km. Secondly, Belgium has 11 million inhabitants on a surface area of 30,000 square km, as compared to Gabon, which has 2.5 million inhabitants in an area of 267,000 square km. Thirdly, France has 68 million inhabitants on 672,329 square km, as compared to Namibia, which has 2.5 million inhabitants in an area of 825,000 square km. In view of all that I just mentioned, Aimé Césaire, peace be with him, said: “Africa is the only continent in the world where the people sing, dance and applaud for those who impoverish, starve and torture them. The misfortune of Africa is to have met France”. While it is true that the West has raped, violated and robbed Africa, what is our share of the blame? As African leaders, what is our share of responsibility? Are not we, as African leaders, the ones who give in to being trampled underfoot? Indeed, we have surrendered our identity to be nothing. Our names have disappeared to make way for other imported names that do not fit our realities. We need to reclaim our culture. We have copied the West in monogamy, and now they want us to believe that contrary values and unnatural attitudes are a matter of freedom. There will be no question of homosexuality in Africa. I reiterate that there will be no question of homosexuality among us. What has just been described are the deeply unfortunate labels of a United Nations that today can be summed up as follows, since there are 1.2 billion people plunged into poverty, $2,000 billion spent on armaments and 20 times the United Nations budget spent on nuclear. With regard to development, Africa receives $34 billion from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, as compared to $160 billion for the West. It is reduced to the paralysis of the Security Council, the paralysis of the World Trade Organization and the rise in tensions following geostrategic repositioning. The World Trade Organization is also still blocked. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank operate like true usurers. The World Health Organization is increasingly dominated by profitable pharmaceutical firms, giving commercial, rather than social, priority to vaccines, such as the coronavirus disease vaccine. The United Nations is increasingly becoming a shadow of its former self as a result of attempts to hijack it by a group of imperialist international Powers, thereby blurring the clarity and seriousness of its decision-making, and so on. Consequently, the peoples of Africa in general, and those of the Sahel in particular, will resolutely fight to ensure that ECOWAS, the African Union and the United Nations are institutions genuinely at the service of the peoples of the world for their complete emancipation and genuine social progress. Because it is the shortcomings of those organizations, their lack of sincerity, their cronyism and arbitrary decisions, the cover-up of constitutional tampering with its attendant crimes, the promotion of poor governance, looting, social disorder and corruption that inevitably lead to coups d’état, which are hence simply consequences. Let us therefore deal with the root causes, and the consequences will disappear of their own accord. However, if we continue with that ostrich game of hypocritical diplomacy to shameless State lies, organized crime, constitutional tampering and the creation of lackeys at the head of our African States, even the United Nations may not escape a coup d’état. Do not say that it was not warned. In that regard, in order to take their destiny into their own hands, Mali, the Niger and Burkina Faso signed the Alliance of Sahel States (ASS). The ASS is a framework for securing our countries, based on the revised treaty on the Authority for the Integrated Development of the Liptako-Gourma Region. Taking into account the security situation and, above all, the lack of openness in partnerships, we need to rely on our own means by seeking to pool our resources and working to eradicate gaps in operational areas. In a loud and firm voice, I plainly and forcefully say the following. First, we African peoples are essentially democratic. As proof, our commitment to human dignity transcends democracy. What we reject is therefore not so much democracy as the trap of democracy that is set for us. Electoral democracy has thus proved to be a means of controlling our States through the game of musical chairs played by leaders who are often imposters, the corrupt, thieves and Constitution violators, because they have no regard for the only true interest of our African States. Secondly, are we Africans recognized today for our dignity as humans in the sense that one person is equal to another? The answer is definitely, over and above the particular convenience of putting us to sleep and better enslaving us. It is a sad day for the dark continent, scientifically recognized as the cradle of humankind, but in reality humiliated and placed under control and domination. From bogus independence to fratricidal wars, from electoral democracy to biased aid, from wars of plunder to terrorism, maliciously fabricated, maintained and fed into our African countries, in particular Mali, Burkina Faso and the Niger, a single conclusion can be drawn  — that it is to dominate us and keep the foot on our neck, as in the case of our unfortunate brother, George Floyd, right here in the United States. Is that democracy? There are supporters of that narrow view of freedom who intellectually justify the enslavement of, and barbarism against, our peoples in the struggle for their dignity and sovereignty in the name of a paradoxical principle of freedom that ultimately kills freedom. Oh freedom, what crimes have been committed in your name. That is why we have now decided to say no to all those friends who wish us well to the point of threatening us with war in order to impose their friendship. We will adapt that democracy, so brandished and vaunted by wolves in sheep’s clothing, in order to develop the right political leadership for our peoples on our own with a view to their happiness. Yes, complete emancipation and genuine social progress for our peoples are the ultimate goal of any action, be it political, economic, sociocultural or security-related. Thirdly, the African peoples in general and those of the Sahel in particular have discovered the shackles of economic, security and sociocultural enslavement, embodied in secret agreements with France, and are committed to breaking them for their true emancipation. Such shackles include, first, colonial debt, to which we are not going to close our eyes and pay while leaving our people to die of hunger, thirst and even disease. Secondly, there is the issue of currency, specifically the franc of the French African colonies, the CFA franc, which is not African property. In legal terms, property means the right to enjoy and dispose of things in the most absolute manner — see article 544 of the French Civil Code on the issue. France therefore holds a patent on the CFA franc. As a result, it owns the CFA franc and lends it out to the French-speaking African States. Moreover, the funny thing is that the banknotes issued by France for West Africa differ from those for Central Africa in monetary value under the same name of the CFA franc. The only document recognizing the CFA franc is Decree No. 45-0136 of 25 December 1945, signed by Charles de Gaulle, President of the Provisional Government of the French Republic, Réné Pleven, Minister for Finance, and Jacques Soustelle, Minister of the Colonies. Thirdly, the priority given to French interests and companies in public contracts and calls for tender is over. Fourthly, the exclusive right to supply military equipment and to train military officers in the colonies is also over, and so on. Fourthly, no one welcomes a coup d’état, but, if we ignore the fact that such coups d’état are often the consequence of poor governance and constitutional tampering in order to gain additional mandates, there will always be coups d’état. Let us therefore have the clear-sightedness to fight the real causes by continuing to demand respect for democratic rules and good governance. Fifthly, the people of Africa are not against the French people. Rather, they are against French policies, which are full of condescension. By refusing to recall its ambassador to the Niger, France is violating international law, in particular article 9, paragraphs 1 and 2, of the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. The decision to ban performers from Burkina Faso, Mali and the Niger in France shows a very serious misunderstanding of the importance of culture as a driving force for family, community and even national stability. Performers are physicians of the mind, even at a distance. As they have declared that they do not want unemployed people, migrants, thieves, et cetera, in France, we in Africa in general and in the Sahel in particular do not want the manufacturers of the unemployed and thieves through the cynical plundering of our resources. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the peoples of the world and to all figures at all levels in the world who understand and support Burkina Faso, Mali and the Niger in the difficult, but worthy ascent on the road to full emancipation — the affirmation of dignity, honour, freedom, equality, prosperity, justice and therefore peace. In response to the current situation in Burkina Faso, the Government has taken resolute action by adopting a new development plan, the action plan for stabilization and development, and its four priorities: first, the fight against terrorism and restoring territorial integrity; secondly, response to the humanitarian crisis; thirdly, State-rebuilding and improving governance; and, lastly, national reconciliation and social cohesion. Such efforts seek to provide the Burkinabé people with better living conditions. While we salute all our partners around the world who work with us, we strongly advise those who are still in doubt or are stunned by false reports that they are welcome in Burkina Faso, provided that the partnership is in line with the transition vision summarized in those four pillars. Long live the United Nations. Long live the seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly. Long live peoples in struggle. Long live solidarity among peoples. Long live a free Africa. Long live the Alliance of Sahel States. Long live Burkina Faso. Homeland or death, we shall overcome.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Dato Seri Paduka Awang Haji Erywan bin Pehin Datu Pekerma Jaya Haji Mohd Yusof, Minister for Foreign Affairs II of Brunei Darussalam.

