A/78/PV.7 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Estonia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Alar Karis, President of the Republic of Estonia, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Karis: Let me first express my deep condolences to the people of Morocco who lost their loved ones to the earthquake and the people of Libya for their loss due to the catastrophic flooding. The world is constantly changing. We are living through difficult times and glorious moments  — as human beings, as States and societies, as humankind and as global brothers and sisters. On this path, called history, we have learned that moments and situations do not fully repeat themselves fully. Instead, they rhyme. Our ability to learn from the past, to read the rhythm and flow of the verses of time is the source of progress. That gives hope that future rhymes will be nicer and free from the mistakes we made before. We are different as humans, States and societies, but I am certain that some things are universal — like the simple wish for a better tomorrow or the sincere joy of doing good or feeling hope when offered a helping hand in the darkest moment and being told that it is going to be alright. We are all entitled to live with dignity. We are all equal. Recognizing and accepting that is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, as postulated by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Those are the things that unite us. Those are the values upon which we must build our future. Our challenges are largely shared  — ensuring sustainable peace and security, ending poverty, addressing climate change and finding the best sustainable use for new technologies. Only nations with united effort, a shared vision, an urge to understand each other in our differences and a readiness to compromise will be able to tackle the great challenges of our time. We know that our world is facing diverse, intertwined crises reversing years of sustainable development gains. That is heartbreaking. As I had the privilege to address the Sustainable Development Goals Summit on Monday, I want to focus on other equally important topics today. We have learned from the past mistakes. We have seen horrors and grave human suffering. We do not want to end up in situations that rhyme with barbarity and cruelty. Humankind does not deserve war, death, aggression and suppression. That is why sovereign States gathered 78 years ago and formed the United Nations. The United Nations is really uniting nations. We have been trying to build a world where the ones in need should be noticed and helped. We have learned to hear and accept various voices. We have been shaping a world that is based on freedom, justice and rules. But the world is in danger. Regrettably, we see attempts to bend the rules or even ignore and forget them. We have witnessed ethnic cleansing against the Tigrayan population in western Tigray, which resulted in many deaths, sexual violence, mass detention and the forced displacement of thousands. We have heard the painful stories of slavery and murder of Yazidi girls. Hundreds of thousands have been killed in the war in Yemen. The humanitarian crisis is devastating  — famine and diseases are raging on. There are numerous violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. In Afghanistan, girls are denied their basic human right — education. Would anyone accept this faith for their daughter? The Iranian population has lived for decades with severe limitations of fundamental rights. The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights stated last year that there are serious human rights violations against Muslim minorities in the Xinjiang region, and there are massive restrictions of the fundamental rights of people in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. These are not merely statistics or abstract passages in annual reports, but real and utterly tragic stories happening to our fellow citizens, to people like us. These are people like Anna, who worked in a shop in Kyiv. When war started, she remembers constant running to different shelters, schools, churches and nearby houses. Bombs were constantly falling, and one could only hope that the explosions would stop. Shelters were overcrowded with small babies, older men and women, cats and dogs. Everybody was nervous, and the shops were empty. With her daughter and cat, Anna decided to leave her hometown of Kyiv, which was in flames. Like the thousands of others running for their lives, Anna took the difficult journey and made it to Estonia. There she especially enjoys the sunsets and is amazed at how quiet it is. Sometimes when it thunders, she prays that it is just thunder. Russia escalated its aggression against Ukraine into a full-scale war more than a year and a half ago already. As we speak, a permanent member of the Security Council, the Russian Federation, is shamelessly destroying hospitals, kindergartens, grain storage facilities and schools. We have to be very clear: Russia invaded another sovereign country, using a fabricated pretext. The real reason for the aggression against Ukraine lies in Russia’s neo-imperial and neocolonial aspirations. Russia wants to destroy Ukraine, occupy it and drain it of its resources to fuel the ideology of its greatness. What is there great about colonizing another country? The outcome of the war will greatly determine the future world in which we and our kids will live. Will it be dominated by the brutal use of violence by those who commit crimes and destroy others? Or will we live in a world in which law and order, justice and universally accepted rules will prevail? What kind of lessons will we have learned from Russia’s aggression? How will we be able to discredit that aggression as a tool for rogue statecraft for generations to come? The answer is that Russia’s political and military leadership must bear individual criminal responsibility for planning, launching and waging the war of aggression against Ukraine. It is a crime against peace. It is a crime of aggression. It is a leadership crime. Russia abuses its authority in the Security Council and tries to convince the world that black is white. But it is not. A lie is always a lie, no matter how nice it sounds. The votes in the General Assembly have proven that there are fewer and fewer of those who tend to believe Russian lies. The Charter of the United Nations states that the purpose of the United Nations is to prevent and eradicate threats to peace and suppress of acts of aggression. Russia has continuously breached that core principle. The fact that Russia is member of the Security Council does not legitimize its actions. A crime is a crime, no matter what. Therefore, a tribunal should be created, and should it be based on the authority of the General Assembly, it would have the desired international legitimacy. If we allow impunity to prevail, we put a question mark on our own virtues, values and moral norms. The whole concept of international adjudication and arbitration would be under threat, which would deeply undermine international law. That is why the international reaction and response to Russia’s crimes are of existential significance for us all. The situation calls on us to really use the tools at our disposal for protecting international law, based on the United Nations Charter. Therefore, we need to reform the Security Council. Now is the time, as the world is out of joint. Now is the time, as it has become more evident than ever. The Security Council is close to a dead end, unable to act and make decisions on the greatest conflict in the heart of Europe since the Second World War. That undermines the Charter. Maintaining international peace and security is the raison d’être of the Security Council. But instead the Council is paralysed, which has numerous negative implications globally, including the inability to provide conflict resolution or solutions concerning migration and food security. That dangerous trend does not have its foundation in Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, but it has crystallized because of that. The world needs a Security Council that is able to fulfil its tasks, live up to the expectations of its founding members and, above all, give hope for better days to those suffering under fear, oppression and violence. Those responsible for aggression and conflicts must face justice — even those that enjoy the right of the veto in the Security Council. In order to ensure that the Security Council can fulfil the tasks conferred upon it by the Charter, there is no alternative other than to adjust the Council’s structure and working methods. And yes, that is possible. We should rise up together and join voices in calling for Security Council reform. Of course, it is hard. We are different in our positions. Reform has already been on the table for many decades. But instead of complaining how impossible Security Council reform will be, let us make an extra effort towards it. We owe it to the starving, physically injured, mentally damaged and homeless boys and girls in Rakhine, Tigray, Syria, Yemen and Ukraine. Whose children will be next? We need to stick together and protect international law, based on the Charter. If we cannot agree on all the ideas for reform, let us concentrate on commonalities. Let us take the small steps that we can already take today. We all need to show some flexibility. Both issues — the composition of the Security Council and its working methods — must be seriously addressed. It is time to abandon the well- known and documented group positions. We, as the united world community, need to start afresh. Let us turn a blank page and work closely together to strongly make the point that enough is enough. For the greater good, it would make perfect sense to take one step back from old positions in order to move three steps forward. Let us keep in mind what is at stake here. The central issue is of course the exercise of the right to the veto. There should be no right to the veto if it is suspected that the country exercising it may have acted against international law. Estonia supports the proposal of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency group to limit the right of the veto in cases of war crimes, crimes against humanity and the crime of aggression. The Charter stipulates in Chapter V that a party to a dispute shall abstain from voting in the Security Council. We call on the Council to always implement that provision, as was done in the early decades of the United Nations. It is unacceptable for an aggressor to exercise the right of the veto, making it impossible for the Security Council to act. In fact, there is a way to prevent a Security Council member from abusing its right of the veto. Let us use it. As for the future composition of the Security Council, there should always be a fair distribution among continents and regions. Small, medium-sized and large States should all be represented. Only then will we have a balanced Council truly able to address the world. In addition, the Security Council should be more transparent and open, which will immensely increase its efficiency. Building on that, the belief that the Security Council is able to maintain international peace and security will be restored. The international community has a right to know what was discussed at the Council. If there were a clear solution on the table and there were a Member State that simply blocked it, and in doing so increased the suffering of people, then that should be stated publicly. In situations in which the Security Council is unable to function as expected, it is definitely a positive development that the General Assembly has gained more prominence and influence in addressing issues related to peace and security. We saw that, for example, in the process of adopting resolutions on Ukraine and implementing the initiative concerning the right to the veto. We in the General Assembly should be able to collectively overcome the veto in the Security Council, if the situation requires. The concept of war and peace already started to change during the nineteenth century. War was gradually seen to be a state of confusion or disorientation of mind. It became clearer and clearer that nobody actually wins a war or gains anything from it. States started to understand that their national interests are better served in times of peace than in times of war. Peace generated welfare. After the World Wars, the international community said “never again”. The United Nations was created to serve that exact purpose. The question we must ask ourselves is, do we need to create a new, better world order that is up to the task? Are we wise and willing enough to use international law to resolve conflicts to maintain peace and security? Are we heading towards dark days or glorious ones? That is entirely up to us. We are the ones who determine the future. We are the ones responsible for it. But let us start by fixing the Security Council.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Estonia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Union of Comoros.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Azali Assoumani, President of the Union of the Comoros, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Assoumani (spoke in French): It is indeed a pleasure for me today to sincerely thank, first of all, the American authorities for the warm welcome extended to us every time we are here in New York to participate in this major annual gathering of the international community. Next, I would like to warmly congratulate Mr. Dennis Francis on being elected to preside over the General Assembly at its seventy- eighth session. I am even happier to do so as it is a representative of the group of small island developing States — my country is one of them — who has assumed that important responsibility. There is no doubt that his professional qualities and experience, together with his special understanding of the development challenges that are part and parcel of insularity, will ensure the success of the work of the current session. I also take this opportunity to pay a much-deserved tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Csaba Kőrösi, for the effective manner in which he discharged his duty on behalf of us all. Lastly, on behalf of my country and the African Union, I would like to sincerely thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his ongoing commitment and that of all of his teams in the service of our common institution for the benefit of us all. As Chairperson of the African Union, I would like to convey today before the Assembly the voice of all African States, which continue to believe in fairer and more effective multilateralism, because it is more inclusive and therefore can help bring about the profound changes that are so sought after to ensure a better life on the continent and throughout the world. We firmly believe that wish will be realized via the in-depth reform of the United Nations system. Africa, where 3.8 billion people will live by the end of the century, intends to play a crucial role in attaining the Sustainable Development Goals, and therefore has the right to participate in global decision-making bodies and, among other things, to be a permanent member of the Security Council, enjoying its rights, in line with the Ezulwini Consensus. It is a matter of equity. The reform of the United Nations, for which Africa has been clamouring, is also a question of effectiveness. It is a matter of legitimacy, and therefore the effectiveness of multilateralism. I also take this opportunity, on behalf of Africa, to reiterate our sincere gratitude to the members of the Group of 20 (G20), which just welcomed the African Union, over which I have the honour to preside, into that Group in 2023. That diplomatic victory for Africa and for the G20, through India, where that historic decision was enacted, gives us hope, in particular at a time when coordinated action is needed to extricate our countries from their socioeconomic crisis. The theme of the seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly, “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity: accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all”, is very timely. The African continent faces several challenges, and there is a danger that those challenges could jeopardize its future. And I believe that the trust and the solidarity highlighted this year will provide us with the right solutions for our concerns. Africa faces challenges related to food security, which are becoming increasingly common on the continent despite the fact that the continent has vast stocks of arable land and an abundance of skilled and competent workers. Yet food insecurity continues to affect millions of people. The effects of climate change and the numerous conflicts on the continent compound the situation, as does the Russian-Ukrainian war, which led to the disruption of supplies of grain and fertilizer and unprecedented inflation. Members will agree that it is inconceivable that, with all its arable land, the continent remains a major importer of agricultural products, contributing to a significant deficit in its trade balance. Therefore, as we speak of solidarity, it is high time for the partnerships among African Governments, development organizations and foreign and local private sectors to be strengthened in order to address those challenges effectively and sustainably. It is also high time for our partners to support us in the implementation of ambitious reforms, including the transfer of expertise and technologies, in order to help those countries most affected promote agricultural development and, more specifically, to produce, transform and store their products locally in order to give them added value and thereby combat shortages and famine. We must also step up the fight against the effects of climate change. We are all experiencing it  — our planet is constantly facing various climatic hazards, in particular cyclones, floods, rising sea levels and drought, to name but a few. Such increasingly frequent disasters of course have devastating impacts on economies, social infrastructure, agriculture and populations, particularly the most vulnerable, and lead to health crises that accentuate the vulnerability of our continent. I also take this opportunity to renew our heartfelt condolences and our solidarity with our brothers and sisters in Morocco and Libya, whose countries just suffered enormous human and material losses as a result of natural disasters. I also have in mind the many countries in Europe, Asia and America that are suffering head-on the devastating consequences of forest fires, floods and storms. In addition to the numerous human losses, let us emphasize that the damage caused by natural disasters is enormous and entail reconstruction and recovery costs that are not always within the reach of the States affected. I therefore call on the international community to favour common, structured and better adapted approaches  — especially in the context of financing — to respond to those large-scale disasters so that we can provide our populations with the necessary support to alleviate their hardships. Above all, I call for the effective implementation of the recommendations linked to the protection and preservation of the environment, as well as the concretization of the commitments made in favour of adaptation and mitigation. The reduction in greenhouse-gas emissions and the funding promised to combat climate change must be translated into concrete actions if we indeed wish to live in a safer and more prosperous world. I therefore call for support for the Moroni Declaration for Ocean and Climate Action in Africa, signed in June, and the African leaders’ Nairobi Declaration on Green Growth and Climate Finance Solutions, of last September, so that our countries can defend, with one voice, their common interests in favour of sustainable development, particularly at the twenty- eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Dubai. We wish the Conference every success. Finally, I would like to launch an appeal for strengthening the capacities of the United Nations Human Settlements Programme through more substantial support for the implementation of the New Urban Agenda. That will enable the agency to better support our African cities, which are brimming with potential but have become very vulnerable to climate change. I cannot talk about the challenges faced by the African continent without focusing on the complex and worrisome political and security situation that prevails there, particularly in the Sahel. As we all know, the Sahel region of Africa has been severely affected by insecurity and terrorism since 2010, with terrorist groups intensifying their attacks against security forces, civilians and infrastructure. It is therefore urgent that the international community strengthen its efforts to support us in stabilizing the region, given the knowledge that, in the global village in which we live, crises are easily imported and spread, with consequences for economies and inter- and intra-State investments in particular. Certainly, it is primarily up to Africans to implement economic and social development plans in the framework of Agenda 2063 of the African Union in order to fight against poverty and youth unemployment, and above all to prevent our young people from falling hostage to extremism in all its forms. However, it is also the duty of the international community to support Africa in that process, because our actions must be pooled to have a chance of being effective. In addition to terrorism, Africa also faces the resurgence of unconstitutional changes that undermine democracy, peace and security, stability and socioeconomic development. In that connection, the African Union has taken sanctions measures against those who commit terrorist acts and demands the rapid return to constitutional order in the countries concerned. I solemnly recall that there can be no political life worthy of that name without respect for electoral deadlines and the legitimate institutional mechanisms that underpin the democratic life of our countries. Africa, although under pressure, is fighting for regional integration in order to emerge from its economic crisis. The economic shocks suffered by our countries, in particular due to inflation and logistical and food crises, have seriously affected our growth potential, as well as the daily lives of our populations and the stability of our States. Against that backdrop, the African Continental Free Trade Area — our large continental common market — has been implemented since 2021 in the hope of revitalizing Africa’s growth and gross domestic product. With that essential tool, the acceleration of which is my mission during my mandate as President of the African Union, the continent gives itself the means to create leverage effects that will allow it to release the wealth necessary to better cope with its population growth. The African Continental Free Trade Area will in fact contribute to the realization of our common ambition to move towards the industrialization of the continent, because Africa must stop being a simple supplier of raw materials. While making it possible to strengthen our secondary and tertiary sectors and to create employment, the African Continental Free Trade Area will also stimulate the transfer of technologies and promote foreign investment, as it will give other continents immediate access to a market of more than 1 billion people. Allow me to reiterate our request for support in strengthening the strategic partnership between Africa and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC)  — or indeed its institutionalization — and the establishment of a joint African Union-CELAC commission. That partnership will not only strengthen South-South cooperation in the mutual interests of our States, but it will also better capitalize on the partnership with our friends in the North. Like the rest of the world, African countries need peace and security now more than ever in order to be able to enjoy better living conditions. Peace and development will also require the settlement of political and territorial issues linked to the sovereignty of States and the dignity of nations. It was those concerns that prompted some of my African counterparts and myself to meet with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and President Vladimir Putin as part of an African peace mission last June to Kyiv and Saint Petersburg, respectively. We are therefore ready to support all other initiatives aimed at helping to put an end to the war, which is having a negative impact on our ambitions to promote the well-being of our people. I also reiterate — again, with a view to preserving peace and stability and on behalf of the African Union — the urgent need to reach a just and equitable solution to the question of Palestine, a solution that enshrines the right of the Palestinian people to a sovereign State, living in perfect harmony and security alongside the State of Israel. As Chairperson of the African Union and President of the Union of the Comoros, I would also like to solemnly reiterate the Comorian nature of the island of Mayotte and to recall that, in order to make progress on handling the issue, we have chosen to engage in a dialogue with the French side with a view to resolving that unpleasant dispute in the interest of both our countries. I would like to emphasize my deep desire, which is also that of the Comorian Government, to honour the institutions and democratic life of the Comoros by organizing the next presidential and gubernatorial elections in 2024 in a free, transparent and democratic manner. I would also like to point out that, as a result of the national reconciliation policy that I have been pursuing since 2000, the Union of the Comoros has been able to put an end to the cycle of political instability that had characterized Comorian political life since independence in 1975. That policy of reconciliation, supported by the African Union, the United Nations and all our partners, has brought stability to the country, and it is our duty to consolidate and entrench it. Since 2002, the date of 26 May has become a symbolic reference point for the transition of power in the Comoros, as it marks the transfer of power following free and transparent presidential elections. It is out of that constant concern to preserve peace, stability and democracy in the Union of the Comoros that I am once again asking for members’ support and assistance in ensuring that the forthcoming presidential and gubernatorial elections, scheduled for December and January, will be held in very favourable conditions. In conclusion, I remain confident that 26 May 2024 will once again commemorate the political maturity of the Comorian people, and that the inauguration ceremony of the next President of the Union of the Comoros will symbolize the anchoring and strength of Comorian democracy.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Union of the Comoros for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Dominican Republic.