A/78/PV.15 General Assembly

Before we proceed to take action on draft resolution A/78/L.1, I should like to remind members that the Assembly will hold a joint debate on agenda items 13 and 117 on Thursday, 5 October. Annexed to draft resolution A/78/L.1 is the political declaration that was adopted by consensus on 18 September by the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development, under the auspices of the General Assembly, in the presence of Heads of State and Government. We shall now proceed to consider draft resolution A/78/L.1. Before giving the floor for explanations of vote before the voting, I would like to remind delegations that explanations of vote are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats.

From the very beginning of the consultation process on draft resolution A/78/L.1, which is before us today, the Group of 77 and China requested the inclusion in the text of a reference to the critical issue of the imposition of unilateral coercive measures on developing countries, taking into account the fact that this issue was addressed in paragraph 30 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and is one of the commitments to be assessed in the midterm review exercise on that important document. The fact that since the adoption of the 2030 Agenda and to this very day, the situation of countries that have been subject to that kind of measure has worsened  — particularly during the coronavirus disease pandemic  — was an additional reason to insist on such a reference. It is in line with the historical position that our Group has adopted with regard to such policies, which are contrary to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Nevertheless, developed countries, by exercising a veto power of sorts, refused even to consider the language proposed and did not provide a single valid argument for their intransigent position. The Group of 77 and China maintains that the lack of a reference to unilateral coercive measures is a major shortcoming in the draft resolution to be adopted today. In that regard, we reiterate that such measures are a grave hindrance to the efforts of the affected countries to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and sustainable development in general, and that the international community, including the United Nations system, should continue to firmly reject the imposition of such measures and work to see them lifted unconditionally if they truly want to uphold the principle of leaving no one behind. The Group of 77 and China therefore reserves the right to come back to that issue in future processes. I shall now make a statement in my national capacity. (spoke in Spanish) Cuba has decided to support the document that was introduced for adoption by the Assembly with the understanding that, despite its shortcomings, as I just mentioned on behalf the Group of 77 and China, it retains language and concepts that are important for the countries of the South in a way that we believe to be acceptable. Nevertheless, we cannot fail to mention our deep concern about the processes used during the informal consultations on the text, which repeatedly impeded genuine dialogue among Member States, despite the many complaints made in that regard. We insist on a return to traditional negotiating practice to enable every Member State to express its opinion and present proposals that are taken into account in any text that may result from consultations. A failure to observe that practice has meant that many views held by nations of the South were not taken into account during the consultations. A text that supposedly received the broadest possible consensus had to be reopened at the last minute to accommodate a small group of developed countries opposed to making serious financial compromises to assist developing countries, even going against various other agreements that were reached several decades earlier. Member States must remain the legitimate owners of negotiation processes and their outcome documents, in strict adherence to the rules of procedure of the Assembly. The co-facilitators must fulfil their role of assisting all Member States via an impartial conduct of those processes, which should be carried out in an open, transparent and truly inclusive manner. That is the only way to ensure genuine and meaningful consensus for all. Cuba will continue to advocate for the enforcement of established procedures, and in particular for respect for countries of the South and their legitimate claims and aspirations.

The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela has the honour to speak on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations, whose Member States align themselves with the statement delivered by the representative of the sister Republic of Cuba on behalf of the Group of 77 and China. I would also like to thank members in advance for their indulgence if our statement is a long one. We hope that our right to speak will not be stifled and that our microphone will not be cut off, as occurred with some of our Heads of State and Government in several meetings of the recently concluded high-level segment of the current session. The Preamble to the founding Charter of the United Nations states: “We the peoples of the United Nations deter­ mined ... to promote social progress and better stand­ ards of life in larger freedom”. The Charter goes on to say that, in line with the purposes of the Organization, it is essential that we achieve “international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character”. Today we will fail again. Once again, consciously and voluntarily, we will break our promise to leave no one behind. We will adopt a document that ignores the negative impact of the unilateral coercive measures that, we stress, apply to more than a third of humankind. That is perhaps one of the reasons that our peoples feel frustrated with the United Nations and fail to understand why, despite its convening power and its authority, our decisions in the General Assembly do not have a real impact on their daily lives, or on easing their burdens and ensuring that we, as their representatives, are in a position to effectively provide for their most basic needs. Under those circumstances, and given the pernicious way of pretending as if everything were normal and that nothing is happening, how can we bring to fruition the Charter’s vision of peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability? If we continue along the path of allowing the same supremacist mindset to prevail in the Assembly Hall, it is clear that we will be condemned to fail time and time again. The question of unilateral coercive measures cannot continue to be ignored or swept under the rug, in particular at the current juncture, as we face a growing trend of continued, systematic, relentless, unprecedented and ever-increasing promulgation, application and even expansion of the ill-named sanctions that have an impact not only on the countries that are subject to them, but also on the global economy as a whole, including supply chains, food security, energy, security and many other areas. Things being as they are, unilateral coercive measures deliberately worsen the current multifaceted global crisis faced by humankind. Unilateral coercive measures are illegal. They are in violation of purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and the most basic norms of international law. They are measures of coercion that are used to promote foreign policy objectives and to exercise political, financial and economic power over independent and sovereign States, especially in our developing world. Unilateral coercive measures are cruel and inhumane. They seek to capitalize on the pain and suffering they cause to entire peoples by advancing interventionist and destabilizing agendas. They are not just gross violations of human rights, including the right to food, health and development, but are also, in and of themselves, crimes against humanity, insofar as they clearly seek to deprive entire populations of their means of subsistence. In many cases, their negative impact is immeasurable. Moreover, it has been proven that they can even be just as lethal and disruptive as the weapons used in conventional war. Unilateral coercive measures are a direct and deliberate attack on development and are applied precisely by those same Governments that deny the very existence of the right to development as a universal, indivisible and inalienable human right. As such, those measures are the main obstacle to the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the achievement of its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In other words, they are an obstacle to the same Agenda that urges States to “refrain from promulgating and applying any unilateral economic, financial or trade measures not in accordance with international law and the Charter of the United Nations that impede the full achievement of economic and social development, particularly in developing countries.” (resolution 70/1, para. 30) From the very start of the process in February, our delegations underscored, both individually and as a Group, the critical importance of including the question of unilateral coercive measures in the draft political declaration that will be formally adopted today. We said that it was of critical importance because many Member States of our Group of Friends are subject to the illegal application of such measures and know at first-hand the negative and indiscriminate impact that they have on their peoples, whose dignity will never be subject to negotiations. We decided, as always, to participate actively and constructively in the negotiations. We were determined to reach agreements that would ultimately enable us to achieve a consensual outcome. We engaged at all times in good faith and we showed, as ever, a broad degree of flexibility. However, consensus is forged day after day. It means acting in good faith and understanding and respecting different points of view. It also involves a process of mutual accommodation. Consensus cannot be imposed, which is precisely what the Office of the previous President of the General Assembly attempted to do. We trust that such a mistake will not be made again, and we stress that the shortcomings of the process drawing to a close today should in no way set a precedent for future processes, especially as we embark later this year on preparations for the forthcoming Summit of the Future. Throughout the almost five months of extensive negotiations, we never found on the other side of the table the same spirit or eagerness to compromise. Quite the contrary, from the beginning, there was an attempt to impose a kind of veto on any discussion related to the inclusion of the issue of unilateral coercive measures in the text under consideration today. We must say emphatically: that is not the way to conduct intergovernmental negotiations at the United Nations, and we regret that the co-facilitators failed to discourage such an approach during the negotiations. We proposed various innovative options, alternatives and formulations, including ones that differed from the consensus language previously agreed in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development on this topic, which should have been the easiest to reflect in the text. We regret that there was not one single attempt to try to include in the document — even “modestly”, to use the words of the co-facilitators — the issue of unilateral coercive measures, either implicitly or explicitly. In spite of that, and by virtue of our flexibility and interest in ensuring the success of the SDG Summit, to which we attach particular importance, we discussed at the time, both with you, Sir, and with your predecessor, the possibility of working on a political package —