At the outset, I am honoured to convey the warm greetings of His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, Sultan and Yang Di-Pertuan of Brunei Darussalam, to this year’s session of the General Assembly. My congratulations go to His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis and the friendly nation of Trinidad and Tobago on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session. I wish His Excellency a successful year. I thank His Excellency Mr. Csaba Kőrösi for his leadership as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-seventh session. I also sincerely appreciate His Excellency Secretary- General António Guterres for his continuous hard work and valuable contributions to serving the international community during these challenging times in pursuit of global peace, prosperity and development. As we have approached the midway point of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, this is an opportune time for reflection on our shared vision for a sustainable world and to undertake recalibrations in areas where more work is needed. In July this year, Brunei Darussalam presented its second voluntary national review report, highlighting our progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). We have made significant strides and are on track across several Goals, in line with our national vision, Wawasan Brunei 2035, which aims to create a dynamic and sustainable economy with a high quality of life for all citizens. However, like many other countries, we too faced challenges. For us, this was mainly in the area of reliable data collection. It has hindered monitoring and evaluating accurately the progress towards achieving the SDGs. Nonetheless, our country is actively working towards addressing that issue, including by working together more closely through our regional mechanisms, namely, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). For example, ASEAN recently signed an agreement to officially launch the ASEAN Centre for Climate Change in Brunei Darussalam. It will facilitate and assist in collecting data towards addressing the challenges of climate action and will serve as a regional hub and research facility that seeks to enhance capacity in our efforts to mitigate and combat climate change. The Centre will be operational by the end of the year, and we welcome any support from interested Member States or international organizations for that regional effort. The United Nations has always played, and continues to play, a central role in fostering collaboration, mobilizing resources and coordinating international efforts to bring peace, development and prosperity to all Member States. As we move towards a new global order in a multipolar world, small States such as Brunei Darussalam recognize and appreciate the importance of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security through a rules-based order. We will continue to uphold the very principles on which this Organization was founded almost eight decades ago, in particular respect for the sovereign equality, territorial integrity and political independence of all States. Therefore, Brunei Darussalam is ready to forge a new global consensus that preserves those values while addressing emerging issues and resolving existing challenges. We look forward to next year’s Summit of the Future and the continued discussions among Member States on the future of global cooperation, including the Secretary-General’s proposed vision under Our Common Agenda (A/75/982). This year’s theme “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity” builds upon the Secretary-General’s vision for the future of multilateralism that better responds and delivers for the people and the planet and to get the world back on track with the SDGs. Nevertheless, in our increasingly interconnected modern world, trust and solidarity can be achieved only with tolerance and respect. That is why it has been distressing to witness the increase in acts of intolerance and disrespect, particularly acts of religious hatred directed at the Islamic faith. Such deliberate actions, like the burning of the Holy Qur’an, the very centre of the Islamic faith, provokes disharmony, erodes trust, undermines efforts towards sustainable peace and threatens unity. In that regard, Brunei Darussalam joins the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations and those Member States that have called for increased action against religious hatred, especially Islamophobia and anti-Islam sentiments. Justifying religious hatred, even under the pretext of freedom of expression, is unacceptable. Our pursuit of peace will be worthwhile only if we address the root causes of such acts, especially those promoting discord, intolerance, incitement and hatred. No nation represents our collective failure more evidently than the State of Palestine. It has continuously been denied of its fundamental freedoms, safeguarded under the Charter of the United Nations. The seventy- fifth anniversary of the Nakba earlier this year served as a reminder of how long and how intolerable it has been for the Palestinian people to be deprived of their rights to self-rule, self-determination and peace. For most, they have spent their entire lives under occupation. The aggressive policies and practices of the occupying Power have victimized every Palestinian man, woman and child, denying them of all their fundamental and basic human rights and even their ability to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Brunei Darussalam strongly condemns actions that blatantly violate the rights and dignity of the Palestinian people. We stand firmly in solidarity with them to truly ensure that no one is left behind. The United Nations must strengthen global solidarity in upholding its commitment to the two-State solution as the viable path towards a comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East. We reiterate our call for an independent State of Palestine, based on the pre-1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. After experiencing a global health crisis with far- reaching consequences, we are at a crossroads that will determine our future. One was hoping that we would have emerged more united in our shared resolve. Unfortunately, the reality that we see is quite different. We find ourselves amid humanitarian crises and the global mistrust of international institutions and among States that threaten our collective progress. Therefore, to ensure a better future for generations to come, it is crucial that we refuse to accept actions that divide us or conflicts that oppress us. Above all, we must not let mistrust overpower our unity.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Yvan Gil Pinto, Minister of People’s Power for Foreign Affairs of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.

From the homeland of the liberator Simón Bolívar and Commander Hugo Chávez Frías, we convey warm greetings on behalf of the constitutional President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro Moros, and the entire Venezuelan people. Allow us to congratulate the President of the General Assembly on his election. We wish to express our solidarity with the sister nations of Libya and Morocco over the recent and painful loss of lives due to natural disasters. It is 78 years since the historic moment when humankind, having defeated fascism and Nazism, envisioned the creation of a space where dialogue among all States would prevail, on the basis of which we could build global stability and cooperation on the pillars of peace and security, human rights and sustainable development. Eighteen years ago, at this very rostrum, our Commander Hugo Chávez Frías said: “the United Nations has outgrown its model. It is not just a question of simple reform. The twenty- first century requires profound changes that will be possible only if the Organization is truly recast.” (A/60/PV.6, p. 17) As painful as it is to acknowledge, that statement remains relevant. The United Nations has not been able to fulfil its founding purpose, and we now face much more serious challenges. The United Nations has not managed to overcome the unilateralism of countries that, by replicating a colonial and imperial rationale, seek to assert themselves over and above the principles enshrined in this Organization’s founding Charter. The solution to the new and complex challenges facing humankind today cannot be achieved without consolidating inclusive multilateralism, the democratization of international relations and a genuine multipolar system. Today we see how many agencies, funds and programmes of the United Nations system fail to fulfil their mandates and end up being exploited by the interests of the United States of America and its allies. We must reform the Organization to make it a democratic institution in which all Members have a voice and participate in decision-making on equal terms. It is crucial to return to the practice of consensus, including within this General Assembly, which requires ending the zero-sum mentality and, instead, promoting a win-win vision that allows us to effectively address collective interests through cooperation, tolerance and understanding. It is equally necessary to move forward with the reform of the Security Council to correct historical imbalances and provide greater representation to our mother Africa in that important organ. The United Nations cannot continue to operate as it is. How many resolutions must this General Assembly adopt to put an end once and for all to the criminal blockade against our sister Cuba? How many more resolutions must this General Assembly or the Security Council itself, the decisions of which are legally binding, adopt for the rights of Palestine to be truly respected as a free and independent State? We wonder how many more summits it will take for us to realize that the commitments we have made, particularly in the area of development, have not been fulfilled? How much more time must pass for us to realize that, under the current system, it is impossible to achieve the goals that we have set for ourselves? Since the year 2000, when we agreed on the now- defunct Millennium Development Goals, no less than 30 summits have been convened by the United Nations. It is crucial to move forward without further delay regarding the reform of the international financial architecture, including the governance and decision-making methods of the Bretton Woods institutions, which serve the interests of a minority of wealthy countries, which also politicize them to exert pressure and domination over sovereign nations. The restructuring of the United Nations involves settling the historical debt of decolonization. Our peoples were victims of the crimes of colonization and slavery. A just future is possible only if reparations are made for the recognition, justice and development of historically affected populations. We also reiterate our strong support for Argentina, Mauritius and the Comoros in their sovereignty disputes over the Falkland Islands, the Chagos archipelago and Mayotte island, respectively, as well as for the heroic brotherly peoples of Palestine, Puerto Rico and Western Sahara, with whom we firmly stand in their just claim for their inalienable right to self-determination and the realization of their legitimate national aspirations. In the past few hours, very worrisome events have taken place. The Government of the United States of America, believing itself to be sovereign over our continent under the pretext of the illegal Monroe Doctrine, has once again intervened in a territorial dispute over our territory of Guayana Esequiba, which has lasted for more than 200 years. The origin of that dispute lies in the dispossession of our territory by the British Empire during the height of its violence in the nineteenth century. The imperialist aggression was imposed on us by the Powers of the time in 1899 under false pretences. Today the Government of the United States of America seeks to appropriate our oil resources through the ExxonMobil company, which has incorporated the Government of Guyana into its ranks. Guyana is granting oil concessions in undelimited maritime territory, in complete violation of international law. It is not possible to utilize a disputed territory unilaterally, but the Co-operative Republic of Guyana persists in its illegal conduct. We condemn the fact that the Government of the United States of