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Luis Abinader, President of the Dominican Republic, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Abinader Corona (spoke in Spanish): As we enter the second decade of the twenty-first century, humankind faces inherited challenges and new obstacles that require action. We must regard those calamities as opportunities that compel us to work together to overcome them. The Dominican Republic is firmly committed to building a model of humane, inclusive, fair and sustainable development. However, the question of whether we are really on track to achieve it is a valid one. The various crises caused by climate change have had devastating impacts on our planet and our societies, such as droughts, rising sea levels, the loss of biodiversity and extreme weather events, among other impacts. Those impacts have yielded an environmental liability that seriously imperils all the progress we have achieved in recent decades. As a developing economy with a negative carbon footprint, we are making our contribution to climate change mitigation by encouraging the use of renewable energy. But we know that is only one step on the long road to sustainability, because we are still very dependent on fossil fuels. Oil remains important to us. I take this opportunity to draw attention to the exporting countries’ practice of controlling supply to keep crude oil prices high, to the detriment of importing countries. In the General Assembly, which is representative of all countries, we should discuss and approve a financial mechanism that guarantees the stability of crude oil prices for low-income and middle-income importing countries such as ours. Important steps have been taken to address the climate emergency, such as the recent adoption of the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction, which I will sign this afternoon. Nevertheless, there are still many more important steps that must be taken, including the adoption of a multidimensional vulnerability index to be applied to all developing countries and the establishment of a loss and damage fund to provide financial assistance to the countries that are most vulnerable to the effects of climate change. I would also like to highlight the International Conference on Small Island Developing States, to be held in Antigua and Barbuda in May 2024, in which our country will participate as a member of the preparatory committee. It is also urgent to create a concessional financing mechanism to enable middle-income countries to meet the challenges of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. The lack of access to adequate resources was precisely one of the reasons that most countries failed to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. As the Secretary-General has stated, the international financial system is broken. The Dominican Republic firmly believes in a profound reform of the international financial architecture that benefits all countries in an equitable manner. Another of the harmful effects of climate change affects our Caribbean region in particular is the massive bloom of sargassum. That algae, which devours Caribbean coasts, including those of the United States and Mexico, has very serious economic, social and environmental impacts, especially for tourism, which accounts for up to 75 per cent of the economies of some Caribbean countries. The Dominican Republic has created a multisectoral round table to deal with that problem, and we hope that developed countries will contribute to the solution. One of the pillars of our commitment to achieve a fairer social contract and a more effective State has been, and will always be, the fight against corruption. The Dominican citizenry has assumed it as a response to one of its main demands. The various international indicators on the perception of corruption confirm the progress that my Government has made in that regard. On another matter, I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate to the Assembly the candidacy of the Dominican Republic to the Human Rights Council elections to be held next month for the period 2024– 2026. Our candidacy represents our firm commitment to defending human rights. When observing the island of Hispaniola from space  — which can be done from a cell phone using Google Earth  — a palpable and heartbreaking difference can be seen: a green and flourishing half that is the Dominican Republic, which has prioritized the conservation and sustainable management of its natural resources. The other half, devoid of that rich forest cover, reflects Haiti’s dramatically deforested landscape. That natural boundary is not only a geography lesson but also a powerful reminder of what awaits the world if we continue to ignore nature’s alarms. Haiti today is suffering from not only an environmental tragedy but also political and social instability that could become a threat to the entire region. I am not happy to recall the call I made two years ago to the General Assembly, when I said: “Since we took office, we have warned repeatedly that the situation in Haiti could potentially spill over its borders and lead to insecurity in the region. That is why this community of nations must urgently, once and for all, attend to the Haitian crisis as one of its highest priorities, requiring ongoing follow- up”. (A/76/PV.9, p.3) Today, two years later, the harsh reality of that warning can be confirmed. A small group of Haitian private individuals has resumed construction of an illegal diversion channel in Haitian territory to extract water from the Dajabón River, in violation of border treaties between the Dominican Republic and Haiti. The international community should know that the Dajabón River originates in Loma de Cabrera and that most of its 55 kilometres run through our territory until it flows into Manzanillo Bay in Montecristi. Only two kilometres enter Haitian territory, and that small stretch on the Haitian side is where they are building the canal. The information available to us indicates that it is a gambit by a small economic and political elite to control water in order to profit from its sale to smallholder farmers in the area. The idea for that project was never officially communicated to the Dominican Government, and no documentation was provided on its scope, environmental impact or the identity of its final beneficiaries. Despite the limited information available, the analyses we have carried out show that the project jeopardizes access to water for hundreds of Dominican and Haitian farming families downstream from where the canal is being built. In addition, the project creates a flooding hazard for the CODEVI industrial park, 300 metres downstream of the canal, and its 19,000 Haitian workers, along with some of the inhabitants of the border towns of Dajabón and Juana Méndez. And as if that were not enough, it could have harmful ecological effects on the Saladillo Lagoon, one of the main wetlands of the Dominican Republic. Since April 2021, our Government has repeatedly requested the Haitian authorities to halt the unilateral and illegal construction of that project. The Haitian Government has itself acknowledged that it is not a Government project but has failed to stop it, owing to the institutional weakness and the crisis of public order and security in that country. The situation has already led to heightened animosity on both sides of the border. Faced with that illegal international act committed by private individuals in a part of the river that is in Haitian territory, the Dominican Government has been forced to take strong measures, including closing the border with Haiti, in order to guarantee security and the national interest, as well as to protect our rivers, environment and agricultural production. We are not having and do not desire or seek a confrontation with the Haitian people, but we do confront the uncontrollable actors who maintain insecurity in Haiti in the service of their private interests, who are now also conspiring against the stability of their Government and the security of water resources. Undoubtedly, Haiti’s problem is no longer in Haiti; it is in the hands of the international community. For that reason, we strongly support the responsible position expressed by the President Joe Biden of the United States yesterday from this very rostrum, a position we now repeat: the Security Council must urgently authorize the United Nations-backed security support mission. The Security Council has already adopted three important resolutions — establishing a sanctions regime, an initiative to stop the illicit flow of arms and a call for the establishment of a multinational force to assist the Haitian National Police, as requested by that country’s Government and the Secretary-General of the Organization. We applaud Kenya’s important gesture of solidarity in leading the multinational force, and that of Jamaica and the Bahamas in contributing troops. I take this opportunity to thank in particular President William Ruto of Kenya for his solidarity and humanitarian willingness to lead, through this mission, the quest for peace and stability for the Haitian people. In addition, we hope that all countries that are considering playing a role in that commendable effort will act with determination. What is happening in Haiti is a breakdown of law and order by criminal elements, devoid of any political or ideological claims. Accepting the request for assistance from the Haitian authorities by deploying a multinational force is therefore consistent with the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations and the mandate of the Organization, in accordance with international law, to ensure peace. We are all aware that the peacemaking process in Haiti must be undertaken in conjunction with a social and political covenant. In that regard, we commend the noble efforts of the Caribbean Community Eminent Persons Group to broker a political agreement that will confer the greatest possible legitimacy to the acceptance of a multinational force and the holding of fair, free and transparent elections. In that regard, I would like to acknowledge Prime Minister Andrew Holness of Jamaica for all his efforts. I would also like to thank the Secretary-General for his work in addressing that crisis and to call upon him to redouble his efforts to bring about the immediate deployment of a multinational force in Haiti. We also call on the Security Council to adopt such a draft resolution now, because time has run out. During centuries of often difficult coexistence with the Haitian people, the Dominican Republic has given clear demonstrations of tireless solidarity. Haiti is in need of a great deal. I want to reiterate our solidarity with the Haitian people, but I do so without forgetting that our main responsibility is to defend the interests of the Dominican people. That is what we have always done, it is what we are doing, and rest assured it is what we will continue to do, because there is not and never will be a Dominican solution to the Haitian problem. Let us not wait until the next warning turns out to be the chronicle of a tragedy foretold. May this moment, at the seventy-eighth regular session of the General Assembly, mark a renaissance in our collective determination to forge a safer, more inclusive and more sustainable future for Haiti and for all. I am making a final call. This global forum challenges us to act not only as individual nations but as a united collective, with a shared vision and a common purpose. History will judge us not only by the words we utter in these hallowed halls but — more crucially — by our actions in the real world. Let us not fail the future.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Dominican Republic for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Moldova.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations Her Excellency Ms. Maia Sandu, President of the Republic of Moldova, and to invite her to address the Assembly. President Sandu: It is with great pride that I stand once more before the General Assembly of the United Nations to represent the Republic of Moldova  — a country on the front line of the fight for democracy. Today Moldova stands stronger and more resilient than one year ago. We stand firm in our belief in a democratic future. And we stand firm with Ukraine as our neighbour continues to resist Russia’s brutal invasion — an attack on its sovereignty and way of life. We stand firmly for Ukraine’s victory because when Ukraine wins the free world wins. Now more than ever, support for Ukraine must not diminish. Please continue supporting Ukraine. Ukraine, Moldova, Europe and the free world are facing an external assault on our values. But countries like mine have not broken free from imperial chains only to be brought back into servitude. We push forward. Unlike our Ukrainian friends and neighbours, we are not facing an imminent military threat, but every day we are countering Russia’s hybrid assault. Russia has teamed up with corrupt crooks to destabilize us. Their hybrid toolbox includes energy blackmail, support for separatism, cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns. They also tried to overthrow our democratically elected Government, but each time they have failed. We know they will try again. In soon-to-be-held elections, they will attempt to undermine our citizens’ ability to make their own democratic choices. That threat is not unique to us. Many countries in Europe and beyond our continent are feeling the sting of foreign interference in their democratic processes. That hybrid assault is conducted by those who oppose not just our democracy but all liberal democracies. We must stay vigilant, and we must stand united. Against all odds, we have preserved peace across all of Moldova, including in the breakaway Transnistrian region, where Russian troops are stationed illegally and where concerns about human rights violations are deeply worrisome. Our commitment to a peaceful resolution remains steadfast, and I call here today for the unconditional withdrawal of those Russian forces. In the light of intertwined challenges, building Moldova’s resilience has not been an easy task. Yet we take heart in the fact that Moldova is not alone. Our friends and partners — the entire free world — stand with us. Building resilience means that Moldova has moved from relying solely on Russian gas to having a mix of energy sources and backup storage. We are also building electricity lines to Europe, investing in energy efficiency and pursuing renewable sources. The true measure of a democracy’s success is its capacity to deliver a better life and real economic benefits to its citizens. Strengthening our economy as the war rages across the border is a daunting challenge, but we are determined. Small and medium-sized enterprises can now access funds to grow, digital public services are helping to cut red tape and the European Union market is open to exports of our fruit and vegetables. Inflation is down to 10 per cent, from a peak of 35 per cent last October. A major ratings agency has upgraded our outlook to stable. We are comprehensively reforming the justice system and redoubling our efforts to defeat corruption and organized crime. Part of that effort involves reducing the malign influence of fugitive oligarchs who at one time held our State hostage. I am grateful to many in this Hall for imposing sanctions on those individuals. The next critical step in that journey is to ensure that the stolen money is returned to the Moldovan people. As evidence of our commitment, on corruption perceptions, as measured by Transparency International, we improved by 24 places in the past two years, our best score in a decade. On the World Justice Project Rule of Law Index, we have climbed 14 places since 2020. Greater resilience will also come about through enhanced transport links with Europe, which are vitally important given Russia’s blockade of Ukrainian ports and the disruption of trade routes. We are upgrading roads and railways, and that modernized infrastructure will not only boost our trade and create jobs but also support solidarity lanes for Ukraine, ensuring that its grain reaches the regions where it is needed most, and one day those very connections will aid Ukraine’s post- war reconstruction. As we build up defences and resilience, Moldova is increasingly recognized as a contributor to regional security, a strong neighbour to Ukraine and a partner of the European Union in countering security challenges. However, our commitment extends globally: Moldovan servicemen actively contribute to peacekeeping missions, including most recently in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon. Underscoring our commitment to the security of our continent, we hosted the European Political Community summit in June — a summit that further cemented our place in the European family. Achieving economic progress, improving security and reinforcing our democracy are part of our journey towards membership in the European Union. Moldova’s European aspirations have long been well known. In May, 100,000 Moldovans rallied in Chișinău to reassert their commitment to democracy — and to European Union membership. Let me be clear: Moldova’s European Union membership is not just a political choice; it is the only way to protect our liberty, peace and democracy. The enlargement of the European Union is the sole path to ensuring that our neighbourhood stays anchored in the free world and that we deliver better lives for our citizens. It will also demonstrate the European Union’s commitment to peace — the very reason the European Union was built. When it comes to membership, we believe in a fair and merit-driven process, and we have been doing our homework diligently. With that in mind, I call on the European Commission and all European Union members to support us. I extend this call beyond European Union borders to all the countries of the free world, especially those with well-established, robust democracies that have long reaped its benefits and understand its worth. The success or downfall of one democracy resonates globally. When one thrives, it inspires hope in others; when one falters, it threatens to unleash a domino effect. Today the fight for democracy anywhere is a fight for democracy everywhere, and in this interlinked fight for democracy we will prevail.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Moldova for the statement she has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Sierra Leone.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Julius Maada Bio, President of the Republic of Sierra Leone, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Bio: Permit me to extend my heartfelt congratulations to the President on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy- eighth session. My delegation and I stand unwaveringly by his side, committed to fortifying the bedrock of global unity during his tenure. I offer my profound respect and gratitude to his predecessor, Mr. Csaba Kőrösi of Hungary, whose deft stewardship of the seventy-seventh session is a guiding beacon for all. The dedication of the Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, in weaving together the strands of global consensus in order to combat poverty and planetary crises and champion the Sustainable Development Goals is a testament to his leadership. The soul of Sierra Leone, echoing the spirit of Pan-Africanism, resonates with the clarion call of this year’s theme to rebuild trust and reignite global solidarity. A testament to our enduring democratic spirit was showcased on 24 June when, in free, fair and peaceful multi-tier elections, the Sierra Leonean people elected their leaders across various tiers of governance. My re-election as President for a second and final term serves not merely as an endorsement of my leadership but also a solemn testament to my Government’s commitment to fashioning a Sierra Leone that thrives as a united, peaceful and dynamic bastion of hope and opportunity  — a nation in which our aspirations for abundant jobs, food security, quality education and equitable health care are not mere dreams but manifest realities, and in which justice and opportunity are not the prerogatives of a few but the birth right of all. In the face of global upheavals, from the pandemic to the geopolitical tensions exemplified by the war in Ukraine and the ensuing food crisis, my first term stood as a beacon of our commitment to democratic freedoms and human rights. We rooted out the unpleasant legacies of the past, repealing antiquated laws such as the seditious libel statute that had lingered for half a century. We consigned the death penalty to the annals of history and charted bold advances against the scourge of corruption. Our devotion to education was unambiguous. More than 800,000 new learners were introduced under our auspices, and we significantly augmented domestic educational funding, ensuring that it constituted an average of 22 per cent of our national budget. We championed an ethos of radical inclusion, providing unfettered and tuition-free access to quality primary and secondary school education for all. In our unwavering commitment to dismantling the barriers of gender inequality, my Administration declared a state of emergency for the heinous crimes of rape and sexual and gender-based violence. Sierra Leone urged the global community for solidarity with respect to access to justice and remedies for the survivors of sexual violence and the recognition of 18 November by the General Assembly as the World Day for the Prevention of and Healing from Child Sexual Exploitation, Abuse and Violence. Our Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment Act of 2022 shows our commitment to equality. With that Act, I proudly inscribed our nation’s pledge to reserve a minimum of 30 per cent of seats in elected and appointed offices for women, while ensuring equal employment opportunities, lengthening maternity leave and compelling our financial institutions to chart pathways that strengthen women’s access to the financial resources that they rightfully deserve. As I step into my second term, my Government has carved out five pillars that guide our national development trajectory to spur sustainable development and social progress. First, food security, intertwined with investment in agriculture, is poised not just to feed our nation but to fuel job creation, propel economic growth and alleviate the weight of poverty. Secondly, our human capital development is meticulously crafted for the modern era, with a special lens focused on gender equality. Thirdly, our youth employment scheme promises our younger generation that their energy, passion and ambition will find fertile ground in Sierra Leone. Fourthly, our cutting-edge technology and infrastructure programme was conceptualized to pave sustainable pathways of economic ascent. Fifthly, a thorough revamp of our public service architecture refines its essence for the utmost efficiency, professionalism and service delivery. Seventy-eight years ago, the United Nations was born of the profound understanding that peace, development and human rights are inextricably intertwined. Each element nourishes the other, creating an equilibrium that is essential for global harmony. As we stand at this juncture, let us remember the noble ambitions enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations  — to foster international cooperation and confront and surmount challenges, be they economic, social, cultural or humanitarian in nature. It is in unity and shared purpose that the promise of a brighter, just and peaceful world is realized. The resonant theme of the current session of the General Assembly therefore opens a horizon of possibilities, beckoning us to harmoniously forge ahead in the shared pursuit of “accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and enduring sustainability for all”. Our world faces formidable challenges — widespread poverty, persistent hunger, the looming shadow of climate change and the unsettling presence of sustained and emerging conflicts. To honour our 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development commitments, the States Members of the United Nations must rekindle the fires of trust and galvanize a renaissance of global solidarity. Trust requires the harmonious amalgamation of our collective wisdom and resources. Solidarity mandates our unwavering cohesion, even when navigating different or opposing philosophical terrains. In pursuing the 2030 Agenda, we must resolve to leave no one behind. We must fervently champion inclusivity, recognizing the intrinsic value of every individual, irrespective of their circumstances. Progress has been made, but we acknowledge that the road ahead is challenging. However, that challenge also presents an opportunity for innovation, collaboration and reimagining our global priorities. On peace and security in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) region, we view with deep concern the rising tides of insecurity and the subtle erosion of democratic governance and ideals in the West African subregion and the Sahel. Sierra Leone raises its voice alongside our ECOWAS allies, expressing unequivocal dissent towards any extra- constitutional changes of Government. Such challenges to the very bedrock of our democracy threaten the stability of individual nations and the fabric of our collective African identity. While we stand united, it is not simply a call to maintain things as they are. Real stability and lasting peace do not come from resisting threats or building defences. Instead, they arise from genuine, open conversations. True dialogue requires that everyone at the negotiating table be ready to seek and find common ground. While we emphasize the importance of dialogue, we cannot ignore a crucial reality — the ongoing threats to our continent’s constitutional stability are signs of deeper problems. Every action that undermines the rule of law is connected to underlying issues. Those range from past and present injustices to the burdens of poverty and widespread unemployment and the dangers of discrimination. Our duty is clear — we must lift our people from poverty. We should focus on creating jobs and supporting industries that benefit our countries and our continent. I would now like to talk about national electoral reform. As vehicles of democratic transformation, elections fortify governance and enable peaceful transitions. After our nation’s multi-tier elections on 24 June, we stand resolved to strengthen our democratic foundations. Recognizing the significance of deepening our democracy, I have instituted a National Electoral Systems Review Committee to address historical challenges in our electoral process. Since our first multi-tier elections were conducted after the civil war ended in 2002, the electoral process has been plagued with persistent challenges, including contestations of declared presidential election results by the constitutionally mandated Electoral Commissioner. To address those historical challenges and consolidate our democratic gains, a comprehensive review of the electoral system is necessary in order to reform Sierra Leone’s electoral landscape. The National Electoral Systems Review Committee will comprise the Government, civil society, political parties, professional organizations and development partners. It holds the mantle of evaluating existing frameworks, institutional arrangements and observer mission reports. Its mandate extends to proposing vital reforms fortifying Sierra Leone’s electoral integrity. Those actions encapsulate our commitment to forging a fertile environment for dialogue, affirming democratic governance and fostering enduring peace. It is regrettable to note the decision of certain Member States to introduce unilateral coercive measures, including visa restrictions, on Sierra Leonean citizens following the recent multi-tier national elections. We observe that such unilateral measures, which are in contravention of international law, have sometimes been the response to electoral outcomes in other African nations to exert political pressure. As members of the international rules-based community, African States strive for sovereignty and meaningful cooperation based on mutual respect and understanding. In democratic processes, every democracy faces unique challenges. However, the essence of sovereignty, as contained in the United Nations Charter, is the ability of Member States to address and resolve internal matters independently and without external pressure. In our engagement on the international stage, we hope for understanding and mutual respect, especially on important issues like national elections. Constructive dialogue and open channels of communication should be the pillars of our global interactions and not punitive unilateral coercive measures that do not further entrench democracy but instead strain relations between nations. Sierra Leone remains steadfast in its commitment to free, fair and credible elections, alongside our dedication to the rule of law. We believe that democratic progress is a journey and that its pace varies from one nation to another. We respect the individual paths countries have taken in their quest for democracy and anticipate the same level of understanding and respect for ours. We aspire to nurture relationships rooted in solidarity, cooperation and mutual respect, all directed towards a shared global future. With regard to our Security Council tenure, as Sierra Leone takes its non-permanent seat on the Council for the 2024-2025 term, after a hiatus of 53 years, we are deeply aware of our shared duty to uphold international peace and security. The profound nexus between peace, development and human rights will be the beacon guiding our priorities. We stand poised, resolute and committed to forging a world where those ideals are not mere aspirations, but enduring realities for all. Sierra Leone fully subscribes to the ideals of multilateralism as a tool for global peace and security. Our vision is to serve as the vital conduit linking the ECOWAS community, the African Union and the nations under consideration with the Security Council. As we yearn for tranquillity and justice, we pledge our commitment to collaborate with the five permanent members of the Security Council as one of the 10 elected members and three African representatives. On Security Council reform, Sierra Leone recognizes the pressing issue of the Security Council’s legitimacy, equitable representation and transparency. In a world reshaped by geopolitical realities, true global peace and security hinge upon the reform and rejuvenation of the Security Council and the General Assembly. Joined by fellow United Nations Member States, Sierra Leone committed at the 2005 World Summit to support Security Council reform as an essential element of our overall effort to reform the United Nations in order to make it more broadly representative, efficient and transparent and thus to enhance further its effectiveness and the legitimacy and implementation of its decisions. While the discourse has seen forward movement, the historical injustices endured by the African continent remain unresolved in the intergovernmental negotiations. Africa glaringly stands alone as the only region without permanent representation within the Security Council and is conspicuously unrepresented in its non-permanent category. The Security Council remains trapped in the era of 1945, when much of Africa was still in the regrettable grip of colonialism. We must not allow this colonial ethos to persist three quarters of a century later. Africa’s demand for two permanent seats — complete with commensurate rights, including the veto, if maintained — and five non-permanent seats are issues of equity, justice and our right to have an equal say in decision-making on issues that affect the African region. Our conviction is steadfast. Security Council reform should squarely confront this long- standing inequity and imbalance, addressing Africa’s unique circumstances. As the Coordinator of the African Union Committee of Ten Heads of State and Government on the reform of the Security Council, Sierra Leone will continue to advocate and garner support among Member States and other interest groups for the Common African Position, as enshrined in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. We will also engage in reviewing the working methods of the Council in order to instil transparency, accountability, democracy and, ultimately, renewed legitimacy. With regard to climate change, our collective pursuit of sustainable development confronts the triple planetary crises of pollution, climate change and biodiversity loss. Despite contributing minimally to these crises, Sierra Leone remains intensely vulnerable to their repercussions, a reality compounded by our limited capacity to cope. Our national adaptation plan, launched in 2018, stands as an embodiment of our commitment. Designed to halve our vulnerability by 2030, it underscores risk awareness, regulatory enhancements, institutional empowerment and gender- responsive adaptation strategies. Sierra Leone seeks equitable and timely access to climate financing. We request unfettered access to leverage new climate change adaptation and mitigation technologies and shared knowledge. Our salvation from the escalating climate change crisis lies in collective wisdom and concerted efforts. With regard to global solidarity, in today’s complex world, the urgent need to rebuild trust and strengthen global unity stands out. We must adopt a cooperative approach, set aside individualistic actions and promote shared progress based on common values. As we deal with disputes of sovereignty and self-determination across the world, we must also resolve to do so through dialogue, exhausting all avenues for peaceful resolution. In conclusion, in this evolving multipolar world, where conflicts ripple across borders and power dynamics are in flux, we must recognize our shared interests and intertwined destinies. The multifaceted crises challenging our global community demand unified action, for our collective strength is determined by our most vulnerable segments. The choices we make today have far-reaching implications for tomorrow. We stand at a crossroads: one path leads to mere rhetorical commitments to equity and solidarity, while the other beckons us to act with conviction, driven by the profound belief in equity and justice — economic, social and political justice. Let us choose wisely, for the fate of generations to come hinges on the decisions we make now.