I ask the representative of the Venezuela to conclude his statement, as 10 minutes have passed.

I would ask you to allow me to finish my statement. I am speaking on behalf of 20 delegations, and the aim of my one intervention is to avoid having 20 other delegations take the floor in order to move forward. I would appreciate your leniency. We discussed at the time, both with you and your predecessor, the possibility of working on a political package that could serve to reach compromises ultimately capable of leading us to the adoption of all the documents by consensus. In that context, we must note our surprise at one of your letters, Sir, circulated on 15 September, in which you stated that you had heard nothing that would constitute a sufficient basis for reopening and re-examining the texts, which not only gave the impression that consensus had been reached, but also ignored — once again — the concerns of a large number of delegations, including those in our Group of Friends. This very plenary meeting, for example, has taken many of us by surprise. Contrary to the assurances given to us on 17 September that the formal adoption of the political declaration would take place in early October, we were called at very short notice for this meeting in order to take action on the draft resolution. It seems a rather premeditated decision and one that intended, either deliberately or inadvertently, to ensure that there was insufficient time for consultation and coordination between the delegations interested in finding a way forward on this issue. We must express our disappointment at that course of action. On behalf of the Member States of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations, we conclude with the following four points. First, we regret that it has not been possible to reach consensus on the political declaration soon to be adopted, as has become evident today. Needless to say, the text to be adopted remains incomplete, as it lacks a crucial element for the realization of development in its three dimensions in at least 30 countries around the world: the urgent call for the elimination of unilateral coercive measures. Secondly, we call for the shortcomings of the process, both in terms of substance and procedure, to be addressed urgently, inter alia to ensure greater transparency and avoid undue exclusions, in particular of stakeholders, including those that may have broken silence procedures on draft negotiating documents. We reaffirm that the imposition of political agendas or consensus cannot be normalized or become a new trend, much less be assumed by this forum as an accepted practice. Thirdly, we reiterate our unwavering support and strong solidarity with nations and peoples under unilateral coercive measures and renew our strong call for their total, immediate and unconditional lifting. Fourthly, and in strict accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and the rules of procedure of this organ, we reserve the right to take whatever action we deem appropriate in order to prevent such a situation from recurring in the General Assembly.

I deliver this statement on behalf of the Member States of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), namely, the United Arab Emirates, the Kingdom of Bahrain, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the State of Qatar, the State of Kuwait and my country, the Sultanate of Oman. At the outset, I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting to discuss items 13 and 117 of the agenda. In that regard, I would like to note that the GCC countries support the draft political declaration of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development, while stressing that our countries are determined to achieve the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). I would like to take the opportunity to reiterate our appreciation of the co-facilitators, Her Excellency Ambassador Alya Ahmed Bin Saif Al-Thani, Permanent Representative of the State of Qatar, and His Excellency Ambassador Fergal Mythen, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Ireland, for their appreciated efforts in facilitating the intergovernmental consultations on the political declaration of the SDG Summit in an open, transparent and comprehensive manner. The GCC countries emphasize the need to avoid any procedures that might undermine the capacity of developing countries to achieve the SDGs or that contradict the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of the international law, which are underpinned by mutual respect, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and good-neighbourliness. The GCC countries underscore the importance of the political declaration on meeting current demands by taking the measures necessary to scale up efforts to achieve the 2030 Agenda and the Addis Ababa Action Agenda. That entails various means including development cooperation, investment in the SDGs, reforming the international financial architecture, supporting steady, inclusive and sustainable growth, enhancing macroeconomic policy cooperation, exploring practical and transparent means to measure the progress made on sustainable development that complement, or go beyond, gross domestic product and implementing actions to accelerate sustainable development, in particular in support of developing countries. We are fully committed in the GCC countries to achieving the vision of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in line with the laws, plans and aspirations of our countries towards achieving prosperity, peace and partnership. That is the main purpose and goal of the national plans and strategies of the GCC countries. In that regard, we would also like to note that the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development is universal in nature and its targets and goals are far-reaching and cross-cutting. It is underpinned and guided by the noble and sublime purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The GCC countries stress the importance of activating Article 17 of the political declaration, in which we, “commit to stepping up our efforts to fight against racism, all forms of discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, stigmatization, hate speech, through cooperation, partnership and inclusion and respect for diversity.” In that regard, we would like to underscore that the GCC countries respect diversity in line with their national legislation and religious and cultural values. Accordingly, we condemn all manifestations of intolerance, extremism, Islamophobia and xenophobia. We believe that burning the Qu’ran and the desecration of the sanctities and religious symbols are irresponsible behaviour that serves to encourage hatred and extremism. In conclusion, the GCC countries reaffirm the importance of the political declaration to be adopted today, which was earlier endorsed by the Heads of Delegation during the SDG Summit, as a robust and important document to accelerate the implementation of our shared goals.