America intends to militarize the situation. The Southern Command seeks to establish a military base in the contested territory, with the aim of creating a launching pad for its aggression against Venezuela and entrenching the plunder of our energy resources. Two days ago, the National Assembly of Venezuela unanimously decided to call on our people to participate in a consultative referendum to reaffirm the defence of our sovereign territory in the face of the aggression of the American empire, which seeks to lead us into a war over natural resources. The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela reaffirms its commitment to peace, but also its resolute determination to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The protection of cyberspace, the fight against cybercrime, the regulation of new information technologies, social media and artificial intelligence must become a strategic priority for the United Nations. If we truly advocate for the defence of human rights and democratic principles, we must promote fair and equitable regulation that does not allow the focus of those new tools to be for the interests and control of a few. Neither can we accept the use of those new technologies to destabilize legitimate Governments and destroy social harmony and peace. In that regard, our country has serious and legitimate concerns given the destabilization, espionage, sabotage and cyberattacks that have been carried out in recent years against the banking sector, the electrical supply, the oil industry and national health-care systems. In order to reclaim the founding spirit of the United Nations, hate speech and practices must be mitigated, and the attempts by some sectors to promote racist, discriminatory and xenophobic trends must be unequivocally rejected. Those trends seek to revive and even glorify ideologies that we thought were overcome, such as fascism, Nazism, neo-Nazism, white supremacism and nationalist radicalism. While such phenomena have their main manifestations in Europe and the United States of America, our own region of Latin America and the Caribbean has not been exempt from such events. Fifty years ago, a just man, who dared to speak great truths from this very rostrum and called on us to work for a fairer international economic order, the martyr President Salvador Allende, was assassinated by fascists acting on behalf of transnational capital interests. In more recent times, political extremism and the culture of hatred driven by similar interests instigated the attack on our Head of State and Government in 2018, as well as the assassination attempt on our colleague Mrs. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Vice-President of the Argentine Republic. Added to that is the attempt to disregard the democratic will of the Brazilian people at the beginning of this year and the recent developments in the sister Republic of Ecuador. Using double standards, those who claim to defend freedoms become persecutors. Those who claim to defend democracy activate mechanisms of political persecution to reverse democratic processes or to restrict the freedom of expression, as in the case of Julian Assange, who remains a political target of those who cannot forgive him for revealing the true nature of imperialist interventionism. We also condemn the persecution of diplomats, in clear violation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, as in the case of our diplomat Alex Saab, who was illegally kidnapped by the Government of the United States of America. We demand his immediate release. That kind of persecution jeopardizes the security and integrity of all diplomatic envoys worldwide, regardless of their nationality. From the United Nations, we call on all countries to condemn that nefarious practice. The current crisis of global leadership, including within this very Organization, coupled with the polarization prevailing in our world, exacerbates the current global crisis and threatens to entrench a Cold War mentality in international relations, based on confrontation, deepening divisions and the imposition of competing visions and agendas. An example of that is the irresponsible provocations by the most powerful military force in the world, which, by dividing the world into power blocs, exacerbates conflicts, pushing humankind into an arms race, which can lead only to the destruction of life on our planet. Let us count how much has been invested in armaments and how much in promoting spaces for diplomacy and dialogue, and we will sadly realize how many opportunities to save lives we have lost. We express our concern at the rapid increase in military spending in recent months, reaching levels unseen in the past generations. That is about a new and alarming arms race that diverts resources that would be of greater benefit to humankind if they were used not only in financing development agendas or fighting poverty, but also in addressing the food crisis and the climate crisis that currently threatens our world. We support the proposal of Colombian President Gustavo Petro Urrego to convene a world conference for peace in Ukraine and in Palestine. We call for addressing those issues in a balanced and cautious manner, reducing tensions and promoting confidence-building measures, not only in Eastern Europe, but also on the Korean peninsula and in Western Asia. We are confident that that will create a conducive environment for the success of diplomatic efforts for peace. Venezuela is committed to the Declaration of Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace. We actively participate in the reconciliation process in the Republic of Colombia, convinced that the achievement of complete peace for our sisters and brothers will lead to strengthening regional peace. The world still faces a major pandemic — the pernicious effects of an aggressive policy, manifested in the illegal imposition of unilateral coercive measures against a third of humankind. The so-called sanctions, in violation of all norms of international law and the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, represent mass violations of human rights for millions of people. Such measures are applied precisely by those who then claim to present themselves as champions of human rights. They are also a deliberate attack on the right to development of entire peoples and an impediment to the achievement of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which we have discussed to such an extent throughout this week. Those illegal measures have created a crisis in the system of international relations, and we therefore demand their complete, immediate and unconditional lifting. It is unacceptable to our peoples, who daily resist the effects of a criminal blockade policy, for the General Assembly to seek to disregard such a disgrace in its policy documents. We therefore cannot endorse any declaration that ignores or omits that pivotal issue for the lives and existence of hundreds of millions of human beings. How much our countries could improve the quality of life for our peoples, eradicate hunger or cure diseases if we were allowed to fully develop our capacities, based on our potential. The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela has been a victim of a cruel policy of aggression and siege. More than 930 unilateral coercive measures have been imposed on our country by the Government of the United States of America and its accomplices. Those illegal measures have caused great pain and suffering for our people, with economic losses amounting to more than $232 billion, a steep drop in our gross domestic product and the confiscation of billions of dollars in sovereign resources held in the international financial system, including 31 tons of gold seized by the British Government in the Bank of England. Not even the coronavirus disease pandemic was reason enough to lift those illegal measures. Today we face a new wave of crueller and more destructive unilateral coercive measures, which affect access to vaccines, food and other basic goods and services, turning such atrocities into true crimes against humanity. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has recommended the suspension and lifting of all unilateral coercive measures harmful to human rights. Venezuela demands a complete, immediate and unconditional end to all illegal policies of sanctions and economic, commercial and financial blockades imposed on Venezuela, Cuba, Eritrea, Iran, Nicaragua, Syria, Zimbabwe and other sister nations, which have successfully weathered those imperial policies through determination and commitment. In that context, we thank all the peoples of the world and the many sister nations that have called for the lifting of sanctions from platforms such as the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America-Peoples’ Trade Agreement, the Caribbean Community and the Southern African Development Community, as well as every country in this very Hall that has demanded that the sanctions be removed. That demonstrates that Venezuela has never been alone. Without the obstacle of unilateral coercive measures, Venezuela is prepared to be part of the solution to the crisis, particularly in the areas of food security and energy. We propose the establishment of a zone free of unilateral coercive measures, in which we can conduct our financial transactions and interbank payments, enabling us to ensure direct investments and legal trade among our nations without risk or arbitrary or punitive impediments from Western Powers. Nevertheless, despite the difficulties and aggression, our Government’s commitment to eradicating poverty, achieving social justice and fully enjoying our human rights, as well as to the sister peoples of our Latin America and the world, is unwavering. Despite the attacks, aggression, siege and looting resulting from unilateral coercive measures, the Venezuelan economy has begun a process of recovery, with projected growth figures far surpassing those of other countries of our region, as highlighted by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean and other specialized organizations. Such results, achieved through our own efforts, have made us a regional benchmark for economic growth, while never neglecting the essential — protecting our people through social investment. We are facing an existential climate catastrophe for millions of people, especially our brothers and sisters from small island developing States, in both the Caribbean and the Pacific. The effects of years of climate injustice, marked by unsustainable patterns of consumption and production, have accelerated in recent years. Libya has been one of the most recent victims of the impacts of climate change, also affecting our country, which has experienced floods and record temperatures in recent months. In renewing our firm commitment to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement, we stress the need to ensure adequate funding for the loss and damage fund, always bearing in mind the principles of common but differentiated responsibilities and equity. We know that the resources exist, where they are and who has them. As Commander Chávez Frías said 14 years ago, let us not change the climate; let us change the system. Given the economic and financial crisis that particularly affects developing countries, we need a new model for the mechanisms of global governance, where the global South has fair access to international financing. Until there is a genuine and effective reform of the multilateral system in the financial sphere, the Sustainable Development Goals, the focus of this session, are doomed not to be met. Debt is a crucial issue for developing countries, and there is little hope that things will improve soon if the current system is not radically changed. The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and Western credit institutions in general, while charging their friends low interest rates, burden developing countries with unpayable interest rates, which some experts have termed criminal financial apartheid. That neocolonialist system of plunder and financial dependence must be rooted out. Among the major challenges facing humankind today, in the context of that global systemic crisis, in which this Organization has a fundamental role to play, is the phenomenon of international migration. We cannot allow migrants to be stigmatized and criminalized. President Nicolás Maduro Moros requests the