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Sierra Leone for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by His Serene Highness Prince Albert II of Monaco.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Serene Highness Prince Albert II of Monaco and to invite him to address the Assembly. Prince Albert (spoke in French): At the outset, allow me to express my most heartfelt condolences to the authorities of Morocco and Libya following the devastating events that have taken place in those two countries. I would like to express Monaco’s solidarity and support to the Moroccan and Libyan people, who have shown remarkable courage and resilience in these particularly trying times. In 1993, I took the floor for the first time from this rostrum as Head of the Delegation of the Principality of Monaco to address the General Assembly at its forty- eighth session (see A/48/PV.5). As my country celebrated the thirtieth anniversary of its admission last spring, my determination to ensure that Monaco contributes actively to achieving the aims of the Charter of the United Nations is all the stronger as the challenges that threaten us continue to grow and compel us to act. This year we are celebrating the seventy-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I would like to pay tribute here to the passionate commitment of Eleanor Roosevelt, who played a decisive role in the drafting of that historic document aimed at ensuring that every human being, anywhere, can enjoy their inalienable rights. In recent decades, the United Nations has been at the heart of progress that only multilateralism can generate: from the Agenda for Peace, adopted in 1992 at the first Security Council Summit; to the Agenda for Development, adopted in 1997 by the General Assembly; to the Millennium Development Goals in 2000; and the Sustainable Development Goals in 2015. We owe those significant advances to our collegiality. Monaco was still an observer at the United Nations when my Father, Prince Rainier III, decided to take part in the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, also known as the Rio Conference, which adopted Agenda 21 and what are commonly known as the Rio conventions. Our participation in the Earth Summit was one of the triggers for the Principality’s wish to apply for full membership in the community of nations that sits in this illustrious Hall. Respect for the environment and wildlife on land and at sea, as well as support for science, have been fundamental priorities for the Princes of Monaco over the centuries. Today, what was an unwavering commitment has become an obligation for our survival. That is why Monaco signed the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity and, subsequently, the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. Those international treaties, although subsequently supplemented, continue to guide our actions to preserve the planet from an environmental catastrophe that could wipe out all progress. In that respect, I would like to emphasize the extent to which the enhancement of international law is an underestimated success of our cooperative efforts within the United Nations and recall that, since its admission to the United Nations, the State of Monaco has become a party to some fifty international treaties, covering a wide range of subjects such as human rights, disarmament, the environment and the law of the sea. Over the past year, multilateralism has once again demonstrated its strength and effectiveness in certain areas, thanks to perseverance. In December, we reached an historic milestone by adopting the new Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework. A few months later, we managed to conclude almost two decades of negotiations by finalizing the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction treaty, which I had the honour of signing just a few hours ago. I am convinced that this binding legal instrument will mark another decisive step for the protection and preservation of the seas and oceans. Those victories, which are the fruits of our collective efforts, should give us hope because beyond the ocean and biodiversity, they embody the very potential of the United Nations: that of building common structures that allow for improved coexistence in harmony with nature. Furthermore, I believe it is essential to recognize that those new instruments offer us powerful tools to combat climate change. Among Aboriginal or island peoples, the sea is a being in its own right. The crucial role of seas and oceans in climate regulation is now clearly recognized and allows us to approach that challenge holistically. Make no mistake: we can win the climate battle only by moving forward towards achieving all the Sustainable Development Goals, which we established together eight years ago. We must not waste another moment. Extreme climatic events, floods, droughts and fires, whose frequency and intensity continue to increase, are already causing millions of individuals to suffer and require that we take urgent and drastic action. Physical changes to the marine environment and coastal areas, ocean acidification and sea level rise are other phenomena that pose threats to the very existence of coastal communities in many countries. The desire of the Secretary-General to bring together the leaders of States, representatives of private institutions and civil society in the framework of the Climate Ambition Summit could not be timelier given that the latest report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has alerted us once again to the inadequacy of our collective efforts to combat that planetary scourge. Several months ago, we began the initial process of assessing the implementation of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. That global assessment, which will culminate at the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, cannot be allowed to fail. On the contrary, we must seize the last opportunity offered to us to correct our course with a view to limiting global warming to 1.5°C. Let us face the facts: profound and sometimes difficult changes to our lifestyles and our collective organizations are essential and must be made rapidly. We must also step up our solidarity so that justice and equity are the key words of this transition phase. In that context, Monaco wishes to assume its share of responsibility. The Government of Monaco will therefore contribute to the reconstitution of the Green Climate Fund in the amount of €3.3 million for the period 2024–2027. That represents an increase of 10 per cent as compared to the previous period, even though Monaco is already the leading donor per capita to that instrument that is so crucial to the implementation of the Paris Agreement. For more than a century, Monaco has led the way in trying to establish better coexistence between people and the sea. Ten years after the adoption of the Samoa Pathway, the question of the oceans will once again be at the centre of the work of the fourth International Conference on Small Island Developing States, which will be held in 2024, and the third United Nations Ocean Conference, which will be held in Nice in 2025 under the chairmanship of France and Costa Rica. Monaco has decided to actively collaborate with the organizers of that conference and will host discussions on the blue economy, the conclusions of which will hopefully enrich that work. While the still unexplained phenomenon of cooling in the Eastern Pacific Ocean challenges researchers, the United Nations Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development offers us an opportunity to better understand the complex phenomenon of climate change. What major countries have achieved in space should be accomplished for our oceans. While we look for the presence of water on the planet Mars, we had to wait a generation before holding another conference on water last March, under the leadership of the President of the seventy-seventh session of the General Assembly. The young people of our nations place before us a crucial responsibility: that of ensuring the preservation of the air they breathe, the land on which they grow and the seas and oceans that are the cradle of humankind and the key to its survival. That fight will never end. Conflict also seriously damages the environment and poses an additional obstacle to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. It has been nearly 600 days since Russia made the decision, in violation of international law, to launch large-scale aggression against Ukraine. The Assembly has denounced that aggression, as well as its humanitarian and environmental consequences, on several occasions. I would like to express once again the solidarity of my country in the face of those tragic events and the destruction endured every day by civilian population. As in all conflicts, fighting and bombing generate pollution of the soil and water with toxic substances. Countless protected natural areas have been destroyed, while damage to critical infrastructure increases the risk of polluted drinking water and the spread of disease. Moreover, it is inconceivable that in the twenty-first century health personnel should be regularly assaulted and health infrastructure should be attacked in different conflict zones. I therefore call once again for the protection of those professional and civilian populations. With the world barely recovering from the coronavirus disease pandemic, I would like to welcome the organization of three high-level meetings dedicated to major public health issues this week. We must learn from the experiences of the pandemic to strengthen global governance and build strong and resilient health systems. Among the questions and existential threats for our civilization, there is one that has taken on overwhelming proportions in recent years. I refer to artificial intelligence, which carries with it both immense potential for accelerating the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals and unprecedented risks for global peace and security. The quest for innovation is part of human nature and deserves our support when directed at the improvement of the lives of our populations. While there may be a certain fascination with the benefits of digital tools that simplify our daily lives, we cannot neglect their dangers. Artificial intelligence often proves to be more efficient and reliable than humans in many tasks. However, as Aesop observed, it may be either the best or the worst thing to happen to humankind. Cyberattacks using artificial intelligence are already targeting critical infrastructure such as hospitals and United Nations humanitarian aid operations. The security and arms industry exploit those techniques, the potential of which raises ethical questions. Can we let a machine decide the life or death of a human being? Those questions demonstrate the obligation that we all have to establish a global governance framework and ethical standards that impose limits on the use of artificial intelligence. The conclusion of ongoing work in that area is therefore of the utmost urgency. In that regard, I welcome all the work aimed at developing a high-level consultative body within the United Nations to work on the international governance of artificial intelligence. While reaffirming its role as a moderator and its peaceful tradition, I remain convinced of the central role of the United Nations in rebuilding trust and awakening global solidarity. That requires joint efforts anchored in a strong multilateral system that is faithful to the values and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. I conclude by expressing the hope that we will succeed in improving the efficiency of our Organization so that it can fully achieve its initial mission: that of preserving peace between nations and the well-being of our common humanity.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Sovereign Prince of Monaco for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Chile.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Gabriel Boric Font, President of the Republic of Chile, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Boric Font (spoke in Spanish): In the firm conviction that democracy is the memory of the future, nine days ago, Chile commemorated 50 years since the coup d’état of 11 September 1973, an event that violently ripped apart our way of life, bringing death, persecution, pain and misery to my nation. The images of the bombing of the presidential palace, La Moneda, and the immolation of the constitutional president of Chile, Salvador Allende, as well as the evidence that the United States Administration, under President Nixon at the time, had conspired from the outset to promote the failure of the Chilean Government, shocked the democratic conscience of the world. While some countries were betting at that time on the destabilization of both fragile and more robust democracies, there were also multilateral organizations such as the United Nations that played a fundamental role in the defence of human rights and democracy. From the outset, they were committed to defending those who were most vulnerable and suffering in Latin America, including in Chile and throughout the world. For that reason, we owe the United Nations, as well as several of the countries present here, an enormous debt of infinite gratitude. There were thousands who anonymously helped those persecuted and saved lives, demonstrating a solidarity with the victims of the dictatorship headed by Augusto Pinochet that still moves us to this day. Since then, our country has come a long way. As Chileans, we are proud to have been able to unite to recover democracy, restore the Republic and rebuild the path towards the expansion of the rights and fundamental freedoms conquered by the founders of our homeland. Chile is a country that loves and promotes peace, and it is that characteristic of our identity that brings me to address the Assembly. Fifty years after the tragedy I described, we have faced our pain head-on, confronting it with initiatives such as the Rettig Commission, the Valech Commission and now our national search plan. Chile is a country that is making progress because we have learned lessons from our past, reliving it in order to be able to build a better future. From the lessons we have learned, we are able to devote ourselves to the challenges of the present. I would say that the main lesson learned — as I am sure most of us would agree, having listened to the preceding speakers — is that issues pertaining to democracy must always be resolved with more democracy, never less, and that a coup d’état is never inevitable. Democracy always offers alternatives. We have also learned that human rights provide an inalienable ethical basis for political action, and that human rights have no political undertones and must be promoted and defended at all times and in all places. All violations of human rights must be unequivocally condemned, regardless of the Government responsible. That is a principle that we have upheld and will continue to uphold, especially as members of the Human Rights Council. We have also learned through our history that democracy is fragile  — it is not guaranteed forever — and therefore we must take care of it; violence is not acceptable as a form of political action in democracy; and dialogue between those who think differently must always prevail, which also applies to relations between countries. That is why I wish to reaffirm Chile’s profound inclination towards multilateralism and mechanisms for the peaceful settlement of disputes. We have also learned something I deem important to stress in times of polarization, namely, that when we manage to unite in the pursuit of common objectives, we can move forward pluralistically for the benefit of our peoples. While it is true that, as anyone following the debate in our country can see, there is still great divergence in Chile, there is also great consensus. That is how the five living former Presidents — one of whom is a woman — and myself came to sign a commitment to the future for democracy and human rights. We also invited other State leaders to join us. Even in the most critical political moments, we are capable of coming together, Government and opposition, to find ways out of an impasse and to prioritize our people over our legitimate differences. That is how together  — and I underscore, together — as Government and opposition we are building the path towards being able to meet the demands of our people. The generations that came before us took on the responsibility of making our nations independent; establishing democracies, fundamental freedoms and universal human rights; and progressively advancing in the conquest of social rights. My generation — one that was not yet born at the time of the 1973 coup d’état — has the no less difficult task of consolidating and defending many of those legacies, while at the same time facing new threats and challenges with optimism. Today I wish to raise three urgent tasks to address that, in my homeland, we humbly believe coincide with much of what has been spoken about in this Hall today. First, our most urgent task is to safeguard democracy. We must stop the advance of intolerance and authoritarianism, and we must resolutely confront, in an institutional and uncomplicated manner, the disinformation that is corroding our democracies. At the same time, we must defend the advances in the rights of minorities, as well as of those who are not a minority but the majority, such as women, whose advances and rights are threatened by sectarianism and fanaticism of various kinds. We must address the root causes of the dissatisfaction that democracy generates, because we note with concern that the loss or fragility of democracy today may not be expressed in the coups d’état of the twentieth century, but rather in new forms, some of which may even have the appearance of a majority. Why is democracy today not satisfying the yearnings of peoples who urgently want and need greater security, greater equality and a way out of poverty? Democracy must be able to deliver results — we must focus very strongly on that. When institutions are slow to respond or fail to do so in a clear and timely manner, the challenges of corruption, organized crime and multiple inequalities corrode our institutions, and therefore the population ceases to trust them. Therefore, caring for democracy means taking charge of the frustrations, desires and needs of citizens; channelling our resources to address the challenges of our time; moving forward with concrete actions for greater freedom, prosperity, social justice and sustainability; and always putting the collective interest ahead of individual ones, particularly the individual interests of those who have the most power — namely us, as leaders. In that sense, we also defend unrestricted respect for human rights as a means of civilizational progress, regardless of the Government in power. That is why I feel it is my duty, as we have stated in other international forums, to denounce before this Hall and the world the persecution that anyone who thinks differently from the Government under the dictatorial Ortega and Murillo regime in Nicaragua is currently experiencing. In that country, not only are dissenters banned from taking part in elections, but they are persecuted and deprived of their nationality. Their homes are raided and they are stripped of their political rights. Meanwhile, we all need to recognize that any solution must be arrived at as a result of multilateral dialogue. We must therefore state clearly that the imposition of unilateral sanctions does not contribute to a solution. From our standpoint, the sanctions imposed against Venezuela today do not serve to improve the living conditions of the Venezuelan people. We are convinced that the United States must lift the sanctions that it has imposed against Venezuela in order to ensure that free elections, with all the necessary safeguards for all segments of the population, can be held. The same must be said of the sanctions that have been in place for so long against Cuba. I want to be very clear: declaring that Cuba is a country that promotes terrorism is false, and we are angered by that. We urge the United States to take the line of the Obama Administration, which removed Cuba from that list. It has now been put back on that list three years in a row, and for all the years it has been on the list, it is not the Government of Cuba that has suffered but the Cuban people, who do not deserve it. At the same time, I feel obliged to speak out on two conflicts, from two different times, that are tearing humankind apart. There are some present here who might legitimately wonder why Chile would discuss conflicts happening in countries so far from its own. It is because we feel the pain of humankind as a whole and we should not remain silent when we see, for example, the illegal occupation of Palestine and the denial of the opportunity for a Palestinian Government to be formed. There is a wall that divides its citizens. We recognize the right to exist of both States, Palestine and Israel, and that is why, from this rostrum, we call for respect for international law. A more recent conflict in which we also see the ambiguities that tend to emerge when events of a geopolitical nature occur, and which we must clearly and explicitly condemn, is the illegal invasion of Ukraine by Russia. On that point, we are convinced that the invading Government and the invaded people cannot share the same level of blame or responsibility for a conflict of that nature. Peace can be achieved only guaranteeing respect for the territorial integrity of nations. We say that as a small, or rather medium-sized, country from the South. We know that countries such as ours have only international law on which to depend for our defence in potential future conflicts. Today it is Ukraine; tomorrow it could be any one of us. Knowing that, we cannot close our eyes. Neither can we allow ourselves to be ambiguous in the condemnation of what, from our perspective, is an illegal war of aggression. The second topic that requires urgent action, and for which we also do not share equal responsibility, is the crisis of climate change, pollution and biodiversity loss. We are all aware of the analysis and its conclusions. Almost all the leaders at this rostrum have spoken on the topic. These are the problems of today, not tomorrow. In my country, we have faced forest fires and floods. We know that many States here, in particular the most vulnerable  — those that have contributed the least to global warming and have burned the least fossil fuels — are the ones that have suffered the most from the climate crisis. That is why we are making the same appeal that we made earlier this morning at the high-level panel on this topic. We call for rapid action to accelerate the energy transition, change our consumption patterns and establish new rules and institutions that will allow us to meet those demands. In our country, we have made progress in that direction under various leaders and Governments. We have 43 per cent protected marine areas and 22 per cent protected land areas. We have adopted a biodiversity protection law and have committed to reaching carbon neutral status by 2050 at the latest. We hope to reach that milestone even earlier. Climate change means that we face increasingly frequent and more complex challenges. Right now, we are suffering from a very severe drought. At the same time, there have been rains that led to the flooding of areas no longer used to life-giving water, as well as forest fires. We are suffering a wide range of phenomena that have a direct impact on the most vulnerable. We understand that the same problems are happening elsewhere in the world. There were devastating floods recently in Libya, which the President and the Secretary-General both mentioned in their addresses yesterday. There is what happened in Pakistan last year. There was drought in Argentina, Central America and the Horn of Africa. Those are just a few examples that should move us to action now. We need to do more. I call in a responsible way on the countries with the most industrial activity to assume their full moral responsibility — not just to be more environmentally respectful but also to show greater solidarity with those who are suffering most, such as the small Pacific island nations and those of Oceania, Central America and the Caribbean that are suffering the most devastating effects of climate change. We are not responsible for the damage caused by the climate crisis or its biases. Chile is putting all of its weight behind environmental agreements. Among other agreements, last year we supported the Americas for the Protection of the Ocean coalition, and this year we signed the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction. I reiterate to the General Assembly our willingness and commitment to having Valparaiso, the historic gateway to America and the pearl of the Pacific, serve as the headquarters for the secretariat of the Agreement. States can count on Chile for its proper development and contribution to a more sustainable, fairer and more equitable development. I turn finally to the third challenge, which is related to technological change and can only be compared to the industrial revolution of the mid-eighteenth century. It will drastically change how we relate to one another and our ways of thinking, producing and working. Only a few days ago, a mother in a small town in Spain reported a group of young boys who used artificial intelligence to remove the clothing of their female classmates, harming their honour as well as their right to themselves, their integrity and their privacy. All technological developments throughout the history of humankind have been a major opportunity to create fairer societies; however, if we get it wrong, they can also be the source of new injustices. In that context, we are all obliged to create multilateral consensus and an ethical framework for the development and use of new technologies, such as artificial intelligence. We need a framework that takes the human rights perspective into account in technological research and development, with a view to protecting and promoting the dignity and the rights of peoples and individuals, as well as sustainable development needs. There is no doubt that societies must make progress, but we must do it in a responsible way. That is why we must understand and better manage the opportunities offered by technologies for our benefit, before they become a threat and further entrench existing inequalities. That is, for example, what we have been doing in Chile since we established the Congress on the Future, and I am certain that everyone here has similar initiatives in their own countries. Humbly, but also proudly, I can say that my country today serves as a Latin American benchmark for the future of artificial intelligence, and we will work tirelessly in that direction. Democracy is memory and future. That underlies our view that technological development must be a tool for unity, not division, and one that promotes the empowerment of all of society, addresses the phenomenon of disinformation, supports the most vulnerable sectors and does not further entrench inequalities at the national and global levels. I wish to conclude by saying that the challenges we face require audacious and collective solutions, because none of us — not even the most powerful country in the world — can tackle those challenges in isolation. The phenomena of the climate crisis, migration and pandemics have neither borders nor flags. Because they affect all countries of the world, this forum, the General Assembly, must rise to the challenge and honour the calls made yesterday by the Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, with respect to reforming global governance in terms of its political and financial aspects. It is either reform or a descent into barbarism. We are for reform, and we can say to the Secretary-General that he has our support in reforming not only the Security Council but also the financial institutions that were born out of the Bretton Woods consensus. I underscore that democracy is memory and future, and the role of the General Assembly will be decisive on the path to a better world. Because we have learned from our past, and in my capacity as a representative of new generations, I am optimistic about what is to come in our future, because throughout its more than 70 years of history the General Assembly has shown that, even in the most difficult moments, it is possible for humankind to strike agreements on the path towards civilized cooperation and coexistence. States will always be able to count on Chile to promote and to defend human rights, multilateralism and democracy, and to build together a sustainable future and a world free of poverty with greater social equality.