A/79/PV.10 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Denis Bećirović, Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Bećirović: It is a special honour for me to address the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session as the Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Allow me to wish the President of the General Assembly every success in the complex and challenging times of today. I also congratulate former President Mr. Dennis Francis for successfully presiding over the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session . It is a great honour to serve the invincible State of Bosnia and Herzegovina, one of the oldest countries of Europe. We are proud that Bosnia has been mentioned in historical sources for 1,075 years now. For centuries, my country has demonstrated resilience, courage and the strength of unity in diversity. Bosnia and Herzegovina was not created in Dayton in 1995; rather, the Dayton Peace Agreement confirmed the continuity of the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Those are unquestionable historical and legal facts. Bosnia and Herzegovina has made great progress since the end of the war in 1995. We have rebuilt the country destroyed by the war. We united the defence system, The entire world is facing numerous challenges and threats. Unfortunately, we live in a world of injustice, insecurity and intolerance. Never in history has a human had more power and at the same time felt as insecure as she or he does today. In the past two years, we have faced new difficult challenges, especially security- related ones. The strengthening of authoritarian populism, the aggression against Ukraine and the suffering of Gaza have plunged humankind into a deep crisis full of uncertainty and fear. The world is seriously threatened by poverty, disease, natural disasters, wars and injustice. It is estimated that one person dies of hunger every four seconds. The fact that millions of children in the world live in extreme poverty is particularly sad. A reasonable question arises: Why have we allowed an incomparably greater investment in weapons than in eradicating poverty? It is time for everyone to realize that human lives are more important than guns. If we do not, I fear that we are collectively headed for a global catastrophe. Regarding climate change, Bosnia and Herzegovina is fully aware of the global situation and is determined to contribute to global efforts. We are committed to the transition to renewable energy sources and the reduction of harmful gas emissions. Terrorism is a serious threat. Countering that threat requires joint and dedicated efforts. The world must reach a consensus on the fight against terrorism. Bosnia and Herzegovina continues to show a determined commitment to the fight against terrorism. We cannot solve the problems of modern humankind without addressing their causes. The course of history is not something we can stop. However, we can influence its flow. Therefore, I suggest that we now focus on preserving the role of the United Nations as the global centre of coordination and cooperation; reaffirming the importance of the Charter of the United Nations; strengthening the multilateral system in accordance with international law; intensifying the United Nations reform process; common work to strengthen the credibility of the United Nations; the effective implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals; rebuilding trust and cooperation among nations on key global issues; giving a chance to mutual trust, inclusiveness and a democratic vision of leadership; and strengthening preventive diplomacy in times of geopolitical fragmentation in the world. Together we should open a space for creative global cooperation instead of the geopolitics of rivalry and conflict in the twenty-first century. Conflicts and destruction are not at our civilization’s core. We should be building a culture of dialogue, cooperation and peace. Peace and stability have no alternative. Humankind is once again facing a severe moral and political crisis. The United Nations response to Ukraine and Gaza has been as inadequate as it was during the aggression in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995. The Russian aggression against Ukraine is a flagrant example of the violation of the United Nations Charter and international law. That is why we reiterate our firm condemnation of Russian aggression and our support for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. The suffering and hardship of Palestinian children and civilians are terrifying. Gaza represents the heavy defeat of collective humanity in the twenty-first century. Bosnia and Herzegovina is the only European country where genocide has been committed since the Second World War. That has been ruled on by the highest courts of the United Nations. The judgments on genocide committed against Bosniaks have legal, historical, civilizational and moral significance. Unfortunately, the ideology, politics and media that fostered the genocide are once again threatening Bosnia and Herzegovina. I would like to especially thank the General Assembly for adopting resolution 78/282 on 23 May, designating 11 July as the International Day of Reflection and Commemoration of the 1995 Genocide in Srebrenica. The resolution is a highly moral and civilized act and is just as important for the United Nations as it is for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Let us preserve the truth about the genocides in Srebrenica and Rwanda for the sake of the past, present and, most importantly, the future. Despite all the injustices, Bosnia and Herzegovina remains firmly committed to regional cooperation, as that is one of our main strategic foreign policy goals. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a peaceful country, committed to strengthening regional cooperation. That is why we actively participate in numerous regional initiatives. For the peaceful future of the Western Balkans, it is crucial that all countries acknowledge that there are to be no changes of State borders. Those who try to do differently risk a dangerous destabilization of the region, with unforeseeable consequences. Here, at the rostrum of the General Assembly, I want to publicly warn the global audience that, once again, the leadership of the Republic of Serbia is threatening the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The greater-State aspirations of Serbia towards the territories of other countries in the region are the essential reason why Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Western Balkans are exposed to new dangers. Evidence of that is the destructive Declaration issued by the so-called All- Serb Assembly, adopted in Belgrade on 8 June. It is not just a declarative act, but a dangerous greater-State programme document that threatens the Dayton Peace Agreement and the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The content of the Declaration directly contradicts the democratic and civilized world’s established procedures, international and national law, the fundamental principles of the European Union and the principles that are the foundation of relations among United Nations Members. The Declaration is a threat to regional peace and to the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Finally, as Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, I want to emphasize that I am proud of my heroic and dignified homeland, Bosnia and Herzegovina. My country achieved a civilizational and moral victory in the previous decades, despite the genocide, the crimes against humanity and the activities of joint criminal enterprises. People in my country want peace and cooperation. We stand for humanity and solidarity. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a global story of hope, courage and unity. We will protect Bosnia and Herzegovina and its unity in diversity. In that way, we also contribute to global unity.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Finland.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Alexander Stubb, President of the Republic of Finland, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Stubb: The United Nations was founded 79 years ago. At the time, we were in many ways standing at a crossroads. The world had been torn apart by two world wars. Something had to be done to contain the belligerence of nation States. We needed common institutions and rules. The mission of the United Nations was actually quite simple — to end war and to promote peace, justice and a better life for the entire world. And for most of its history, it has been able to do exactly that. I come from Finland. We are a small country in the north-eastern corner of Europe. We are a peace-loving nation. Our recovery from the Second World War and our rise from being one of the poorest countries in Europe to one of the wealthiest and safest  — and yes, happiest —countries in the world is closely linked to the success of the United Nations. Our ability to demonstrate dignity, act with respect and promote compromise has played a critical role in our success story. We are a free and open society. We understand the value of this institution as we have first-hand experience of what it can bestow on a country and its citizens at best. Today, in many ways, we are again standing at a crossroads and I have to admit that I am worried. Divisions between countries and blocs are widening. Our shared understanding of the world has dwindled and been replaced by narratives that fuel controversy, conflict and hatred. The number of ongoing conflicts is the highest since the Cold War and the number of States involved in them is on the rise, especially in three hotspots: Palestine, Ukraine and the Sudan. Human suffering has long since reached a point that should be unacceptable in the Hall. The paradox, of course, is that many countries are rejecting multilateral cooperation at precisely the time when we need it more than ever. In my speech today, I will focus on three points and I will try to be as concrete and constructive as possible, first, on what unites rather than on what divides us; secondly, on how to end the current wars; and thirdly, on how to reform the United Nations to reflect the world we live in today. By adopting the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), we proved that the United Nations works. I have to say that my address today is to all of us collectively, not to anyone individually. I am not into blame games or whataboutism. We are all responsible. We are all a part of the problem as well as the solution. First, let us focus on what unites rather than on what divides us. When the Cold War ended, many of us, me included, believed in the thesis of the end of history, namely, that most of the world’s roughly 200 nation States would revert towards peace, prosperity and harmonious coexistence. There was a strong belief that freedom, democracy and globalization would win the day and that technological development, free trade and open information would automatically lead to global development and stability for all. But they did not. The problem was that we forgot that the dark sides of humankind, including power, actually need to be contained in international institutions like the United Nations. We assumed too much and did too little. The things that were supposed to bring us together — like trade, interdependence and information — are The biggest challenges in the world — climate change, technology, sustainable development and conflict — are precisely those that we must work on together. We need the United Nations more than ever. We must get back to the trajectory where our common challenges drive cooperation instead of conflicts. We must look for win-win solutions for all, rather than zero-sum games benefiting the few. To mitigate and adapt to climate change and to halt biodiversity loss, we need to work together. Our future depends on our response to those challenges in very concrete terms. We cannot respond to the very tangible concerns of small island developing States only by planning. We need results. If we do not solve the climate challenge, the crises that follow become unsolvable. The same goes for technology. Some 30 years ago, we thought that digitalization, artificial intelligence, robotization and biotech would automatically deliver a better world for us and that technology would be a force for good only. We forgot that all disruptive technologies work in both directions, good and bad. In many ways, we are slipping away from the Sustainable Development Goals. Global poverty is on the increase. When basic needs from nutrition to security are not met, it is impossible to focus on a vision for the future. We have made progress on many accounts, but we need to make sure that the fundamental rights that we have all agreed on together apply to everyone at all levels: regions, nations, peoples and individuals. We need to ensure that the rights of women and girls are respected. The rights of gender and sexual minorities need to be protected globally. No matter what region we come from, our rhetoric and actions are often inconsistent; we say one thing and then we do another. Right now, we are at a stage where we must do what we say and work together, so let us focus on what unites us rather than on what separates us. My second point is about conflict. When the United Nations was founded, the underlying idea was “never again”  — never again should anyone experience the horror that our predecessors went through in the first half of the twentieth century. The founders of the United Nations promised to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. They, at least partially, succeeded. But are we, the new generation, succeeding? The simple answer is no. Only this year and last, hundreds of thousands of people have been killed, including more than 10,000 children in Gaza. Child abduction is being used as a weapon of war in Ukraine. Millions of people worldwide have been forced to leave their homes. Malnutrition and disease are on the increase. Current wars highlight a glaring contradiction. Critical decisions about war and peace are made by a tiny number of people, often driven by a cynical need to hold on to power. The global majority, who have the interest in peace, do not have enough power in the international system to keep them in check. That is true in Ukraine and Palestine, as well as in the Sudan. In Ukraine, a just peace, based on President Zelenskyy’s 10-point peace plan, is clearly in the interests of the global majority. The war continues because Russian leaders are not willing to end it. While Russia is doing its best to blame others for its own aggression, we must systematically revert to the principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Neither Russia nor any other country has a historical right to anyone else’s region or people. The core of the United Nations Charter is respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Finland condemns in the strongest possible terms the Russian aggression in Ukraine. Finland equally condemns attempts to manipulate the global information space to destroy the In Palestine, we must ask ourselves whose interests are driving the war. Peace meets the interests of the global majority and the Palestinians and Israelis. A ceasefire, a two-State solution and regional security arrangements would ensure stability as well as economic and societal development across the region. International law holds the key to a solution that would keep Palestinians and Israelis alike safe. After the most recent tragedies, there is no other direction but forward and we must find a solution. There are no more excuses. That war needs to end and it needs to end now. In the Sudan, regardless of which of the groups that are fighting will finally win the war, the victims of that war will be the civilians and the transition to civilian rule built by them —the civilian rule behind which the entire international community has promised to stand and the civilians for whom we promised to seek a better future. In the Sudan, we have failed to apply the principle of African solutions to African problems. Instead, the Sudan is becoming an arena for regional and international rivalry. Our shared goal to build a Sudan that would be an equal partner for all of us in security, trade and in the multilateral forums is moving further and further away. No one benefits from that development in the long term. I therefore call upon the United Nations to take centre stage in conflict resolution and prevention once again. Peace mediation cannot be transactional; it has to be centred on the United Nations. International law, the United Nations Charter and the territorial integrity and sovereignty of States must prevail. My third and final point is that we need the United Nations more than ever, and without far-reaching reform I am afraid it will be sidelined. It all begins with agency, with a feeling that we all have a say. Whether it is about climate change, technology, sustainable development or conflict, the same challenge remains — the current international institutions do not reflect global realities. The majority of the world is not properly represented in the global institutions and its interests are not met. That must change. Ending wars would benefit most if not all of us, but currently we do not have the mechanisms to drive the interest of the global majority. Many countries do not feel that they have a say in global institutions. As a result, the institutions are losing their legitimacy. Shortcomings in multilateral institutions encourage many to seek solutions outside traditional international institutions. Alliances, whether based on interests or values or both, are creating a transactional world of disorder where size and power benefit a minority rather than the majority. The cold truth is that we cannot postpone reform any longer, and in many ways history is on our shoulders, just as it was with those who founded the United Nations in 1945. If our goal is to focus on what unites us rather than on what divides us, we need a far-reaching reform of the Security Council. Let me try out Finland’s ideas for reform and see what Members think of it. Finland’s three point-proposal today is very concrete and some might say overly optimistic, but I do feel that we have to begin somewhere. So here we go. First, all major continents need to be represented in the Security Council at all times. It is unacceptable that there is no permanent representation from Latin America and Africa and that China alone represents Asia in the Security Council. We therefore propose that the number of permanent members be increased by five — more concretely, two from Asia, two from Africa and one from Latin America. The total number of permanent members would thus be 10. That, combined with 10 elected members, would ensure that the Security Council would hold roughly 10 per cent of the United Nations Members at any given time. My part of the world, Europe, should think hard about how best to divide its existing two seats. Thirdly and finally, if a permanent or elected member of the Security Council violates the United Nations Charter, its voting rights should be suspended. That decision should ultimately be taken in the General Assembly. There should be no room for double standards in the United Nations. Despite all of our challenges, I want to end on an optimistic note. My optimism arises from an innate belief that when humans are faced with a binary choice, we often end up doing the right thing. Our choice today is simple. We can continue towards a multipolar world of disorder or we can start getting serious about solving our common problems through multilateral institutions and a reformed United Nations. As my mentor and great friend of the United Nations, the late President Martti Ahtisaari, said in his acceptance speech for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2008: “Peace is a question of will. All conflicts can be settled, and there are no excuses for allowing them to become eternal”. Let us keep Martti’s words in mind and start working towards peace.