support of the United Nations to hold an international conference in Venezuela, without any exclusion, to reach joint agreements and commitments to address the phenomenon of migratory flows from a comprehensive and humanistic perspective — a genuine international commitment to ensuring the rights of migrants to citizenship, identity, dignified work, social security and respect for their dignity. We, the free peoples, are building a new world order. That new multipolar and multicentric world of peace and economic prosperity, free from hegemony, anchored in the United Nations Charter, must be based on the values of genuine multilateralism, international cooperation and solidarity. In that regard, we acknowledge the contribution of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) bloc, which Venezuela aspires to join, to the current global geopolitics and the democratization of international relations. We also applaud the efforts of countries that contribute to dialogue, understanding, global peace and common progress, such as the People’s Republic of China. Venezuela supports its Global Development Initiative, its Global Security Initiative and its Global Civilization Initiative. It is through common efforts, in a spirit of complementarity, solidarity and cooperation, that we can change the course towards a common destiny of prosperity and stability for all humankind. It is up to us to save the system of international relations from the threats that currently loom over it. It is up to us to preserve the principles of the United Nations Charter, on which international law is based. It is up to us to make our people’s aspirations for peace and security, sustainable development and human rights a reality. Cognizant of that historic task, Venezuela, together with a group of countries from various regions of the world, undertook the task of building a platform from which all responsible members of the international community can be mobilized to preserve, promote and strengthen the founding treaty of our Organization. Thus, two years ago, the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations was born, which has now positioned itself as a key actor in various intergovernmental processes taking place in this multilateral forum. As our President, Nicolás Maduro Moros, said a few weeks ago at the BRICS Plus summit: “Definitely, unity is what makes strength, and that united strength promotes a new global relationship paradigm and promotes a new twenty-first-century global geopolitics”. Let us work together so that the United Nations also becomes an organization that meets the needs of peoples for this century. In recent years, much has been said about Venezuela. Much disinformation has been spread through major media corporations and social networks about the reality of what is happening in our country. Many attempts have been made to disseminate a media campaign through so-called fake news, with the aim of deploying a humanitarian intervention in our country, in flagrant violation of our sovereignty. However, thanks to Bolivarian peace diplomacy, under the leadership of President Nicolás Maduro Moros, the truth about Venezuela has always prevailed and has always resonated strongly within the United Nations. Today the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela is in complete peace and tranquillity. Dialogue has been an ongoing policy of the Bolivarian revolution and has prevailed as the only option on the table, without foreign interference or tutelage of any kind, and within the framework of our national Constitution, to settle differences that exist in our nation and that are characteristic of the robust Venezuelan democratic system. We have been, are and always will always a country open to, and ready for, respectful debate among equals. Those who tried to subjugate our people through economic terrorism, hunger, disease, foreign invasion, the thwarted assassination of our Head of State and Government and the imposition of fictitious entities to promote a regime change agenda and facilitate the theft of national assets have failed miserably. Dozens of countries took a senseless and foolish position, which, unfortunately, rendered them ridiculous in the eyes of history. Today the vast majority of those countries, with few exceptions, have overcome the awkward episode and have returned to the path of diplomacy and understanding among equals. In Venezuela, we continue to stand tall, fighting alongside our people, in perfect harmony with all sectors of the country and heading towards a new electoral process, which, despite the campaigns that have already been launched to discredit it or question it, we are sure will result in new victories of the people, based on the sovereign will of the Venezuelan people. Once again, in 2024, we will go to the polling stations in a civic and collective manner to reiterate support for the Bolivarian revolutionary socialist movement initiated by the eternal Commander Hugo Chávez Frías. Allow me to conclude by reiterating that Venezuela remains determined to be the master of its destiny and to exercise its sovereignty, resolved to continue to consolidate its independence and its right to live in peace. Our nation and our people will never yield to pressure, blackmail or threats and will remain free. Today we find ourselves in high spirits and with a heightened awareness and unity to continue to move forward in building a homeland of social justice, solidarity and inclusion, inspired by our liberators and the enduring will of a people who does not surrender and will never surrender, determined to continue to triumph in revolution.

I now call on Ms. Anne Beathe Tvinnereim, Minister of International Development of Norway.

The United Nations was founded on a simple, yet paradigmatic vision — a world governed by law, a world coming together to promote social progress and better standards of life, a world respectful of the dignity and worth of every human being and a world where problems are solved through international cooperation. The generation articulating that vision had just endured the Second World War. They had, in the words of the Charter of the United Nations, experienced “untold sorrow”  — death and destruction on an unprecedented scale. As we consider the multitude of challenges facing our generation, we can find inspiration in the visionary perspectives that led to the establishment of this Organization  — the pursuit of a better future and the commitment to seeking it together. Norway is a staunch supporter of the United Nations. The principles of the Charter are of fundamental importance to us. They are the basis of our security. They are a critical foundation for our prosperity. They guide our approach to international problem-solving and, for a small country such as ours, there is no viable alternative. Respect for international law is a core national interest for Norway. Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine is therefore of great concern to us. Let me use this opportunity to explain why. Russia is our neighbour. It is responsible for a blatant breach of the United Nations Charter. It has violated fundamental principles of international law. It has created a grave international crisis — a permanent member of the Security Council seeking to deny the right of another State Member of the United Nations to exist, launching an unprovoked and illegal war, conducting that war in the most brutal manner, with complete disregard for human life and the rules of war, and occupying the largest nuclear power plant in Europe, thereby risking a grave nuclear incident. Norway has spoken out against that war. We have provided extensive civilian, military and humanitarian support to Ukraine, and will do so for as long as it takes. We are actively supporting President Zelenskyy’s peace formula in the understanding that the pursuit of peace is important, but on terms defined by Ukraine — the victim of an illegal aggression. At the same time, we are also maintaining our strong engagement at the global level. We are assisting countries that are affected by the repercussions of the war, and we will continue to do so. The war taking place on the European continent is a watershed moment for Norway and for the rest of the world. It is an attack on the basic principles of the United Nations Charter, with global ramifications. Food insecurity has increased dramatically. Energy supplies are under pressure. Inflation has soared. Russia’s war against Ukraine has exacerbated a global, negative economic spiral. It is jeopardizing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, while also diverting attention from other pressing issues. That is deeply concerning. This decade is of critical importance to humankind, our environment and our planet. We simply cannot fail to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Paris Agreement targets. We cannot afford to let the window of opportunity close. We must act now. Norway is doing its part. We have enhanced our climate target and will cut emissions by at least 55 per cent by 2030, as compared to the 1990 levels. We are increasing carbon taxes. We are expanding the uptake of zero-emission technologies in the transport sector. We are investing heavily in offshore wind, carbon capture and storage and a green industrial future. We are actively participating in the climate negotiations and will go to the twenty-eighth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Dubai with the aim to keep the 1.5°C target alive. In Glasgow, we announced that we would double our climate financing by 2026. I am pleased to report that we have already achieved that. Over the past 15 years, Norway has provided more than $5 billion in support to tropical forest countries. We will continue to provide a high level of funding under that initiative up to 2030. On Thursday this week, my Prime Minister co-chaired a meeting of the Global Leadership Council for the Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet (GEAPP). Together with philanthropists, multilateral development banks and other partners, we will work to unlock renewable energy access in emerging economies, creating an energy system for the future, reducing emissions, facilitating job creation and, not least, improving energy access for the 3.6 billion people currently living in energy poverty. Through GEAPP, as well as Norway’s Climate Investment Fund, we have mobilized significant investments. In 2024, we will launch a dedicated guarantee instrument for developing countries to encourage further private investments in renewable energy. Food security is part and parcel of the climate agenda and a defining challenge of our time. Achieving food security is essential to achieving the SDGs. Too many people lack access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food. In response, Norway has geared up its efforts to combat food insecurity by providing $500 million this year for developing countries to offset the global ramifications of the war in Ukraine and by placing food security at the heart of our development policy. We are investing in small-scale producers. We have increased our efforts to combat food loss and waste. Those are important steps, not just because they will improve food security, but because we must transform the food system if we are to reach our climate goals. The sustainable use of the oceans is part of the Norwegian DNA. Norway’s Prime Minister is co-Chair of the High-level Panel for a Sustainable Ocean Economy. I am pleased to report that the Panel’s 18 Member States will develop sustainable ocean plans by the time of the United Nations Ocean Conference in 2025. I am also encouraged that so far more than 75 States, with Norway as one of them, has signed the Agreement on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biodiversity in Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction. That is an important step towards improving ocean governance and cooperation. It shows that the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea can adapt to meet evolving challenges, and it demonstrates the continuing strength and promise of multilateralism despite geopolitical tensions. The coronavirus disease pandemic had devastating consequences for people, communities, health systems and economies across the world. It was a global wake-up call. We must better prepare for the next pandemic. Safeguarding global public health requires close, broad-based