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Chile for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of Mongolia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour of welcoming to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Khurelsukh Ukhnaa, President of Mongolia, and inviting him to address the Assembly. President Ukhnaa (spoke in Mongolian; English text provided by the delegation): I wish to convey my heartfelt congratulations to the President of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session, Mr. Dennis Francis, and to wish him every success in the work of the session. I am confident that, under his able leadership, the seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly will facilitate comprehensive discussions on a range of critical issues facing the world and will present constructive solutions for peace, prosperity and sustainability. Not only can we enjoy peace and harmony, but we can also entrust a peaceful and prosperous world to future generations by sincerely yearning for peace, security and sustainable development, as well as by devoting efforts and financial resources to consolidating the political, economic, environmental and sociocultural foundations that sustain the world. Despite the world’s collective accomplishment in overcoming the threat of the global pandemic, we still face a range of challenges stemming from geostrategic and geopolitical tensions, socioeconomic crises, climate change and rapid technological advances. The United Nations, the Charter of the United Nations and the international legal system continue to play an important role in strengthening global peace and security and fostering international cooperation. To collectively overcome the current challenges, conflicts, confrontations and mistrust, the countries of the world should strive for greater unity, trust and friendship and should endeavour to further strengthen the role and position of the United Nations as a global community of human solidarity. Mongolia commends and supports the initiatives outlined in the report of the Secretary-General Our Common Agenda (A/75/982), including the recent New Agenda for Peace, which offers proactive solutions for global challenges in international relations by strengthening preventive diplomacy and reinvigorating multilateral cooperation and dialogue. The rapid advancement of digital technology is unlocking new prospects for global development. Yet on the other hand, it is also reshaping the landscape of threats that jeopardize world peace and security, such as terrorist attacks and their financing, money- laundering and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Therefore, in order to combat them effectively, it is vital for countries across the globe and the international community to collaborate in all areas, exchange information and refine the international legal framework. In that context, Mongolia fully supports the initiatives and activities of the United Nations and the United Nations system and has actively contributed to the establishment of a comprehensive international convention on countering the use of information and communications technologies for criminal purposes. Today’s tense and complex geopolitical dynamics undermine both global and regional security and provoke misunderstandings among nations. Consequently, the most effective means to address those complex issues is through peaceful dialogue. It has been more than three decades since Mongolia declared its territory to be free of nuclear weapons, and we have fully supported the international community’s efforts to achieve disarmament and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. In order to contribute to peace and security in our region, Mongolia successfully hosted the eighth Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Northeast Asian Security in June. The Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, participated in the Conference and highlighted that the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue mechanism is becoming a significant platform for establishing peace and security and strengthening confidence-building measures in north-east Asia. I am pleased to note that Mongolia’s efforts in the pursuit of regional peace and security in the framework of its peace-loving, open and multipillar foreign policy are expanding, and the number of participating countries is growing year by year. Secretary-General António Guterres praised Mongolia as a symbol of peace in a troubled world when he visited Mongolia last year. I am also delighted to note that, during his recent visit to Mongolia, Pope Francis stated that, “a profound spiritual sensitivity belongs to the very fibre of your cultural identity, and it is proper that Mongolia should be a symbol of religious freedom”. Furthermore, the Pope issued the following call to the international community: “may … on this Earth devastated by countless conflicts, there be a renewal, respectful of international laws, of the conditions of what was once the pax mongolica, namely, the absence of conflicts”. United Nations peacekeeping stands as one of the essential instruments for maintaining international peace and security. It continues to play a pivotal role in halting and preventing armed conflicts, alleviating humanitarian crises and fostering an environment that is conducive to the progress of social development. For that reason, we consider United Nations peacekeeping operations to be a vital part of the United Nations and multilateral cooperation efforts for peace. Over the past 20 years, through its deployment of more than 20,000 peacekeepers to hotspots around the world, Mongolia has honourably fulfilled its obligations to the international community in terms of maintaining global peace and security. Mongolia emphasizes the meaningful participation of women in United Nations peacekeeping operations and believes that strengthening the role of women at all levels will have significant impacts on the maintenance of international peace and security as well as on the peaceful resolution of conflicts. To contribute to the implementation of Security Council resolution 1325 (2000), we successfully organized an international conference on strengthening the role of women in peacekeeping in June 2022, at which participants shared and exchanged their experiences and ideas on best practices and lessons learned, as well as the challenges and obstacles encountered in the field. We also intend to implement national policies and activities on ensuring gender equality in line with the women and peace and security agenda. As nations, it is our collective aspiration to coexist harmoniously and equitably in this world, regardless of our ethnicity, race, age, gender, religion or cultural distinctions. However, the principle of leaving no one behind in development, which we formulated, has not been fully realized to date. Disparities still persist both in the levels of development among various countries and in the living conditions experienced by different groups of people. The recent global challenges, such as the pandemic, climate change, geopolitical conflicts, financial and debt crises, poverty and hunger, have significantly hindered development, particularly in developing countries, in which progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is lagging. Even though we have already passed the halfway point to the deadline for the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which is the road map for fostering trust, unity and development, The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2023 reveals that only 12 per cent of the SDG targets are on track, while progress on 50 per cent of the targets is weak and insufficient and progress on 30 per cent of them has stalled or even reversed. If we are unable to achieve our goals, it is evident that the path forward for development and progress for humankind will be bleak. It is a critical time to be responsible and, as Secretary-General Guterres warned, not to turn the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development into a mirage of what might have been. Prior to the pandemic, the annual SDG funding gap stood at $2.5 trillion, but according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, that gap has now surged to at least $4.2 trillion, while 52 least developed countries are at risk of a serious debt crisis. Therefore, there is an urgent need to develop a global plan for financing the SDGs. Mongolia presented its second national voluntary review report at the High- level Political Forum on Sustainable Development held in New York last July. According to the report, Mongolia has made notable progress towards achieving 15 of the SDGs, while the implementation of one SDG has been assessed as regressive. It has been estimated that Mongolia needs to spend an additional 18 per cent of its gross domestic product annually on average until 2030 to achieve the SDG targets. Climate change is sending a distress call and a warning alarm of the impending threat that looms over human life and the existence of humankind on Earth. If we do not follow a resolute path to preserving our Mother Earth right now, she will inevitably find her own way to survive, even if it means doing so without us. The 2023 report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change warns that, if global temperature increases by half a degree, it will lead to increased poverty, heatwaves, sea level rise, coral reef decline, habitat loss and severe drought. Every increment of global warming will be immeasurably costly. Therefore, Governments should take urgent measures to implement the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, heed the guidance of scientists, raise public awareness, regulate resource utilization, preserve and restore biological diversity, foster ecologically friendly and economically efficient technologies, such as the use of renewable energy, and substantially bolster climate financing. To that end, Mongolia became one of the first countries in 2023 to adopt the SDG Finance Taxonomy by introducing major legislative reforms aimed at increasing foreign and domestic investment. Mongolia is effectively implementing the One Billion Trees and the Food Supply and Food Security initiatives at the national level, and successfully hosted the World Export Development Forum 2023, which focused on the further development of green, digital and inclusive trade and economic relations. Furthermore, in the Orkhon Valley, which has been inscribed on the World Heritage List, we commenced a major development project to rebuild Karakorum, the ancient capital of Mongols, into an environmentally friendly, smart eco-city for green development. I am also pleased to inform the Assembly that preparations are under way in Mongolia to host the seventeenth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification, to be held in Ulaanbaatar in 2026. At the United Nations, Mongolia actively endeavours to protect the interests of landlocked developing countries (LLDCs) and to present both the challenges and opportunities of countries with special needs to the international community. Currently, Mongolia is working as Vice-Chair of the Group of Landlocked Developing Countries at the United Nations and is making progress on the initiative to set up a group of LLDCs at the World Trade Organization and the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO). At the forty-first session of the ICAO Assembly, held in Montreal, Canada, in September 2022, Mongolia submitted a working paper on improving air connectivity in LLDCs, which received broad support from ICAO member States. Mongolia also attaches particular importance to developing the International Think Tank for Landlocked Developing Countries, an intergovernmental organization established in Ulaanbaatar in 2017, and to strengthening its research capacities. We believe that, based on the practical experiences and lessons learned from the implementation of the Vienna Programme of Action, the third United Nations Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries, to be held in Kigali in 2024, will be a critical opportunity to adopt a renewed development framework for landlocked developing countries for the next decade. It is commendable that the seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly drew global attention to health issues by convening three high-level meetings  — on universal health coverage; pandemic preparedness, prevention and response; and the fight against tuberculosis — and adopting their respective political declarations. I am confident that the outcomes of those meetings will make a significant contribution to international efforts in those fields and that they will be reflected as well in the national programme on the theme “Healthy Mongolian”, which is being implemented at my own initiative. Mongolia fully supports, and expresses its commitment to contributing to, the negotiations on the adoption of a World Health Organization (WHO) convention, agreement or other international instrument on pandemic prevention, preparedness and response, as agreed by WHO member States at the second special session of the World Health Assembly. We believe that the establishment of such an international legal document would be of great importance to ensuring timely and equitable access to and the distribution of pandemic-related vaccines, treatments and diagnostics. On behalf of the people of Mongolia, I wish to express my deep gratitude to all health-care workers around the world, who selflessly and tirelessly worked to save people’s lives and preserve their health. My gratitude also goes to WHO, its staff and its Director-General, Mr. Tedros A. Ghebreyesus, who played an important role in overcoming the tough times brought about by the global pandemic while minimizing the damage. We call upon Member States to support and cooperate comprehensively in strengthening WHO’s role and position while broadening its range of activities. This year marks the seventy-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. As a democratic country, Mongolia fully advocates for human rights, freedom and justice, and the principles of the promotion of gender equality and human rights in the political, social, cultural and economic spheres are enshrined in the Constitution of Mongolia. Building a world free of gender inequality is our shared goal, and it is our collective duty and responsibility to collaborate towards its realization. Just as women’s roles and contributions are essential for both the harmony and prosperity of nations and the well-being of families, women and female leaders play a critical role in the security and development of humankind. Last June, Mongolia successfully organized the Female Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, at which the participants held constructive discussions on presenting solutions to the pressing issues facing humankind and the international community, including global peace and security, climate change and food security. The Ulaanbaatar Declaration was adopted as an outcome of the meeting. To further advance that achievement, we propose to convene the World Women’s Forum in Mongolia in 2024. We call upon countries to cooperate in support of that initiative. In this era of profound transformation in the international order and norms, the role and significance of multilateral cooperation and the international community are growing enormously. Mongolia therefore believes that it is important for States Members of the United Nations to actively participate in the intensification of United Nations reform, particularly in furthering negotiations on Security Council reform. I have confidence that the Summit of the Future, which will be convened in September 2024 under the theme “Multilateral Solutions for a Better Tomorrow”, will be a decisive event in reaffirming the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, reviving multilateralism, fulfilling the commitments made, seeking solutions to global challenges and rebuilding trust among Member States. Today our leadership is playing a pivotal role in shaping the destiny and well-being of our nations. Humankind is counting on us to devise sagacious and visionary policies and initiatives that are in the best interest of future generations and that prioritize global peace, security and the environment. Let us act together for peace and solidarity in the world and for the well-being of the future generations. May the eternal blue sky bless humankind forever.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of Mongolia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Ould Cheikh El Ghazouani, President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President El Ghazouani (spoke in Arabic): It is my pleasure at the outset to express my congratulations to His Excellency Ambassador Dennis Francis on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session and to wish him every success. I should like also to thank his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Csaba Kőrösi, for the outstanding manner in which he steered the work of the General Assembly at its previous session. Furthermore, I wish to commend the valuable efforts made by His Excellency the Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, to strengthen the role played by the United Nations to achieve its objectives. Our world today is experiencing various acute interlinked crises whose negative effects are affecting everyone, although to varying degrees. Our fates are interconnected, and we therefore need to accelerate the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030 pursuant to our collective commitment to that end. There is no doubt that the pace and the degree of inclusivity of that implementation have so far been below our expectations due to the diversity of current challenges. Globally speaking, the progress made so far, in particular in developing countries, is slowing down and experiencing difficulties. That is reflected in the worsening levels of poverty and unemployment, the acute public-health and food crises and inflation, which could lead to economic recession and greater violence, terrorism and destructive armed conflicts, all of that accompanied by environmental degradation of our planet. However, as grim as that picture is, we remain hopeful about the implementation of the SDGs, which depends on our collective capacity to chart new courses for multilateral cooperation and rectify the imbalance in the development assistance system so as to create more effective mechanisms for providing the funding needed to finance sustainable development. The seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly is of utmost importance, as it allows us to carry out a midterm review of the implementation of the SDGs and to discuss means to accelerate the process. We in the Islamic Republic of Mauritania have made the implementation of the SDGs the focus of our development efforts, as reflected in our accelerated growth and prosperity strategy, which is the framework for our public action for development. Thanks to our considerable efforts and despite the unfavourable regional and international circumstances, we were able to improve many SDG-related indicators in my country. We have fought poverty, vulnerability and exclusion. We have created a broad network for social protection so as to strengthen the resilience of our most vulnerable citizens, increase their purchasing power and expand medical and social coverage so as to progressively achieve universal health coverage. We further undertook structural reforms in order to build a diversified economy that is more resilient and better able to create jobs and add value. We have also strengthened economic, financial and monetary governance in my country by increasing the productivity of sectors such as agriculture, fisheries and animal husbandry so as to achieve food security and self-sufficiency. Thanks to those reforms, economic growth in Mauritania reached 6.4 per cent last year. Access to basic services also improved, and access to health-care services has broadened. The percentage of the population with access to drinking water reached 72.33 per cent and with access to electricity 91.84 per cent in urban areas and 53 per cent on average throughout the country. The share of renewable energy was 34 per cent in 2020, and we are aiming for 50 per cent by 2030. Energy diversification has broadened in Mauritania thanks to our recently launched programme for the development of green hydrogen energy, which provides us with an alternative and sustainable source of clean energy. That will help us to achieve the objective of an 11 per cent drop in carbon emissions. The twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, set to take place in the United Arab Emirates, is for us a source of great hope. We call on industrialized States to honour the commitments that they undertook in the area of greenhouse-gas emissions and those that they made during the Paris summit. Our efforts in the area of energy transition are accompanied by a continued fight against desertification and other forms of climate change, with a view to restoring the balance of our ecosystems. We are doing so in the context of the Great Green Wall initiative and the Permanent Interstate Committee for Drought Control in the Sahel, thereby strengthening the green economy. We also are investing in our human capital. We have implemented various youth training programmes to make it easier for young people to enter the labour market and to protect them against extremism and fundamentalism. We have also launched programmes aimed at the empowerment of women and at strengthening their participation in the country’s political and public life. Numerous promising reforms are also under way in the area of education so as to create a republican schooling system that gives all our children a high- quality education and equal opportunities. Furthermore, we are actively working on strengthening the rule of law, good governance, social cohesion and individual and collective freedom. We are ensuring the promotion of human rights and the rights of women and children, and we are fighting both contemporary and old forms of slavery. We have seen positive results in all of those areas, acknowledged by our partners and specialized international bodies. In all aspects of our public policy, we rely on dialogue and openness with all parties. We undertook an in-depth reform of our judicial system to strengthen the independence of our judiciary and to guarantee the separation of powers. Those reforms have strengthened our rule of law, democratic system and transparency. That would have been impossible without the security and stability that reign throughout the country, despite the fact that the regional and international environments are currently particularly unstable. Our integrated security strategy was also praised by all stakeholders. We have contributed to the stability and security of the subregion through the Group of Five for the Sahel, which we are currently chairing. We are also contributing to the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic and are hosting more than 100,000 of our Malian brothers who found refuge in Mauritania in the wake of the instability in their country. Our efforts to achieve regional and international peace and stability are part and parcel of our foreign policy, which is based on good-neighbourliness, mutual respect, constructive cooperation, dialogue, negotiations, adherence to international treaties and support for just causes. In that regard, I would like to reaffirm the right of the Palestinian people to create an independent State with East Jerusalem as its capital, in keeping with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the Arab Peace Initiative. We also support solutions aimed at preserving territorial integrity, stability and security in Libya, Yemen and Syria. We call for the deployment of all possible efforts to effectively and sustainably put an end to the hostilities in the Republic of the Sudan and to reach a comprehensive political solution in that brotherly country. We also stand with the Government of Somalia in its efforts to attain security and stability. We reiterate our firm position on the conflict in Western Sahara. We support the efforts being made by the United Nations as well as all Security Council resolutions aimed at finding a lasting solution that is acceptable to all. We strongly condemn the phenomenon of Islamophobia, which distorts Islam and sows division and hatred between Muslims and the West in particular. We would like to express our concern as regards the continued war in Ukraine. We call for a negotiated solution that takes into account the concerns of various parties, with respect for international law and the Charter of the United Nations. We reject all forms of power grab through non-constitutional means, and call on sisterly Sahel countries that experienced military coups to rapidly return to the constitutional order. We are well aware that a great deal remains to be done in order to attain the SDGs. We in Mauritania need financial resources that are far greater than what we can mobilize domestically. Our situation is similar to that of most developing States and African States in particular. That is why the easing of the debt burden of those countries, heightening the level of investment and upholding the commitments undertaken by partners could have helped us to collectively achieve better results. That is why we call for a resolution to the issue of debt by reforming the development debt system and increasing support for the least developed countries, which are the most vulnerable, through multilateral cooperation, which should be strengthened. Our Organization is the institutional embodiment of our common destiny and of the need to cooperate and ensure solidarity so as to meet common challenges while upholding our shared values. We therefore need to work together so as to continue reforming the Organization. We must work until its approach to international crises becomes more balanced, fairer and more considerate of the needs of the least developed countries. That would strengthen the trust that everyone should have in the United Nations and in its effectiveness so as to bring about international peace and security and achieve the SDGs.