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Finland for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Co-operative Republic of Guyana.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Irfaan Ali, President of the Co-operative Republic of Guyana, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Ali: If it is that we all agree on ending and preventing wars; if it is that we all agree that the Security Council requires reform; if it is that we all agree that the international financial system is unfair and unjust to the developing world; and if it is that we all believe in climate, food and energy security, then what is stopping us from acting? We will all be doomed in the court of conscience for knowing what is right while ignoring what is wrong. Of the myriad challenges confronting our world, climate change threatens our very existence, adversely affecting development across all countries. Rising sea levels and temperatures, severe natural disasters and shifting and extreme weather patterns disrupt agriculture and food security, threaten water supply and displace communities. Those impacts are particularly devastating for small island developing States. Each year, we make the annual pilgrimage to the Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, filled with hope for tangible outcomes, and each year we are regaled with renewed, unkept promises. That cycle of hope followed by disappointment cannot continue if the Sustainable Development Goals are to be met. We must break free from the pattern of empty Let me talk about my country. Guyana is a country of 83,000 square miles, 86 per cent of which is tropical forest. Guyana has the second highest percentage forest cover on Earth and one of the lowest deforestation rates. Our forest stores 19.5 gigatons of carbon and sequesters 153 million tons annually. According to the World Wildlife Fund, Guyana is one of the world’s most important countries for biodiversity density. It straddles two of the richest biodiversity zones, the Guiana Shield and the Amazon. As a country, we are dedicated to the preservation of that vital global asset. I especially salute the indigenous peoples of Guyana, the Amerindians, who are the foremost stewards of that great natural heritage. We recognize their leadership and 15 per cent of all revenues earned from carbon sales are directly transferred to our indigenous communities. Even with our new-found natural resources, oil and gas, it would require less than 20 per cent of sequestered carbon to offset our emissions at maximum output. We have preserved our biodiversity and know its value. We believe that it is only fair and just that this global asset be monetized in a fair carbon market. Today, I am pleased to announce the launch of the Global Biodiversity Alliance. We will convene the first Global Biodiversity Alliance summit in 2025, which will focus on creating a market for biodiversity credits, scaling biodiversity conservation debt swaps, accelerating biodiversity bonds, establishing a blueprint for biodiversity taxonomies and promoting nature-positive action. We do not make that announcement in mere words. Guyana is also committed to doubling its protected areas by December 2025 and achieving the global biodiversity target of 30 per cent by 2030. Those are real solutions that Guyana is putting forward to address the global problem of biodiversity loss. We do not lecture; we lead by example, without arrogance. According to the United Nations publication The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2024, in 2023 an estimated 28.9 per cent of the global population — some 2.3 billion people — were moderately or severely insecure. The primary causes were conflict and insecurity, extreme weather events, including those related to El Niño and climate change, and economic shocks. To effectively address food insecurity, we must take more concerted action to address its root causes by reducing conflict, mitigating climate change and enhancing food production and trade in food commodities. By prioritizing peace and climate action, we can create environments where food systems, crops and livelihoods are not threatened by conflict and weather extremes. In turn, enhancing food production and ensuring fair and efficient trade in food commodities can reduce food insecurity; so too can the full involvement of women and young people. In Guyana’s national agriculture policy, at least 35 per cent of our agro-businesses will be owned by women and 60 per cent by young people. While I have spoken of food insecurity, the global malnutrition rates are also alarming and must be addressed. Nutritious, safe and sufficient food is crucial to a healthy population. The United Nations must continue to be a beacon of hope amidst a turbulent global environment. The theme of this year’s session of the Assembly — “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations” — resonates with the vision set out in the Charter of the United Nations. That vision demands decisive action and enlightened multilateralism. Today, we find ourselves in a world where the quest for peace is met with the defiant echo of conflict, where the promise of sustainable development is eclipsed by In Ukraine, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a nation are being violated, yet decisive action by the Security Council remains fettered by the veto. Justice demands that we defend the territorial integrity of all States — the large, the small, the powerful and the weak. Equally concerning is the conflict in the Sudan, which rages on with devastating consequences for the people of that country, including famine and mass displacement. That conflict will continue to undermine efforts to achieve lasting peace and sustainable development. The Assembly must also condemn the continued oppression and persecution by the Taliban of women and girls in Afghanistan. Not only do they face lack of access to education and restrictions on their movements, but now even their voices cannot be heard in public. Closer to my home, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has been actively supporting a Haitian-led process for the restoration of democracy, peace and stability in Haiti. We welcome the deployment of the United Nations-authorized Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission, led by Kenya, as a crucial step towards stabilizing the security situation. We call on the international community to urgently scale up financing for the MSS mission and secure its renewed authorization so that the mission can succeed. We must also address the dire humanitarian situation where almost half of Haiti’s population is suffering from acute hunger and mass displacement and women and girls are enduring brutal violence, including sexual violence. Guyana is leading CARICOM’s efforts in mobilizing humanitarian support for Haiti. I will be reaching out to Member States for their support. We must stay the course with our Haitian brothers and sisters in their quest for durable peace and sustainable development. The people of Haiti deserve nothing less. Peace, stability and safety are no more imperilled than in Gaza. Guyana reiterates its strong condemnation of the 7 October 2023 attacks by Hamas on Israel. However, the collective punishment of an entire population, including the indiscriminate slaughter of civilians, most of whom are women and children, has long gone beyond the realm of self-defence. As the world watches on helplessly, Israel continues to flout its international obligations, including the orders of the International Court of Justice and successive Security Council resolutions. Instead, the right of self- defence is being used as a weapon of mass extermination, stoking legitimate fears of genocide. No State, large or small, should feel comfortable or safe when such atrocities are allowed to continue with impunity. The war in Gaza must end now. We reiterate our demand for an immediate ceasefire and the release of all hostages and Palestinians illegally detained. For more than 75 years, the Palestinian people have been denied their inalienable right to self- determination. We must advance the two-State solution, as it remains the only viable option for a future where Palestinians and Israelis can live in peace and security. Turning to our brothers and sisters in Cuba, their right to development continues to be stymied by the economic embargo. Guyana renews its call for the revocation of the embargo and the removal of Cuba from the list of State sponsors of terrorism. The United Nations has a special responsibility for the security of small States. Small States look to multilateralism and the rule of international law to protect them from foreign aggression. Guyana is a small State that has had to contend with aggression from the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela for all 58 years of our We remind the Assembly that the border between Guyana and Venezuela was fully, finally and perfectly settled in an 1899 award by an international tribunal. Venezuela was fully represented in that tribunal, whose award it proclaimed in its own Congress and welcomed for more than six decades, before reopening the issue on the eve of Guyana’s independence, claiming two-thirds of our territory. That controversy, initiated by Venezuela, was submitted by Guyana to the International Court of Justice, in accordance with a decision of the Secretary-General and consistent with our position to settle the matter by legal and peaceful means. In 2023, in the light of intensified acts of aggression by Venezuela, the International Court of Justice issued provisional measures stating that, “Pending a final decision in the case, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela shall refrain from taking any action which would modify the situation that currently prevails in the territory in dispute, whereby the Co-operative Republic of Guyana administers and exercises control over that area.” After years of refusing to participate in the proceedings of the International Court of Justice and stating that it does not recognize the jurisdiction of the Court, the Venezuelan Government has now submitted a counter memorial to Guyana’s submission. We welcome Venezuela’s decision to participate in the Court’s proceedings and express the hope that Venezuela will accept the decision of the Court, as Guyana has long pledged to do. I reaffirm Guyana’s unwavering commitment to a peaceful resolution of that long-standing controversy, in full conformity with international law and the principles set forth in the United Nations Charter. Peace, development and human rights are pillars of the United Nations. We all aspire to a form of multilateralism that is equitable and inclusive and ensures that no one is left behind. Women’s participation and leadership in private and public sectors are integral to that. There is a growing movement in the developing world, calling for the democratization of global political and economic relations. The disproportionate concentration of power favours a few powerful nations while marginalizing the voices and concerns of the broader international community. Developing countries are justly demanding more inclusive and representative decision-making processes in institutions and organs such as the Security Council, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The World Trade Organization must also be reformed to ensure fairer trade for developing countries. Those reforms must go beyond fair representation and ensure that the policies and practices of those institutions align with the development needs and aspirations of all countries. In the emerging global order, we must ensure the United Nations remains at the forefront of global governance. If multilateralism is to trump unilateralism, the United Nations role as the world’s foremost multilateral organization is pivotal. With the necessary resources and resolve, the United Nations can ensure a future of peace, sustainable development and human dignity. The future we seek  — a future where no one is left behind  — demands courageous action. The United Nations must fulfil its role as the custodian of greater global peace, the foremost promoter of sustainable development and an unflinching protector of human rights, human dignity and international law. And since the United Nations, this body of nations, is all of us, that is a collective responsibility for us all. Let us not be found wanting. Let us act together for the advancement of peace, for the achievement of sustainable development and for the preservation of human dignity, now and for generations to come.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Panama.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. José Raúl Mulino Quintero, President of the Republic of Panama, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Mulino Quintero (spoke in Spanish): A little over two months ago, I assumed the presidency of the Republic of Panama. In the five years of my mandate, I will have to face great challenges on behalf of all Panamanians, many of which concern not only my country but the entire hemisphere. Our privileged geographic position has made us the crossing and meeting point of the Americas. We had the first railroad joining the Atlantic and the Pacific on our continent, the first customs office on the continent and the first Spanish city in the province of Tierra Firme. Our canal and airport hub make us strategic partners of all countries in the world. Currently, our canal serves a total of 180 maritime routes that connect 1,920 ports in 170 countries, constituting a great added value for products from all over the world. Aware of our importance as a place of convergence, our doors have always been open to all nationalities who, on a level playing field, want to take advantage of the competitive advantages of being, as our coat of arms says, “Pro Mundi Beneficio”. But today Panama faces an immense problem as a result of its strategic location. Illegal immigration through the Darién jungle has been used for some time now as a gateway by hundreds of thousands of migrants fleeing serious economic, political and social problems in search of the so-called American dream. I know that territory very well, because a little over a decade ago, when I was Minister of Security of Panama, I led the forces that recovered Darién from the narco-guerrillas. Today, it is immensely painful to see the social drama represented by that improvised path, which is travelled by women, children and elderly people who begin their inhumane journey through rivers, jungles and inhospitable places at the mercy of any type of threat to their safety. That movement of people is led by criminal organizations based in neighbouring countries, which receive dirty money to profit from the needs and hopes of thousands of human beings. I fully understand the difficult decision to migrate to escape the misery and oppression that people experience in their place of origin. The vast majority of them want to live, develop and progress in the land where they were born. I repeat, the causes are known, but we cannot address them alone. As a nation, we are already facing too many social and financial problems. We do not have the resources or material capacities to provide a solution to the migration crisis on our own. Illegal immigration through Panama is part of an immense global problem and it is here at the United Nations that it should occupy an important place on its agenda. We are proud to be a country connected to world trade, but we will not allow ourselves to be used for the transit of illegal immigrants with the corresponding social, human and environmental costs that it entails for our territory. Panama is I would point out that there is a huge difference between analysing the problem from places like this, in the middle of Manhattan, and being a first-hand witness to the tragedy, as I have been. Seeing children who have been orphaned by the harshness of the journey through the jungle would touch the soul of the coldest analyst who studies those issues from the comfort of an office. Those are not problems limited to Darién or, to give another example, the Mediterranean. It is a complex system of organized crime that profits from human misfortune. More than half a million illegal immigrants entered the Darién border in 2023, corresponding to 12 per cent of the total population of Panama. If the same thing happened in the United States, it would entail the entry of 40 million illegal immigrants in one year, that is, a number 20 times greater than it receives today. Another example is Italy, which also has a serious migration problem. Last year, nearly 150,000 people entered Italy illegally. If that figure were proportionate to the situation in Panama, it would be equivalent to the entry of some 7 million illegals into that European country. I ask representatives to see the magnitude of what is happening, because we feel that we do not have all the international support that is required to deal with a situation that is so distressing from a humanitarian point of view and so costly financially, so threatening to our security and so alarming because of the environmental devastation that is left behind. It is precisely that environmental damage that I want to talk about now. Darién is one of the largest neotropical forests in the world. When half a million people pass through and leave tons of waste — some of which is highly polluting, such as batteries and plastics  — that generates serious ecological consequences over the years. Also, and this is painful to say, decomposing bodies are left on the side of the road or in the rivers. Not everyone survives the terrible 20-day odyssey through the jungle. Panama has to deal with a problem that is not ours, but we do so, to the extent possible, with the resources we have. No one can imagine, much less would accept, 500,000 people leaving garbage without any planning or treatment in the Bavarian forest in Germany or in Yellowstone National Park here in the United States  — half a million souls in an irregular situation passing through without documents or controls. Perhaps the reason for the lack of global indignation over the devastation of our province of Darién, the great green lung of the region, is because it is in an inhospitable place on the border between Panama and Colombia. I understand that part of the responsibility for why it is happening resides with officials from previous administrations of our country, who did not have the resolve or the strength to put the issue on the world agenda. But that has changed. This President will denounce it and will use every international forum to demand a shared effort to stop the flow of illegal migration. Panama is today the new border of the United States, because those who seek a better life in that country pass through Darién. Panama, which has always been on the side of peace and the progress of nations, today needs help and support from those countries that it has historically helped on that and other issues. We need concrete cooperation and hands-on efforts to prevent them from using our territory as the beginning of a dream that is often generated by criminal organizations linked to