international collaboration. It requires financing as well as investments in universal health coverage. We support the development of a pandemic accord at the World Health Organization, and we call for rapid agreement on an interim mechanism on medical countermeasures. We are all familiar with the dividends of peace. Yet, as a community, we have long underestimated the value of conflict prevention. I would therefore like to thank the Secretary-General for setting out his New Agenda for Peace. We agree wholeheartedly with the emphasis on preventive diplomacy. In a fractured world, with rising geopolitical tensions, it is critical that we seek common ground where we can find it, that we invest in dialogue and that we strive to understand each other, however deep disagreements may seem. Dialogue is essential. Without dialogue, we have fewer opportunities to influence, encourage or simply explore political solutions in situations of conflict. Dialogue is at the heart of diplomacy. It is a basic tool for solving problems and for realizing the vision on which the United Nations is built. We welcome renewed regional dialogue in the Middle East. Signs of de-escalation and intensified diplomatic activity among the countries of the region are very welcome. We remain committed to seeking peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians despite concerning developments and, in this thirtieth anniversary year of the Oslo Accords, encourage much greater efforts towards creating a viable Palestinian State. As guarantor in Colombia, we support the peace agreement with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia and the ongoing negotiations between the Government and the Ejército del Pueblo. We are maintaining our engagement in the Horn of Africa by providing substantial humanitarian support and a standing offer to assist parties looking for political solutions. In Afghanistan, we engage the de facto authorities in Kabul. If that can help to address the dire humanitarian situation, especially for women and girls, who are being deprived of education and a future, it is worth the attempt. Human rights are at the core of this Organization. They articulate a binding agenda for fulfilling human potential. They are integral to the Sustainable Development Goals. They are instrumental in realizing almost any policy objective. Societies prosper when women and girls participate on an equal footing and are free to exercise their sexual and reproductive health and rights. Good solutions are identified where ideas can be articulated freely. Sustainable economic growth requires the rule of law. The point is that the case for human rights is solid, whether approached from values, from the law or more instrumentally. We all should therefore be concerned that standards are slipping in many places. That has to stop. As Governments, human potential is our most precious resource. We cannot afford to waste it. Let me say to those who are taking risks and are standing up for human rights and democracy, to civil society, to lawyers, to journalists and to human rights defenders that they are making the world a better place. They have our support. I began by referencing the establishment of this Organization. A critical moment in world history, it was the beginning of an era of institutionalized international cooperation, of rights and responsibilities and of a shared agenda to improve the human condition. That agenda is as important as ever and, as Member States, it is our task to find ways to make progress. We listen attentively to proposals for renewal, for innovation and for creativity. The General Assembly is the world’s most important forum for dialogue and discussion. We are thankful that it exists, so let us get to work finding common ground, solving problems across borders, revitalizing the 2030 Agenda and honouring our international obligations and commitments.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Abdoulaye Diop, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Mali.

It is a great honour for me to convey the cordial greetings of His Excellency Colonel Assimi Goïta, President of the Transition and Head of State of Mali, on behalf of all the Malian people. From this rostrum, I am also speaking on behalf of His Excellency Brigadier General Abdourahamane Tiani, President of the National Council for the Safeguarding of the Homeland and Head of State of the Niger, precluded from speaking at the rostrum of this General Assembly session. First of all, I would like to reiterate the sympathy of the authorities and people of Mali to the authorities and the people of Morocco, Libya, Turkey and Syria following the natural disasters that have plunged those brother countries into mourning. Peace and security remain the priority for the populations of Mali and the Sahel after more than a decade of violence, with particularly devastating consequences. Yet that region was known as a haven of peace, social cohesion and coexistence among its communities. For its part, Mali has decided to change its paradigm and take its destiny into its own hands. In terms of security, Mali has therefore prioritized strengthening the capacities of the Malian Defence and Security Forces to enable them to discharge their sovereign duties of defending the national territory and protecting people and property. Today the Malian people have regained trust in their defence system. Today the people of Mali are encouraged by the results achieved in the fight against armed terrorist groups and their foreign State sponsors. Mali once again strongly condemns the interference of certain Powers that continue to enable the criminal activities of terrorist armed groups in Mali and the Sahel. It should be recalled that, on 15 August 2022, the Government of Mali alerted the Security Council to France’s acts of hostility and aggression (see S/2022/622). Instead of putting a stop to such practices, that country, a permanent member of the Security Council, continues its tactics to destabilize Mali and the Sahel with complete impunity, as demonstrated by the recent release of terrorists in the tri-border area of Burkina Faso, Mali and the Niger, outside any judicial framework and without the knowledge of the States concerned, to perpetrate more terrorist acts against our civilian populations and our defence and security forces. France’s hostile actions are also illustrated by its ill-timed and illegal interventions to delay, or even prevent, the processing of our requests for funding from several subregional, regional and even international financial institutions. In the same vein, it is regrettable that the same country, France, tries to exploit African subregional organizations, and sometimes unfortunately succeeds, pitting brother countries against each other solely for its own geopolitical interests in a neocolonial and paternalistic approach. Mali is aware of the fact that military action alone is not enough to put a lasting end to the complex challenges posed by terrorism and to certain issues of governance in the country. That is why the Government has adopted a comprehensive strategy, which includes political and institutional reform, development and addressing the specific concerns of young people and women, including employment and their representation in local and national decision-making bodies. To create the conditions that will enable the Malian people’s deep-seated aspirations for change to be realized, the Government is committed to implementing the political and institutional reforms needed to rebuild the State. As part of that process, a referendum on Mali’s new Constitution, which was adopted by more than 96 per cent, was successfully held on 18 June. Its promulgation by the Head of State on 22 July marks the advent of the Fourth Republic of Mali. By taking that step, the Government of Mali is demonstrating its genuine resolve to return to a peaceful and secure constitutional order, including the holding of general elections in the coming months. After 10 years of presence in my country, the international response to Mali’s security challenges has not been commensurate with the threats. The expectations of the Malian people, repeatedly expressed by the authorities, have therefore often been ignored. The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) has been unable to help Mali to re-establish its authority over its entire territory despite the substantial resources invested in it over the past 10 years. During its presence on the national territory, regrettably, the security situation in Mali has only deteriorated. Insecurity, which was confined to Mali’s northern regions at the time of its deployment in 2013, has now spread to the central and southern regions. That spread of insecurity is fortunately now abating thanks to the undeniable achievements on the ground by the Malian armed forces despite the challenges associated with that kind of operation. Despite the difficulties faced by MINUSMA due to the fact that the Mission is ill-suited to the security context, namely, peacekeeping in an environment in which there is no peace to keep, the Government of Mali had come to terms with the Mission’s passive presence. However, it became unacceptable for the Government of Mali to allow MlNUSMA to continue to be part of the problem by exacerbating tensions among our communities and by exploiting the issue of human rights for political ends, thereby serving the foreign agendas of countries hostile to Mali. After an in-depth assessment, in June the Government of Mali therefore requested the immediate withdrawal of MINUSMA. We are pleased that the Security Council accepted our request. The Government of Mali is working with MINUSMA for its orderly, coordinated and safe withdrawal by the set deadline of 31 December, in accordance with the relevant provisions of resolution 2690 (2023), adopted by the Security Council on 30 June. The Government of the Republic of Mali does not intend to extend that deadline. The Government reassures the people of Mali and the international community that every measure has been taken to ensure the continuity of State services after the departure of MINUSMA. The first phase of the withdrawal process has been completed, and the second phase is already under way. It is true that MINUSMA was not able to fulfil its mandate, but the Malian Government and people remain grateful for the efforts and sacrifices made over the past 10 years in Mali. I would like to pay tribute to the memory of all the victims, civilian and military, Malian and foreign, who fell on the field of honour in Mali. However, the withdrawal of MINUSMA does not mean the end of cooperation between Mali and the Organization. On the contrary, my country is committed to its membership of the United Nations, and the Government remains committed to the principles and noble ideals of the Charter. Likewise, Mali renews its commitment to cooperating with all States in the world that so wish and that respect the fundamental principles of my country’s foreign policy. In a spirit of national ownership, the Government is committed to pursuing the effective and judicious implementation of the Agreement on Peace and Reconciliation in Mali emanating from the Algiers process, together with our brothers in the signatory movements who so wish. We are delighted with the progress already made since the Agreement was signed in 2015, including the adoption of the new Constitution, which incorporates several of the Agreement’s provisions. From now on, the Government has decided to give priority to intra-Malian dialogue to further the peace process with the signatory groups. The Government is aware of the challenges on the road to peace, such as the grisly series of indiscriminate terrorist attacks against civilians and members of the Malian Defence and Security Forces. The savage and barbaric attack on the boat Timbuktu and the assaults on camps in the towns of Bamba, Gao and Bourem between 7 and 12 September show the cruelty of those organized terrorist and criminal groups, which cowardly attack targets such as women and children. On behalf of the Head of State of Mali and the Malian Government and people, I would like to thank all the friendly nations and international organizations that have shown their compassion and their solidarity during those tragic events. However, even given such tragic events, and at a time when the theme of our session calls on us for greater solidarity, it