My delegation aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the Group of 77 and China and the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations. In my national capacity, let me share some important points, as we deliberate on this very important document (draft resolution (A/78/L.1), which should guide us as we all strive to get the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) back on track during the remaining seven years before 2030, without leaving anyone behind. Unilateral coercive measures have a profound negative impact on the ability of the countries concerned to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Those measures hinder progress towards achieving the SDGs in several ways, including the restriction of access to the means of implementation, especially at this challenging time when we are facing a global “polycrisis” like no other. Our situation is compounded by unilateral coercive measures, not to mention their effect resulting in an incomplete picture of the real state of play in the implementation of the SDGs and, ipso facto, on the best way forward, in a manner that leaves no one and no place behind. As explained by other delegations in support of the language referring to unilateral coercive measures, my delegation engaged in the negotiation process constructively, with the commitment to contribute towards an honest assessment of where we truly are in terms of implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the 17 SDGs. From our experience, and the evidence provided by the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures, the latter are a major impediment to the implementation of SDGs and the enjoyment of all the other rights of the majority of people in targeted countries. We support the inclusion of paragraph 30 from the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We are convinced that paragraph 30 should be included verbatim, as it is very relevant and is in line with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. It is our considered position that any refusal to accept this fundamental text, already agreed in the original document, is tantamount to revising the SDGs by stealth, at a time when we have to turbo-charge the implementation of the SDGs. It is a negation of the revitalized global partnerships that we all committed to in 2015, as reflected in paragraph 39, on the means of implementation. It is equally a negation of the spirit of global solidarity, particularly with those furthest behind and those in vulnerable situations. Adding paragraph 30 is not mutually exclusive of any of the paragraphs already contained in the declaration before us; it enriches the document. In that regard, Zimbabwe looks forward to the support and understanding of each and every member of the General Assembly. We call on all countries that impose unilateral coercive measures to engage in constructive dialogue and diplomacy to find peaceful resolutions to differences, while prioritizing the collective pursuit of the SDGs, which represent our shared commitment to a better and more sustainable future for all.

My delegation associates itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the Group of 77 and China and the statement delivered by the representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on behalf of Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations. In addition to our registered reservations, the Islamic Republic of Iran considers the political declaration (A/78/L.1) as a non-legally binding and voluntary-based instrument. My country is not committed to those parts of the document that are in contradiction with Iranian national priorities, laws, legislation, regulations and policies, as well as cultural and religious values. The Islamic Republic of Iran engaged constructively in the negotiation process of the political declaration to reach a balanced and acceptable outcome document. We regret that consensus could not be reached. Hence, the political declaration cannot be seen as a document that represents the consensus among us, as it totally ignores the legitimate concerns of one third of humankind, including the legitimate priorities of the people of my country. Consensus cannot be forced. In the process, the text of the declaration was opened for amendment for a small group of countries. We expect that such an action, as happened in this process, will not reoccur in the General Assembly. We are extremely disappointed that the political declaration does not address several of my delegation’s legitimate concerns, including the detrimental effects that unilateral coercive measures have on the social, environmental and economic development of developing countries that are unjustly subjected to such measures. Unilateral coercive measures are cruel and inhumane and violate basic human rights. Such actions not only undermine the principles enshrined in the Charter and international law, but also severely threaten the freedom of trade and investment and violate the principle of the right to development, leaving behind more than 2 billion people of the countries affected. In conclusion, we underscore the urgent need to end the implementation of laws and regulations with extraterritorial application, as well as all other types of coercive economic measures, including unilateral coercive measures against developing countries.

We align ourselves with the statement made on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations. The language in the outcome document (draft resolution A/78/.L.1), especially its evaluative and operative parts, contains important elements for the future of a multipolar world, namely, the acknowledgement of the structural crisis in the world economy and the need to reform the international financial system for the sake of development. The upcoming negotiations in the Second Committee will allow for a comprehensive discussion on implementing the kind of mandate that has been developed by Member States in the political declaration. As I already mentioned, we align ourselves with the statement made on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations and express our concerns about attempts to silence, or simply dismiss, the plight of millions of people living under sanctions in developing countries. The draft political declaration before us today contains a comprehensive list of the many cascading health-, climate- and conflict-related crises. But those crises are not hindering development as much as are illegal unilateral  — and in particular extraterritorial  — measures, which are aimed at depriving people of their basic needs and rights. The preamble to the draft document before us today is replete with references to multilateralism and trust. However, unilateral measures are the antithesis of multilateralism. They also undermine trust between former partners. The draft declaration is replete with references to the importance of fully implementing the Sustainable Development Goals and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. However, an integral part of the 2030 Agenda — the call not to use unilateral sanctions  — was rejected by a group of countries as serving to politicize the negotiations. It is unlikely that we will be able to celebrate in unison the adoption of the draft document before us today. Its negotiation, and the text itself, have demonstrated how much remains to be done to reverse the deepening inequalities and divergences. Moreover, entire populations are not just being increasingly left behind; they are also being forcibly held back in a state of backwardness and dependency, recalling the dark days of colonialism. At the same time, despite external pressure, Russia will continue to implement the provisions of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and stand in solidarity with developing countries in the new environment. In that regard, we consider the 2023 draft declaration as a working tool, a schematic framework to achieve further progress together and get back on track to implement the Sustainable Development Goals. Despite the absence of important elements in the draft declaration, its successful implementation and the comprehensive implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development will depend on taking them and our discussions today into account.

At the outset, my delegation aligns itself with the statement delivered by the representative of Cuba on behalf of the Group of 77 and China, and with the statement delivered by the representative of Venezuela on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations. I would like to make the following remarks in my national capacity. Given our belief in the importance of implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, we were committed to constructively participating in negotiations on the political declaration of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) Summit. Like the Secretary-General, who has emphasized this on numerous occasions, we have stressed many times that priority should be given to the SDG Summit despite this year’s busy agenda. My delegation therefore effectively and constructively participated in the relevant negotiations from the very beginning. At the very first round of negotiations, we expressed our concern and hoped that the co-facilitators would show more flexibility and patience to provide sufficient time for the negotiations, especially because we were negotiating on a declaration at the level of Heads of State. The result was an incomplete political declaration that left behind more than 3 billion people throughout the world who are at risk of food, water, health and energy insecurity, all of which is due to unilateral coercive measures. Those unilateral measures diminish the countries’ ability to implement their economic, development and social policies, thereby preventing them from investing in the infrastructure needed to implement the SDGs. Furthermore, the overzealous implementation of such measures leads to exacerbating the suffering of targeted peoples as a result of the intimidation policies of the States that impose such illegal and inhumane measures. In addition, it has become difficult to cope with the effects of natural disasters linked to climate change. In that regard, it is important to note the devastating earthquake that struck my country, Syria, on 6 February. Those coercive measures prevented us from having access to early-warning systems and the heavy rescue machinery that could reach and save people under rubble. That had doubled the number of victims and led to an increase in the number of those who lost their homes. We demand once again from this rostrum the full, immediate and unconditional lifting of those coercive measures, which amount to a crime against humanity committed against the targeted peoples. They also constitute economic terrorism, which is no less brutal and dangerous than armed terrorism.