drug trafficking and human trafficking. Political instability is one of the causes that generate mass migration. When a country is enduring a serious, prolonged institutional crisis, the immediate consequence is the desertion of its citizens. Venezuela is a concrete example. That is why I want to talk about our regional political situation, which, coincidentally, is the The latest events in Venezuela have further undermined the country’s besmirched institutionality. Let us be clear  — claiming victory without showing the voting tallies is like seeking to win a trial without presenting evidence; seeking to win without showing the tallies is the same as losing and not accepting the results. In point of fact, the current regime has lost the support of its most fervent defenders in the region or, in the best of cases, enjoys the fragile support of silence. It is more than evident that the current regime will not give up power or recognize its defeat. That is why I call on the relevant organizations to act vigorously against attitudes and behaviours that are manifestly anti-democratic. I want to be emphatic that this is not a matter of ideology or differences of thought; it is about strict obedience to the popular will, which is the mother of all wills. Panama is open to dialogue with other countries where the political and representative system that emanates from the national constitution of each territory is respected. I bring up the subject of Venezuela because it is very difficult for me to talk about health and the environment when 8 million of our neighbours have been forced to leave their territory, fleeing the misery experienced by a country that should be an economic Power. What regional sustainable development can we hope for in the face of an endless political crisis that affects the entire continent? I do not intend to disguise my speech under a green veil of natural green when blood has been spilled by immigrants who risk their lives in our jungle seeking a dream of freedom or when they contaminate the Darién, leaving a trail of destruction and desolation that Panamanians must clean up, repair and pay for. If there is really concern for sustainable development, I ask Member States to put up a powerful defence and establish precise mechanisms to reverse the damage caused in the Darién. I am referring not only to the environmental damage, but also to its root causes, such as the self-proclaimed triumph of the current regime in Venezuela. As a third point, I want to pursue my statement by referring to the unjust, discriminatory lists on which our country has been included — lists that place us alongside tyrannies that have committed the worst atrocities and countries that do not open their doors to the world, do not respect democracy or promote terrorism. We do not accept being inscribed on lists drawn up by the special interests of nations that fail to be competitive or attractive to their fellow citizens. Panama cannot and should not allow such an affront, much less after all the efforts we have made. We have implemented significant reforms in our financial and legal system over the past few years in order to comply with international standards of transparency and the prevention of money-laundering and other organized crimes. But that has not been enough. Our nation has demonstrated its readiness to cooperate with international organizations and has signed many tax information exchange treaties with many countries. That, too, has been insufficient. As a consequence, the prescriptions imposed under the false promise of declassifying us have been catastrophic for our economy, and even so we have not managed to free ourselves from such reckless accusations. Panama is not a tax haven or anything like it, unlike other jurisdictions related to many countries that promote such lists, which are analysed and assessed with a different yardstick than that used for my country. It is paradoxical, but the nations that approve the inclusion of Panama on those lists use our canal, participate in public tenders, profit from paid consultancies and lobby for their companies to Speaking of lists, I want to inform the Assembly that Panama is one of very few carbon-negative countries in the world  — that is, we eliminate more carbon dioxide from the atmosphere than we emit. But that dazzling environmental status has brought us no benefit. Protecting a large part of our territory entails greater challenges in achieving authentic development. Today, countries that have destroyed their biodiversity in order to develop impose on other developing countries the environmental protection that they did not exercise. That represents an asymmetry in terms of opportunities for progress. On the one hand, we must keep our forests in a primary state and, on the other, we are included on lists that complicate investment and truncate the development of a globally competitive financial system. Panama does not accept those rules of the game. I want to reiterate in this Hall the message I shared with the Panamanian nation when I assumed the position of President: “Panama is a country that is a friend of good causes and we will not allow any more unfair accusations that harm our economic capacity and our prestige and that undermine the image of our country.” In conclusion, I want to express our pride as Panamanians in that, in January of next year, we will become a non-permanent member of the Security Council for the sixth time in history. That is the result of sustained work over time. It is due to the conduct of our country in the fight against terrorism, human trafficking and drug trafficking. Panama contributes to peace and harmony among all peoples. All of that is contradictory to the lists I referred to earlier. I am sorry to insist, but it is unacceptable that a country that acts honourably and consistently in favour of freedom, peace and international security should be associated with those who do the opposite, placing us on arbitrary lists that do not correspond to reality. It is truly unacceptable. We will continue to fight in a peaceful and sustained manner to end that unnecessary and, above all, discriminatory harassment at the hands of countries that would never impose on their own territories the conditions they demand of us. To conclude, I would like to affirm that we will continue to build a country at the service of humankind, protecting our biodiversity despite the adversities and defending democracy despite the concrete threats prevailing in our region today. Panama will continue to connect global trade, fight for freedom, integrate into the world and demand the respect that we give and deserve as a nation of integrity with a noble, hard-working people who fight every day to make this world a better place to live.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Panama for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Togolese Republic.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, President of the Togolese Republic, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Gnassingbé (spoke in French): The history of the United Nations is one of trust in collective responses to the most serious crises, but each of us sees that we are today at a crossroads. On the one hand, our multilateral model and our ageing institutions are no longer able to face new challenges that are, let us agree, of unprecedented complexity. On the other hand, our discussions and our multilateral commitments of recent years often remain dead letter. That is why there are real reasons to be worried as we look to the future — worried about the future of our planet, which is rife with complex crises; worried about the future of our young people in view of the challenges they inherit, and I am of course thinking first of environmental challenges; and finally, worried about the future of our institutions, which have not adapted to contemporary realities and no longer fulfil their promise. We therefore have no choice. We cannot maintain systems that struggle to keep their promises and that no longer reflect the realities of the world. We must engage in a profound transformation. That is why I stand here today with conviction and a clear vision for the future. My conviction is that another path is possible. It is a path where international cooperation is revitalized by becoming more inclusive and more respectful. My vision is that of an Africa that fully assumes its role as a strategic partner in the construction of new rules of global regulation. My first observation is that my country, Togo, looks to the future with hope and determination. In Togo, we are working for development that must be sustainable, but also equitable and inclusive. To that end, we know that we must build a strong, visionary and protective State. We do so as a nation because it is our responsibility to current and future generations. That involves massive investments in our education and health systems. It involves reducing the digital divide. It also involves our commitment to the ecological transition and our action in favour of gender equality. My second observation is that looking to the future today means looking to Africa. Our continent is no longer just a developing region; it is quite simply the next engine of global growth because it is in Africa that the world’s young people are and will long continue to be. It is where the strongest development potential for emerging markets linked to technological innovation and entrepreneurship will be found. It is particularly in Africa that the green and blue economy offers significant opportunities for sustainable development. Our continent is rich in natural resources. If harnessed properly, they can transform Africa into a global hub for clean and renewable energy. It is also where we need to experiment with the new partnership models we need, particularly between the private and public sectors. My third observation is that the response to the challenges of our time requires effective multilateral cooperation. Food, security and ecological challenges go beyond what each country is capable of managing effectively on its own. In addition, such crises are fundamentally asymmetrical. They rapidly and severely impact regions of the world that are not directly responsible for their causes. That is why I reiterate here my deep conviction that, first, in the face of those global threats, there is no better future for current and future generations than in the collective and coordinated action of our States; and secondly, that such collective action must be carried out within renewed global political frameworks. That is true in particular for our efforts to adapt and build climate resilience. Africa is one of the regions most vulnerable to the effects of climate change, despite the fact that we contribute the least to greenhouse gas emissions. The deleterious effects But the need for collective action is also true of the challenge of peace and security, and that challenge, too, can no longer be the burden of Africans alone. In West Africa, we face the persistent threats of terrorism. In my opinion, the response lies in a combination of inclusive dialogues, security reforms and economic development initiatives to eradicate the root causes of violence. But we will not solve all those challenges alone. Multilateral cooperation is necessary to face the collective threat. We all know that development, climate transition and security have become issues that must be addressed multilaterally, but to do so we must first reinvent our model of international cooperation. That leads me to my last observation. There will be no strengthened international cooperation without a new partnership model that is more equitable and more respectful of African States. We urgently need to reinvent the model of multilateralism to rebalance efforts in international cooperation. In that context, our continent, Africa, deserves special attention. First, we need more respect and dignity for African States on the international scene. It is time to recognize that we are strategic actors in our own right, capable of contributing significantly to global efforts for peace, sustainable development and human dignity. Respect for human dignity is not just a principle that must guide all of our daily actions within our borders. Respect for and the dignity of our peoples must be recognized through their representation and especially the weight given to their voice, which must be expressed and respected in international forums. We also need a new model of international cooperation that relies more broadly on localization. Universal solutions imposed from outside may, it is true, have some virtues, but they have only very partially proven themselves. Despite the efforts of recent years, international aid remains too often disconnected from the needs and capacities to act of the populations that benefit from it. Localization must be a deep commitment to recognizing local expertise by allowing States to play their role in defining priorities and implementing programmes. Togo is determined to be a leading player in that transformation. I appeal to all international actors to support more equitable and respectful cooperation. Africa is ready. It is ready to play its rightful role on the international stage, but it aspires to be respected, heeded and supported in its efforts in a fair manner. Together, let us work to build a world where every nation and every individual can live with dignity, in harmony with others and with our planet.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Togolese Republic for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Senegal. President Faye (spoke in French): At the outset, I take this opportunity once again to hail the memory of my compatriot, Amadou-Mahtar M’Bow, who passed away recently. As Director-General of UNESCO from 1974 to 1987, he was a veteran statesman and a fervent pan-African actor in the struggles for independence. I congratulate Mr. Philemon Yang on his election as President of the General Assembly, as well as his predecessor for his contribution to the implementation of our common agenda. Through Mr. Yang, I express my wishes for success in the conduct of our work. I also salute the tireless commitment of Secretary-General António Guterres, whose efforts to promote peace, human dignity and multilateralism are more necessary than ever. Senegal reiterates its full support for his mission in these times of great global turbulence. In speaking today, I am driven by the deep conviction that unity in diversity is the key to ensuring peace, sustainable development and human dignity for all, everywhere in the world. The theme of this session, which guides our discussions, invites us to rethink our collective responsibilities and to ensure that the founding principles of the United Nations, defined nearly eight decades ago, continue to hold the promise of a more just and equitable world. We live in a troubled world where the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which advocate equality, justice and respect for human rights, are undermined every day. Conflicts are spreading, inequalities are widening and climate crises are increasing the vulnerability of millions of people around the world. Moreover, we are witnessing a worrisome challenge to multilateralism at a time when humankind needs it most. The world must face itself without complacency. The values we swore to defend are being trampled underfoot in several regions of the globe. Be it in Gaza, Tel Aviv, Dakar or elsewhere, every human being is the bearer of that equal dignity, a dignity that transcends borders, cultures and religious affiliations. It is our collective duty to ensure that this dignity is protected and respected for every human being, without exception. That duty is the very essence of the United Nations. Yet we see every day how international law, the cement of world peace, is often violated. Resolutions adopted by the Assembly are ignored. By tolerating those repeated violations, we trample on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and undermine the very foundations of this house of peace. Never have the foundations of the United Nations been so shaken as in these times of violence, fear and uncertainty. If we are to ward off the spectre of war and work towards the advent of a better world, then it is time to change paradigms. It is time to put people back at the centre of the international agenda, as the theme of this session invites us to do. We can no longer turn a blind eye to the tragedy unfolding in the Sahel. Terrorist groups are sowing terror, pillaging and killing innocent civilians. That once stable region is now plagued by daily violence, while the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council, too often remain inert. Similarly, we cannot allow the Sahel to become the scene of rivalries among foreign Powers whose clashes serve only to further destabilize the region. I must recall here that peace and security in Africa are inseparable from world peace, and it is imperative that the Security Council fully play its role as guarantor of international stability. I once again express Senegal’s concern about the tragic situation that persists in Palestine. Entire generations have grown up there under the shadow of oppression, deprived of their fundamental right to a viable State. Senegal, as Chair of the Peace is not just the absence of war. Peace is also the possibility for every human being to live in dignity, to feed her or himself, to have shelter, to be educated and to receive care. However, today more than 750 million people do not have enough to eat and millions fall into extreme poverty every day. Those statistics are pushing the world further and further away from the Sustainable Development Goals set for 2030. We can no longer allow global governance mechanisms to continue to reproduce such inequalities. It is time to break with the logic of everyone for themselves and to build a new global social contract based on solidarity and cooperation. That contract must include major reforms to tackle the political, economic and environmental challenges of our time. First, it is imperative to safeguard and strengthen multilateralism as the sole framework for action for international peace and security. That requires the urgent reform of global institutions, including the Security Council, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, to make them more inclusive and reflect current geopolitical and economic realities. The African continent in particular must have a more important place in these decision-making bodies. Secondly, it is time to correct the economic injustices that are holding back the development of many countries of the South. Unequal trade, tax evasion, illicit financial flows and abusive tax holidays are ruining developing countries, particularly in Africa. Those injustices must be corrected to allow all countries to participate fully in global trade and benefit from economic growth. Thirdly, it is essential to act decisively against global warming, respecting the principle of common but differentiated responsibility. The industrialized countries, historically responsible for massive greenhouse gas emissions, must step up their efforts to finance a fair and equitable energy transition that does not penalize developing countries. We must imperatively protect our planet without sacrificing the rights of the most vulnerable nations to pursue their development. Fourthly, it is necessary to break with any attempt to impose unilateral civilizational norms. Since its independence, Senegal has always defended the equal dignity of cultures and civilizations, and that diversity must continue to be the basis of peaceful coexistence among peoples. No nation should impose its practices or values on others as universal standards. Respect for differences is the foundation of peace and stability in the world. Senegal is firmly committed to that path. We have chosen to build a State resolutely focused on sustainable development, with ambitious initiatives in areas such as clean energy, food sovereignty and transparent governance. But we know that to succeed, we need collective action and international solidarity. No country, however powerful, can address alone the challenges that threaten humankind. We must act together, united in diversity, to build a future where human dignity is respected, justice prevails and prosperity is shared. It is through cooperation and mutual respect that we will overcome the crises that shake our world.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Senegal for the statement he has just made. Address by Mrs. Sylvanie Burton, President of the Commonwealth of Dominica