is regrettable that the Security Council has not reached a minimum consensus to, at the very least, condemn those barbaric acts. Despite such difficulties, or rather because of them, the Government of the Republic of Mali is more determined than ever to exercise its sovereignty, assert its authority  — its full authority — over the entire national territory. The Defence and Security Forces will continue their offensive against obscurantist attacks, and the response will be immediate and resolute. That was recently the case in Bourem, where our brave soldiers repelled an attack by those criminal and obscurantist gangs by inflicting substantial losses on them. As part of the drive to strengthen the State presence and authority, the State is committed to occupying all the areas vacated, or to be vacated, by MINUSMA. Contrary to certain allegations, the occupation of those sites, which complies in every respect with United Nations texts, in no way represents an act of belligerence towards the signatory movements by the Malian State. On the contrary, we continue to reach out to our brothers in the signatory movements for lasting peace and harmonious development for the benefit of our people. To that end, we call on the armed groups to distance themselves from, and cease the collusion observed with, the terrorist armed groups during the most recent attacks, in accordance with the peace agreement and the various relevant Security Council resolutions. In the current geopolitical context, Mali does not wish to become a theatre of conflict or competition among the geopolitical interests of foreign Powers. We remain willing to cooperate with all partners that respect our sovereignty, our choice of partnerships and the interests of the Malian people. In the regional and international context, Mali continues to pay close attention to ongoing developments in Africa and the rest of the world. With regard to global governance, the Government of the Republic of Mali reiterates its commitment to respecting the United Nations Charter, in particular respect for the sovereign equality of States and, consequently, its condemnation of the activities of certain Powers to perpetuate neocolonial domination and to subjugate other peoples, other countries and other nations. Mali pays close attention to institutional developments and regrets the fact that the assessment of recent regime changes in some African countries is based on the closeness of the new leaders to certain Powers or, simply, on geopolitical interests, while completely ignoring the aspirations of the populations of the countries concerned. In that regard, we condemn and reject the policy of double standards employed by certain Powers and some regional and even international organizations, including the United Nations. That inconsistency and manipulation serve only to undermine the credibility of our organizations in the eyes of the people and public opinion, thereby eroding their trust in those institutions, which are now perceived as having been hijacked from their primary purpose. Some organizations are used, outside any legal or community framework, as weapons against the countries and populations that have freely joined them, sometimes at the cost of transferring sovereignty. Such organizations therefore become instruments for perpetuating and imposing a neocolonial and hegemonic order. In particular, we are following with great interest the developments in the Niger since 26 July. The people and the Government of Mali reiterate their solidarity with, and full support for, the Government and the people of the Niger, a neighbourly and friendly brother country. We condemn in principle the imposition of sanctions and unilateral coercive measures against any State, whether in Africa or elsewhere. We condemn sanctions all the more when they are unjust, illegal and inhumane, such as those that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the West African Economic and Monetary Union imposed on the Niger and, before that, on my country, Mali, which has recovered. The humanitarian consequences of the sanctions on the Niger are so dramatic that the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator had to send a letter to the President of the ECOWAS Commission, calling on him to ease those measures. I must recall that even in the war waged between Iraq and the United States a humanitarian corridor was opened to allow supplies to be delivered to the Iraqi people. How is it that we in organizations founded on cooperation and fraternity can punish our own neighbours and brothers by preventing them from having food and medicines? Furthermore, Mail remains strongly opposed to any military intervention by ECOWAS, which would have disastrous consequences for the Niger, as well as the entire region. Any military intervention in the Niger — I was going to say any aggression or invasion of that country  — represents a direct threat to the peace and security of Mali and the region and will have serious consequences. We will not stand idly by. It is vital to avoid repeating the serious mistakes of the relatively recent past. Member States will recall that in 2011, despite the firm opposition and warnings of African leaders, the Security Council unfortunately decided to authorize a military intervention in Libya by NATO, the consequences of which have had a lasting destabilizing effect on that brother country and the entire region. NATO’s war in Libya is at the root of the spread of terrorism and violent extremism in the Sahel region, with all its innocent victims and destruction. That is why we will never tire of recalling the international responsibility for the human tragedy experienced by Libya and the Sahel since that intervention. On behalf of all victims since 2011 to the present day, the tens of thousands of deaths and the millions of displaced persons and refugees, we therefore demand justice and reparation. But, above all, we demand that the international community assume its responsibilities and learn all the lessons from that risky military intervention by major Powers in a third country. It is crucial to avoid repeating in the Niger the serious mistakes made in Libya, which are at the very root of the deteriorating situation in the entire Sahel region, including Burkina Faso, Mali and the Niger. That is vital to restoring trust among nations, as per the theme of our session. The many challenges to international peace and security call for the reform of the existing architecture of the United Nations. Mali reiterates its support for the legitimate demand of the African continent for reform of the Security Council so as to make it more representative of the realities of our time. In the same vein, Mali will continue to advocate for reform of global economic, financial and political governance in order to create optimal and fair conditions for the participation of our countries in multilateral institutions. In that context, Mali reaffirms the central role that Africa must play within international organizations and institutions. In that regard, Mali welcomes the opening up of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) alliance to new member States, including African States. The BRICS alliance and its mechanisms, including the bank, offer a flexible alternative tailored to the development needs of the countries of the global South. In the same vein, the recent expansion of the Group of 20 to include the African Union is an encouraging sign, but it is not enough. It is important that Africa’s participation in other international forums be stepped up in the name of justice and equity. Climate change is a genuine threat to the current and future generations. We must have the courage to move beyond the prevailing dogmatism and narrow interests surrounding that issue. In that regard, the time has come to effectively implement the decisions of our summits and sessions of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. It is more important than ever that the countries responsible for climate change assume their full and complete responsibilities, including that of supporting the efforts of countries of the South to achieve development that respects the environment. I would like to recall that the United Nations was established in 1945, as we know, primarily to save future generations from the scourge of war. That noble objective, enshrined in the United Nations Charter, is far from being achieved. Indeed, the current geopolitical tensions and multiple conflicts around the world are real causes for concern for multilateralism, peaceful coexistence and harmonious development. Let us take a break from the rhetoric of intimidation, threats and war. As the theme of this seventy-eighth session invites us to do, let us work together to restore trust and rekindle global solidarity. Let us dare to carry out reforms that help to build a world where everyone counts, a world where no one is left behind. Let us work together to put in place effective, fair and inclusive international mechanisms to resolve crises rather than encouraging or even, in certain cases, perpetuating them. As direct victims of the ongoing interference of certain countries in their internal affairs, the people of Mali and several other Sahelian States are unfortunately continuing to suffer the tragic consequences of multidimensional crises imposed and perpetuated by those who paradoxically come to give lessons in democracy and respect for human rights. In implementing the Head of State’s vision for the emergence of a new Mali, free from any external neocolonial domination, the Government of the Republic of Mali is honoured to be able to count on sincere partners and on countries that value equal relations based on mutual respect. In that regard, I would like to make a special mention of the Russian Federation for its active solidarity and reliable commitment, both bilaterally and multilaterally. Mali remains committed to strengthening African regional and subregional mechanisms that genuinely support the interests of the African people as a matter of priority. Faithful to its pan-Africanist mission, reaffirmed in all its successive constitutions, Mali reiterates its support for all relevant collective security mechanisms, particularly those in which African leadership is declared, as well as in those where manipulation is rejected and fought. That is the essence behind the establishment of the Alliance of Sahel States on 16 September by Burkina Faso, Mali and the Niger through the signing of the Liptako-Gourma Charter. That organization seeks to set up a collective defence and mutual assistance framework in order to combat all forms of aggression, terrorism and cross-border organized crime in the common area of the Alliance. The new organization also seeks to federate the efforts of the three countries in the socioeconomic and financial fields, as well as strengthen regional integration on a new basis, this time an integration of peoples based on solidarity, respect for the dignity and identity of our peoples and our countries; the affirmation of our sovereignty over our lands and resources, as well as our sovereignty over our organizations; financing our activities from our own resources; and the rejection of external interference, hegemonic policies, neocolonial domination and subjugation. In addition to security mechanisms, Mali fully supports African initiatives that strive to promote and strengthen ties of fraternity and solidarity, such as the African Political Alliance, launched by the sister Republic of Togo, which aspires to an independent, politically strong, unabashed and non-aligned Africa, capable of participating as an equal player as an actor in global governance. In conclusion, I would like to point out that the many challenges to peace, security and development require an overhauled, adapted and inclusive multilateral framework. We can, and must, no longer continue to do the same thing with the same ill-adapted mechanisms and institutions and expect different results. For its part, Mali remains committed to a multilateralism in which every nation counts, a cooperative multilateralism that provides ambitious solutions to the challenges of our time, particularly in the Sahel, an open multilateralism that takes into account the deep-seated aspirations of our populations to change, dignity, respect, the sovereign equality of States, equity, justice, development, security and, lastly, peace.