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Liberia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. George Manneh Weah, President of the Republic of Liberia, and to invite him to address the General Assembly. President Weah: Let me begin by extending sympathy to all nations experiencing loss of life due to the recent natural disasters. May the souls of all the faithful departed rest in perfect peace. I am honoured to address the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session on behalf of the Government and the people of the Republic of Liberia. I congratulate His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy- eighth session, trusting that he will bring his wealth of experience to bear on the work of the Assembly. I wish to assure him of my delegation’s full support as he steers the work of the Assembly successfully, in fulfilment of the expectations and confidence reposed in him. Let me use this occasion to also congratulate his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Csaba Kőrösi, on the capable manner in which he administered the affairs of the General Assembly at its seventy-seventh session. Let me also commend His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, the Secretary-General, for the astute manner in which he continues to administer the affairs of the United Nations in these difficult and challenging times. His foresight, commitment and dedication have kept the United Nations firmly on course. We have convened at a time when the world faces many challenges: security, social, economic and political, as well as natural disasters. We must exert collective efforts to confront those challenges, with a view to resolving them in order to bring about a safer, secure and prosperous future. We must continue to promote global solidarity and rebuild trust in accelerating progress on the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The SDGs, by design, require bilateral and multilateral collaboration to achieve the results that we seek. The theme of this year’s debate, “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity: accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all,” adequately captures our current global demands. There is a critical need to ensure that development assistance is aligned with SDG projects. That is why my delegation welcomes and supports the Secretary-General’s agenda of action to accelerate the implementation of existing agreements, including the Sustainable Development Goals, and to re-embrace global solidarity and find new ways to work together for the common good of humankind. As the world deals with unprecedented global political and security challenges, there are growing concerns about the proliferation of non-State armed actors, threats of nuclear escalation and extreme climate conditions. Those challenges continue to serve as obstacles to our quest for a safe and peaceful world. Achieving the 2030 vision involves ensuring that the journey is secured through accountability and mutual understanding. Liberia is committed to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the SDGs; they are in line with our flagship national development plan — the Pro-Poor Agenda for Prosperity and Development, which reflects our resolve to achieve peace and prosperity while addressing the structural impediments to economic growth and national development. The slowdown in global economic growth continues to be a challenge. Over the past 12 months, Liberia has made progress in areas ranging from health to education, gender equality and infrastructure development. We are proud of our achievements in reducing maternal mortality rates, increasing gender parity in school enrolment and elevating our overall health and well-being. Liberia appreciates the fact that this body has once again directed its attention to issues of global health, as demonstrated by the number of high-level meetings to keep that critical issue on our collective agenda. We emphasize unity of purpose as we address challenges that involve the provision of basic services to all people. Given that more than 60 per cent of Liberia’s population is composed of young people, the future of our nation rests on their shoulders. Understanding that immense responsibility, we are committed to continue paving the way for their growth and development. Cognizant of the fact that structural transformation drives prosperity, we are focused on infrastructure development, with roads and energy playing a critical part. Thanks to the support of our many partners, we remain unwavering in our commitment to explore means to further the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals, as it represents the road map towards prosperity. I support Secretary-General António Guterres’s proposed SDG Stimulus plan and call for the actualization of $500 billion per year in order to boost sustainable development for developing countries through tackling the high cost of debt and the rising risk of debt distress; the scaling up of affordable long- term financing for development; and the expansion of contingency financing to countries in need. Liberia profoundly appreciates the continued engagement and support of the United Nations system in consolidating its peace and in its efforts to address emerging challenges. Liberia will continue to cooperate and collaborate with the United Nations as it continues to rebuild and strengthen its institutions and infrastructure. Five years ago, on the occasion of my first address to the General Assembly (see A/73/PV.8), we informed members about the peaceful democratic transition that had just taken place in Liberia. With the support of the United Nations and that of our friends, we have kept the democratic torch burning. We have maintained peace and security. We have protected human rights and the right of the media to operate peacefully and freely. The Liberian people have enjoyed the full exercise of their constitutional rights. The country is well on course to consolidate its democratic credentials. I am pleased to inform the Assembly once again that in a few weeks Liberians will go to the polls, in keeping with the Liberian Constitution, to vote in our scheduled presidential and legislative elections. The October polls will mark the fourth peaceful general elections in Liberia since the end of the civil war in 2003. This seventy-eighth session is taking place at a time when my country is preparing for the first elections since the withdrawal of the United Nations peacekeeping presence from Liberia. The 10 October election is an opportunity to sustain the gains made in our reconstruction and development processes. The Government of Liberia has taken all measures necessary to ensure free, fair, transparent, peaceful, inclusive and credible elections. The National Elections Commission has been strengthened to ensure that it operates without undue influence. In addition, political parties have committed themselves to a non-violent electoral process by signing the 2023 Farmington River Declaration, which obligates all actors in the elections to continue to promote peace. Let me, as a strong believer in democracy, reiterate my call for respect for constitutional governance and respect for the will of the people. While addressing the issue of elections and democracy, permit me to congratulate all democratically elected leaders around the world. Our world is also under threat from natural calamities, as seen in extreme climate conditions globally. It is therefore our collective responsibility to urgently prioritize addressing the climate crisis as we strive to reach a target of a 64 per cent reduction in carbon emissions. There remains a need to prioritize support to countries, including Liberia, that have the capacity to use their biodiversity in building resilience against the changing climate. The United Nations has always been confronted with challenges and has stood the test of time. Hence, these, too, will pass. I wish to thank the Secretary-General for his New Agenda for Peace. Liberia is in solidarity with the bold steps needed to address the triple crises of disruption, biodiversity loss and pollution that are destroying our planet. Liberia is hopeful that concrete global action towards the attainment of the goals of Our Common Agenda (A/75/982) will be achieved. Liberia’s journey is best captured in the spirit of unity, resilience and ambition. Together, through collaboration and with a shared purpose, we can, and must, shape a world that upholds the rights and dignity of every individual. In alliance with our United Nations family, Liberia remains resolute in its commitment. We pledge to protect our planet, promote peace and prevent conflicts. We vow to ensure sustainable financing and amplify our partnerships, reflecting our shared determination for a brighter future. We must also accept that that can be achieved only through collaboration between and among Governments, non-governmental stakeholders and other partners, which will guarantee transparency, accountability, good governance and the inclusion of all citizens in the decision-making process. Let us remind ourselves that our collective strength lies in our unity. Together we can overcome any challenge; rebuild trust; promote peace and religious tolerance; uphold the tenets of democracy and the rule of law; support women’s participation; encourage diplomacy and strengthen global solidarity.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Liberia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo, President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Tshisekedi Tshilombo (spoke in French): The convening of the seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly affords me the opportunity to share with the States Members of our Organization the vision and major concerns of my country, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, with respect to the current global challenges facing us. Having said that, I wish to preface my remarks by congratulating His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis on his election to the presidency of the Assembly and assuring all the members of his Bureau of the support of my country as they discharge the noble mission conferred on them by our institution. I would be remiss if I did not also thank the outgoing President, Mr. Csaba Kőrösi, for his farsighted leadership and dedication, which contributed to moving forward our discussions and to finding concerted solutions. I wish also to extend my gratitude to Mr. António Guterres, the Secretary-General, for his active and ongoing commitment to international peace and security. As our session unfolds here in New York, the people of Morocco are still mourning the victims and nursing their wounds following the powerful earthquakes that occurred during the night of Friday, 8 September, to Saturday, 9 September, causing the deaths of more than 3,000 Moroccans and wounding at least 5,000, and destroying several cities and areas of the Kingdom. Furthermore, the Libyan people have not yet recovered from the trauma of the flooding that claimed the lives of more than 20,000 people and caused major damage on Sunday, 10 September. The people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo welcomes the mobilization of the international community to provide assistance to the kindred peoples of the Kingdom of Morocco and of Libya. We convey to them our full compassion and solidarity and wish a speedy recovery to all those wounded in those two natural disasters. But beyond deploring those natural disasters, the current session of the General Assembly is taking place at an exceptional period of our history in which the world faces serious situations that threaten the very existence of human beings. The war in Ukraine has caused a food crisis marked by skyrocketing prices and shortages of basic goods; the exacerbation of the effects of climate change; and armed conflicts that continue to erupt in various places. Those mutually reinforcing crises pose a challenge to the multilateral system and to international cooperation. And yet what all peoples of the world want and have always wanted is the maintenance of international peace and security, the guaranteeing of justice and human rights, the prioritization of social progress and the creation of the best possible living conditions. Those goals therefore need to remain at the centre of our collective action, in the context of a truly multilateral and inclusive approach. We are called upon to work together with an eye to responding to those challenges, which are existential in scope. It is for that fundamental reason that I welcome the relevance of the theme of this year’s session, entitled “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity: accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all”. That theme places the values of solidarity and of trust at the forefront of the factors for recovery and for accelerating solutions to closely intertwined global challenges in order to move forward peace, security and sustainable development. Those two values find their full expression in the context of the crises that we are facing today. In that regard, it is vital to recall that at the halfway point towards the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals, in 2023, given the combined effect of climate disasters, recurrent conflicts, the economic recession and the persistent after-effects of the coronavirus disease pandemic, inequality and poverty have worsened. Hunger and malnutrition are on the rise; humanitarian needs and the displacement of populations have reached record levels; and climate and environmental disasters have brought the world face to face with a very serious systemic existential threat. It is clear that in order to tackle those scourges, which pose a genuine threat to international peace and security and represent a major obstacle to the prosperity and progress of nations, joining forces and taking a multilateral approach based on mutual trust and solidarity are major and indispensable steps. The maintenance of international peace and security constitutes the foundation of and the main objective underpinning the creation of the United Nations. Its achievement requires greater determination and commitment on the part of all given the current threats to peace and security in the world. African peoples often do not understand the equivocal attitude, policy of double standards, ambiguities and procrastination we see on the part of our Organization, especially of its Security Council, in certain political and security crises that are raging in Africa and sometimes have been for decades. That is the case, notably, of the forgotten crisis of Western Sahara, which has riven apart two kindred countries, Algeria and the Kingdom of Morocco, and which has dragged on for several decades. That is also the case of Mozambique, the victim of deadly terrorist attacks for roughly a decade now in the province of Cabo Delgado. In West Africa, in the Sahelo-Saharan region, United Nations troops are withdrawing, leaving behind the memory of what they did not achieve, despite the fact that they had embodied all of the hopes of the peoples of the countries concerned for liberation from the yoke of jihadism. The Republic of the Sudan is no exception. The Sudan is mired in a deadly civil war that since last year has pitted military personnel loyal to President Abdel- Fattah Al-Burhan against the Rapid Support Forces commanded by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo. Although the war has already caused many deaths and much material damage, the international community is virtually indifferent to the Sudanese tragedy. This is also the place to broach a question of paramount importance to the Democratic Republic of Congo and to building peace in our region. I refer here to the withdrawal of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO). Following a United Nations presence of more than two decades, it is time for my country to fully take its destiny in hand and to become the main protagonist of its own stability. We are grateful to the international community and to the United Nations for their support and their partnership, but we are also aware that the phased withdrawal of MONUSCO is a necessary stage to consolidate the progress that we have already achieved. Nonetheless, it should be deplored that the peacekeeping missions that have been deployed in various forms for 25 years in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have not been able to stop the uprisings and armed conflicts that are tearing apart the country and the Great Lakes region or to protect civilian populations. So is the phased, responsible and sustainable withdrawal of MONUSCO, which was announced in 2018 and whose transition plan was adopted in 2021, now an anachronism given the changing political, security and social contingencies? It is thus illusory and counterproductive to continue to cling to maintaining MONUSCO to re-establish peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and to stabilize it. Furthermore, the accelerated withdrawal of MONUSCO is absolutely necessary to ease the tensions between the Mission and our citizens. It is time for my country to explore fresh avenues for strategic cooperation with the United Nations that are more adapted to our current realities. That is why, in my capacity as constitutional guarantor of my country’s territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence, and of the good conduct of our nation and the well-being of my compatriots, I have instructed the Government of the Republic to begin discussions with the United Nations authorities to ensure an accelerated withdrawal of MONUSCO from the Democratic Republic of the Congo by moving up the deadline for the withdrawal from December 2024 to December 2023. That is the reasoning underpinning the current approach of our Government, which addressed a letter to the President of the Security Council dated 1 September 2023 asking for the accelerated withdrawal of MONUSCO (see S/2023/648). In addition to asking for the accelerated withdrawal of MONUSCO, the Democratic Republic of the Congo reiterates its request to the Security Council to sanction all physical and legal persons acknowledged to be perpetrators, co-perpetrators or accomplices, both material and intellectual, of war crimes and crimes against humanity and serious violations of human rights, international law and the Charter of the United Nations on Congolese territory. It is unjust and unacceptable that persons deemed responsible for the serious crimes mentioned in various reports of United Nations experts on the security situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo should continue to enjoy impunity with complete silence on the part of our Organization and its Member States, even though the latter have cited the combat against impunity as one of their main priorities in the areas of internal and external governance. In that regard, the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo warmly welcomes the sanctions recently imposed by the Government of the United States on Rwanda for its support for the Mouvement du 23 mars terrorist group and on one of its senior officials involved in the criminal undertakings in the Congo. Members will recall that that terrorist group, which is a proxy for Rwanda, has not honoured any of the commitments entered into by the Heads of State of the region in the context of the Luanda and Nairobi processes. Indeed, not only have they not left the positions they had seized, but they also continue to massacre our civilian populations and to refuse cantonment and pre-cantonment, demanding a dialogue that will never be granted to them. The Democratic Republic of the Congo hopes that other States will follow the praiseworthy example set by the United States of America in supporting the common struggle against impunity and ensuring the triumph of the ideals of justice and solidarity among peoples. The Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo expects the Security Council to focus in particular on its request and to constructively manage the delicate and laborious process of crafting peace in our country. Another challenge exists that is of the utmost concern to all the nations of the world: global warming. I need hardly recall that the rising temperature over several decades has affected all humankind and is of concern to us all. I am compelled to note here that despite the polluters’ good-faith proclamations in favour of stopping greenhouse-gas emissions; the many forums convened all over the world to stem that scourge, including the 27 Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COPs); and the many resolutions and recommendations adopted at the various meetings, the warming of our planet is far from being limited to the target of 1.5°C. On the contrary, at COP 27, held in Sharm El- Sheikh, Egypt, this year, concerns were expressed about the trend of rising temperatures. That not very reassuring acknowledgment no doubt calls for us to revisit the approaches and policies that we have adopted. In that context, the African Climate Summit, which was just held in Nairobi from 4 to 7 September under the joint leadership of the African Union and the Republic of Kenya, was a welcome and timely initiative that reflects Africa’s determination to participate actively in addressing that vital question and to be a key and influential player in the process of devising solutions to global warming and to ensuring greener and more responsible economies in future. The Africans emerged from the Summit with a set of shared specifications contained in the Nairobi Declaration, which are aimed at ensuring a reform of the international financial architecture so as to ensure greater fairness; restructuring and debt alleviation for their countries; the local processing of their products; and the establishment of a carbon tax regime, including a tax on the trade in fossil fuels and on maritime and air transport. They also reminded rich polluters of the commitment they undertook in 2009 but have yet to honour of providing $100 billion in climate financing. The Democratic Republic of the Congo calls on the United Nations and the international community as a whole to pay particular attention to the legitimate claims of Africa. In that context, my country calls for the creation of a fair carbon market and incentive pricing while strengthening the effectiveness of climate financing. We hope to see the rapid operationalization of article 6 of the Paris Agreement and support the idea of mutually beneficial partnerships between the State and the private sector. In the same vein, the Democratic Republic of the Congo reiterates its full readiness to cooperate with all stakeholders, public and private alike, in order to make the most of its strategic minerals. It has undertaken bold commitments, including dedicating 30 per cent of its national territory to the preservation of biodiversity and submitting a nationally determined contribution that includes mitigation measures focused on four priority sectors: agriculture, forestry, energy and technology transfer, as well as adaptation measures. Multilateralism and respect for a global rules-based system has underpinned peace, security, health and prosperity in large parts of the world for the past 78 years. The United Nations embodies those principles and remains a key protagonist in addressing contemporary existential threats, be they the current food crisis, climate change, terrorism, pandemics or nuclear proliferation. None of those critical global threats can be resolved by nations acting alone, no matter how powerful they may be. All that requires multilateral cooperation. To retain the trust of the international community, the United Nations must show that it is capable of adapting to the present and of effectively shouldering its responsibilities in tackling today’s challenges. In order to provide a new impetus to multilateralism, a reform of the Charter of the United Nations on key points, including the Security Council, the veto, Chapter VII and the use of force, is absolutely necessary but will not be sufficient. We have a lot of work to do. Coordination and cooperation among the various institutions and agencies of the United Nations are imperfect. Global challenges are tackled several times over in various forums from different and contradictory perspectives, while other problems are not addressed at all, with each international bureaucracy aiming to preserve itself. In that regard, the urgent and unremitting request of my country and of Africa as a whole is to expand the Security Council, as a guiding decision-making organ of the United Nations, in such a way as to include therein two representatives of the African continent as permanent members in order to ensure fair and representative geographical representation — hence the relevance and necessity of reforming our 78-year- old Organization, which is somewhat hobbled in the face of current changes and international trends, so as to make it more inclusive in its composition and in its decision-making process, which from now on will have to pay heed to Africa’s voice. Before I conclude, from this rostrum let me to return to the issue of violence against women in the context of war and armed conflict. It is no secret that the Democratic Republic of the Congo is one of the African States where sexual violence against women is the most disturbing, due in particular to decades of armed conflict. In order to alleviate the suffering of women who are victims of conflict-related violence and to compensate them in some small way for the harm caused to them, my country set up specific institutional mechanisms, including the National Fund for the Reparation of Victims of Conflict-related Sexual Violence and Victims of Crimes against the Peace and Security of Humankind, established in December 2022. As an extension of such initiatives to protect and promote women, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is working tirelessly to change the way in which men see women, in particular by eliminating societal structures that create barriers to women’s advancement, as well as the power dynamics that underpin male-female relations. The skills and resources available to women are insufficient on their own to change their situation. It is also essential to change the social dynamics within couples, families and communities. That is the essence of the project to promote positive masculinity that I initiated at the beginning of my term at the head of the African Union. In conclusion, I would like to once again affirm that, at the end of this year, general elections will be held in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in elected institutions down to the local level. To ensure their success, all parties involved are actively mobilizing. The Independent National Electoral Commission has already convened the electorate and published the lists of candidates for the national and provincial legislative elections and the municipal elections. Measures have been taken to ensure the transparency, inclusiveness, equality of opportunity and credibility of the upcoming elections. Invitations have already been extended to international institutions and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) specializing in that area to send their electoral observation missions to support the process and help the Congolese State to consolidate its fledgling democracy. The United Nations is also invited to play an important role in that through its specialized agencies. The Congolese Government would like to thank the invited institutions and NGOs that are already hard at work. The Democratic Republic of the Congo remains convinced that the United Nations continues to be the most appropriate forum for discussing the future of our planet and relations among peoples and States. Following the holding of peaceful democratic elections in Zimbabwe, I make an urgent appeal to the United Nations to do its utmost to ensure the immediate lifting of sanctions against the Republic of Zimbabwe and its people. However, in order to carry out its difficult and delicate tasks effectively and merit the trust of all, the United Nations must embody the values of justice, equity and solidarity and represent all in our cultural, political, economic and social diversity. That is the essence of its reform that Africans keep bringing up, and of the fight that we must all wage.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Head of State of the Kingdom of Eswatini.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Majesty King Mswati III, Head of State of the Kingdom of Eswatini, and to invite him to address the Assembly. King Mswati III: It is a great honour for me to address the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session under the theme “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity: accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all”. In a world faced with complex challenges, such as climate change, poverty, inequality and resource depletion, it has become increasingly evident that sustainable development is not just a noble aspiration but an imperative for the survival and well-being of our planet and its inhabitants. For 78 years, the United Nations has stood for the great ideal of building an international system of collaboration, solidarity and common purpose. The values of the Charter of the United Nations, which are our road map today, will remain as such for generations to come because the United Nations is founded on the timeless ideals of global peace, security, development, human rights and global cooperation. Today we need unity in our Organization more than ever before. Among the multiple crises that we are experiencing are the impact of the coronavirus disease pandemic, geopolitical conflicts and wars and the climate change catastrophe. Those have undermined our resilience and increased vulnerability to shocks and have significantly slowed the progress in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. Just as the founders of the United Nations once united to address the challenges of their time for the benefit of all, it is now our responsibility to stand together and confront those that we face today, rebuild trust and take swift action to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and the African Agenda 2063. Of great concern are the conflicts around the world, the coups and the unconstitutional changes of Governments in several African States, which are negating the gains towards attaining our African Union goals. We have also witnessed natural disasters in the form of floods and earthquakes that have claimed thousands of lives in Libya and Morocco, among other countries. We wish to extend our sympathies and condolences to those who lost their loved ones. The Kingdom of Eswatini wishes to encourage the efforts that are being undertaken to find a political solution to the matter regarding the Western Sahara within the parameters of Security Council resolution 2654 (2022). We commend the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy for advancing dialogue as a means of reaching a sustainable solution to the impasse. To attain that, we need to actively practise tolerance and promote peace in all areas. We owe it to ourselves to reignite global solidarity to achieve economic and social advancement for all our peoples. The Kingdom of Eswatini embraces multilateral cooperation and prioritizes adherence to international law when looking to address the challenges posed by conflicts and wars. We therefore support the global call for silencing of guns, which affect the most vulnerable groups. We remain steadfast in our call for the peaceful resolution of conflicts and the continual improvement of democratic and inclusive governance. The Kingdom of Eswatini therefore commends the Secretary-General for facilitating the New Agenda for Peace, which promotes the principles of trust and solidarity, which are foundations of the United Nations Charter. Eswatini supports women’s empowerment and youth participation in decision-making for conflict prevention and development. We should work to advance gender equality and end violence against women. Our focus is on building accountable, effective and inclusive institutions, in line with SDG 16. We established a legal aid office to enhance access to justice and the rule of law, especially for vulnerable and marginalized groups. We have also developed an implementation plan for the Universal Periodic Review on Human Rights and have strengthened national institutions of monitoring and reporting frameworks to promote and protect human rights for all Emaswati. Like all other Member States, Eswatini’s implementation of the SDGs has been impacted by the multiple shocks at both the global and the national levels. Notwithstanding those challenges, as a country, we remain steadfast in our commitment to achieving those targets. We have been ranked among the top five by the World Bank for our growing economy, with our gross domestic product growth (GDP) at about 7.8 per cent. We attained the second-highest manufacturing value added per capita country, and we are placed sixth on the 2022 Africa Industrialization Index. Furthermore, we have been ranked number nine among the 10 African countries with the highest GDP per capita. We will not rest on our laurels but will work much harder as we look to improve our economy. The recent global challenges have had negative impacts on our ability to provide social services, including health and education. Despite that, we have significantly reduced the rate of death under 5 years of age and the maternal mortality ratio in Eswatini. The prevalence of the human immunodeficiency virus among adults aged 15 to 49 has also dropped. We continue to work tirelessly to strengthen our health- care systems, while also ensuring that our citizens have access to those essential services. We commend the Secretary-General for the many initiatives aimed at helping Member States to better recover from such multiple shocks. Following our participation in the Summit on Transforming Education last year, we are delighted to share that the country continues to increase opportunities for learning and skills development, including through the integration and use of digital technologies. Significant strides have been made by the Kingdom of Eswatini in increasing access to electricity since the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We now have national coverage of above 80 per cent. Notable progress has also been made in terms of road and information and communication technology infrastructure, connecting cities and economic zones. When it