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Commonwealth of Dominica.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations Her Excellency Mrs. Sylvanie Burton, President of the Commonwealth of Dominica, and to invite her to address the Assembly. President Burton: Mabrika Mabrika. I greet the General Assembly in the language of my Kalinago people, the first people of the Caribbean, whom I am proud to call my ancestors. I proudly bring warmest greetings from the citizens of the nature island of the Caribbean and the homeland of Olympian gold medallist Thea LaFond-Gadson, the Commonwealth of Dominica. It is an extraordinary honour to address this body in my capacity as the first female President of the Commonwealth of Dominica and as the first President of indigenous descent. Our Organization was born of the need to enable dialogue and facilitate cooperation among its Members to avoid international conflict. Over time, however, our understanding of human development’s contribution to peacebuilding and civilization has improved to the point where cooperation to enhance the human condition now lies at the core of our Organization’s work. Progress in many spheres of human endeavour is not equitable and deliberate action is required to ensure that the most vulnerable among us — namely, women, boys, girls, the physically challenged and senior citizens — are brought from the shadows of neglect and into the light of opportunity. In essence, though we are a small nation subject to the many challenges of growth and development, we insist that we continue to be our brothers’ keeper and join our voice with those who believe that no one, regardless of location, race, ethnicity, gender or religion — no one — is left behind in the relentless pursuit of advancement. To leave no one behind in our quest for a sustainable and resilient future, we must embrace multilateralism to combat the many major global challenges we face. We remain concerned that despite the resources and publicity given to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, its outputs so far do not inspire confidence that we are on track to realize the much-heralded goals. Alarmingly, the Sustainable Development Goals Report 2024 indicates that, far from building on the progress achieved during the first five years, fully half of the 17 targets are showing minimal or moderate progress while over one-third appear stalled or going in reverse. It is therefore the hope of my Government and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) of which we are proud members, that the Assembly will be known as the forum at which the United Nations family rededicated itself to ensuring that the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) remain central to our claim, that our civilizations are caring and progressive and that our collective management, scientific and diplomatic capabilities will be assigned to ensuring that the well-being of the present and future generations is guaranteed. For example, despite SDG 3, “Good health and well-being”, the growing burden of non-communicable diseases (NCDs), is an urgent crisis that calls for a unified and aggressive approach on the part of all global leaders. The World Health Organization concludes that such NCDs as cardiovascular disease, diabetes, hypertension, cancers In Dominica, we have made significant progress in enhancing our health-care system to better meet the needs of those at risk or living with NCDs. I had the opportunity to share Dominica’s perspective, vision and action on non-communicable diseases with the Global Group of Heads of State and Government for the Prevention and Control of Non-Communicable Diseases at their third annual gathering, held here yesterday at United Nations Headquarters. Dominica is proud to play its part in that global effort and we remain committed to working with international partners to share knowledge, resources and best practices in the fight against NCDs. We stand today at a critical juncture in human history. Climate change, as we know, is not just an environmental challenge; it is a threat to every aspect of life as we know it. For Dominica, as for many small island developing States, this is not a distant or abstract issue; it is a daily reality. We have said it time and time again. We see so vividly, year after year, that our communities are on the front lines, facing intensified hurricanes, devastating floods and prolonged droughts. We recall our own devastation in 2015 with Tropical Storm Erika, which wiped out 96 per cent of Dominica’s gross domestic product (GDP), and then again in 2017 against the deadly Hurricane Maria, which destroyed over 225 per cent of Dominica’s GDP in a matter of hours — mere hours. That is why, this year, we watched in agony as Hurricane Beryl swept through the island States of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Grenada, Barbados and Jamaica. Those tragic occurrences embolden us to state firmly that the time for rhetoric has long passed. Business as usual simply will not suffice. We need urgent, bold and decisive action to limit global warming to 1.5°C, as science clearly dictates. But to do so, we must drastically reduce emissions, boldly honour financial commitments and build critical resilience infrastructure in regions particularly vulnerable in relation to climate change. That is a moral imperative and a matter of the utmost urgency — a matter of climate justice. Our very future depends on the decisions made in these halls. The Assembly is meeting at a time when the Commonwealth of Dominica and the rest of the Caribbean direct our gaze to the east and on the storms and hurricanes that emerge in the Atlantic. There is no denying that climate change is happening. We see and, indeed, we feel its disastrous impacts on a daily basis. Already, the warnings of weather scientists regarding global warming and the consequent increase in frequency and severity of storms have proved to be accurate. The Government and the people of Dominica stand in solidarity with our sister CARICOM nations and others adversely affected by this year’s storms. Dominica, along with other Caribbean States, has already prioritized the development of national climate adaptation strategies and invested in resilient infrastructure and agriculture, community education and renewable energy. Still, the reality is that, as important as our interventions in that crucial space are, they will remain ineffective if our friends and partners in the industrialized world do not honour their commitments to reducing global warming and providing the funding that is required to enable our low-emitting States to become resilient. We therefore seize this opportunity to again urge that the ethical pledges made via the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the Climate Action Summit Our world is at the crossroads. Now more than ever, leadership at every level matters. My delegation is of the firm view that the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations must be respected, no matter which Member State may be under scrutiny. This is no source of joy to my delegation, but these critical times demand that important truths be spoken frankly. A glaring hypocrisy clouds this body when right seems to pass as wrong and wrong seems to pass as right, depending on which Member State is being impacted. The practice of might makes right must be discontinued. My delegation remains deeply concerned about the ongoing conflicts particularly in Ukraine, the Middle East and the Sudan, among others. We recognize the crucial role of peace in human development. We are convinced that war is futile. It is that conviction that impels us to urge that the fullest support be given to those entities that are engaged in promoting peace and reconciliation in the Middle East, Ukraine and the Sudan, just a few examples of locations where war is setting back the human development gains achieved over the years. The continuing loss of innocent lives, particularly the innocent lives of the most vulnerable amongst us — namely, the innocent lives of women and children — is of dire concern. There is no winner in those conflicts and if history has taught us anything, it is that the cost to rebuild after such terrifying and inhumane conflicts is extremely prohibitive. To that end, as long as such conflicts persist, my delegation will not cease to echo the call for an urgent end to those conflicts, which have decimated the lives of so many innocent ones. We stand in solidarity with the people of Haiti and insist, with the other CARICOM Member States, that the current crisis being confronted by our sister CARICOM State in no way nullifies the entitlement of its people to the recognition of their sacred sovereignty and their right to be central in the search for a fair and durable peace. The Government of Dominica remains convinced that the present challenges faced by our sister CARICOM State are in part related to the glorious contribution Haiti made to the quest for justice and freedom in our region and the world. Indeed, the current complexion of the General Assembly would have been unimaginable without the heroic struggles of the Haitian people. As such, the crisis in Haiti is much more than a Caribbean crisis, even if the solution is an obligation that all of the Caribbean States accept wholeheartedly. My delegation therefore unreservedly supports the position of CARICOM on the situation in Haiti, a position that rightly calls for a Haitian-led and -owned transition process to bring systemic changes to our fellow CARICOM Member State. It is high time. The heroic sacrifices of Haitian blood and treasure that opened the door to the liberation of so many of our countries, making it possible for us to be members of this organ, deserve no less than the abundant peace and prosperity of the wonderful Haitian people. It is in that same spirit that we welcome the installation of the interim Government, under the leadership of Mr. Garry Conille, and the swearing-in of a new Cabinet of Ministers on 12 June. The process of normalization of life for the people of Haiti has been nothing if not daunting. However, with the support of the international community, there is a glimmer of hope, the dawning of a new day, as progress is being made. We remain ever optimistic that ordinary Haitian citizens will once again be able to live, work and feel at peace in Haiti — an outcome they so richly deserve. We also thank the other States that have made and pledged their support to Haiti towards the restoration of an environment conducive to peace and development. Recognition is also due to those who have made material contributions to that effort. We urge Member States that have pledged financial support to honour those pledges so that the humanitarian gaps can be closed and the food crisis can be resolved. The Haitian people, a people as heroic and resilient as a people has ever been, deserve better. It is our firm conviction that we in the international community have a responsibility to ensure that the living conditions of the Haitian people are brought to the natural standards of human dignity. The Commonwealth of Dominica is keen to underscore its commitment to advocating for unity, justice, peace and the sustainable human development that they foster. In that regard, we continue to urge that the long-running economic embargo against the people of Cuba be set aside. It hurts the people of Cuba, as well as the image of its sponsors. The trade embargo imposed against our brothers and sisters in Cuba continues to be of great concern to us in the Caribbean. Its lifting grows increasingly urgent. Therefore, the Commonwealth of Dominica once again joins the voices of the overwhelming majority of Members of the global Organization to call for the immediate lifting of trade restrictions and export bans imposed on the good people of Cuba. They are unjustified. They are unjustifiable. They are antiquated. They belong to a bygone era. They should cease to exist. They fall, in our view, within the grand narrative of yet another Caribbean people’s struggle for liberation. It is for those reasons that the Government of Dominica strongly urges a radical reconsideration of those actions. Our steadfast advocacy for respect for the United Nations norms of sovereignty and non-interference impels us as well to urge that the right of the Government and people of Venezuela to resolve internal challenges without outside interference be respected. We renew our condemnation of the United States imposition of sanctions on Venezuela. The resulting hardship forced upon the people of Venezuela needs an immediate and complete end. In conclusion, my delegation is pleased to leave the Hall with reference to a most valuable and appropriate gift for this forum at this point in time. My ancestors, the Kalinago people, lived in harmony with Mother Nature, drawing on nature for food and general well-being, including medicinal products. The benefits to a life in harmony with Mother Nature are many. Their impact on the environment was minimal. The benefits to human health were long, active lives with a minimal burden of chronic diseases. My ancestors also lived a communal life marked by social cohesion. My delegation recommends the way of life of our Kalinago people to the General Assembly. I wish all delegations participating in this seventy-ninth session every success in their deliberations. In the language of my Kalinago people, Ayohora Ayahora, which means “thank you”.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Commonwealth of Dominica for the statement she has just made. Address by Ms. Hilda Heine, President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations Her Excellency Ms. Hilda Heine, President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and to invite her to address the Assembly. President Heine: I bring warm greetings of Yokwe on behalf of the Republic of the Marshall Islands. I congratulate the President of the General Assembly upon his election and look forward to his leadership. We cannot ignore the fact that our common multilateral progress is failing us in the hour of our greatest need. Perhaps most at risk are human rights, the fundamental freedoms that must be afforded every citizen of this planet. That accountability applies to all without exception or double standard. The Human Rights Council must also work towards a balanced agenda and an inclusive approach to human rights within our diverse global setting. Our own unique legacy and the complex challenges of nuclear testing impacts, climate change and other fundamental challenges inform our perspective that the voices of the most vulnerable must never be drowned out. Those convictions are why the Marshall Islands is a candidate for a seat on the United Nations Human Rights Council for the term 2025-2027, with the endorsement of the Pacific Islands Forum leaders. For nearly a year, nations around the world have expressed grave concern regarding extreme violence in Gaza and Israel — not just the horrific events that led to that grave conflict, but also the disproportionate and devastating response visited upon an innocent civilian population. As we look forward to next year’s United Nations Ocean Summit in France, it is vital that the international community take action to protect the health and biodiversity of our oceans. The youngest and future generations of islanders must not be robbed of the benefits we enjoy today. Without sustainable ocean ecosystems, the economy, stability and cultural identity of our region will collapse. Through regional institutions, our island nations are defining sustainable fisheries and changing the global market. Our distant-fishing partner nations in the Western and Central Pacific Fisheries Commission — many of which are also global super-Powers — need to place long-term sustainability ahead of immediate commercial goals. Illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing is a threat not just to our own economic future, but also to global food security. The world needs to ensure that the high seas seabed is not stripped of its unique biodiversity before we even document it. Without a clear-eyed scientific understanding of impacts and risks, the world’s oceans are too fragile to turn into a speculative experiment. The Marshall Islands joins the growing chorus applying a precautionary approach towards high-seas mining, at least until there is adequate and meaningful agreement at the International Seabed Authority on binding environmental measures and the mining code. Sea levels have risen and we are too late to prevent them from eating away at our shores, but we must also be clear that we will not be wiped off the map, nor will we go silently to our watery graves. Sea level rise poses a threat to our long-term ability The Marshall Islands welcomes this year’s High-Level Meeting on Sea Level Rise and the ongoing work of the International Law Commission as an opportunity to engage on complex multilateral questions, even where SIDS have already established State practice. We must do all we can to prevent further melting of the cryosphere. Every nation on Earth has committed, by February next year, to putting forward new nationally determined contributions that set out how they will reduce emissions to keep global temperature rise below 1.5°C. We need Governments to show both ambition and cooperation, as we all agreed to do last year, to triple renewable energy deployment, double energy efficiency and, most importantly, accelerate the transition away from fossil fuels and end the subsidies that support them. Despite that, we have seen some of the planet’s wealthiest countries break their pledges as they double down on fossil fuels. That failure of leadership must stop. There must be no new coal mines, no new gas fields and no new oil wells. The financial needs for that energy transition, for adapting to climate impacts and for repairing the rising loss and damage are in the trillions of dollars. In Baku later this year, we will decide whether that money is to be made available to developing countries. We must see vastly increase contributions. We must also find money wherever we can. Instead of rewarding some of the richest and most polluting businesses on the planet, we should repurpose those funds to the roll-out of renewables and to directly supporting the poorest and most vulnerable. Right now in the International Maritime Organization, Pacific island negotiators are leading efforts to agree on a universal greenhouse gas levy that gives the right incentive to drive the decarbonization of the shipping industry and raises revenue in the billions, a portion of