I now call on Ms. Reem Al Hashimy, Minister of State for International Cooperation of the United Arab Emirates.

I would like to sincerely congratulate the President on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at this session. I also value the efforts of Mr. Csaba Kőrösi during his presidency of the previous session. I would like to reiterate our sincere condolences and sympathy to the Governments and the peoples of the Kingdom of Morocco and the State of Libya for the victims of the recent disasters that struck the two countries. The United Arab Emirates declared this year as the Year of Sustainability, under the theme “Today for tomorrow”, to honour our shared responsibilities to current and future generations, who deserve to live in safe and prosperous environments. We also seek to honour previous generations, which spared no effort in advancing nations and their aspirations. We are committed to saving our planet and its resources and ancient heritage. The United Arab Emirates believes in the importance of that approach amid the existential challenges facing our world today. That particularly applies to addressing armed conflicts, currently at their highest since the Second World War, and climate change and its disasters. We are steadfast in defending our common humanitarian values in a world dominated by the unrelenting waves of extremism, racism and hate speech. Addressing those challenges has become possible now more than at any other time. We have reached the highest level of advancement. Today we possess the advanced technology required to find innovative solutions to complex challenges. We have put in place regional and international institutions to coordinate collective action, and we are equipped with the necessary legal frameworks to organize relations among States. The United Arab Emirates has experienced that reality extensively during its term as a member of the Security Council since last year. Time and time again, geopolitical disagreements have prevented the Council from achieving the desired consensus regarding urgent issues, including purely humanitarian ones. The time has come to engage in serious discussions on comprehensive and meaningful reform of the Security Council, particularly in terms of the challenges related to the use of the veto, the expansion of the permanent and elected memberships and the improvement of the Council’s approach and working methods and its ability to proactively address crises. The United Arab Emirates emphasizes the importance of maintaining an international order that is based on respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States. International relations must be governed by international law, including United Nations resolutions. Resorting to the use of force instead of relying on political solutions and dividing the world into an “us against them” mentality could yield nothing but chaos and the undermining of diplomatic efforts. No party will be a winner. We underscore the need to respect diversity, political differences and development disparities. We must give prominence to common values that ensure cooperation and integration across peoples and countries. It is essential to enhance the effectiveness of international organizations, in particular the United Nations. Such institutions are crucial to building bridges, reducing tensions and establishing peaceful solutions. We depend on them as the first line of defence to prevent States from being drawn into divisive currents amid major political rifts. We also believe that regional organizations, such as the League of Arab States and the African Union, play a pivotal role in supporting faltering political endeavours and efforts because those organizations are familiar with local contexts. My country believes that the best way to resolve crises is through peaceful means, particularly in our region, which is ravaged by weapons and extremist rhetoric. We spare no effort in reducing escalation and call for prioritizing dialogue and diplomacy to resolve differences. At the same time, we focus on strengthening economic integration among the countries of our region in order to create integration that would benefit the economies and peoples of the region and enhance regional stability and prosperity. From this rostrum, the United Arab Emirates reiterates its request to Iran to end its occupation of our three islands, namely, Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa. Our legitimate right to those islands has not diminished, and time will not lessen our sovereignty over the islands. We will continue to seek a resolution either through direct negotiation or through the International Court of Justice. That has been the firm stance of the United Arab Emirates for decades. We stress the position of the Gulf Cooperation Council calling on Iraq to take serious and urgent steps to address the negative consequences of the ruling of its Federal Supreme Court regarding the agreement concluded between Kuwait and Iraq on the regulation of maritime navigation in Khor Abdullah. That needs to be done in a manner that serves good-neighbourly relations, in line with international law and the agreements signed between the two brotherly countries. Our ultimate goal is to strive for applying the principle of zero problems. Regardless of how great the challenge, it is critical to restore the legitimate sovereignty of States and prevent extremist and armed groups from maintaining a presence in our region. We must move forward with a vision that promotes peace, openness, coexistence, cooperation and development. We believe that achieving such a vision is not a far- fetched goal. Our region is full of hope and resources, and our youth has great potential to lead our nations towards security, stability and prosperity. That can be achieved only with political will and determined efforts. The United Arab Emirates therefore refuses to accept that conflicts in our region are inevitable. We believe that security, stability and prosperity will be restored in Yemen, Syria, the Sudan, Libya, Iraq and Lebanon. We also believe in the establishment of an independent Palestinian State within the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Without eradicating extremism, hatred and racism from our region and globally, such efforts will not succeed. It has become abundantly clear that hate speech and extremism are closely linked to the spread and escalation of conflict. Last June, the Security Council acknowledged that fact in its historic resolution 2686 (2023), concerning tolerance, international peace and security, as per a pioneer initiative in which the United Arab Emirates played a crucial role. Although the values of tolerance and peaceful coexistence have an impact on peoples globally, applying those values has a greater impact when established among communities. That means refraining from double standards, such as destroying a church in Iraq, burning the Holy Qur’an in Sweden or attacking a Jewish cultural centre in Argentina. All those are unacceptable acts, which lead to chaos and discord. We must develop comprehensive and effective strategies that guarantee human rights, strengthen stability within communities and address racist practices. That also includes addressing exclusion and discrimination against women and girls in Afghanistan. We call for concerted efforts to address grave developments that threaten global stability, foremost of which is the development of nuclear weapons and the undermining of the non-proliferation regime. We must never tolerate that kind of threat or accept the risk of a nuclear conflict, which would result in devastating consequences for all. We also stress the importance of alleviating the suffering of people affected by conflict situations, particularly by granting humanitarian exceptions when sanctions measures are imposed. We should be mindful that civilians, especially children, are not responsible for those conflicts and have nothing to do with their outbreak or sustainability. In the aftermath of the devastating earthquake in Syria this year, the Arab countries set an example through their humanitarian diplomacy and supported the brotherly Syrian people. As part of the United Arab Emirates approach to support affected peoples and alleviate their suffering by all means, we plan to launch a digital platform that employs advanced technologies to enable affected States to better inform the international community of their humanitarian support needs in the wake of natural disasters. The digital platform will assist in providing an urgent, effective and coordinated humanitarian response. I would emphasize that the interplay among those conflicts and other serious challenges, particularly climate change, food and energy security and water crises, can bring about significant consequences for future generations. The climate crisis is at a critical juncture in our world today. The result of the first global stocktaking only confirms how far off-track we are in implementing the objectives of the Paris Agreement. To keep the 1.5°C target within reach, we need to undertake a radical change. Some may see that objective as impossible, but my country sees it as possible to achieve. In that spirit, the United Arab Emirates will host the twenty-eighth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in almost two months’ time. We will focus on intensifying international cooperation to achieve the highest ambitions possible. The action plan for the conference will focus on four main axes, namely, expediting an orderly and just transition in the energy sector, advancing climate financing mechanisms, enhancing livelihoods and protecting individuals based on a transparent and inclusive framework. We must restore hope and be optimistic regarding our ability to deal with climate change. The United Arab Emirates believes that the transformation of the energy sector will provide the greatest opportunity to enhance and sustain human and economic development. It is important to focus on financing as an essential tool in that process. That would require improving the international financial structure, encouraging the private sector to finance climate action, ensuring the fulfilment of pledges by donors and fully operationalizing the loss and damage fund. In line with the values and approach of the United Arab Emirates, we will utilize the valuable contributions of women, youth and civil society, as well