comes to access to basic water services, 69 per cent of the population now enjoys that necessity, and access to basic sanitation services has reached 58 per cent of our people. The literacy rate among adults aged 15 and above has improved from 79 per cent in 2000 to 87 per cent. The gross enrolment ratio for primary education has increased from 97 per cent in 2000 to 104 per cent. In the lead-up to the Sustainable Development Goals Summit this week, the Kingdom of Eswatini undertook a series of consultations in every region, seeking the views of the people regarding how best to accelerate the attainment of the SDGs. As a result, the Kingdom has prioritized investments in key areas in the remaining seven years. We want to create decent jobs and employment opportunities for everyone, especially the youth. We want to improve water and sanitation for all. We are convinced that that will help to ensure maximum progress across all 17 SDGs. Eswatini has continued to cherish its home-grown and unique model of people-driven democratic governance. Like many other democracies, our Constitution recognizes the role of the monarchy, as well as a bicameral Parliament, the separation of powers, fundamental human rights and the rule of law. It takes into account our rich cultural heritage and traditional African values, in that it is grounded in respect, consensus and community support through traditional structures. It is a monarchical democracy. Our system is based on individual merit, where candidates are nominated from their communities to stand for elections in constituencies that we call tinkhundla, to which they are accountable. The electorate expects members of Parliament to meet as colleagues rather than combatants, to look for consensus as opposed to partisanship and to balance the interests of their constituencies with those of the nation. In terms of our democratic dispensation, elections are a constitutional imperative and are held every five years. Eswatini is in the middle of its electoral cycle in a bid to elect the twelfth Parliament. In that regard, a voter registration exercise, which returned more than 95 per cent of people registered against an eligible population, was conducted. That was a resounding success and a ringing endorsement of support for the system of Government. As we speak, the nomination process has been completed. Primary elections were held on 26 August, and our secondary elections will take place on 29 September. We look forward to Emaswati expressing their desires through the ballot box. The Sibaya — the people’s Parliament — remains one of our highest institutions, where Emaswati dialogue and play their part in determining the future that they want. It is an inclusive forum, where citizens, irrespective of gender and social status, discuss issues of national interest. A couple of weeks ago, the nation celebrated 55 years of our independence, during which Emaswati have been living in peace and harmony. Eswatini has been hit hard by the coronavirus disease pandemic, which has affected some of our social sectors. Although we have made progress in reducing poverty and inequality, they remain high. As a result, we continue to battle with high unemployment, especially among young people. With the support of the United Nations in Eswatini, we launched a youth empowerment programme, which has generated great public interest among the private sector. We hope to enrol at least 4,000 young people into the programme to increase their chances of employment and to help them start their own businesses, including with access to financing. The European Union has also pledged to support youth empowerment initiatives to mitigate the unemployment situation. Eswatini is highly dependent on external sources of income, such as regional trade, remittances and transfers from the Southern African Customs Union. We continue to implement structural reforms to improve our business environment, diversify our economy and foster inclusive growth. We recently launched our national implementation strategy for the African Continental Free Trade Area agreement. Two days ago, on the sidelines of the General Assembly, we had a resource mobilization session to introduce the Africa Strategic Investment Alliance. That will support the Africa E-trade (AeTrade) programme, which seeks to create a digital marketing platform for all African countries to promote trading through technologies. We are also looking to advanced countries to share their experiences so that Africa will not be left behind. We urge Member States and financial institutions to support the AeTrade initiative. We wish to commend the private sector, which participated in the forum and further committed itself to pledges towards that noble objective. That will help us to take full advantage of the opportunities for intra-Africa trade, increase national productivity and promote regional integration in the world’s largest free trade area, which connects 1.3 billion people across 55 countries, with a combined gross domestic product valued at $3.4 trillion. Eswatini is embracing the “leave no one behind” principle, which is the central promise of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Goals. As we work towards achieving those targets, it is crucial to re-evaluate the global financial architecture. We must address interest rates in a way that is fair and beneficial to both least developed and developing nations. That will ensure the eradication of poverty in all its forms and improved living conditions for the poorest of the poor. Sustaining the SDGs will require that Member States develop innovative financing strategies to ensure that implementation reaches those left furthest behind. At this critical juncture, including Taiwan is an essential next step if we are to successfully achieve the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We call for Taiwan’s inclusion in the United Nations system, which encompasses participation in meetings, mechanisms and activities that pertain to the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. That would not only strengthen global cooperation and partnership, but it would also emphasize the principle of ensuring that no one is left behind. In conclusion, in the remaining seven years, Eswatini will continue to prioritize the implementation of the SDGs and ensure that they remain the core agenda behind our development. We are optimistic that a broad range of actors will be mobilized and that capacities will be strengthened to ensure the achievement of the Goals by 2030. The SDGs will continue to be a guiding light that shapes national policies, budgets, institutions, Governments and sector strategies. The Kingdom of Eswatini stands with the rest of the world in committing to accelerating progress in the implementation of the United Nations targets in the remaining seven years. The year 2023 is a turning point for the country, as we hope to break through to a better future for all. Let me take this opportunity to wish all participants successful deliberations. May Almighty God bless us all.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Head of State of the Kingdom of Eswatini for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. David Kabua, President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Kabua: Let us bow our heads together and beseech God Almighty to let His peace and mercy descend on us all and on our fragile home — the planet. I extend to all the warmest greetings of Iakwe from the people of the Republic of the Marshall Islands. I congratulate the President on his election to lead the General Assembly. I also offer sincere condolences for the devastating flood in Libya and the earthquake in Morocco. A strong and effective United Nations is needed now more than ever. Together we now face an economic shock, increasing global tension and intensified climate impacts. Our United Nations was forged to help maintain peace, reduce threats and conflict and address the economic and social challenges facing humankind. It has also served a useful purpose as a key platform for dialogue among nations, and we acknowledge the strong efforts of the United Nations system in humanitarian relief and assistance with development goals. Yet the world is at an hour when, more than ever before, we are falling well short of what the world needs and deserves. The world is now vastly different from that of 78 years ago. The remarkable advances in all spheres of human life have been phenomenal and unrivalled. New advances have facilitated people-to-people connectivity and help to shrink our planet into a small global village. Yet we are feeling an intense rise in the very global tensions, if not the threat of wider conflict, that the founding Members sought to avert. Politics must never blind the need for accountability, not only in Russia’s illegal and immoral invasion of Ukraine but everywhere, without exception. Every nation in this Hall, including my own, has more to do to deliver on our human rights records. Far greater understanding and direct assistance are needed to better address complex rights situations. Every nation gathered in this Hall bears a vital responsibility to protect, not overstep, the voices of the most vulnerable. As a candidate country for election to the Human Rights Council for the term from 2025 to 2027, we are firmly committed to strong and credible action, as well as to listening closely to all perspectives. We are proud to call attention to the recent endorsement of our candidacy by the Pacific Islands Forum Foreign Ministers. The Pacific small island developing States are truly large ocean nations before we are small island developing States. Oceans are not a distant notion. They are our lifeblood, our economic future, our food security and our culture. Much of the rest of the world has used oceans as dumping grounds or resource baskets from which to take at will, without consequence. Now the tide is changing. Pacific island nations help to set the mark in global tuna markets and affect a transition to sustainability. Our partners are helping us to step up with resources, partnerships and real-time technology to better monitor and patrol our vast exclusive economic zones. The United Nations has now adopted a new high seas conservation treaty that addresses biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction. At a time when nations are increasingly challenged to work together on the basics, it is a testament to the political will and diplomatic skill in which we have come together to cut across silos and define specific actions and obligations to try to better ensure that future generations see the same benefits from the ocean that we know today. It is our challenge to the world to bring that treaty into force and effect before the 2025 Our Oceans Conference. Today the United Nations now has my signature on the treaty to add to the growing chorus. The world’s equilibrium has been upset by humankind’s insatiable greed for the accumulation of materialistic wealth and possessions. Today the Marshall Islands is encountering insurmountable challenges in coping with sea level rise, the erosion of shorelines, flooding caused by high tides, coral bleaching, the intrusion of seawater into taro and crop lands and the rapid deterioration of the ocean ecological system. Moreover, the warming of the ocean has affected sustainable coastal fisheries and has had a direct negative impact on our way of life. In sum, our islands, our culture, our way of life and our very existence as a people and a nation are threatened. We call for the establishment of an international financing facility to provide assistance and support to small island developing States and low-lying atoll nations and territories devastated during and after natural disasters. Such a facility should also offer elements of insulation from external shocks, be it energy, supply-chain disruptions, food security, global health pandemics, hyperinflation or other challenges. The Marshall Islands leaders have raised the alarm and called the world’s attention to the dangers posed by the climate change monster since we became a Member of this body in 1991. For more than 30 years, Marshallese leaders, as is the case with leaders of low- lying island States, have sounded the alarm in every international and regional forum. For more than 30 years, the world has been meeting and talking about the adverse effect of global warming and climate change. We hailed the historic conclusion of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. However, eight years have gone by, carbon emission levels remain high and the planet is getting hotter with each passing day. As a matter of fact, the Secretary-General himself has affirmed that the era of global warming has ended and that now we have entered the age of global boiling. May I again reiterate my humble call for the world to declare war on climate change. The future of the Marshall Islands and all low-lying island States hangs in the balance. The eyes of people the world over are on us at this seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly. The Marshall Islands believes that the time for speeches and eloquence of talk is over. It is time for the eloquence of actions. Let deeds, not words, be our operating principle. The security of our own islands is at stake, owing to not only the tension among super-Powers, but also rising seas and changing oceans. The world has spent a full generation falling short in our common goals to prevent dangerous climate change. We are past the hour of waiting for a real step-up in ambition. This year must be different. At the twenty-eighth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the global stocktake must mark the turning point at which we all recognize that we are collectively failing to deliver on the Paris Agreement. We must all respond by agreeing upon a clear road map to correct our course. That ambitious road map must include the phase-out of fossil fuels. The world cannot afford to further ignore the issue at the heart of the crisis. While we must use every tool at our disposal, we cannot place our hope in dreams of unproven, untested solutions or use abatement technology to give the green light to the continued expansion of fossil fuels. For the most vulnerable nations, adequate, predictable and accessible finance is crucial, particularly for adapting to prepare for the current and future onslaught of the impacts of climate change and to address the loss and damage that are already being experienced. We need donors to deliver on their existing commitments and to come together to address the climate finance crisis in a way that is led by science and the needs of vulnerable States. Those challenges may be inconvenient for large economies, but I can affirm that the climate impacts already at our door, and those yet to come are decidedly more inconvenient for low-lying atoll States such as mine and for other island nations around the world. The United States has not fulfilled its obligations to the people of the Marshall Islands resulting from the nuclear testing programme. On 25 November 1947, in response to concerns about the people of Enewetak, who were being removed and relocated so that the United States could conduct its nuclear-weapons test, United States President Harry S. Truman stated: “They [the Enewetakese] will be accorded all rights which are the normal constitutional rights of the citizens under the Constitution, but will be dealt with as wards of the United States for whom this country has special responsibilities”. Other atolls were affected, and such obligations likewise remain unfulfilled. The Marshall Islands has continued its negotiations with the United States on extending our relationship of free association. We have come a long way in that endeavour. We have satisfactorily addressed most issues, and we remain cautiously optimistic that our agreements will be finalized soon. However, there remain difficult issues that the Marshallese people have insisted need to be resolved. As a functioning democracy, we cannot ignore the wishes of our people and, as the world’s foremost and pre-eminent democracy, the United States needs to understand that reality. The Marshall Islands desires to continue its free association with the United States, but the United States must realize that the Marshallese people require that the nuclear issue be addressed. The Marshall Islands strongly welcomes the rise of the Partners in the Blue Pacific initiative and the support of friends and allies that are committed to working with us on island-driven solutions. Our early steps together are positive, even as more structure is needed to listen closely to our deepest needs. Let us all go beyond the headline announcements and into our local communities and move into a more focused dialogue with the Pacific, and not just about the Pacific. The Republic of the Marshall Islands affirms the recent statement by the Pacific Islands Forum Foreign Ministers regarding the release of treated water from the Fukushima power plant. With other Forum members, we remain vigilant, concerned and committed to regular and ongoing discussion with Japan, as well as an annual dialogue with the International Atomic Energy Agency. I appeal to all Heads of States and Government that we work together to strengthen the foundation of international peace and security. Let us then jointly call for the Secretary-General’s Summit of the Future, to be held next year, to include diverse perspectives and voices and to forge a watershed moment for peace and security. We have before us all a valuable opportunity to strengthen the pillars of accountability and United Nations system reform. Together we can all help to ensure that the United Nations is truly fit for purpose and better aligned with contemporary challenges. The fourth International Conference on Small Island Developing States, to be held in Antigua and Barbuda next year, is likewise a spotlight moment for island- driven solutions and strategies. There remains a visible crack in the United Nations. Our United Nations will never be whole and complete without the meaningful participation of the 23 million people of Taiwan in the specialized agencies of the United Nations system, as well as in meetings and mechanisms that support the Sustainable Development Goals. Difficult indeed would it be for our United Nations family to build further trust and prosperity among us while also closing the doors of our Organization to Taiwanese journalists and public visitors. For too long, United Nations bureaucracy has stuck to a wrongful misinterpretation of Security Council resolution 2758 (1971) and has used politically influenced conclusions to exclude any clear engagement with the people of Taiwan and their vibrant democracy. We must have the courage to recognize the reality of the current situation and relegate that outdated dogma to the annals of history. Today the United Nations can no longer look the other way and ignore the need to actively facilitate peace, stability and security across the Taiwan Strait and within the region. We commend the Secretary- General’s commitment for the United Nations to do its utmost to ease tensions in the Strait and prevent escalations by involving all stakeholders. Through logic and common sense, we believe that that must include Taiwan. Is it possible for us to wage peace instead of war? Is it too much to ask that the United Nations declare war on climate change and global boiling, poverty, racism, injustices, the unequitable distribution of wealth, the wide gulf between the haves and the have-nots and the exploitation of the planet’s finite resources? We must help to hasten the peace foretold by Isaiah when “They shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more” (The Holy Bible, Isaiah 2:4).

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Botswana.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Mokgweetsi Eric Keabetswe Masisi, President of the Republic of Botswana, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Masisi: I join previous speakers in extending my sincere congratulations to Mr. Francis on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session. He can count on my delegation’s full support as he steers the work of this body. I could not agree more with him that the multilateral system needs to rebuild trust and reignite global solidarity to accelerate action on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in order to realize peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability. As we convene this week, the world is in the age of a polycrisis, facing a plethora of persisting global challenges, among them the war in Ukraine, its associated geopolitical tensions, the impact on the global economy, the challenges related to climate change and the lingering effects of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. Of critical importance is the distressing reality that the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals is off-track. According to The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2023: Special Edition, half of the targets of the SDGs are experiencing inadequate progress, while 30 per cent of the targets have come to a halt. The lack of progress is exacerbated by the multifaceted global crisis compounding the already dire situation in which we find ourselves. Illustratively, whereas SDG 5 expresses the need for gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls and picks representation in positions of power and leadership as one of the indicators, the United Nations has not done badly in that regard except for the Secretary-General position. Would participants not agree with me that now is the time to have a female Secretary-General? The gravity of the challenges faced by the SDGs demands that we transcend the business-as-usual approach to addressing them. That will require a robust political commitment from all of us. It is therefore imperative for the United Nations system, international financiers, the private sector and civil society to forge a collective front and refocus our efforts to swiftly propel the SDGs back on track. To that end, the recent Sustainable Development Goals Summit and its Political Declaration could not have come at a better time. Over the past few years, we have witnessed, and continue to endure, the profound and devastating impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The consequences have been felt across nations, but the extent of its devastation has greatly varied depending on factors such as the level of development and the geographical location. Whether one resides in the global South or North, a landlocked developing country (LLDC) or a small island developing State, those distinctions have played a crucial role in determining the severity of the pandemic’s effects. It is therefore imperative that we wholeheartedly embrace the ongoing discussions regarding pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. Botswana’s key priority in such discussions is to ensure an international instrument that addresses equity during a pandemic. To that end, the main issues to be addressed from that perspective include timely and equitable access and the sharing of benefits; the strengthening of regulations to ensure that developed countries and those with resources do not hoard medical products during a pandemic; building capacity for stronger health systems; investment in research and development to build up the local and regional manufacturing of vaccines, including the sharing of intellectual property; and establishing sustainable, predictable and flexible financing mechanisms. I am pleased to inform the General Assembly that Botswana is making its contribution to building capacity to manufacture vaccines for both humans and animals. We have made remarkable progress in terms of HIV diagnosis and, on 28 August, our National HIV Reference Laboratory was designated a World Health Organization collaborating centre of excellence. That epitomized, in part, the crowning of our National Laboratory’s competence and success in carrying out genomic sequencing at levels equivalent to those of the best, as demonstrated by being the first to discover the Omicron variant. By the time that such discussions reach their conclusion, it is essential that we establish robust systems that leave no room for the repetition of such a calamity, ensuring that the survival and well-being of our people are never again contingent upon their location in the global South or North. More important, our hope is that the resultant of the discussions will culminate in a treaty. Climate change remains an urgent and critical challenge of our time, posing a huge threat to the existence of our planet. It is alarming that the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change recently reported record-high global greenhouse-gas emissions, which are at the highest level and which continue to surge. To effectively address climate change, it is crucial that we prioritize international cooperation and partnerships. Such a global effort requires a comprehensive approach that goes beyond reducing emissions, encompassing various aspects of our lives, be it energy production, agriculture, transportation or industry. Our efforts must also include accelerating the uptake of renewable energy sources and investing in clean technologies. That necessitates sufficient funding to support mitigation and adaptation, particularly for developing countries. In that context, we endorse the appeal for developed countries to fulfil their pledge to provide $100 billion annually in climate financing to developing countries. That also includes fully replenishing the Green Climate Fund. My Government welcomes the Secretary-General’s Acceleration Agenda, which urges the fast-tracking of climate action in all countries and sectors. It is imperative that both developed and developing countries comply with their targets. As for Botswana, we reaffirm our commitment to achieving a 15 per cent reduction in carbon emissions by 2030. It has been more than a year since the beginning of the Russia-Ukraine war. The war’s destructive consequences have been experienced not only in the region but also globally, as the international economy has suffered from the food and energy crisis. Botswana strongly urges an immediate cessation of hostilities and advocates for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict. In that regard, Botswana welcomes the recent engagement among African, Russian and Ukrainian leaders, and we hope that such efforts, along with similar initiatives elsewhere, will encourage the conflicting parties to return to the negotiation table. While we work on resolving active conflicts, we must step up action in mitigating all threats to international peace and security by reaffirming and observing the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, international law and other obligations. That also includes a commitment to obligations concerning, among other things, nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation, arms control and weapons of mass destruction. Botswana shares a deep concern regarding the persistent conflicts and destabilization of legitimate Governments across the African continent. The negation of constitutionalism, as evidenced by overthrows of Governments, which seem to be having a contagion effect, should be shunned with the greatest disdain. Equally, the deprivation of people from self- determination, albeit repugnant, continues unabated. It is of the utmost importance that the Secretary- General collaborate closely with the African Union and subregional organizations to prioritize and actively engage to foster peace and stability in Africa. I firmly believe that the attainment of lasting peace in Africa can pave the way for a more prosperous and harmonious continent, where the aspirations and well-being of African people can thrive. Next year marks the conclusion of the Vienna Programme of Action for Landlocked Developing Countries for the Decade 2014–2024, followed by the third United Nations Conference on Landlocked Developing Countries, scheduled to be held in Kigali in June 2024. The challenges faced by LLDCs have been extensively documented, and the ongoing global crises have inflicted severe damage on their economies. Unfortunately, the progress achieved in implementing the Vienna Programme of Action has been eroded by such crises, resulting in persistently high poverty levels in LLDCs, which averaged 23 per cent as of 2022. Those countries continue to suffer from marginalization in global trade due to exorbitant trade costs, underscoring the urgent need for infrastructure development and maintenance to address geographical and structural obstacles and capitalize on their untapped potential. The forthcoming programme presents a valuable opportunity to rally greater global support and foster multi-stakeholder partnerships. Consequently, we must prioritize the formulation of new and tangible priorities aimed at bolstering infrastructure in LLDCs, with a particular emphasis on the transit transportation, information and communication technology and energy sectors. I therefore urge the Secretary- General, development partners, international financial institutions, the private sector and civil society to unite in support of the upcoming conference. It is essential that we not only strive for its success, but also forge a new programme of action that is attuned to the pressing challenges confronting LLDCs. That comprehensive programme must provide the necessary tools and resources to enable such countries to attain their SDG objectives. To conclude, I want to re-emphasize that merely acknowledging global problems without taking substantive measures will not solve them. We require greater action. The time for urgent action to revitalize the United Nations system, ensuring that it is fit for purpose, is now.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Botswana for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Italy. Ms. Giorgia Meloni, President of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Italy, was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.

I have great pleasure in welcoming Her Excellency Ms. Giorgia Meloni, President of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Italy, and inviting her to address the Assembly.