which should be used to address the climate impacts from shipping pollution and help build resilience in vulnerable countries. I urge every country to join us. The Marshall Islands emphasizes the importance of the advisory opinion of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea on preserving the marine environment from climate-driven pollution. We look forward to the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice regarding the climate obligations of States. The Marshall Islands experienced 67 known atmospheric nuclear tests between 1946 and 1958, resulting in an ongoing legacy of death, illness and contamination. The impacts are handed down generation to generation. Those impacts continue to challenge our human rights. In our culture, our identity is our land. Testing impacts left behind deep scars, with communities remaining in exile from their home islands, billions of dollars in unmet adjudicated claims and a social and environmental burden upon our youngest and future generations. To help ensure that nuclear risk is eliminated, the Marshall Islands is working towards accession to the 1963 Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water and the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty and its nuclear-free zone. We did not choose that nuclear fate; it was chosen for us. Trusteeship Council resolutions 1082 (XIV) and 1493 (XVII) were adopted in 1954 and 1956, respectively, despite petitions to the contrary by our Marshallese leaders. Those tests were undertaken by the United States, acting as the United Nations Administering Authority. Those resolutions remain the only instance in which any United Nations organ has Our strong work on human rights and nuclear testing impacts is a fundamental and foundational effort to address transitional human rights, and we call attention to document A/HRC/57/77, containing the report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the nuclear legacy in the Marshall Islands and its human rights impacts. In particular, I emphasize my nation’s unequivocal support for the High Commissioner’s important conclusions and recommendations on further action for my own Government, for the United States and for the United Nations. As a nuclear-affected State, we seek to work with other affected nations and peoples, including in Kiribati, French Polynesia, Australia, Algeria, Kazakhstan, North Korea, the Xinjiang province of mainland China and the United States. All should realize that the responsibility to fully address the harms resulting from the use, detonation or testing of nuclear weapons lies with the Member States that have done so. That is the basis of resolution 78/240, on victim assistance and environmental remediation, and all must know that the scars upon our collective lands and peoples are firm lessons for nuclear weapons elimination. The Marshall Islands welcomes this year’s adoption of the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS as a companion to the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. It is vital that island-driven strategies be better addressed. We are particularly pleased to welcome the strong efforts of the new United Nations Multi-Country Office for the North Pacific in the Federated States of Micronesia and we look forward to the groundbreaking ceremony for the new United Nations complex. This year’s Triennial Conference of Pacific Women, hosted in the Marshall Islands, demonstrated the region’s continued commitment to advancing gender equality with a focus on the health of women and girls, gender-responsive climate justice and gender-based violence to strengthen and uplift women and girls across the Pacific. It is important in our work going forward that we progress national implementation at scale and build intersections with assistance from the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women and the international system, including as a full region and with the United Nations Multi-Country Office for the North Pacific. We have long understood island-led security in our region, but for many we are only starting to build formal security foundations at a time when full policy strength is needed to turn the Pacific Islands Forum Boe Declaration on Regional Security into action. Recent United Nations action under the Secretary-General’s Peacebuilding Fund is a key step up to strengthen treatment of the link between climate and security. We now need to address, with our own direct Pacific voices, geopolitical tension to ensure that our democratic island priorities drive our future, free of external influence and coercion. Climate impacts pose a grave security challenge alone, but tackling them with core institutions under external stress, coupled with our underlying fragility, risks epic disaster. Russia’s continued aggression against Ukraine is a threat to basic democratic norms, human rights and international accountability. As island democracies and as vulnerable nations in the shadow of changing geopolitics, the war in Ukraine is of great concern to the Pacific islands, as though Eastern Europe were next door. If we are truly serious that no one is to be left behind, the United Nations should not be blind to Taiwan’s efforts and partnership towards the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. Only that independent, democratic Government can represent its 23 million people. Resolution 2758 (XXVI) does not mention Taiwan and should not be used as a pretext to exclude Taiwan from participating meaningfully in the United Nations system. That resolution has been misused to threaten cross-strait and regional peace and security. That was never its original intent. It cannot serve as a sound basis to prohibit Taiwanese citizens and journalists from United Nations premises. The Secretariat should maintain neutrality and not be complicit in limiting media freedom. As key risks deteriorate in and around the world, multilateralism must be strengthened. For small and vulnerable nations, the United Nations, despite all its faults, remains the only institution that offers us a vital platform to voice our concerns, raise issues and, at times, seek shelter from the ravages of conflicts and climate change. The word “multilateralism” can be expressed in the Marshallese proverb “wod in kanol”, meaning the coral where all the fish congregate to seek shelter and feed. Let us all nourish and maintain it for ourselves and future generations. The United Nations is that very coral — wod in kanol. Let us leave no country behind.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands for the statement she has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of Georgia.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Irakli Kobakhidze, Prime Minister of Georgia, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

It is a great honour to be here today to address so many different nations of the world. We are a Government that believes that Georgia inherently deserves to be a peaceful, stable and developed country. With that in mind, over the past decade we have ensured that Georgia develops along that trajectory. We have made some tough choices and have never been afraid of the challenge. We have never chosen an easy path and we have always prioritized our nation and our people. As a result, we are reclaiming our nation’s pride — the pride and dignity that a country with 3,000 years of history deserves. We gather here at a time of unprecedented global challenges, when interlinking crises of escalating conflicts, climate change and rising humanitarian needs remain complex. Those challenges require bold actions. Georgia has never been afraid of bold actions. The past couple of years have been difficult for our region. While we should Understanding first-hand the importance of peace, we have led the effort to transform our immediate South Caucasus region from a region of conflicts into a region of opportunities. We welcome the process of peaceful settlement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and in particular the efforts aimed at normalizing relations with neighbouring countries. We have been and are willing to provide a regional cooperation format that will support collaboration and trust-building among countries to make sure that differences are left in the past and that we move forward together to capitalize on all the resources and advantages our region has to offer the world. Georgia’s strategic location, serving as a natural bridge between Europe and Asia, makes it the shortest route between East and West. With our sea access and strong relations with China, as well as Central Asian countries, Georgia is a key player in the regional and broader Eurasian context. We are a hub not only for the exchange of goods, but also for energy transit and much more. Georgia ensures that seven landlocked countries of the South Caucasus and Central Asia are connected with the rest of the world via our port infrastructure, which we are committed to further developing with the soon-to-commence construction of the Anaklia deep- sea port. If we look at the political map, Georgia is the single safest and most reliable transit route to ensure the timely and efficient movement of goods and services. Our commitment to maintaining and enhancing our role as a reliable transit corridor ensures that we are able to support our strategic partners in Europe with their energy security needs. By diversifying supply routes and investing in robust infrastructure, Georgia can offer additional predictability in East-West connectivity, especially within the framework of the Middle Corridor initiative. As we all know, the past couple of years have brought significant challenges. Despite those multiple tests, Georgia has demonstrated remarkable resilience to such external shocks. Our average annual economic growth since 2021 has been 9.7 per cent. Thanks to strong macroeconomic fundamentals and fiscal discipline, the Government debt and the fiscal deficit have declined to 39.3 per cent and 2.5 per cent, respectively. Additionally, Georgia has maintained one of the lowest regional inflation rates, further showcasing its economic stability. Despite significant economic improvement and the cutting of the poverty rate in half over the past 10 years, further reducing poverty and inequality is at the heart of Georgia’s socioeconomic development agenda. In 2023, the employment rate showed significant improvement, coinciding with an increase in the labour force participation rate. The positive trend continued in the first half of 2024 as well, when the unemployment rate decreased to a record low of 13.7 per cent. Georgia’s effective performance is duly reflected in international rankings from the world’s most reputable agencies. The Global Competitiveness Survey of the World Economic Forum ranks Georgia twentieth in the world and eleventh in Europe in terms of corruption control, while in terms of the rule of law Georgia ranks twenty- ninth in the world and fourteenth in Europe. The International Budget Partnership’s Open Budget Survey ranks Georgia first in terms of budget transparency globally. The Transparency in the Time of War report of the European Research Centre for Anticorruption and State-Building placed Georgia seventeenth in its 2023 ranking, ahead of 15 European Union (EU) member States and four Group of Seven States. Additionally, Georgia is the twenty-fifth freest economy in the world, according to According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) Regulatory Restrictiveness Index, Georgia ranked eighth among more than 80 countries as one of the most open economies in the world in terms of attracting investments. That is the reason why Georgia’s FDI- to-gross domestic product (GDP) ratio is one of the highest among peer countries. FDI in 2023 amounted to $1.9 billion, representing 6.2 per cent of GDP. In the post-pandemic period to date, Georgia has attracted $6.2 billion in FDI, further supplementing Georgia’s transformation into a regional multifunctional hub that serves all things business. Even though we hosted more than 7 million tourists last year, showing a strong bounce back in post-coronavirus disease recovery, Georgia still maintains one of the lowest crime rates globally. According to Numbeo, Georgia ranks eighth in Europe and twenty-first globally, thanks to our law enforcement agencies and professionals. Despite the fact that 20 per cent of our territories are under illegal occupation, we continue to thrive, continue to grow and continue to make sure that our children live in a better, stronger and more dignified Georgia. We are diligent and tireless in our quest to make sure Georgia is a country that every citizen is proud of. I want to take this opportunity to address our people on the other side of occupation line, in the Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions. Whatever actions we take are done to help our people so that one day, with our children, we can live together in one happy, united and developed Georgia. On this side of the occupation line, we will always meet them with an open heart. We have to rebuild all the broken bridges in our country. In conclusion, Georgia is at a pivotal point in its modern history, and we as the Government of the people are determined to guide our country in the best interests of the nation, to make sure we overcome all our challenges and to become stronger and more successful than ever before. We are optimistic that Georgia’s desire to become a full-fledged member of the European Union will be achieved by 2030. As we look ahead to the future with a commitment to shaping a prosperous community together with our allies and partners, our united efforts will persist in supporting peace-building measures and sustainable development. In doing so, we will advance human dignity, not only for the citizens of Georgia today, but also for the well-being of all future generations to come.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Georgia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Government of Spain.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Pedro Sánchez Pérez-Castejón, President of the Government of Spain, and to invite him to address the Assembly. Spain is a country that believes in international accountability mechanisms and that fights against impunity based on the value of experience and historical memory; a defender of institutions such as the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court, which are essential to peace, security, justice and reparation for victims; a country that practices and conducts itself on the basis of a fundamental maxim — the value of coherence — that leads us to say the same with respect to Ukraine, Gaza and anywhere else: defence of peace, human rights and an international order based on rules; and that, in the face of the doubts of others, responds with greater confidence in multilateralism. The same multilateral system that the world raised piece by piece from the ashes of barbarism is today under enormous pressure that has a direct impact on three essential aspirations for the progress of nations: peace, democracy and development. Those three aspirations are unattainable separately, one without the other. Peace is incompatible with tyranny. Democracy, in turn, needs to provide well-being and development to legitimize itself as what it is — the most advanced form of social and political organization that humankind has ever create. Peace without democracy is the peace of prisons. Democracy without development or progress is the prelude to autocracy, as evidenced by a past rich in lessons that we should never forget. Actively working for peace — the first of those three aspirations — is today much more than a moral requirement. It is an existential necessity. For the first time in two decades, the number of conflicts is growing. The number of countries involved in wars outside their borders is growing at levels unprecedented since 1945. The number of victims, wounded, mutilated and displaced persons is increasing, as is the economic impact of violence, now up to 13 per cent of the world’s gross domestic product, according to some studies. That is the equivalent of all the wealth created in one year by 180 countries together. Those figures not only give voice to a great collective failure; they are the confirmation of a global disease that corrodes both the foundations of the multilateral system and those of an international order based on principles and norms. Until recently, those principles — respect for the sovereignty, political independence and the territorial integrity of countries — had seemed inviolable. It is happening in Ukraine at this hour, as we speak here. It is 31 months since the beginning of an aggression that Putin’s Russia is directing not only against the Ukrainian people, but against the entire international community — an aggression that should not continue for one more day. The recent Summit on Peace in Ukraine, held in Switzerland, has, in my opinion, laid the foundations for building a just and lasting peace, in compliance with international law and the Charter of the United Nations, as proclaimed in President Zelenskyy’s peace formula. I invite all countries that have not yet done so to join that initiative and to work on the next step — the recovery and reconstruction of Ukraine. This year, Spain will increase humanitarian and demining funding to €14 million and in 2025 Spanish cooperation will incorporate a specific line item on recovery and reconstruction, focused on health, energy and water in Ukraine. It is happening in Palestine, where for almost a year we have witnessed an unbearable spiral of death and devastation that, unfortunately, has already spread to Lebanon. That represents an escalation of the conflict of the utmost gravity. Spain once again strongly condemns the death of innocent civilians and I therefore make a new call for de-escalation, détente and diplomacy. International law and international humanitarian law must be respected. Only by ending the war in Gaza Everything we are seeing every day in Gaza, and now in Lebanon, makes us reflect on the validity of international humanitarian law itself, precisely as we celebrate the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Geneva Conventions. Spain will continue to devote all its efforts to humanitarian aid to the population, with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East as a key player on the ground. However, all that will be insufficient without a ceasefire. I call again for a ceasefire, for the release of all hostages and for access to humanitarian aid. In any case, the evidence is overwhelming that we cannot return to the prior situation. It is imperative and urgent to implement the two-State solution of Israel and Palestine living side-by-side in peace and security. That is the only possible solution to a conflict that has lasted for decades and claimed so many innocent lives. In addition, the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, requested by the General Assembly, has established the illegality of the occupation of the Palestinian territories, which must end immediately. It is time to work on the stabilization phase, which can be carried out only by the Government of the Palestinian Authority, which Spain is committed to and determined to support and strengthen. Spain made the decision to recognize the State of Palestine on 28 May. It is a decision endorsed by the vast majority of Spanish society and that seeks only to contribute to the search for peace in the region — an aspiration that comes from very far away. In 1949, a Spaniard, Pablo de Azcárate, served as the first representative of the United