as the private sector. Global Government agencies should also fulfil their responsibilities to tackle climate change. We must remain united and work together to make the desired progress. I would like to take this opportunity to extend an open invitation to the world to actively participate in the conference and develop collective solutions to achieve a substantial shift in confronting climate change that allows us to move our focus from negotiations to achieving tangible results in pursuit of a better and more sustained future through consensus and inclusivity. By addressing climate change, we can alleviate the food insecurity crisis. That requires further investment in food supply systems and safeguarding them from damage or attacks. It also demands a focus on the development of smart systems to increase productivity and minimize the impact of natural disasters and political and security crises. Water scarcity is an increasingly challenging problem globally. However, it does not get the attention that it deserves in order to address the scale and gravity of the challenges posed by it on our planet. There is an urgent need to find new models of international cooperation on water. That issue must be a top priority for multilateral action. In recognition of that, the United Arab Emirates seeks to find effective solutions by working with international partners to address that problem. Today the Foreign Ministry of the United Arab Emirates published a relevant report, which we hope will contribute to achieving that goal. Global challenges are becoming interlinked to a great extent. No country or organization is capable of addressing them alone. Terrorist organizations that try to control our region recruit fighters and finance their networks from other regions. The repercussions of the coronavirus disease pandemic affected countries throughout the world. Civilian suffering in conflicts does not differ, regardless of their causes. The United Arab Emirates believes that collective action is no longer simply an option, but an urgent need. Today’s decisions will have far-reaching impacts for decades to come. In that regard, we should ask ourselves what legacy we want to leave for future generations. Do we want our legacy to be conflicts, crises and scarce resources and opportunities? Or do we want to leave behind a stable and prosperous international order, where tolerant communities coexist and are resilient in the face of challenges? For us in the United Arab Emirates, peace is our choice, development is our path, and the future is our destination. With the return of the Emirati astronaut Sultan Al Neyadi from the first long Arab mission in space, we see invaluable experience, as we see in our youth new potential leaders who build on our achievements and usher in a promising future. We are determined to follow in the footsteps of the founders of the United Arab Emirates. We strive to achieve greater advancements and further investments in humankind and science for the people of the world. Our determination to achieve those objectives is demonstrated in our policies, decisions and relationships.

The exercise of the right of reply has been requested. May I remind members that statements in exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and five minutes for the second, and should be made by delegations from their seats.

The Chinese delegation takes the floor in exercise of the right of reply to the statement made by the Foreign Minister of the Philippines earlier today. It is China’s consistent position that the United Nations is not the right forum in which to discuss issues related to the South China Sea. However, China is compelled to respond in all seriousness to any erroneous rhetoric that we heard. The Arbitration Tribunal arbitrating the South China Sea case did so ultra vires and issued its award in an act of perverting the law, in breach of the United Nation Convention on the Law of the Sea and applicable international law. The Tribunal’s so-called ruling was illegal and null and void. On many occasions, the Chinese Government has solemnly declared that China does not accept or participate in that arbitration case or accept or recognize the ruling. China’s territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests in the South China Sea will not be compromised by that ruling under any circumstances. China rejects, and does not accept, any claims or actions based on the ruling. China and the Philippines are maritime neighbours. China is ready to continue the search for a solution to maritime issues through dialogue and consultation with the Philippines in a joint effort to safeguard bilateral relations and keep the maritime situation stable.

In my capacity as Foreign Minister of the Republic of Guatemala and in the exercise of our right of reply, I wish to refer to the remarks made by my colleague, the Foreign Minister of Belize, in his address to the General Assembly. I wish to highlight the peaceful nature of the people of Guatemala, whose foreign policy is based on good faith and strict respect for international law. The sound reports of the observer mission of the Organization of American States in the adjacency zone show the efforts of both Governments to promote a culture of peace, fostering educational, cultural, health and wildlife preservation programmes in that area. As well as the joint work of the armed forces of both countries in combating drug trafficking and other scourges affecting our region, which are the responsibility of each nation, Guatemala is recognized in the region as a leading country in the fight against drug trafficking. Guatemala has systematically been the victim of Belizean radical pro-independence civil society groups, which, year after year, try to provoke pockets of instability in the Sarstoon River area, thereby violating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of our country. Throughout our history, we have witnessed the deaths of Guatemalan nationals who perished at the hands of the Belizean armed forces. However, despite the constant provocations by such groups, there has never been a documented case of Guatemalan soldiers violating the human rights of fellow Belizeans or disturbing the peace. Guatemala reiterates its commitment to continuing to work closely with the Belizean Government to further develop the adjacency zone and to continue to work together to safeguard the security of both nations. Guatemala honours its commitments by submitting to the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice to settle any dispute over sovereignty or territory integrity between our nations. Guatemala believes, and invests, in Belize. Today Guatemala is one of the leading investors in Belize, thereby proving our conviction that, together, we can achieve a prosperous and peaceful future for future generations.

I take the floor to exercise the right of reply in response to the statement just delivered by the delegation of the United Arab Emirates. It is regrettable to see that, year after year, the representative of that country resorts to the same fabrications against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a Member of the United Nations by repetition of the baseless claim about the three Iranian islands in the Persian Gulf. We regard such a statement and unfounded claims as interference in Iran’s internal affairs and in violation of the fundamental principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations, including the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and good-neighbourliness. The three islands of Abu Musa, Greater Tunb and Lesser Tunb in the Persian Gulf have been, and continue to be, an integral part of Iranian territory. Iran reiterates its sovereignty over them. Any claims to the contrary are null and void and are therefore categorically rejected. Any decision or major step taken by Iranian officials regarding those islands have always been within the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the Islamic Republic of Iran and based on the principles of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has always pursued a policy of friendship and good-neighbourliness towards all its neighbours and would like to express its continued determination to strengthen bilateral relations, including with the United Arab Emirates, through dialogue and mutual respect. Meanwhile, I would like to re-emphasize that the territorial integrity of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its sovereignty over the islands under discussion are non-negotiable. As I have the floor, I would like to refer to the statement made by our brother country the State of Kuwait during the general debate. In that regard, we would like to reiterate that the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is founded on full adherence to international law, mutual respect and good- neighbourliness. We believe that issues concerning the delimitation of maritime borders and exploitation of common hydrocarbon resources between countries should be addressed and resolved through dialogue and bilateral negotiations, while taking into account principles of good-neighbourliness.

My country’s delegation would like to exercise the right of reply to what the representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran said. The United Arab Emirate emphasizes that our three islands — Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa — in the Arab Gulf are an integral part of the territories of the United Arab Emirates. My country categorically rejects the continued Iranian occupation of the three Emirati islands. We have time and again called for the peaceful resolution of that conflict. Nevertheless, Iran refuses to respond to those calls. Therefore, the United Arab Emirates once again reiterates its call to Iran to abide by international law and the Charter of the United Nations in order to reach a peaceful settlement of the issue of the three occupied Emirati islands — Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa — through direct negotiations or through the International Court of Justice. We are at a stage where we are working with Iran to enhance relations between the two countries. We hope that we can settle the dispute related to the sovereignty of the United Arab Emirates over the three occupied Emirati islands within the context of international law and the principles of good-neighbourliness and bona fide intentions.