Our delegation aligns itself with the explanations of position delivered by the representative of Cuba, on behalf of the Group of 77 and China, and by the representative of Venezuela, on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations. The delegation of Nicaragua would like to convey its disappointment at the lack of good faith concerning the draft resolution (A/78/L.1) to be adopted today, as the position that was repeated many times by a significant group of countries over the course of negotiations on the draft declaration of the Sustainable Development Goals Summit was ignored. We insisted repeatedly that the text of this draft resolution include paragraph 30 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, on the impact of the illegal unilateral coercive measures. However, we were completely ignored, and the document is therefore incomplete. That is unjustifiable, especially when it is undeniable and everyone knows that developing countries, in addition to facing greater challenges, require access to financing and capacity- building. It is unacceptable to ignore a population of more than billion people from over 30 countries, who suffer every day as a result of the imposition of the illegal and terroristic unilateral coercive measures and their concomitant obstacles to loans and viable projects in international financial institutions to assist developing countries in implementing the 2030 Agenda, especially as it relates to the eradication of poverty. The reality is that the imperialist and neocolonial countries continue to apply pressure and manipulate the rules of procedure in order to continue increasing and applying disastrous unilateral coercive measures on more and more countries. These aggressions and sanctions are incompatible with, and a contradiction of, the Charter of the United Nations and the combined efforts of the United Nations towards the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. Therefore, they should be eliminated.

Pakistan will join the consensus on the political declaration (A/78/L.1), to be adopted today. We sincerely commend the co-facilitators  — the Permanent Representative of Qatar, Her Excellency Ms. Alya Al-Thani, and the Permanent Representative of Ireland, Ambassador Fergal Mythen  — for their heroic efforts to reach an agreement on a document that is both substantive and important. Pakistan aligns itself with the statement made by the Ambassador of Cuba, setting out the position of the Group of 77. The non-inclusion of the unilateral coercive measures reflected in paragraph 30 and the provisions against foreign occupation reflected in paragraph 35 of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development does not in any way compromise the legality and implementability of those provisions or the principles that they reflect. At the same time, we must note that the political declaration contains many significant advances that could accelerate progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. Those include the commitment to advance the Secretary-General’s Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) stimulus proposal; the commitment to urgently rechannel special drawing rights, while also exploring ways for future allocations to benefit the countries that need them most; the commitment for an improved international debt mechanism, with an expansion of support and eligibility to vulnerable countries in need; the commitment to reform the international financial architecture and to engage in inclusive discussions in that regard here, at the United Nations; the commitment to reform the multilateral development banks, including ways to increase their capitalization; and the commitment to consider using multidimensional vulnerability as a criterion to access concessional finance. At the same time, we must not allow those commitments to remain only on paper. After the adoption of this political declaration, Pakistan will initiate consultations, during the current General Assembly session, on the creation of an intergovernmental mechanism to promote and monitor the implementation of the commitments that have been made by Member States in the political declaration.

Egypt fully associates itself with the statement made by the representative of Cuba on behalf of the Group of 77. The delegation of Egypt is extremely satisfied with the adoption, under your able leadership, Mr. President, of the Secretary-General’s political declaration during the high-level week, and we once again support the adoption of a political declaration (A/78/L.1) today, on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In that regard, we wish to highlight several points. I would like to express our deep and sincere appreciation to my dear sister, Her Excellency Ms. Alya Al-Thani, Permanent Representative of Qatar, and my dear friend, His Excellency Mr. Fergal Mythen, Permanent Representative of Ireland, and their teams for their commendable and tireless efforts in the marathon that began in February and has led us to today’s adoption of the political declaration. The adoption of this timely declaration presents a golden opportunity for all of us to strengthen our joint efforts to achieve sustainable development, with poverty eradication as its core and centre. This consensual adoption should truly turbocharge and reaffirm our commitment to work together to achieve the SDGs in the remaining seven years until 2030 and to defeat the trend we have been facing of falling off track. Egypt would have wished to see the treatment of a number of extremely important issues with far stronger language, especially those pertaining to the provision of the means of implementation to developing countries, including finance and, especially, concessional finance. We also would have liked stronger language on the reform of the international financial institutions, including the participation of developing countries in the governance structure of the international financial institutions and the multilateral development banks. The same applies to climate financing and its importance. Egypt firmly believes that the provision of concessional climate financing to developing countries is a prerequisite to achieving a just transition and the goals of the Paris Agreement, as well as the SDGs. We firmly believe in the need to build on the consensus achieved in the political declaration so as to further strengthen our efforts to achieve sustainable development. Egypt remains fully committed to our joint efforts pertaining to implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the full achievement of the SDGs.

The Republic of Belarus aligns itself with the statement made by the representative of Venezuela on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations. On our part, I would again like to draw attention to the unacceptable nature of the use of unilateral coercive measures, which have a negative impact on regional, global and national sustainable development. Sanctions imposed on undesirable countries have an impact on the social and economic development of the undesirable countries and on the well-being of their people. They also prevent the enjoyment of the right to development. We would again like to underscore that Belarus is actively committed to global efforts in support of sustainable development. But is it possible to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in countries feelling the pressure of sanctions? It is obvious that the answer is no. We believe that it is unacceptable to ignore the topic of unilateral coercive measures. That is important to developing countries, including countries in the developing global South. We deplore the fact that the final text of the political declaration of the SDG Summit contains no references to that issue. That should not set a precedent for future processes.

We have heard the last speaker in explanation of position before the voting. The Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolution A/78/L.1, entitled “Political Declaration of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development convened under the auspices of the General Assembly”. May I take it that the Assembly decides to adopt the draft resolution A/78/L.1?

Before giving the floor for explanations of position after the adoption of the resolution, may I remind delegations that explanations of position are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats.