Nations mediator in Palestine. Even today it is moving to read his notes on that mission, full of bitterness in the face of the catastrophe he foresaw. Azcárate was an exile, a Spanish republican who was prevented from returning to his homeland by the dictatorship. Perhaps that is why he empathized like no one else with the suffering of that land. His figure today deserves to be vindicated in this house, 75 years after those events. Before the end of the year, Spain and Palestine will hold the first intergovernmental meeting to broaden and deepen our bilateral relationship. I would also like to highlight the importance of the recent meeting in Madrid of the Euro-Arab/Islamic Group to promote the peace process and materialize the two-State solution. There is an urgent need to hold a peace conference with the parties and the international community, supported today by more than 90 countries. That peace conference will restore the spirit of dialogue that Madrid enjoyed in the early 1990s, when Israelis and Palestinians sat at the same table to negotiate. In a context as complex as this, I would like to reaffirm Spain’s commitment and unconditional contribution, as demonstrated by the nearly 670 Spanish troops deployed in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon under the command of a Spanish general. The work of peacekeeping missions is instrumental in many other scenarios, such as that of the Western Sahara, where my country, Spain, will continue to support the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General in seeking a mutually acceptable solution within the framework of the United Nations. But it is clear that, beyond peacekeeping missions, we must address the underlying causes of conflicts, as indicated by the Secretary-General’s New Agenda for Peace, which Spain firmly supports. In that sense, the Indo-Pacific has become a centre of gravity and we must all contribute to maintaining peace in the area and demand respect for the basic principles of international law, such as freedom of navigation at sea. Spain is willing to collaborate to maintain stability and security there. Along with threats to peace, the world faces a real risk of a decline in democracy. That is the second aspiration I wish to refer to. Rights that were believed to be consolidated are today questioned or reversed. A global reactionary agenda is making headway in the heat of distrust in institutions, polarization and the vindication of an invented past, as false as its proclamations. Democracy is fighting a battle for its survival and let us be clear — it continues to give ground to its enemies. Democracy cannot aspire to win that battle with one hand tied behind its back. That is because democracies are up against unscrupulous people, activists of lies, hoaxes and hatred, willing to split societies in two to impose their regressive agenda. It is essential to raise a shield to protect democratic institutions from those who seek to deliberately undermine them. It is no longer enough to proclaim the moral superiority of democracy; it is necessary to acknowledge errors and work for its internal regeneration, for example, by strengthening transparency and accountability and making citizens feel democracy as something close, as something of their own, as something alive. Spain will promote that vision through our co-presidency of the Open Government Partnership, which will hold its ninth Global Summit in October next year in Vitoria-Gasteiz. In such a context, I believe, the relationship between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean assumes a renewed significant. They are two regions that are called to work together with a shared vision of the world. Unfortunately, the situation in Venezuela, following the elections of 28 July, is extremely worrisome. I want to reiterate once again Spain’s unwavering commitment to democracy and the defence of human rights in that country and to condemn any arrest of or threat against political leaders. It is imperative to respect the will of the Venezuelan people through a recount of the election results in conditions of total transparency and verification. I am convinced that we need more common spaces for dialogue. That is why Spain supports the holding of the next Ibero-American Summit in November in Cuenca, Ecuador, and will host the thirtieth Ibero-American Summit in 2026. Spain will also continue to practice a feminist foreign policy for the sake of consistency and because, above all, to talk about feminism is to talk about human rights. Today, I want to say loud and clear that the time has come. The post of Secretary-General and the presidency of the Assembly, in the next renewal of those positions, must finally fall to women. Spain firmly supports and will support the alternation of gender in the Organization and will work to put an end to a simply unacceptable situation. I am not going to make a fatalistic speech about the climate emergency. We all know its impact, for example, in the increase in migratory flows and the cost of doing nothing, but I refuse to fall into the state of melancholy or resignation of someone who has given up the battle as lost. I will not do so. Science is the answer. Science puts the human being at the centre of its concerns and reminds us that there is only one alternative: eliminating fossil fuels, more renewable energy and more energy efficiency. If we follow that road map, there is not only light at the end of the tunnel, but there are also great opportunities for development and substantial improvements in global competitiveness. I know that from my own experience. More than half of the electricity my country produced last year came from renewable sources. At this point in the year, that volume exceeds 60 per cent. Behind those figures there is much more than clean, cheap and accessible energy for millions of homes. There are more and better jobs in emerging sectors and more opportunity in industrial fields. That is why it is so important to strengthen international development financing and make it a real lever for prosperity for the countries that need it. Spain is a country that knows that in order for its 48 million inhabitants to be able to aspire to a better future, we have to work so that the 8 billion inhabitants of our planet have a decent life. We have spaces from which to act to achieve a profound reform and updating of the international financial institutions and multilateral development banks. But I believe that we must go further. It is imperative to move towards fairer and more inclusive mechanisms, address the debt problem, mobilize more sources of financing and, ultimately, guarantee more help to those who need it most. We must implement more effective, transparent and fair tax policies that promote the mobilization of domestic resources, including a global minimum tax on large fortunes and the full implementation of the two pillars of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and the Group of 20 on the taxation of multinationals as a basis for a future framework convention on tax cooperation. We will have the opportunity to make progress at the fourth International Conference on Financing for Development, which we will have the great honour and pride of hosting in the city of Seville in June 2025. All are invited. It will be a key event to demonstrate that we are capable of updating our multilateral system to meet the demands of today’s challenges, and a unique opportunity to accelerate the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals, to which Spain is committed, including in combating poverty, ending hunger, eradicating AIDS and ending discrimination against women and girls, among many other objectives. It is hard to believe, but even today we hear delirious speeches that criticize such noble goals and see ideological impositions where there is nothing but common sense and humanity. Such speeches label the clearly humane 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development as a construction of globalist elites. That is the madness of the times we live in. Spain will be a voice of common sense and work to ensure that the negotiation process is transparent and inclusive, promoting consensus to achieve tangible results. We will put on the table the value of our recent experience in the reform of the development cooperation system and with the objective, which I want In that vision, Africa logically occupies a preferential place for Spain. I am convinced that it should also occupy the same place for the entire international community, not only because of its status as an essential partner in facing great challenges, but also because there are no more excuses. The time has come for the African continent to occupy the place it deserves. That is the spirit that drives our new strategy for Africa. It is not only about strengthening ties with the countries of the region, but also about assuming that our prosperity, security and progress are closely linked to the prosperity, security and inclusive progress of the entire region. I shall conclude by making two observations. The first is that humankind faces old challenges such as those I have briefly mentioned. But new ones, such as the expansion of artificial intelligence are also emerging. As so often in the past, the emergence of a disruptive advance generates fear and mistrust. This is not the first time. The discovery of writing, some said, would liquidate knowledge through memory. The printing press would limit the depth of thought. Even electricity was seen as a silent killer of the peace of the home. All disruption is overwhelming. What makes the difference is our ability to harness the reins of progress and to combine progress with an ethic that is essential in that great leap that will undoubtedly change the world. A few days ago, we learned about the seven key recommendations of the Secretary-General’s High-level Advisory Body on Artificial Intelligence. We must support those recommendations and move forward with that common effort so as to ensure that decisions about artificial intelligence are not left in the hands of a few and that its development is carried out in an ethical and responsible manner for the benefit of all humankind. In the face of the apostles of disaster who are always with us, the data tell us that we know how to do it. This is my second observation. In just over half a century, global infant mortality has been reduced from 50 per cent to 4 per cent. The number of university students has doubled in just two decades. The presence of women with seats in parliament is now at 27 per cent, double that of 1990. The world has doubled the prevalence of installed solar power in four years, while the energy produced by fossil fuels has been drastically reduced year after year. Let us therefore not accept the beginning of a new era of violence and wars as inevitable. The future is a relatively recent conquest for humankind. Having the ability to look ahead, set priorities and think about the future is a privilege that modernity has given us. Let us honour that task by looking to the horizon without fear and with hope. Let us commit to a refoundation of a multilateralism that will allow us to leave a much better future than our present to our sons and daughters. Let us do so with creativity, with audacity, with enthusiasm and with the ambition that our times demand.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Government of Spain for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Republic of Chad.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Allah Maye Halina, Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Republic of Chad, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

At the outset, on behalf of the President of the Republic of Chad and my delegation and in my own name, I would like to extend my warmest congratulations to Mr. Philemon Yang on his outstanding election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. I wish him every success in his mission and assure him of the support of the Chadian delegation throughout his term. I would also like to express our sincere thanks and warm congratulations to Mr. Dennis Francis, outgoing President of the General Assembly, for the excellent work he accomplished during his term. I would further like to convey my very high appreciation and full support to Secretary-General António Guterres for his leadership and his commitment to a renewed United Nations capable of meeting the expectations of the peoples of the world. The theme of this session, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development, and human dignity for present and future generations”, resonates deeply with the aspirations and challenges we face in Chad, Africa and around the world. The promotion of peace, sustainable development and human dignity must not remain a slogan or a rhetorical exercise. This session must encourage us to act with determination and compassion to build together a just and peaceful world where every individual and community can prosper in dignity. For Chad, my country, as for many countries of the Sahel, peace remains a crucial issue. Although we face challenges, it is essential to recognize the efforts made by our States in the face of terrorist groups, whose origins and resources remain obscure and which threaten our institutions, hamper our development efforts and exacerbate the misery of our populations. The lack of real will within the international community to eradicate the terrorist disaster in the Sahel risks placing the whole of Africa under the control of terrorist groups. We are convinced that the firm commitment of the international community is necessary to face the challenge. Together, we must win the fight against terrorism by strengthening our cooperation to promote the stability of our continent and, thus, that of the common destiny of humankind. In 2030, we will jointly assess the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Chad, like many African countries, is at a crossroads where multiple challenges converge, including the climate change that is threatening our food security. Prolonged droughts, desertification and unpredictable floods are undermining our economies and vulnerable populations. We therefore call on the international community to honour its commitments in terms of financing, climate justice and the transfer of green technologies. The future we shape today will determine the world we want to leave to future generations. In Chad, our young people, representing more than 65 per cent of the population, are our greatest wealth. We invest in their education and their participation in political life to prevent their instrumentalization by radicalism and violent extremism. Furthermore, we call on the United Nations to support an open labour market and to ensure an environment conducive to the development of youth. The immigration of African young people is explained by the great divide that separates our States, whereas we have a common destiny. As part of our domestic policy, we are proud of our political transition, crowned by free, democratic and transparent elections that resulted in the election of the President of the Republic, Mr. Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno, to the supreme office of our country for a five-year term on 6 May. That turning point demonstrates our commitment to peaceful, democratic and inclusive management of the country, thus strengthening our democracy. Climate change also represents a major global challenge, with devastating consequences in vulnerable regions such as the Sahel. The recent floods in my country, affecting more than one and a half million people, illustrate that reality. Given the magnitude of the situation, we call for international solidarity to address the emergency. At the same time, our country is hosting more than 2 million refugees, equivalent to approximately 15 per cent of our population. The situation weighs heavily on our resources and exacerbates the humanitarian emergency. That high number is explained by a massive influx of Sudanese refugees as a consequence of the crisis in their country, in addition to the hundreds of thousands of refugees from other neighbouring countries. We call for increased solidarity from the international community to support the refugees and the host populations. The continuation of hostilities in the Sudan is prolonging the suffering of the Sudanese civilian population and worsening the humanitarian situation both in the combat zones and in neighbouring countries, such as Chad, which continue to see new refugees arriving every day. Chad deplores the fact that the numerous calls for a ceasefire are not being heard by the warring parties. My country is deeply concerned by the ongoing clashes in the Sudan, which are intensifying the deterioration of the humanitarian situation and its repercussions on neighbouring countries, including Chad. Chad reiterates once again its urgent appeal to the parties to the conflict to immediately cease hostilities, facilitate unhindered humanitarian access to the millions of victims of that fratricidal war and resume political dialogue. Chad remains convinced that the current crisis in the Sudan can be resolved not by arms but by peaceful means, through an inter-Sudanese dialogue with a view to lasting peace. Lastly, Chad reaffirms its support for all ongoing initiatives to restore peace and stability in the Sudan. Conflicts are not limited to Africa. The situation in Ukraine, like the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, highlights the dangers of the unjustified violence that claims so many innocent victims, against a backdrop of increasingly heightened geopolitical tensions. With regard to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, we strongly condemn the violence and abuses committed against innocent civilians and reaffirm our commitment to the two-State solution, as well as the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, while calling for a peaceful and negotiated solution to the conflict. The world cannot remain indifferent and have a clear conscience in the face of the unbearable images coming from the Gaza Strip and other Palestinian localities. The conflict is now spreading to Lebanon, exacerbating the regional situation. The escalation is seriously threatening peace and stability not only in the countries directly involved, but also for the entire region. Chad calls for the lifting of the embargo on Cuba, which harms its people and hinders its development. I reaffirm Chad’s commitment to the African Common Position on the reform of the Security Council, as expressed in the Ezulawini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, and appeal to the sense of justice and solidarity of all nations to accelerate that long-sought and long-awaited reform. Africa is asking for nothing more than the reparation of a flagrant injustice caused to an entire continent of more than a billion souls, unjustly deprived of its rightful place in global governance. The path towards a future of peace, sustainable development and human dignity is fraught with pitfalls, but it is our collective responsibility to chart it. In conclusion, Chad reiterates its commitment to the ideals and founding principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and urges the international community to strengthen multilateralism in order to build a peaceful, fairer, more equitable and more united world.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Republic of Chad for the statement he has just made.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Péter Szijjártó, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of Hungary.