It is an honour for me to represent Italy before this General Assembly of the United Nations — an honour that is, however, not light like privilege, but heavy like the weight of responsibility. We are living in complex times of continuous emergencies and change, and we cannot afford the luxury of words of circumstance, of lofty principles that have never been realized and of easy choices in place of the right ones. We need to look back at the profound meaning of what gave life to this place — the community of nations and peoples that are reflected in the 1945 Charter of the United Nations, which was established to find shared solutions that could guarantee peace and prosperity. There are basically two fundamental premises that give meaning to these halls. On the one hand, there are nations that exist because they reflect humankind’s innate need to feel a sense of belonging to a community and to a certain people and to be able to share with others the same historical memory, the same laws and the same customs and traditions  — in a word, one’s identity. On the other hand, there is the aspiration of nations that are different from each other to find a place in which to resolve international disputes through an instrument that may be more difficult to use, but is definitely more effective than resorting to force, that is, the instrument of reason. If those two premises — the nation and reason — are still the foundation of our action, we must reject the utopistic and self-serving narrative of those who say that a world without nations, without borders and without identity would be a world without war and conflict. Just as fiercely, we must thwart the return to the use of force as a tool to resolve international conflict. Russia’s war of invasion of Ukraine tells us precisely this — that over those who want to take us back to a world of dominion and neo-imperial wars, which we thought we had done away with in the past century, reason can still prevail and the love of country and the value of the nation can still be safeguarded from the unimaginable. It is up to us, each and every one of us, to decide on what side of history we want to stand in good conscience. But let us not fool ourselves, because this is what is at stake — the choice between nation and chaos and between reason and prevarication. Italy made a clear choice as to where it stands. It did so out of a sense of justice and because it is aware of how difficult it would be to govern a world in which the upper hand is given to those who bombard civilian infrastructure, hoping to bring a people to its knees with cold and darkness, and to those who weaponize energy and blackmail developing nations, blocking exports of grain  — the raw material needed to feed millions of people. The repercussions of the conflict in Ukraine overwhelm us all like a domino effect, but they mainly impact nations of the global South. It is a war waged not only against Ukraine, but against the poorest nations. Italy’s attention is particularly focused on Africa, where nations already beleaguered by long periods of drought and by the effects of climate change now face a situation compounded by food insecurity, making them more vulnerable to instability and an easier prey for terrorism and fundamentalism. That is a choice  — to create chaos and spread it. Criminal networks that profit from desperation to collect easy billions infiltrate such chaos, which produces tens of millions of people potentially in search of better living conditions. They are traffickers of human beings, who organize the trade of illegal mass immigration. They deceive those who rely on them to migrate to find a better life, having them pay thousands of dollars for trips to Europe that they sell through brochures as if they were normal travel agencies. But those brochures do not say that all too often those trips can lead to death and to a grave at the bottom of the Mediterranean Sea, because they do not care whether or not the boat used is unfit for that kind of travel. The only important thing for them is the profit margin. Those are the people who, owing to a certain hypocritical approach to the issue of immigration, have become rich beyond measure. We want to wage battle against the mafia in all its forms, and we will battle against that too. The fact is that the fight against organized crime should be an objective that unites us all, and that also invests the United Nations and this very place. Can an Organization like this, which reaffirms faith in the dignity and worth of the human person in its founding act, turn a blind eye to such tragedy? Can we really pretend to not see that no other criminal activity in the world today is more lucrative than the trafficking in migrants when it is United Nations reports themselves that have shown how, by volume of money, that business has reached the same level as drug trafficking and has largely surpassed that of arms trafficking? Can this Assembly of the United Nations, which in other times was fundamental to definitively eradicating the universal crime of slavery, today tolerate its comeback under other guises, that the commercialization of human life continues, that there are women brought to Europe who are forced into prostitution to repay the enormous debt that they incur with their traffickers, or that there are men thrust into the hands of organized crime? Can we really say that it is solidarity to receive, as a priority, not those who are truly entitled and have a need, but those who can afford to pay the traffickers and to allow those criminals to establish who has the right to be saved and who does not? I do not think so. I believe that it is the duty of this Organization to reject any hypocritical approach to this issue and wage a global war without mercy against traffickers in human beings. To do that, we must work together at every level. Italy plans to be on the front line in that regard. With the Rome process, launched in July at the International Conference on Migration and Development, we have engaged Mediterranean and various African nations in a process that follows two main paths: on the one hand, defeating the slave traders of the third millennium and, on the other hand, tackling the root causes of migration, with the objective of guaranteeing the primary right, that is, the right not to have to emigrate, not to be forced to leave one’s home and one’s family and to cut off one’s roots, being able to find in one’s own land the conditions to achieve one’s own fulfilment. Here too, we must have the courage to say it as it is. Africa is not a poor continent. To the contrary, it is rich with strategic resources. It contains half the world’s minerals, including abundant rare earth minerals, and 60 per cent of arable lands, which are often not utilized. Africa is not a poor continent, but it has often been, and still is, an exploited one. Too often the interventions of foreign nations on the continent have not respected local realities. The approach was often predatory, and yet still paternalistic. We must change course. Italy wants to contribute to the construction of a model of cooperation capable of collaborating with African nations so that they may grow and prosper from the great resources that they possess — a cooperation of equals, because Africa does not need charity, but to be put in a position to compete on an equal footing of strategic investments that can bind our futures together with mutually beneficial projects. In that way we can offer a serious alternative to the phenomenon of mass migration, an alternative that is work, training, opportunities for nations of origin and pathways for legal and agreed migration, and thus integratable. We will be the first to set a good example through the Mattei Plan for Africa, a development cooperation plan named after Enrico Mattei, a great Italian who knew how to balance Italy’s national interests with the rights of partner States to witness their own moment of development and progress. The focal point is that we must have the courage to put humankind and human rights back at the centre of our action. It seems like a self-evident principle, but that is now no longer the case. Countries are invaded; wealth is increasingly concentrated; poverty is rampant; and the slave trade is re-emerging. All of that seems poised to put the sacredness of the human being at risk. Even what would seem, at a superficial glance, a tool that could improve the well-being of humankind, at a closer look can turn out to be a risk. Let us just consider artificial intelligence. The applications of that new technology may offer great opportunities in many fields, but we cannot pretend to not understand its enormous inherent risks. I am not sure if we are adequately aware of the implications of technological development, whose pace is much faster than our capacity to manage its effects. We were used to progress that aimed to optimize human capacities, while today we are dealing with progress that risks replacing human capacities, because, if, in the past, such replacement focused on physical tasks so that humans could dedicate themselves to intellectual and organizational work, today the human intellect risks being replaced, with consequences that could be devastating, particularly for the job market. More and more people will no longer be necessary in a world ever-dominated by disparities and by the concentration of power and wealth in the hands of the few. That is not the world that we want. We should therefore not mistake that dominion for a free zone without rules. We need global governance mechanisms that ensure that such technologies respect ethical boundaries and that technological development remains at the service of humankind, and not vice versa. We must guarantee the practical application of the concept of “algorethics”, that is, ethics for algorithms. Those are some of the major themes on which Italy will focus during its presidency of the Group of Seven in 2024. However, they are mainly issues that are the responsibility of the United Nations. They are enormous challenges that we will not be able to tackle if we do not also acknowledge our limitations as nations and as part of the multilateral system. Italy therefore supports the need for a reform of the Security Council that will make it more representative, transparent and effective — a Council that can ensure a fairer geographical distribution of seats and that can also strengthen regional representation that comes from an order frozen in time, established by the outcomes of a conflict that ended 80 years ago in another century, in another millennium, so that everyone has the opportunity to demonstrate their worth at the present time. On those and many other issues, we will be tested in our capacities to govern our times and in our ability to do what here in this Assembly Hall, on 2 October 1979, a great man, a saint and a statesman, Pope John Paul II, recalled, that is, that political activity, whether national or international, comes from the human being, is practised by the human being and is meant for the human being.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Italy for the statement she has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Government of the Kingdom of Spain.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Pedro Sánchez Pérez- Castejón, President of the Government of Spain, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I would like my opening words to be an expression of the Spanish people’s solidarity with the victims of the earthquake in Morocco and the floods in Libya. Spain will continue to support those two friendly countries in mitigating the consequences of those terrible tragedies in every way possible. On 10 September, a young Spanish aid worker lost her life in the Bakhmut region of Ukraine. The vehicle in which she was travelling was hit by artillery fire, killing another aid worker and seriously injuring two others. All four shared the same zeal  — a zeal that ennobles the soul of every human being and transcends borders, and that was none other than helping those most in need. That was not the only thing that they had in common. Above all, it was their activism that brought them together. They brought supplies and food to civilians. They provided medical assistance, and they evacuated the injured. Their example demands of us quiet, but also pressing reflection on the need to take a stand against injustice and to not remain silent when human rights and the most basic rules of peaceful coexistence among nations are being violated. This Hall has been witness to many memorable addresses by leaders such as Salvador Allende, Olof Palme and Nelson Mandela. We should of course draw inspiration from their words. But the urgency of the challenges requires us to do more than revel in rhetoric. As has been said at this rostrum, it is time to take action because time is simply running out. We are at a crossroads: change or let ourselves be driven by the course of events, progress or retreat, work together or look out for ourselves, build a lasting future or revive the past, or content ourselves with words or move on to action. The first dilemma that I would like to mention in this address relates to the climate emergency. We have just experienced the hottest months ever recorded. Extreme weather events are becoming increasingly frequent, with devastating consequences for every continent. According to the experts, we are entering uncharted territory. It is no longer a case of trying to slow the rise in temperatures; it is a matter of mitigation and, as far as possible, adaptation to a situation that is already here. Thanks to science, we know that we must limit the rise in temperature to 1.5°C; that global emissions cannot peak any later than the year 2025; and that we have no other choice than to expedite the roll-out of renewable energies, and to do so in a fair and equitable manner, in order to triple their generation capacity by the end of this decade. Moreover, we must do that in a spirit of solidarity with the most vulnerable countries by driving the adaptation agenda forward and implementing the loss and damage agreement reached in Sharm El-Sheikh last year. Tackling the climate emergency requires courage and determination. We need to bring about an unprecedented technological and economic revolution, which will be possible only with broad, resolute and global support. That support demands intelligence to overcome climate inaction’s main ally, which is none other than denialism. That is possible if we transform the daunting challenge before us into an opportunity to create more and better jobs, make all sectors of our economies more sustainable and, in short, keep moving forward hand in hand with science. On that path, my country, Spain, speaks with deeds rather than words. We have set more ambitious renewable energy and energy efficiency targets in the National Integrated Energy and Climate Plan. We will contribute €225 million to the Green Climate Fund, €20 million to the Adaptation Fund and more than €17 million to instruments that strengthen climate justice, particularly funds for the most vulnerable countries and the loss and damage fund. Just today, on behalf of Spain, we signed the Treaty of the High Seas, which is another step in support of the balance of nature following the historic Kunming- Montreal agreement. It is crucial that the upcoming twenty-eighth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in the United Arab Emirates, be a resounding success. Spain is fully committed to achieving that. The second area in which we face a difficult decision is the defence of democracy, fundamental rights, equality and social justice. We are witnessing a profound crisis of apathy and distrust of democratic institutions. There is a wave of extremism and reactionary thinking rising throughout the world, which is also present in Europe, propelled by movements that share the same strategy, namely, promising a return to a mythical past that in reality never existed; marginalizing and criminalizing disadvantaged minorities; rejecting equality and trivializing feminism; and questioning human, civil and social rights. Ideas that we thought had been abandoned are returning and are flourishing in places where social discontent is the highest. As a result, it is not easy to counter those who make lies, fear and manipulation their main weapon. But I believe — and this is what I would also like to share — that there is reason for hope in the ultimate determination of many societies to uphold a legacy of achievements and progress that brooks no turning back. Such a path demonstrates the bold and resolute stance of civil society as a whole in Spain, particularly in the area of gender equality, as has recently been evident in the field of sport. especially in women’s sport and women’s football. Spain has declared that “enough is enough”, with all its implications, because every step forward that a woman takes is a step forward for us all, men and women, alongside them. There is clearly a very long way to go, and there are many battles to be waged, if we are to achieve full equality among men and women, none more pressing than the eradication of male violence once and for all, the existence of which some people even dare to question against all reason. In my view, there is no better antidote to reactionary extremism than feminism, which is without a doubt one of the leading causes of our century, which is the century of women. That commitment to gender equality must also be reflected at the multilateral level and, more specifically, in the top leadership positions of multilateral institutions themselves. It is therefore important that upcoming appointments in the United Nations system, including in the General Assembly, take the gender factor into account. In these turbulent years, we have seen an increasing threat to democracy in many places of the world. We witnessed it in Washington, D.C., and Brasilia, and, unfortunately, now also in the Niger and Gabon. Regrettably, we have learned not to take for granted as irreversible the rights and freedoms for which other generations valiantly fought. The 26 July coup d’état in the Niger has serious implications, since, together with Mauritania, the Niger was the only country in the Sahel with a democratically elected Government. The region, which has been in decline for years, risks becoming a series of failed States that could spread instability to neighbouring regions already plagued by the threat of terrorism. It is therefore crucial that we find a peaceful way out without resorting to military force. In that regard, I would like to reiterate our support for the mediation efforts of the Economic Community of West African States. Spain will always be a committed partner in furthering the strengthening of democracy, not only in the context of fair elections, the essence of the democratic principle, but also in terms of the body of institutions that enable citizens to fully enjoy their fundamental rights, particularly as relates to wealth distribution and development. In that respect, we are working closely with our Latin American partners, with whom we share values, principles and goals, so as to strengthen partnerships and share experiences. A good example of that is the transitional justice work that Colombia has undertaken towards full peace. It is a commendable achievement, which Spain wishes to continue to support in all that is necessary to conclude the current ongoing peace talks. The constitutional reform in Chile is another example of a bold commitment to institutional reform, and that country can count on Spain’s support. Furthermore, Spain also reiterates its commitment to the necessary return to the path of democracy in Venezuela in order to restore hope to its people for a future of opportunities. The third and last crossroads that I would like to mention in this address concerns the defence of multilateralism and a rules-based international order. The United Nations system is the embodiment of a desire to jointly achieve global solutions to our shared challenges and resolve differences through diplomacy, dialogue and cooperation. The challenge now is to demonstrate that the system works for all. Otherwise, inequality will be fertile ground for the rhetoric of multilateralism’s enemies to thrive. It is therefore crucial that we step up to support the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We must boldly stand up to those who use manipulation and lies to challenge that great collective effort. The summit held at the beginning of this week should serve to renew our commitment to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Unfortunately, we are not on track to meet the 17 Sustainable Development Goals. If we continue on that path, in 2030, 575 million people will still be living in extreme poverty and 84 million children will remain out of school. At that rate, it will take 300 years to close the gender gap. I see that as a morally unacceptable failure. I reiterate that this is the time not for words, but for deeds. We must increase our commitments to official development assistance. Spain has just adopted a new cooperation act, with the commitment to allocate 0.7 per cent of its gross national income to development by 2030. We will continue to prioritize key issues, contributing €120 million to the Sustainable Development Goals Fund and another €20 million to replenish the International Fund for Agricultural Development over the next three years. But we must go further. We must equip ourselves with adequate resources and tools to make progress on sustainable development between now and 2030. It will not be easy to mobilize the financing required to tackle the climate emergency and make the long-term investments that vulnerable countries need in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. But it is essential to do so with approaches that reflect the current needs and realities and with the courage to stop measuring financing for sustainable development in billions of dollars, but instead measure it in trillions. In that context, Spain advocates strengthening existing mechanisms, ensuring that countries can access the necessary financing, regardless of their income level. But we also support reforming those mechanisms and innovation by setting up new instruments. We need to maximize and optimize the financing capacity of multilateral development banks and explore ways to make the international financial architecture more effective, more inclusive, more transparent and, ultimately, more democratic. We need to adapt international taxation to the current reality and ensure that private investment is aligned with the SDGs. I believe that the United Nations framework should be the main forum for such a discussion, since it is the only one that can bring together the voices of all countries on equal terms. Spain wishes to actively contribute to this urgent debate. I am therefore declaring our intention to host the fourth International Conference on Financing for Development in 2025. and we hope that it will have a truly transformative impact. Coexistence, peacekeeping and safeguarding international security are not a mere aspiration. The Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations serves as the guide to upholding that desire, a commitment that links our and future generations. Peace is the essential prerequisite for economic development, as well as the expansion of human rights, which takes on particular significance as we mark the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Many conflicts are still raging; others have reached a deadlock. I would therefore like to reiterate the Spanish Government’s resolute support for the work of the Secretary-General’s special envoys for the Middle East peace process, Syria and Libya. With regard to Western Sahara, Spain supports a mutually acceptable political solution, within the framework of the United Nations Charter and the Security Council resolutions. The work of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for Western Sahara is crucial and has the full support of the Government of Spain. Likewise, we will continue to support the Sahrawi population in camps, as we have always done, maintaining our role as the leading international donor of humanitarian aid in that context. Meanwhile, on 31 December 2020, Spain and the United Kingdom concluded a bilateral agreement on Gibraltar in the context of the United Kingdom’s departure from the European Union. Since then, we have worked tirelessly in order for that understanding to form the basis for that territory’s future relationship with the European Union, trusting that the European Union and the United Kingdom will be able to reach an agreement regarding Gibraltar as soon as possible. For us, such an agreement must be completely in line with the United Nations position on that territory, with which Spain fully aligns itself. It must also fully respect my country’s legal position regarding sovereignty and jurisdiction in relation to Gibraltar. We wish to work for the development of a prosperous socioeconomic area that encompasses the whole of Gibraltar as well as the Campo de Gibraltar region. At this point I would like to share some thoughts on the future of Europe from the perspective of the presidency of the Council of the European Union, which Spain currently holds. The European Union was born out of a bid for peace on a continent that was devastated and traumatized following two world wars in barely three decades. From the ashes of destruction emerged a firm resolve, namely, that never again would there be war. From the memory of the tragedy was born the determination to shape a shared prosperity, which has provided the European continent with the longest period of peace in its history. In an attempt to undermine the irrefutable success of that unifying project, some have sought to caricature it by portraying the European Union as a giant with feet of clay, incapable of standing up for itself with any real conviction. Yet, when faced with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and contrary to Putin’s expectations, Europe has decisively responded to Russia’s atrocities in a united way, making it clear that we do not accept that anyone should violate the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. From this rostrum, I once again condemn Russia’s unjustified and illegal war of aggression against Ukraine. As a show of our support, I launched the Spanish European Union presidency right there in Kyiv on 1 July. Spain will continue to stand by Ukraine for as long as it is necessary. But we will also actively work to achieve a fair and lasting peace that restores Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and allows the Ukrainian people to freely determine their own fate. I believe in a Europe that is at the vanguard of defending global public goods, democracy, labour and social protection and economic openness, a Europe that leads the fight against inequality and the protection of individual rights and public freedoms. That Europe is already here, and it is moving resolutely forward thanks to two essential factors: first, a commitment to a collective agenda that is more supportive, fairer and more inclusive than the one that emerged from the 2008 financial crisis and, secondly, the unanimity and decisiveness with which it has responded to the critical events of these past four years. That is the path along which the European ideal must continue to advance, whatever the challenges. Europe must lead by example on the climate agenda by delivering on our pledge to reduce emissions, fulfilling international climate financing pledges and expediting the energy transition. It must promote an exemplary migration policy given the hugely significant global problem, which looks likely to increase in scale and severity in the decades to come. We need to control irregular immigration and provide channels for orderly, regular migration, which we clearly need in Europe. Furthermore, Europe has the responsibility to push globally for a more human-centric and rights-oriented digital transformation. We need to lay the groundwork for the regulation of artificial intelligence, the vast challenges and possibilities of which do not outweigh its hidden risks. In that regard, Spain is committed to supporting the Secretary-General’s Envoy on Technology with resources and know-how in developing multilateral governance in that area. We would like to host the headquarters of a future international artificial intelligence agency. In short, Europe needs to perform that role without shutting itself off. Nothing would be more profoundly anti-European than an isolated European Union. We must therefore strengthen partnerships with our transatlantic partners, such as the United States of America and Canada, as well as our Asian, African and Latin American partners. Spain has always placed a particular emphasis on boosting relations between the European Union and the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean through a new agenda that sets out a strategic relationship with the region. I am confident that the European Union-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States summit will be a genuine turning point that has a lasting impact. In conclusion, at the beginning of my address I spoke of a brave woman who lost her life in Bakhmut, in Ukraine, while transporting humanitarian aid. Her name was Emma Igual. She was 32 years old. Emma was the granddaughter of a Holocaust survivor who lost almost all her family during the Nazi era. She came to Spain from Austria and was adopted by a family from Barcelona. The life of the grandmother and the senseless killing of her granddaughter, Emma, were shaped by events that, in essence, led to the founding and purpose of this institution, namely, to save humanity from the scourge of war and to reaffirm faith in the dignity and value of the human being. If there is a place in which the story and life of Emma deserve to be told, without a doubt it is here before the General Assembly of the United Nations. Let her example, and the examples set every day by thousands of aid workers around the world, inspire us to do what this critical time requires of us at every crossroads that I mentioned, to let our actions and achievements speak for themselves and to turn our words into deeds. In that way let us honour the memory of those who, like Emma, gave everything, nothing less, to defend the values that inspire this noble Organization.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Government of Spain for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome et Principe.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Patrice Emery Trovoada, Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome et Principe, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