I have the honour to deliver this statement on behalf of Canada, New Zealand and my own country, Australia (CANZ). I would like to start by recognizing the Permanent Representatives of Ireland and Qatar and their teams for their efforts in facilitating the political declaration. CANZ is staunchly committed to protecting, promoting and advancing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), domestically and through our international development programmes alike. For CANZ, last week’s SDG Summit represented a crucial milestone in our shared agenda. The Summit marked the halfway point in trying to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, to which we all agreed eight years ago. And with only 15 per cent of targets on track, it is clear that we are far behind where we need to be to meet the commitments we made to our own populations and to one another. The health of our planet, our people, our institutions and the well-being of all our populations and, indeed, our global economy are all at serious risk. That is why the political declaration is so important. It is a moment for all Member States to recommit to the spirit and substance of the 2030 Agenda and to double down on the implementation of all 17 Sustainable Development Goals. It is therefore disappointing that some Member States used the negotiation to try to rollback hard-fought agreement on critical issues such as climate ambition, gender equality, health and the very foundations of the 2030 Agenda, as underpinned by respect for human rights and international law, and that the perspectives, priorities and needs of all peoples, including Indigenous and First Nations peoples, were not given sufficient consideration. As a result, we regret that the political declaration displays unequal ambition across the three pillars of sustainable development. The great wisdom of the 2030 Agenda is in recognizing the connection between the various aspects of social and economic development and environmental protection and how together they enable prosperity and peace. The relationship between gender equality and sustainable development is a clear example of that. If we were to close the gender gap in economic participation, we would add at least $12 trillion a year to global gross domestic product. In other words, closing the gender gap would generate three times more money than the estimated amount needed to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. And yet some Member States staunchly opposed efforts to recognize the critical importance of creating an enabling environment to achieve gender equality through eliminating sexual and gender-based violence and meeting our commitment  — a commitment specified in the 2030 Agenda itself  — to providing sexual and reproductive health-care services. We all invested years in negotiating the 2030 Agenda. It provides an irreplaceable normative framework for collective global action. All Member States have a duty to protect and deliver on what we agreed. As we move towards 2030, CANZ remains fully committed to fulfilling our shared commitments to achieving sustainable development for all and to leaving no one behind.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union and its member States. The candidate countries Türkiye, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Albania, Ukraine, Moldova and Bosnia and Herzegovina; the potential candidate Georgia; and Liechtenstein, member of the European Free Trade Association and the European Economic Area, align themselves with this statement. The European Union and its members are pleased to join the consensus today confirming our leaders’ adoption of the political declaration on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) at the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development held under the auspices of the General Assembly. We commend the able co-facilitation and tireless efforts of Ireland and Qatar, working closely with all delegations to achieve a text that reflects the current consensus on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Only 15 per cent of SDG targets are on track after years of progress to eradicate poverty and hunger, promote education and gender equality were rolled back by the coronavirus disease pandemic, Russia’s war of aggression and its devastating impact on global food and energy security and the existential threat of climate change. More than ever before, the world needs the mobilization of all Governments and all societies to live up to the promise we made in 2015. The SDG Summit and the consensus-based adoption of the declaration show our unequivocal joint commitment to reviving the 2030 Agenda and accelerating the achievement of the SDGs. The European Union participated constructively in the negotiations, while showing the utmost flexibility and a sincere grasp of the concerns of developing countries at the halfway point in trying to implement the 2030 Agenda. We hope that we can join forces to make the declaration and the 2030 Agenda possible. As the Secretary-General said at the summit, the SDGs are not just a list of Goals. They are the hopes, dreams, rights and expectations of peoples all over the world. Let us work hard to keep that promise and leave no one behind.

Colombia welcomes the adoption just now of the political declaration of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (resolution 78/1) and hopes for the urgent realization of the commitments set out therein to accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. I would like to express my delegation’s gratitude to Qatar and Ireland for their hard work as co-facilitators throughout the difficult negotiation process, which left us with a package of measures with the potential to introduce systemic reforms aimed at closing the financial gap required to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Colombia hopes that, throughout the main period of negotiations of the General Assembly and its Committees and towards the Summit of the Future in 2024, Member States will focus their efforts on landing those reforms. In particular, we highlight the importance of advancing quickly and with the greatest political will in the reform of the international financial system; the recapitalization of multilateral banks; the intensification of debt-for-nature and debt- for-climate swaps; and the rechannelling and issuance of special drawing rights and the establishment of metrics beyond gross domestic product. All of those measures are essential to expand the fiscal space for developing countries and allow them to access the enormous financial resources required to protect global public goods. Just as we recognize the achievements of the political declaration, we express our deep concern about the lack of ambition in matters of greatest relevance. First, in terms of gender equity and the empowerment of all women and girls, Colombia expresses its disappointment at the absence of an explicit reference to the elimination of sexual and gender-based violence, which is one of the main obstacles faced by women in all their diversity, including with regard to benefitting from development strategies and being able to fully assert their human rights. Colombia will continue to promote that aim in all relevant negotiation processes and discussion forums, especially considering that the General Assembly already has agreed upon language adopted by consensus on the matter. The political declaration should not constitute a setback in previously achieved multilateral commitments. Similarly, we express our discontent at the absence of a commitment to accelerate the just energy transition — an issue that is at the centre of the climate action agenda. As was recognized during the Secretary- General’s Climate Ambition Summit, the issue requires greater political will to achieve the goal of establishing decarbonized economies, under the leadership of the countries with the highest emissions, before temperature levels exceed 1.5°C. To not have addressed that issue in a document of such high importance is a collective failure that we hope will be amended in the outcome of the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in the United Arab Emirates. Thirdly, we highlight the importance of the inclusive approach of the political declaration and that of the 2030 Agenda in general to transcend the categorization of groups in situations of vulnerability and evolve towards the recognition of needs and the responsibility of Member States in the development, execution and evaluation of policies with a differential and intersectional approach in all areas of public administration. Colombia will continue to insist on that in future processes. Finally, we reaffirm that the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, including the commitments on unilateral coercive measures contained therein, continue to constitute the universal, comprehensive, balanced and interconnected road map to achieve prosperity for the planet and its people.