Unfortunately, I have to start by saying that we are living in the age of dangers. Thirty-four years ago, when we got rid of our Communist oppressors and shifted from a one-party dictatorship to parliamentary democracy and from a planned communist economy to market economy; or 25 years ago, when we joined NATO; or 21 years ago, when we joined the European Union, we would not have thought that we would be faced once again with the phantom of Cold War. Similarly, a couple years ago, we would not have thought that war would return to Europe. Nowadays, that is the reality. We are faced with the phantom of the Cold War and war has returned to Europe. I represent Hungary, country that is a neighbour to Ukraine. That means that for the past two and a half years, we have been living in the shadow of war. For two and a half years, almost 1,000 days, we have been confronted with the consequences — 1.3 million refugees. Even now, there are several hundred schools I therefore believe that, after almost 1,000 days, the real question is not what we think about the war. The real question is how peace can be made. Even more precisely, the question is: What is the fastest way to peace? We have to pick that option, the fastest, because the later peace is reached, the more people will die, the more destruction will take place and the more families will be torn apart. Start. We Hungarians do not want more destruction. We do not want more families to be torn apart. We do not want to see more videos about violent conscription. We do not want more people to die, especially considering the 150,000 Hungarians living in Ukraine. Members of that community have been mobilized into the Ukrainian army. Many of them have been deployed to the front line and, unfortunately, many of them have died already. I think that, after almost 1,000 days, it is high time to do an honest stock-taking and to analyse what has worked out and what has not worked out in the international community’s or Europe’s reaction to the war. If we are honest with ourselves, we have to say that practically nothing has worked out in what the international community and Europe have done in reaction to the war. Nothing has worked out that was based on the assumption that there might be a solution on the battlefield. We have to raise the question honestly as to whether the delivery of weapons has made any sense, and obviously it has made no sense, because weapons deliveries have not changed the situation on the battlefield and have not brought us closer to peace either. Weapons deliveries have only increased the volume of weapons on both sides of the front line, causing more casualties and the prolongation of the war. I hope that those who are still thinking about delivering more weapons to Ukraine will consider that impact and that consequence as well. Similarly, I hope that those who are supposed to make decisions about whether the weapons delivered from the West will be allowed to be used in strategic depth in Russia will take the responsible decision, because if Western weapons are allowed to be targeted in strategic depth in Russia that would cause a serious risk of escalation for sure. I do believe that, in the case of such a crisis situation, we really have to consider the weight and significance of words, because in such a situation words have a much more serious significance than they do in peacetime. We are seriously concerned in Hungary about the open and shameless references to the possible use of nuclear weapons. Basically nothing has come of those measures that have been based on the assumption that there might be a battlefield solution. That means that a solution must be looked for somewhere else. If we raise the question of where we should look for that solution, then the answer is around the negotiating table. Therefore, Hungary argues in favour of an immediate ceasefire and the start of peace talks. That would be the fastest way to peace. With the start of peace talks, many lives will be saved. I know that this is easy to say but very complicated to implement. Why? Because the international liberal mainstream has made peace a curse word and whoever argues in favour of peace is immediately attacked and stigmatized. It is also a huge mistake that diplomacy is now being given a diverted definition. Many would like us to believe that diplomacy is only about talking to those with whom we agree 100 per cent. That is not diplomacy. It is something else. It is not an achievement. Diplomacy is the capacity to talk to those with whom we may not agree — to talk to those with whom we may disagree on everything. In that context, I believe that the United Nations should play a great role, because the United Nations was not established as a group of like-minded countries. It was established to give a platform for everyone to talk to everyone about everything. The I represent a small or mid-size  — it depends on one’s level of self- confidence  — landlocked country of central Europe, and I have to say that we consider it nonsense and unacceptable that the representatives of the big Powers are not ready to talk to each other, because the fact that they do not talk to each other poses a serious security threat to us. There is another threat in their refusal to talk to each other. If they do not talk to each other, then the world can easily be divided into blocs again, and that is a nightmare for us. Why? Because we have already experienced it once. We lost 40 years of our lives, four decades when the world was divided into blocs. Therefore we have to speak very clearly. We do not want such a period to return. We do not want the world to be divided into blocs again. I would like to disillusion everybody. It would not only be us who lose everything or almost everything if the world were divided into blocs. Everybody would lose on that. I do believe that a civilized East-West cooperation could bring a lot of profit to the whole world. Therefore, we Hungarians argue in favour of connectivity. We hope the next period, the next part of global history, will be not about a new Cold War but about connectivity, and although we are a relatively small country, we can serve as a good example of what great growth potential is represented by a civilized East-West cooperation. We have been carrying out a pragmatic, patriotic foreign policy based on common sense and aimed at meeting the national interest. As an outcome of that, Hungary has become a meeting point of East and West. The biggest corporations in the Eastern and Western economies are meeting in Hungary. In Hungary, the top German premium carmakers and the top Chinese electric battery manufacturers are not only working together in one country and in one city; they are building their factories next to each other, on neighbouring plots. Therefore, I have to underline that the strategies of those corporations that have a determining impact on continental economies cannot be successful without free global economic cooperation. It was not long ago that the former Chancellor of Germany spoke of an economic and trade cooperation zone starting in Lisbon and ending in Vladivostok, and it was not long ago that European political leaders spoke of Eurasian cooperation. Unfortunately, nowadays we are far from that. But it is not impossible to return there, on one very important precondition. Global politics must change fundamentally. What would that mean? It means, in our reading, that global politics must return to the bases of mutual respect and that dialogue and diplomacy must return as the major tools in that regard. That is absolutely not hopeless, because our experience here in the General Assembly in New York proves that the friends of peace are in the majority in the Hall. We Hungarians are proud to be part of that global majority for peace. We are ready to support all global initiatives aimed at reaching peace and to discuss all peace plans, and we consider it unacceptable that some countries would like to give exclusivity to one peace plan or another, acting as if the other one does not exist. We absolutely want all peace plans to be discussed, and here I would like to commend the People’s Republic of China and Brazil for putting together a plan and to express the hope that that plan will be on the agenda as well. If we could reach peace, it would not only save people’s lives but would give big support and help to many countries in the transatlantic community, where I come from, to get rid of the huge burden of hypocrisy. I will explain why that is so. Many Western colleagues of ours like to say that they gave up their energy sources from Russia, for example. That is one of the biggest items of fake news ever because the Western countries have continued to do business with Russia just like everyone else. All this proves that economic sanctions are totally useless in that regard. They absolutely do not work. They do much more harm to some European economies than to the Russian economy. Many Western countries and Western economies evade the sanctions, so I think it is no wonder that we cannot recall any successful sanction mechanism in history. These sanctions do not make any sense either. The war in Ukraine imposes a serious security risk on Europe, but it is not the only security risk there. We in Europe have been faced with massive waves of illegal migration. Unfortunately, Brussels made a huge mistake here. It wanted to manage migration instead of stopping it, and that approach has encouraged a massive number of people to hit the road, pay thousands of euros to smugglers and take the life-threatening journey to Europe. But we Hungarians stick to our own right to take the decision on our own about who we allow to enter the territory of our country and who we are ready to live together with. I think that the United Nations is the best place to recall international law. International law speaks very clearly. Everyone who has to escape from his or her home has the right to stay temporarily in the territory of the first safe country, but not in the second, the third or the fourth. Therefore, Hungary will continue to stop the flow of illegal migration on its border through which we are basically saving Europe from further huge security-related challenges. In the meantime, it is insane that while Hungary is protecting its border, it has to pay a fine of tens of millions of euros because it complies with international law. I would summarize the situation as follows. In the past 10 years, Hungary has carried out a pragmatic, patriotic foreign policy strategy aimed at ensuring the national interest and guaranteeing the security of our own citizens. We will continue to do so, just as we will continue to always be honest and open and to always do what we say and say what we think. That may be unusual nowadays, but it is possible because there is unusual political stability in Hungary, which is very unique in Europe. We, the one-party right-wing Government, have won every election over the past 18 years. That means that people like what we are doing, they support what we are doing and they give their approval for us to continue. And the Government will do so. We have no intention of satisfying non-governmental organizations or external actors, but we will always have the intention of satisfying our own electorate, our own citizens, because we believe that democracy is all about that — the people.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Bakhtiyor Saidov, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Uzbekistan.