In an international context marked by growing divisions, increased tensions and a decline in trust, it is with a great sense of responsibility that, as Prime Minister and Head of Government, I take the floor in this great Assembly, representing the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Príncipe. I would like to respectfully pay tribute to the victims of the recent earthquake in Morocco and the floods in Libya. Let me take the opportunity of this general debate of the seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly to congratulate Ambassador Dennis Francis on his election and to express to him our full support throughout his term of office. We also thank the outgoing President, Mr. Csaba Kőrösi, for his commitment in conducting the work of the previous session, particularly given the complexity brought about by new conflicts and the global food crisis. The theme chosen for this year’s World Population Day, “Unleashing the power of gender equality”, which we applaud, is highly relevant at a time when humankind is going through the greatest of threats, reversing progress in human development and widening inequalities in our respective States. The Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, known as the Maputo Protocol, is celebrating its twentieth anniversary, and we must acknowledge that there is a huge deficit in terms of empowerment and equal opportunities, particularly with regard to women’s participation in political decision-making bodies. However, we could also mention the Istanbul Convention, which, despite being binding for the signatory States, did little to translate the Council of Europe’s will into results. That issue, like others, is a global objective that requires the commitment of the international community, Governments, organizations and civil society to create a fairer and more equitable world for all. Given the persistent and increasing challenges that remain, particularly in terms of poverty, hunger, inequalities and environmental issues, beyond our addresses, we, the leaders of the various nations represented here, must question ourselves and recognize our failures to protect our planet and ensure shared prosperity by 2030. My country, a small island State that has enjoyed effective democracy for more than 30 years, and which is still developing, is one of the main victims of climate change, ecosystem degradation and economic dependence. My country is experiencing a situation of genuine economic and financial urgency in the short term, well known to our main partners, while, at the same time, going through a complex process of transition to the middle stage of development and pursuing a policy adapted to its reality, respecting multicultural diversity and human rights. We have striven, with some success, to adopt the codes, recommendations and good attitudes aimed at achieving the 17 Sustainable Development Goals, but the structural problems, asymmetries of all kinds and a lack of trust in democratic institutions on the part of our populations are increasing. We should not hesitate to point the finger at those responsible for climate disruption within the Group of 20, or at the bodies of global economic governance that continue to ignore our social and environmental objectives, in particular by denying us access to financial resources in reasonable quantities and conditions. Even more worrisome is the fact that we are witnessing an increasing polarization and fragmentation of the world and global governance, with its growing proportion of populism and nationalism. The very digital technological society, which could have been the catalyst for the development of our countries and global citizenship, is becoming a new source of inequality, wealth concentration and domination. Inequality, a lack of respect and a lack of inclusion can lead only to ever- greater fractures and setbacks. Coups d’état and attempts to subvert the constitutional order are becoming increasingly frequent, while long-standing conflicts, such as those in Palestine and Cuba, persist. Those in Yemen, Syria, the Sudan and Libya are following the same path. Armed conflicts in violation of international law, regardless of their nature, also receive differential treatment. Our condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was clear and without hesitation because we respect international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Unfortunately, refugees and the dead are not equal in rights and dignity in a world that claims to be civilized. It seems that today only global pandemics are capable of uniting and mobilizing us. We are slow to act in order to impose peace in response to the latent conflict in the Great Lakes region, while the list of dead, displaced people and destruction of all kinds continues to grow, and international peace missions show their limits owing to the lack of clear and effective commitments to those who are the primary victims. It may be too late, but indifference and hypocrisy are unacceptable. Our problems as poor countries tend to also become the problems of rich countries — demographic disparity, economic disparity, climate deregulation and the loss of institutional trust, among other things. However, there is still hope of finding new impetus if we resolutely commit to reforming our institutions, starting with the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions, towards a renewed and more supportive multilateralism. As leaders, it is our duty to cultivate an art capable of articulating the expected solutions that can enlighten so many human beings whose experience is nothing more than a journey of suffering and uncertainty. True leadership means finding the necessary compromises. It means having the ability to make peace and promote progress. As the saying goes, nature abhors a vacuum, and our rhetoric, our appeals at summit after summit, ring hollow. We are convinced that peaceful, equitable and sustainable societies, with educated and trained young people in good health, are in the common interest, and that we must therefore use common sense to prevent major and unpredictable disruptions. We still have the technical, financial and human resources to reform the international political system. The rich countries have a responsibility, but ours cannot be excluded either. I reaffirm the firm commitment of the Democratic Republic of Republic of Sao Tome and Príncipe to actively collaborating with its regional and international partners in all initiatives aimed at eradicating all acts that are inhumane, harmful to human beings and the environment and detrimental to humanist values and freedom. We firmly believe that our Organization is the converging centre of our causes and is the only entity whose role is to structure and systematize our common challenges and lead the harmonization of our world, while respecting cultural differences, models and systems of government and economic choices. Before concluding, I would like to say how especially grateful my country is to our Secretary- General, Mr. António Guterres, for his tireless efforts to strengthen the role of the United Nations in promoting peace, democracy and the protection of human life worldwide, as well as in the fight against poverty and climate change in all their forms. His determination challenges and compels us.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Belgium.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Alexander de Croo, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Belgium, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

Some people, including here in this Hall, are pessimistic about the state of the world today. I beg to differ. There are good reasons for optimism. Since the start of the new millennium, we have made tremendous progress in the Sustainable Development Goals. Today there is more universal access to education than ever before. Eighty-five per cent of young children worldwide are in primary education. Since the start of the century, an additional 2 billion people have had access to safe drinking water. It shows that if we put our minds to it, and if promises are followed by investments, we can make global progress. Of course, the picture is not rosy across the board. Our changing climate is reason for concern. This year we have witnessed some extreme climate events — forest fires in Greece, Spain, Canada and Hawaii, floods in Libya and Hong Kong and long periods of drought and water stress in my own country. But, in that regard too, let us look at the trends rather than the events. Let us look at our recent climate track record, and we will see that there is reason for grounded optimism. A record-breaking €340 billion has been invested in renewable energy globally this year. Prices of renewables keep on going down year after year. Many climate analysts believe that carbon emissions will peak as soon as 2025, and will keep going down afterwards, provided that we keep up the investment pace in renewables. The Executive Director of the International Energy Agency called it the beginning of the end of the fossil fuel era. He said that it shows that our climate policies work. We should therefore stop listening to the alarmists who proclaim that all is lost and that we are on a road to nowhere. How can we expect public opinion to rally behind the climate cause with such blatant defeatism? We should not despair; we should organize. We should speed up the green transition instead of talking ourselves down and, in order to do that, we need to include our industry through a new industrial deal. We will not build a climate paradise on an industrial wasteland. We need our industry for its innovation capacity to come up with tomorrow’s climate solutions. That is why Europe not only should be a continent of industrial innovation, but also should remain a continent of industrial production — clean technology, for sure, but also green chemistry, green steel production and green construction sites. All are needed to build our net zero future. That new industrial deal will be one of the major priorities of the Belgian presidency of the Council of the European Union (EU), starting on 1 January 2024. But, to make that industrial deal a success, we should look beyond Europe. We need partnerships, especially between Europe and Africa. The foundation stones are there. Belgium has partnered with countries such as Namibia, Morocco and Egypt to accelerate the green transition in wind, in solar and in hydrogen. Investments are pouring in, creating local employment, building up local expertise and soon exporting clean molecules from the shores of Africa to our North Sea ports. We work at home as well. Together with Germany, France, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Denmark, Norway, Ireland and the United Kingdom, we are turning the North Sea into a big green power plant for Europe. By 2030, we will reach 120 gigawatts of wind energy at sea — the equivalent of more than 50 nuclear plants and enough to provide more than 100 million households with clean, affordable power. We are making progress on the nuclear front as well. Belgium has reached an agreement with its nuclear operator to prolong the lifespan of its two biggest power plants. We will remain a nuclear nation, and we will seek renewed close cooperation with other nuclear nations because, to achieve climate neutrality, we will need both renewables and nuclear. It is vital to win the fight against climate change, since it is the single-biggest disruptor of our societies today. It causes young people to flee their home country en masse. That increased irregular migration deprives the South of its most important economic resource and its most vital potential — young people. At the same time, the host countries in Europe are faced with an influx that they can barely handle. We are facing an uphill battle to accommodate all migrants and integrate them into our society. The heart of the problem is that migration, as we know it today, depends on sheer luck. The current model gives all the control and power to human smugglers. They decide on life or death. They decide on who enters a country and who does not. That is simply unacceptable, unsustainable and immoral. It is a lose-lose situation for everyone involved. We need to rebuild the current migration model. That is why, during the Belgian EU presidency, we hope to conclude a new European migration pact — a pact that makes sure that every EU country does its part of the work, enforcing solidarity, standardizing and fast- tracking procedures and working on common European readmission and return policies, and, last but not least, a pact to strengthen our common borders. But a new EU migration pact is only part of the answer. We should also work on one of the biggest root causes of migration, and that is poverty and the lack of economic opportunities. In that regard too, as with climate change, partnerships are the answer  — partnerships between Europe and the countries of transit and origin and partnerships that build solid, inclusive institutions to create equal rights and equal opportunities for all, not just for a small ruling class. Fixing migration also means creating legal channels to Europe through education and talent programmes to strengthen societies in the home countries, turning a lose-lose situation into a win-win one so that young Africans can pursue the African dream and not have to risk their lives at sea for the European dream or the American dream. To empower people also means holding the powerful to account. Unfortunately, we live in a world in which more and more strongmen come to power. Take the Sahel region, faced with a major security crisis and gripped by a perfect storm of terrorism, poverty and climate change. That triple threat is undermining societies in Burkina Faso, Mali and the Niger. We need to stop the territorial and institutional disintegration of the Sahel. Our track record in the Sahel should be a reason for humility, but it should not lead to indifference. The only way forward is to restore the rule of law. Without it, self-government will never be possible. Without the rule of law, the Sahel will always be a potential playground for foreign bullies, wherever they come from. It must be said that the clear and current danger is coming from a permanent member of the Security Council  — from Russia, which decided to throw all international rules overboard and to invade its neighbour; from Russia, which is executing its opponents. Russia created the Wagner Group to bring death and destruction to Africa, plundering that continent, while increasing the price of grain for the most vulnerable. In fact, what the Wagner Group and Putin are doing to Africa is exactly the same as in Ukraine  — preventing Africa from flourishing, denying African countries their sovereignty and, ultimately, as in Ukraine, colonizing. Putin and the Wagner Group want to turn the clock back. They want to restore the old world order, as it was dominated by colonial Powers. The decolonization and emancipation of African, Asian and South American countries are the most important achievements of our post-World War order. We should protect that legacy and shield it from new forms of imperialism. Each of us has a choice to make as to whose side to pick — the side of the colonizer or the side of the victim. When we make those choices, the best guiding principle that I can think of is the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We celebrate its seventy-fifth birthday this year. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights remains the spinal cord of all human rights treaties and instruments. In fact, the rights defined in the treaty are much older than 75 years. The West African Mandinka nation, in what is nowadays Mali, had a Constitution as early as the year 1200. It spoke of the sanctity of human life, women’s rights and the right to an education, food security and even self-expression. When the freed slaves of Haiti, at the start of the nineteenth century, finally had the freedom to choose their own destiny, they defined living in dignity as living in liberty and equality. Let us therefore remember such stories and recognize the true universality of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Let us also remember the progress that we have made as a common humankind and, when we look back on our achievements, know that they were always the result of hard work and of collaboration. Now more than ever, we need the United Nations and the world to come together to secure progress that works for everyone.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Belgium for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Mr. Mohammad Najib Azmi Mikati, President of the Council of Ministers of the Lebanese Republic.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Mohammad Najib Azmi Mikati, President of the Council of Ministers of the Lebanese Republic, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I congratulate Mr. Francis on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session. I wish him success in assuming that task, and I assure him of the support of the delegation of Lebanon for the visionary programme of work that he has set for the upcoming year. This year marks the eightieth anniversary of Lebanon’s independence, eight decades during which Lebanon has been striving to merit its place among peace-loving and prosperous nations. Lebanon was among the founders of this international Organization in which we meet today and significantly contributed to the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. However, Lebanon’s journey was not an easy one. In addition to the bright stages of its history in terms of stability, growth, prosperity and peacebuilding, Lebanon has also lived through long and very dangerous and difficult phases, during which it witnessed conflicts on its land and in neighbouring areas, along with wars of aggression against it, resulting in a prolonged occupation of dear parts of Lebanon’s territory, accompanied by two refugee and displacement crises and an unprecedented economic, financial and humanitarian crisis. Today Lebanon faces many overlapping crises against the backdrop of a weakened international system and a regional climate full of tensions and challenges, which weigh heavily on the Lebanese people, who suffer daily from the lack of basic moral and material elements that enable them to survive, in addition to the brain and youth drain and the receding flicker of hope in the eyes of many Lebanese men and women. The first challenge is of course the vacant presidency of the Republic and the inability to elect a new President of the country. That has led to institutional and political instability, the exacerbation of the economic and financial crises and the failure of the reform plans and economic and financial recovery on which the Lebanese are counting to save the country from the difficult conditions. I sincerely look forward to the Lebanese Parliament exercising its sovereign role by electing a President of the Republic in the upcoming period, a President around whom the Lebanese are united and who enshrines the return of the Republic through the country’s presidency and constitutional institutions and Lebanon’s return to fulfilling its mission and playing its leading role, in close cooperation with our Arab brothers and friends in the international community. In that regard, I commend the role played by the committee of five, as well as the French initiative aimed at helping to achieve that constitutional milestone. Twelve years have passed since the Syrian crisis began, and Lebanon is still bearing the burden of successive waves of displacement, the economic and social repercussions of which have affected all aspects of its life, thereby threatening its very existence. Despite voicing our concerns in all international forums and in this very forum, the international community’s response to the consequences of that human tragedy and its repercussions for us remains extremely shameful and fails to address it effectively and sustainably. From this rostrum, I once again warn of the negative repercussions of displacement, which deepen Lebanon’s crises. However, Lebanon will not be the only victim. I repeat that Lebanon will not be the only victim. I also reiterate the call for the development of a road map, in cooperation with all international stakeholders, to find sustainable solutions to the Syrian displacement crisis before its repercussions spiral out of control. In that regard, I would like to mention a positive development in terms of the agreement reached by Lebanon with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees on the exchange of information regarding the Syrian presence in Lebanon. We stress Lebanon’s commitment to deepening cooperation with international institutions and United Nations organizations as a cornerstone of the sustainable solution that we seek. The third challenge is Israel’s continued occupation of parts of our land in the south, its daily attacks and violations of Lebanese sovereignty and violation of its obligations under Security Council resolution 1701 (2006). Lebanon affirms its full commitment to all the provisions of that resolution and its respect for all other relevant Security Council resolutions. I take this opportunity to thank all the troop- contributing countries participating in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, the mandate of which was renewed by the Security Council at the end of August. The mission entrusted to that United Nations force cannot be accomplished without close cooperation and ongoing coordination with the Lebanese army. That would help to consolidate peace and security in the region and to restore the authority of the Lebanese State throughout its territory within its internationally recognized borders. Let me place on record Lebanon’s satisfaction with the start of oil and gas exploration in its territorial waters and its desire to play a constructive energy role in the Mediterranean basin in the future. Parts of the Middle East region are witnessing worrisome levels of political and security instability, which cast a shadow over the countries and peoples of the region. However, it is worth noting that there are striking exceptions of stability, development, growth and building a future in the Arab Gulf countries. Those countries and their peoples are dear to our hearts. Lebanon owes them a great deal of gratitude and appreciation. In that context, we welcome the return of the Syrian Arab Republic to its membership in the League of Arab States and the Saudi-Iranian agreement. Meanwhile, the brotherly Palestinian people continue to languish under occupation and to struggle to achieve their inalienable human rights. With the growing need to alleviate the suffering of the Palestinian people, we reaffirm our commitment to a just and comprehensive peace, based on the two-State solution and international parameters, in particular Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Today I take this opportunity to recall the Arab Peace Initiative, adopted at the Beirut summit in 2002, which laid the foundations for the desired peace. In that context, and as a country that has hosted hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees since 1948, Lebanon would like to once again remind the international community of its humanitarian and moral responsibility towards the Palestinian refugees, and we call for full support to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East to enable it to continue to carry out its tasks, pending a final solution. We have always said that the world is witnessing cross-border challenges that require greater coordination and cooperation among countries, from climate change and viral pandemics to security, food security, cybersecurity, illegal migration, extremism and terrorism, to name but a few. There are many challenges of a global nature that can be met only through the concerted efforts of Governments, international organizations and civil society organizations. In that regard, we would like to express our solidarity with the Libyan and Moroccan peoples in the aftermath of the natural disasters that struck the two brotherly countries. International cooperation, based on the principles of partnership and inclusiveness, has become a sine qua non for the security, safety and well-being of peoples. The United Nations and its specialized agencies are at the heart of that international effort, guiding and supporting it with standards and tools. In the light of the challenges facing Lebanon at the national level, and despite the regional tensions and their adverse effects in various areas, my country is keen to continue to play the role expected of it at the regional and international levels. Despite the current situation, Lebanon has sought to continue to implement the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. It also actively participated in the twenty-seventh session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP27), held in Sharm El-Sheikh, the Arab Republic of Egypt, and looks forward to the same level of active participation in the COP28 climate conference, to be held in Dubai. We wish that brotherly host country and the conference every success. I would like to take this opportunity to stress the importance of a sovereign and independent Lebanese State that is strong, capable and inclusive and cooperates with the international community and friendly and brotherly countries; a Lebanese State that protects the parliamentary democratic system and public and private freedoms and engages in structural reforms and in strengthening the rule of law, citizenship, accountability and justice; a Lebanese State that believes in tolerance and brotherly relations and that adopts a policy of dissociation and stays away from the policy of axes; and a Lebanese State as an urgent need for security, peace, stability and prosperity in the region. That is the best way for all of us to keep pace with the changes, mitigate the negative repercussions, build the future and face the challenges of poverty, unemployment, the brain drain, extremism and terrorism, thereby avoiding the unknown. Finally, I would like to conclude by recalling the pillars laid by the President as his vision to lead the General Assembly at its current session. Peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability indeed summarize the aspirations of all our countries and peoples. There can therefore be no secure and prosperous future for us all without achieving those pillars, which in turn can be achieved only through solidarity and collective action to avoid further wars, conflicts, challenges, human tragedies and material and environmental losses.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Council of Ministers of the Lebanese Republic for the statement he has just made.

I now call on the Minister for Youth of Libya.

I address the General Assembly on behalf of the President of the Presidential Council of the Government of National Unity of the State of Libya, Mr. Mohamed Al-Menfi, who is unable to attend owing to the flood disaster in the eastern part of Libya. I wish to begin by expressing my condolences to the people of Libya. I convey my full sympathy and deepest condolences to the families of the victims of the floods and torrential rains that swept the cities and towns of Al-Jabal Al-Akhdar, in eastern Libya, in particular the city of Darnah, Al-Bayda and Susah. I also wish to convey my condolences and sincere sympathy to the people of Morocco, to His Majesty the King and to the Government following the earthquake that struck in several Moroccan cities. I pray to God to speed the recovery of the injured. I address the Assembly conveying the voice of my country, Libya, which is in the throes of a painful tragedy. I speak on behalf of the Libyan people with a heavy heart weighed down with sadness. On Sunday morning, 10 September, Libyans and the entire world awoke to a terrible scene, namely, a major disaster that hit the quiet Libyan city of Darnah, particularly following the tragedy that befell the cities and towns in Al-Jabal Al-Akhdar in the eastern part of the country, instantly claiming thousands of lives and missing persons in that city and region after the torrential rain swept away more than one quarter of the city. Despite the efforts made by the Government of National Unity and the Libyan army from all over the country to address the disaster, evacuate the population, recover those still buried under rubble, bury the dead and contain the health situation in the city, the scale of the disaster has exceeded all local capacities and capabilities. I would like to briefly address the brotherly and friendly countries that provided immediate assistance, sent specialized rescue teams and offered medical and logistical support. I thank them all, brotherly and friendly countries that responded to our call, and I thank all the Heads of State who conveyed their condolences to us. Speaking from this rostrum, I call on the world to shoulder its responsibilities towards Libya by helping to deal with the aftermath of the disaster, in particular by taking the necessary health measures to protect the survivors in the city of Darnah and nearby cities from the health disaster about which experts warned. The greatest values are borne out of suffering. The disaster of the jasmine city gives strength to the one Libyan people and the spirit of unity, solidarity and rescue. Since the tragedy, the Libyan people, from the far west to the far south, have set aside their political divisions and civil war in order to reveal their genuine roots, transcend the wounds of the past, set a course for the future and see things through the eyes of future generations, rather than those of politicians and war merchants. That is clearly the lesson that we must pass on to our children so that the mistakes of this generation are not repeated. The souls of the people of the city of prosperous Darnah will serve as lamps that illuminate for us the path of the homeland, reunification and State-building. Through their solidarity and unity, our people revealed lessons of responsibility, love and national cohesion. Their voices must be heard, and their opinions must be heeded. It is time for democracy to take hold in Libya, grounded in the will and sincerity of the people, along with the support of countries friendly to the Libyan people as well as regional and international organizations, spearheaded by the United Nations, the African Union and the League of Arab States. It is therefore necessary to have electoral legislation, unified authority and free elections, with logistic and technical international support. In conclusion, the Libyan people do not need weapons to kill each other. All the hotbeds of incitement and seeds of tension that negative international interventions created, which were sustained by narrow personal and factional ambitions, have been swept away by the torrents of Al-Jabal Al-Akhdar and Darnah. A new era is born in which no voice is louder than the voice of the people; no interest supersedes the interest of the homeland; and no place exists for the corrupt and the war merchants.