At the outset, on this landmark occasion, please allow us to express our profound gratitude to the two co-facilitators, from Ireland and the State of Qatar, and their teams for their exemplary efforts in guiding the deliberations of Member States to a successful conclusion. We welcome the adoption by consensus by the General Assembly of the political declaration of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (resolution 78/1). As expressed by the President of Hungary at the Summit, we are firmly committed to the realization of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The figures contained in the Sustainable Development Report 2023 underpin that commitment. Hungary currently ranks twenty-second in terms of implementation. Building on the prudent macroeconomic and development policies pursued by the Government of Hungary during the past decade, we have been able to increase the amount we devote to official development assistance by more than two-and- a-half times. We have also revamped our international aid framework by creating the Hungary Helps programme, which, among its top priorities, serves as the main framework for our efforts to address the root causes of migration. Bearing that in mind, we deem it particularly important that the international community could come together at this watershed moment in history and forge consensus around this quintessential declaration. We are convinced that it will serve as a road map that will guide our redoubled efforts in the second half of the journey to implement the SDGs. However, given the nature of compromises, we believe that the text adopted by our leaders at the Summit contains some particular points that are not entirely reflective of the complexities of certain issues. In that regard, we would like to highlight that, in our appraisal, paragraph 29 of the declaration represents an unbalanced approach when it comes to addressing the issue of international migration. We believe that the text of the paragraph would have benefited from the application of a more nuanced approach that equally took into account the various detrimental long-term socioeconomic ramifications of migration as well. At this point, we wish to recall Hungary’s principled position, according to which the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration and the Global Compact on Refugees are both non-binding and non-universally accepted texts. As Hungary did not accept those documents, we do not participate in their implementation either. Therefore, it is our position that no provision of those declarations should be read as endorsement or recognition of any binding legal effects of those documents. It is Hungary’s view that migration should not be considered a primary tool for development policy and that we should refrain from steps that may lead to creating further migratory pull factors. Instead, it is our firm conviction that the international community should strive to foster favourable economic and social conditions that allow people to stay and enjoy sustainable living standards in their homelands. Therefore, we would like to put on record our reservations regarding the imbalanced approach of paragraph 29 of the declaration and to express that we do not consider it the most appropriate reference point for future intergovernmental negotiations on the subject.

Chile deeply values the adoption by the General Assembly of the Political Declaration of the High- Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development Convened under the Auspices of the General Assembly (resolution 78/1). We are grateful for the work undertaken by the co-facilitators during this process, which we know was not without its difficulties. However, beyond the legitimate differences expressed, Chile must reinforce the indisputable value of consensus as the preferred means to make progress in addressing global challenges that require multilateralism in our commitment to a more just, equitable and sustainable world. Chile is clear in its condemnation of unilateral coercive measures that represent a threat to the full achievement of sustainable development, in particular in the countries of the global South. Halfway through the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the adoption of this declaration should be an urgent call to action to all stakeholders to accelerate compliance with the SDGs, in which progress is slower than we hoped. If we continue at this pace, not only do we run the risk of not achieving the objective we set ourselves as an international community by the end of this decade, but that is the most likely scenario. In that sense, this document cannot be only a declaration. On the contrary, it must be a turning point for adopting concrete and ambitious measures that makes it possible to keep alive the hope of a more prosperous future for current and future generations. Chile reaffirms its commitment to work tirelessly to realize the vision of the Sustainable Development Goals, confident that the political declaration will be a powerful catalyst for global action for the benefit of humankind and our planet. At stake is the sustainability of life and the well-being of billions of people who are relying on us to deliver on the commitment adopted in 2015 to eradicate poverty, fight inequality and develop peaceful societies while leaving no one behind. The world is watching us, and we must rise to the occasion.

The United States is pleased to join consensus on the Political Declaration of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development Convened under the Auspices of the General Assembly (resolution 78/1). We appreciate the dedicated and constructive work of the co-facilitators, Ireland and Qatar, and thank General Assembly Presidents Csaba Kőrösi and Dennis Francis for their able leadership in finding consensus on the declaration. In his remarks to the General Assembly, President Biden called upon his fellow world leaders to find within us the courage to do what must be done to preserve the planet, to protect human dignity, to provide opportunity for people everywhere and to defend the tenets of the United Nations (see A/78/PV.4). He called on us to bring urgency and ambition to our efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). We see the SDG Summit political declaration as an important step to that end. The United States remains committed to full implementation of the SDGs both at home and abroad. It is why have invested more than $100 billion in global development, just over the past two years. But we know that public investment is not enough. That is why we have leveraged limited public funds to mobilize billions more in private sector investments. Recognizing that achieving the SDGs will require a renewed collective effort, we re-emphasize the urgency of increasing finance from all sources, which is a fundamental tenet of the Addis Ababa Action Agenda. The role of the private sector will be vital, in addition to a focus on domestic resource mobilization, official development assistance and development finance and creating investment climates that help mobilize private capital. We must all do this together — with Governments, the private sector, civil society, unions and local actors. This vital whole-of-society approach must empower stakeholders at all levels, including individuals in vulnerable situations and members of marginalized groups. Achieving the SDGs requires our commitment as Member States to foster societies that respect human rights and worker rights, uphold the rule of law and access to justice, promote gender equality, tackle corruption and support inclusive, accountable governance for all citizens. Advancing gender equality and human rights and empowering all women and girls is central to achieving the promise of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We are pleased that the declaration recognizes the importance of gender equality, but we regret that it does not address the urgent need to recommit to the empowerment of women and girls in all their diversity amid a growing, coordinated and highly resourced pushback on the exercise of their human rights. Similarly, sexual and reproductive health and rights remain fundamental to accelerating universal health coverage and to expanding preventive care; to advancing girls’ education and workforce opportunities; to achieving gender equality and equity; and to promoting and protecting the human rights of LGBTQI+ individuals, particularly those who face multiple forms of discrimination. We are deeply concerned that the declaration does not recognize and robustly call for accelerated efforts towards achieving the health- and gender-related targets of the 2030 Agenda. Regarding climate change, we also regret that the declaration does not contain more ambitious language on tackling the climate crisis, especially given broad recognition of the negative impacts of climate change on our ability to achieve the SDGs. The political declaration, for example, does not mention the imperative of limiting global temperature rise to 1.5°C or the need for countries whose current targets are inconsistent with the goal to urgently step up and align them with the required level of effort. In joining consensus on the declaration, the United States makes the following points of clarification on the text: On the issue of independent mandates, the United Nations is critical to our efforts to achieve sustainable development, and it benefits from complementary work in the wider multilateral system and Member States’ own bilateral efforts. Achieving the SDGs requires embracing the comparative advantages of different bodies, leveraging their technical expertise and respecting that the legitimacy of the bodies is a function of their independent mandates and governance structures, as recognized in paragraph 58 of the 2030 Agenda. The multilateral development banks (MDBs)  — the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development — have their own governance structures, mandates and decision-making processes that are independent of the United Nations and are essential to helping ensure that they remain fiscally solvent and able to support the objectives of their shareholders. Those institutions’ governing bodies include broad country membership at all income levels, including borrowing and non-borrowing members. As such, it is inappropriate  — and potentially undermines the intended function of those entities  — for the United Nations to seek to directly influence or to make specific recommendations targeting the MDBs and the IMF. Concerning the issue of debt, the United States is committed to helping countries in debt distress return to debt sustainability and a positive economic trajectory. We recognize the urgency of addressing heightened debt vulnerabilities in low- and middle-income economies. However, the proposal in paragraph 38(t) (iii) for improved international debt mechanisms would undermine ongoing efforts to improve the debt restructuring process. Unfortunately, the paragraph does not reflect the progress made on improving the speed and predictability of the Group of 20 Common Framework for Debt Treatments beyond the Debt Service Suspension Initiative and, importantly, the commitment to redouble efforts for that progress to be sustained. On the issue of the SDG stimulus, we appreciate the Secretary-General’s call for renewed global ambition to accelerate progress, however, we disagree with some of the specific proposals in the proposed SDG stimulus. Moreover, we underscore that several of the recommended actions are appropriately addressed in forums outside of the United Nations. Additionally, we feel that the stimulus does not sufficiently reflect the hard-won consensus in the financing for development agreement and the Addis Ababa Action Agenda, including regarding the important role of supportive policy, domestic resources and private capital mobilization. On the question of illicit financial flows, the United States reiterates its concern that the term illicit financial flows lacks an agreed-upon international definition. In that context, we understand the declaration’s recommitment to preventing and combating illicit financial flows refers to Member States implementing their existing obligations and commitments, including to prevent and combat corruption and money laundering, terrorist financing and other forms of illicit financial flows through the implementation of the Financial Action Task Force recommendations and other related best practices. Turning to the issue of special drawing rights (SDRs), paragraph 38 (t) (vii) should recognize that pledges have reached the total global ambition of $100 billion in voluntary contributions of SDRs, or equivalent, for countries most in need. The United States is not in a position to channel SDRs to the multilateral development banks, but we support other countries choosing to do so if a technically sound option exists. At this time, the United States does not support a new general SDR allocation. The current global environment calls for more targeted solutions, including IMF lending, based on economic reforms, progress on sovereign debt restructuring and robust policy and technical support from the international financial institutions. On the question of the reform of the international financial institutions, with respect to paragraphs 38 (t) (viii) and (ix), the United States has been highly responsive to calls for support and reform, including through its championing of MDB evolution, which is moving the institutions to be more responsive to borrowers and to global challenges. We are making significant progress. MDB evolution has been a shared outcome of multiple high-level gatherings, including the Paris Summit for a New Global Financial Pact and the G20 Leaders’ Summit. Through our joint efforts with other shareholders, the MDBs could unlock $200 billion in new lending capacity over the next decade through the implementation of the recommendations of the G20 Capital Adequacy Framework. The United States continues to press for the implementation of further Framework reforms that could unlock significant additional financial capacity. It is unfortunate that the text does not better capture those important efforts under way. An opportunity was missed to highlight those efforts to make the international financial architecture work better for developing and emerging economies alike. On the issue of trade and technology transfer, we underscore our position that trade language negotiated or adopted by the General Assembly has no relevance for United States trade policy, for our trade obligations or commitments or for the agenda at the World Trade Organization (WTO), including discussions or negotiations in that forum. While the United Nations and the WTO share common interests, they have different roles, rules and memberships. That includes calls to adopt approaches that may undermine incentives for innovation, such as technology transfer that is not both voluntary and on mutually agreed terms. Concerning intellectual property, the United States understands, with respect to the declaration, that references to the dissemination of technology and transfer of, or access to, technology are to voluntary technology transfer on mutually agreed terms, and that all references to access to information and/or knowledge are to information or knowledge that is made available with the authorization of the legitimate holder. That language in those areas concerning technology transfer does not, from the perspective of the United States, serve as a precedent for future negotiated documents. In conclusion, as Secretary Blinken stressed in his remarks at the Summit, the United States remains unwavering in its commitment to achieving the SDGs by 2030 and to making good on our pledge that no one will be left behind.

We thank you, Mr. President, for convening today’s meeting. South Africa aligns itself with the statement made by the representative of Cuba on behalf of the Group of 77 and China. We wish to express our gratitude to the co-facilitators for the political declaration of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) Summit — Her Excellency Ambassador Alya Ahmed Saif Al-Thani, Permanent Representative of Qatar; and His Excellency Ambassador Fergal Mythen, Permanent Representative of Ireland. We also thank all delegations for their tireless efforts on this important political declaration (resolution 78/1). South Africa welcomes the adoption of the political declaration, which is aimed at accelerating the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its SDGs. We urge all countries to display solidarity and a revived commitment to multilateralism to address the development challenges facing the world. We call on the international community to follow up and support the Secretary-General’s proposal for an SDG stimulus for developing countries. Some of the areas in which concrete actions could be taken include addressing the immediate debt crisis facing developing countries, bridging the SDG financing gap and systemic reforms, including the need to reform the international financial architecture. However, it is highly unfortunate that no reference to unilateral coercive measures was included in the political declaration, given that that is agreed language from the 2030 Agenda. South Africa believes that unilateral coercive measures contravene the Charter of the United Nations and have far-reaching implications for the human rights of the general populations of targeted States, while disproportionately affecting the poor and the most vulnerable. They also have a negative impact on third countries, a reality that my own country is experiencing. Furthermore, South Africa underscores the importance of the creation of a conducive international environment to support the national SDG benchmarks, including through free trade and less protectionism, especially emerging green protectionism that undermines sustainable development.

As others have done, I would like to begin, of course, by thanking you, Mr. President, and the co-facilitators, Their Excellencies the Permanent Representatives of Qatar and Ireland, and indeed their full teams, for their hard work, which enabled the adoption of the declaration today (resolution 78/1). We are pleased that, after months of negotiations, we have been able to join consensus here in the General Assembly following endorsement of the declaration at the highest levels during the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) Summit last week. As our Deputy Prime Minister set out at that Summit, the United Kingdom remains fully committed to delivering the universal vision for economic, environmental and social development set out in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the SDGs. With seven years to go, our collective promises are in jeopardy. We need robust political will and commitment to greater action to get them back on track. Indeed, as His Excellency the Permanent Representative of Pakistan set out earlier, the declaration includes a number of ambitious and welcome commitments that should provide the impetus to do so. The United Kingdom recognizes how important financing is to achieving the 2030 Agenda. That is why we are pushing for a bigger, better, fairer international financial system that increases the voice and representation of the poorest and most vulnerable countries. We are driving reforms of the multilateral development banks (MDBs), including stretching their balance sheets to release more than $200 billion in additional financing over the next 10 years, scaling MDB lending to unlock $1 billion in education financing and $1.8 billion of climate financing for countries in Africa and the Asia-Pacific region, and making the MDBs more agile, shock-responsive and better able to mobilize private investment. We are also encouraging the MDBs, national development banks and all other creditors to offer climate-resilient debt clauses to pause debt payments when disaster strikes. And that is also why, at the Group of 20 summit, our Prime Minister announced a further $2 billion for the Green Climate Fund. But, of course, financing is only one part of the equation. We must also ensure that it is invested in areas that will accelerate progress across all the Goals, such as gender equality, science and data, education, health, food security and renewable energy. We must rapidly cut emissions, decarbonize and transition to renewable energy to keep 1.5°C in reach. The United Kingdom remains committed to our 2013 nationally determined contribution, reaching net- zero by 2050 and supporting developing countries in achieving their climate and biodiversity ambitions. We would have liked to have seen the declaration reflect the need for continued high policy ambition to tackle climate change and limit global temperature risk as we look towards a critical twenty-eighth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Given the importance of gender equality to accelerating progress across the Goals and to their delivery, we are also disappointed that the declaration does not represent the full range of gender commitments we collectively made in the 2030 Agenda. It will be critical for us to build on our 2015 agreements as we go into the Second Committee this year, the Commission on the Status of Women session, the thirtieth anniversary of the International Conference on Population and Development next year, the proposed social summit and, indeed, the Summit of the Future in order to be sure that we really do leave no one behind.

We would like to welcome the adoption of the political declaration of the High- Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development Convened under the Auspices of the General Assembly (resolution 78/1) by consensus today. Japan would like to extend its deep appreciation for the dedicated efforts of the co-facilitators, the Permanent Representatives of Qatar and Ireland, and their teams, as well as the able leadership of both the former and the current Presidents of the General Assembly. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are facing mounting obstacles as the world grapples with complex and interrelated crises and the international community is being increasingly divided. As our Prime Minister Kishida stated in his address last week (see A/78/PV.5), now is the time to go back to the basic foundation of the SDGs — leave no one behind — and to strengthen international solidarity by shedding light on human dignity. The SDG political declaration, adopted after overcoming many differences in opinions, represents our strong and unwavering commitment to those principles. Nevertheless, towards the end of the negotiations, to our regret, we saw a rush to having a final draft resolution without thorough consultations, resulting in the missed opportunity to build a shared understanding on some specific policy issues, including debt, the allocation of special drawing rights, the reform of international financial institutions and climate change. With regard to such issues, Japan would like to reiterate the importance of having a detailed discussion in the appropriate forums and institutions, with more expertise than the United Nations here in New York, in line with their mandate and governance framework. Today’s adoption is not the end, but the midpoint of the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development. Japan will continue to uphold the concept of human security and strengthen its best efforts towards the achievement of the SDGs.

First of all, the Plurinational State of Bolivia associates itself with the statements made in explanation of position before adoption by the representatives of Cuba, on behalf of the Group of 77 and China, and Venezuela, on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations. Bolivia supports the adoption in this plenary of the Political Declaration of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development Convened under the Auspices of the General Assembly (resolution 78/1) in the understanding that the declaration provides an impetus to implementing the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development, agreed at the intergovernmental level. However, we would have liked many other urgent issues to have been mentioned in the context of sustainable development, and we see that the declaration has several major gaps. My country reiterates its principled position on opposing the imposition of unilateral coercive measures. We reaffirm our full solidarity with the peoples who suffer the impacts of such measures, since they threaten the lives of millions of people and the sovereignty of States. Those measures affect the development and the most basic human rights of the most vulnerable sectors and undermine the efforts of States to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. I also take this opportunity to express our concern over the gradual, but significant decline in the course of negotiations within the General Assembly and its various bodies. We observe that the positions of developing countries are being ignored with increasing frequency and disregard. The neglect of the needs of developing countries in general and of groups of countries with particular concerns only weakens consensus and confidence-building in the context of strong and effective multilateralism. That is something that we cannot allow if we want to seek solutions to the current systemic crisis more effectively. Finally, we urge that, under your presidency, Mr. President, all processes to be moved forward during the current session be put back on track. Bolivia expresses its readiness to work with all States to strengthen multilateral dialogue and consensus- building, with a view to achieving the 2030 Agenda in its entirety for the benefit of peoples and leaving no one behind.

I would like to begin by welcoming the adoption of the Political Declaration of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development Convened under the Auspices of the General Assembly (resolution 78/1) and to acknowledge the efforts made by Ireland and Qatar as the co-facilitators of the challenging and critical process to achieve a balanced and consensual outcome. I also want to highlight the fact that my delegation associates itself with the statement made by the representative of Cuba on behalf of the Group of 77 and China. Argentina firmly opposes the use of unilateral coercive measures and the adoption of discriminatory trade practices. The 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development is the most ambitious effort in terms of development since the establishment of the United Nations. The data show that, given the many crises that the world is facing, not only are we not making progress in meeting our commitments, but also, in many cases, we are seeing substantial setbacks in what has already been achieved. Therefore, at the midpoint of the period that we set for the implementation of that document, we must be as ambitious as possible to ensure that we will genuinely achieve sustainable development for all. In that regard, we cannot fail to highlight the fact that we would have liked to have seen greater ambition reflected in the text in relation to the empowerment of women and girls in all their diversity and gender equality, including the language already present in the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals, as well as the issues on which we have made progress. In addition, in relation to paragraph 38 (b), we believe that the importance of promoting the integration of developing countries in the global value chains should be recognized, as we still have huge challenges both in integrating and in increasing the added value to our production and trade within those chains. We want to once again highlight that international trade is an engine for development, growth and employment creation, and even more so in a post-pandemic recovery context.

We have heard the last speaker in explanation of position following the adoption of resolution 78/1. I would like to express my sincere appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Fergal Mythen, Permanent Representative of Ireland to the United Nations, and his team and to Her Excellency Ms. Alya Ahmed Saif Al-Thani, Permanent Representative of Qatar to the United Nations, and her team, who ably and patiently conducted discussions and complex negotiations in the informal consultations on the political declaration. I also thank their experts, Mr. John Gilroy and Mr. Abdulrahman Al-Thani. I am sure that members of the Assembly join me in extending to them our sincere appreciation. The General Assembly has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of agenda items 13 and 117.