First of all, allow me to convey the greetings and best wishes for peace and prosperity of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Mr. Shavkat Mirziyoyev, to the United Nations leadership, Heads of State and delegations participating in the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly. Let me also express my sincere gratitude for this opportunity to address the General Assembly. I would like to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his firm focus on Central Asia. That was once again confirmed by his recent visit to our region, which laid a solid foundation for further expanding cooperation with the United Nations. In that context, achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is very important. The consistent implementation of the SDGs has been identified by the President of our country as the cornerstone of Uzbekistan’s State policy. Our Uzbekistan 2030 development strategy is fully aligned with the SDGs. In recent years, Uzbekistan has made significant progress in poverty reduction, improving public access to education, transitioning to a green economy and promoting gender equality. Our gross domestic product has more than doubled and the poverty rate has fallen almost 4 times in less than 10 years. We are taking solid steps to create jobs and improve the quality of human capital with the aim of reducing the unemployment rate from 11 per cent to 7 per cent. The full-scale implementation of the SDGs is impossible without attracting investments and advanced technologies. Uzbekistan is actively pursuing those goals, leveraging our State resources and private sector. However, many developing countries face challenges in accessing global financial resources. We share the aim of reforming the international financial system to establish a modern financial architecture. Humankind’s future is closely linked to the development and application of modern technologies. New scientific advances should bring people and nations closer together, not separate them. We proceed from the principle that access to technology is not a privilege, but a right of every person and every nation. Digital technologies are especially crucial. We have adopted the Digital Uzbekistan 2030 Strategy. We are rapidly advancing our information technology sector. Yet there is another side of the coin. The rise of digital technologies presents new challenges, particularly concerning the uncontrolled use of artificial intelligence. Based on that idea, at the previous session Uzbekistan supported and co-sponsored General Assembly resolutions on utilizing safe artificial intelligence for sustainable development and strengthening international cooperation. We will continue to advocate for broad international collaboration to address those issues. Last year was one of the hottest in the history of meteorological observations. We witnessed record-breaking heat and extreme cold conditions worldwide. That once again proves the growing urgency of the climate change problem. Central Asia is among the most exposed and vulnerable regions of the world to climate change. The air temperature in Central Asia is rising faster than the global average. That creates a wide range of problems that pose serious risks to food and energy security. Thus, the level of water availability per capita in Central Asia has halved over the past few decades. The Aral Sea disaster continues to have an extremely negative impact on the ecosystems of all States of the region. We call on the international donor community to expand projects in the Aral Sea region aimed at mitigating the devastating consequences of the disaster. The Aral Sea became the first region in the world to be granted the status of a Zone of Environmental Innovation and Technology by the United Nations. Our best experience could benefit other countries facing similar problems. Central Asian countries are unified on climate action. Last December, at the initiative of the President of Uzbekistan, the General Assembly adopted by consensus resolution 78/147, “Central Asia facing environmental challenges: fostering regional Our updated Constitution sets ambitious goals for building a welfare State. Uzbekistan is committed to enhancing social protection, improving service quality and implementing international standards. To that end, we have established the Social Protection Agency. We plan to hold a world conference on social protection in 2025 and invite all United Nations Member States to that important event. Empowering women and girls is a key component of our State policy. Uzbekistan has made notable progress in ensuring gender equality, ranking among the top five countries in that regard. The Asian Women’s Forum, held in Samarkand in partnership with the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, has become a crucial platform for dialogue on gender policy issues. We propose expanding that forum into a global women’s forum and adopting a resolution on enhancing the social, economic and political activities of Asian women. Youth represents our common future. In Uzbekistan, where over half of the population is under 30, effective youth policy is vital to building a new Uzbekistan. We are a global leader in implementing Youth 2030: The United Nations Youth Strategy. However, the rising radicalization and increased violence involving young people are alarming. We must focus on fostering the proper spiritual and moral education of young people to prevent their involvement in radical movements. We propose enhanced cooperation in that direction, based on resolution 73/128, “Enlightenment and religious tolerance”, adopted at the initiative of our President in 2018. The global threat of terrorism requires unified international action. In the fight against that evil, there should be no place for selective approaches and double standards. The Central Asian States maintain close cooperation in ensuring regional security. Together with the United Nations Office of Counter-Terrorism, we have successfully launched the Regional Expert Council on Rehabilitation and Reintegration of Returnees from Conflict Zones. We appreciate the United Nations assistance in developing Uzbekistan’s National Strategy to Fight Drug Addiction and Drug Crimes for 2024−2028. As a State party to the United Nations Convention against Corruption, Uzbekistan welcomes anti-corruption efforts. We support enhancing the role of the United Nations in fostering international cooperation against corruption. In December last year, together with the State of Qatar and with the support of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, we hosted the high-level International Anti-Corruption Excellence Award ceremony in Tashkent. In recent years, our country has become an active participant in all United Nations processes. For the first time in our history, we have joined the United Nations Human Rights Committee, the Economic and Social Council and the Governing Body of the International Labour Organization. In 2025, we will host the forty-third session of the UNESCO General Conference in Samarkand, an event that will be held outside of Paris for the first time since 1985. We invite all UNESCO member States to actively participate in that event. We have decided to run for non-permanent membership of the Security Council for the 2035-2036 term. We count on Members’ support for our candidacy. Central Asia remains a top priority of Uzbekistan’s foreign policy. The new political atmosphere in Central Asia has allowed us to address many global issues Our region remains one of the least integrated economies in the world in terms of its transport and communication networks. Due to the geographical location of Central Asia, the cost of transporting goods to the nearest seaports can reach up to 50 per cent of their final value, which is four to five times higher than the global average. Today, our region is firmly focused on connecting to major global markets and revitalizing the Great Silk Road. Uzbekistan is taking strong steps to establish effective transport corridors leading to international markets. We are implementing an ambitious project to build the Trans-Afghan railway, which will provide access to global ports and have a positive effect on the economic development of our vast region. The key to ensuring stability and sustainable development in our region lies in addressing the Afghan problem. Afghanistan is an integral part of Central Asia. Unfortunately, the international community has been unable to implement measures capable of reversing the challenging situation in that country. Uzbekistan is pursuing a pragmatic policy towards Afghanistan. We will continue to contribute to Afghanistan’s economic reconstruction and the development of its transport and energy infrastructure. We are ready to expand the educational centre for Afghan citizens in the Uzbek city of Termez into a global training centre. Recently, we have established the Termez International Trade Centre, designed to foster a favourable business environment and enhance logistics. In order to achieve stability, it is crucial to uphold the United Nations central role in resolving the Afghan issue and developing coordinated strategies to ensure sustainable development. In conclusion, I would like to once again emphasize that the challenges and threats we face today can be addressed only through comprehensive international efforts. Uzbekistan remains committed to actively participating in shaping the agenda for multilateral cooperation, achieving common goals and supporting measures to reinforce the central role of the United Nations.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Yvan Gil Pinto, Minister of the People’s Power for Foreign Affairs of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.

(spoke in Spanish): Over the past few days, we have heard two narratives in the General Assembly. One is the discourse of the oligarchs and their satellites, who seek to rule the world, and the other is that of the dignified peoples who are fighting for their sovereignty and independence. The oligarchs, led by the Government of the United States of America, are attacking the Charter of the United Nations to destroy the Organization from both outside and within and have nearly achieved that already. To that end, they promote the involvement of private corporations, non-governmental organizations and other strategies that disregard the sovereignty of States. They have called this a rules- based order. Not satisfied with that, the oligarchies resort to political expressions that we thought we had already overcome, such as fascism and Nazism. Those political currents of imposition and domination promote white supremacism, racism, xenophobia and other manifestations, normalized with the support of large international media monopolies and social networks that are at the service of imperialism and neocolonialism, ultimately supporting their plans to create tensions, fabricate conflicts and confront peoples. A new form of terrorism has been applied to Lebanon, with the complicity of private companies that manage the supply chains of mass consumer technologies. It has set a grim precedent, putting global security at risk. They also bomb civilian infrastructure in that brotherly country, killing innocent people just as they do in Gaza. Israel has truly become a death machine that must be stopped immediately. However, instead of stopping the massacre and bringing those responsible to justice, the most powerful insist on expanding the war to Europe and other parts of the world through military blocs such as NATO. After the defeat of Ukraine in its Nazi adventure, they now intend to bring war and terrorism to great Russia, which, as history has taught us, will always be victorious. NATO’s expansion also threatens peace in South America through the installation of military bases, with the complicity of the lackey Governments of Argentina and Ecuador. Hate speech stimulates and promotes terrorism in its various manifestations. For instance, from the territory of the United States of America itself, attacks, assassination attempts, destabilization and aggression against sovereign peoples, such as Venezuela, are tirelessly planned. To that end, they have resorted to the use of information and communication technologies, especially social networks, controlled by the empire’s front men, who fabricate psychological wars aimed at exploiting feelings of hatred and destruction, without control of any sort. In addition, cyberattacks are launched against critical infrastructure, including vital utilities and banking, oil and electoral systems, as happened in my country on 28 July. How can progress be achieved on the issues of peace and security when the United States of America, whose Government insists on providing a framework of impunity for violators of international law, hijacks the body responsible for maintaining peace and security? From this rostrum, we reiterate our unwavering solidarity with the brotherly Palestinian people, whom we support with determination in their just cause and in all efforts aimed at preserving a clear political prospect that preserves the viability of the two-State solution, based on the pre-1967 borders. We welcome the fact that, for the first time in the history of the Assembly, the delegation of Palestine sits alongside us as another State. Today more than ever, it is urgent that we ensure its immediate full membership of the Organization. We also ask how the decolonization agenda can be concluded if we insist on preserving a status quo that benefits only the occupying and administering Powers. Our solidarity and strong support go out to all peoples who are fighting for their inalienable right to self-determination, to achieve full independence and to be true masters of their own destinies, their lands and their resources. It is time that the yearnings for freedom of our sisters and brothers in Western Sahara, Puerto Rico, New Caledonia, French Polynesia, Bonaire and so many other territories be finally realized. Venezuela has a profound anti-colonial vocation, inherited from our independence struggle and the legacy of our liberator, Simon Bolívar. Therefore, we resolutely embrace all those great causes, which we have historically assumed as our own. We are determined to contribute to the end of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations. Even today, the peoples of the world are still paying the price for the misfortunes left by the colonialism of empires such as the United Kingdom, which committed crimes on all continents and is now trying to erase them from our memories with total impunity. One such crime, the harmful effects of which persist to this day, is the dispossession of Venezuela’s sovereign rights over our Guayana Esequiba. That plunder originated in the expansionist and violent policy exercised by the British empire on Venezuelan territory throughout the nineteenth century, which sought to impose itself by fraudulent means in 1899 through an arbitration that was rigged by the Powers of the time. On 3 December 2023, the Venezuelan people expressed themselves clearly and decisively in a consultative referendum, granting an ineluctable mandate to the Venezuelan State to recover Guayana Esequiba, a territory that represents a sacred inheritance of the struggle of our liberators. In that referendum, the Venezuelan people ratified the historic position of our country of never recognizing the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice in this case or any decision it may adopt on the matter. The President of Guyana has lied from this rostrum on that issue. Venezuela recognizes the Geneva Agreement of 1966 as the only way to reach a settlement that restores Venezuela’s rights over the territory of Guayana Esequiba. Today, the United States of America and Guyana are in violation of the Joint Declaration of Argyle, threatening regional peace, security and stability through the military presence of extraregional actors and the illegitimate granting of oil concessions in an undemarcated maritime area. In that context, we take this opportunity to reiterate our firm commitment to the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States Proclamation of Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace. It is time for Guyana to demonstrate its commitment to the Proclamation, dialogue, mutual respect, tolerance and understanding and to return to the Geneva Agreement of 1966. The illegal imposition of unilateral coercive measures against entire peoples by the United States of America and the European Union represents a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and every norm of international law. Such measures constitute massive violations of human rights, including the right to development, as well as crimes against humanity. We reiterate our call for the complete, immediate and unconditional lifting of all regimes of so-called sanctions and blockades that today are enforced against more than a third of humankind, including 30 million Venezuelans. We offer our solidarity with our sisters and brothers in Belarus, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Cuba, Eritrea, Iran, Nicaragua, Zimbabwe and so many others that suffer the effects of those criminal policies on a daily basis. Dignified peoples fighting for their sovereignty and independence have also raised their voices in these spaces and must be heard. Venezuela today faces the onslaught of new forms of colonialism. For several years now, the Government in Washington, D.C., has been carrying out a neocolonial experiment aimed at destroying our democratic system, our institutions, our sovereignty, our independence and the inalienable right of our people to self-determination in every possible way. That large-scale recolonization plan seeks to destroy our Republic through an ongoing coup d’état. All options for carrying out that plan have been and remain on the table. Venezuela is not the only victim of such interventionism, deeply rooted in the colonialist tradition of the Monroe Doctrine, which continues to stalk any expression of political independence in our continent, as in the case of brave Cuba and blessed and ever-free Nicaragua. They also promote coups d’état, as they did in Bolivia in 2019 and 2024, and, with the support of local oligarchies, they mercilessly attack the Government of President Gustavo Petro Urrego, in Colombia, and that of President Xiomara Castro Sarmiento of Honduras. We offer them, too, our firm support and unwavering solidarity. On 28 July, as is customary in our revolutionary democracy, the Venezuelan people expressed themselves in a conscious, peaceful and massive manner to elect, with full guarantees, transparency and freedom, the Venezuelan Head of State and Government for the 2025-2031 term. President Nicolás Maduro Moros was re-elected with clear and overwhelming support. After that great popular victory, the oligarchy of my country resorted once again to flouting our laws and institutions, triggering criminal violence that left 27 dead, hundreds wounded and the destruction of public and private property. Using criminal gangs, they set up barricades, burned schools, hospitals and public institutions, and assassinated ordinary citizens for their political affiliations. The mainstream media will report none of this; worse still, neither will the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, who, despite having received all the information about those criminal acts and the responsible actions undertaken by the Venezuelan State, has preferred to turn the victims into perpetrators and the perpetrators into victims. Over the past two days, that fascist disinformation campaign against our country has been fed from this rostrum. Seeking to impose a false narrative, the Government of the United States of America and its satellite and servile Governments have dedicated themselves to lying, attacking and threatening our people from this place, which is a symbol of peace and understanding. But we have come here once again to present the truth about Venezuela and our people; today, we come to unmask all those phonies. At the forefront of that gigantic operation we find, as usual, the Government of the United States of America and its agencies in the context of their failed policy of continued coups d’état against the Bolivarian Revolution of Venezuela, which began more than 25 years ago. From their territory, specifically from the state of Florida, they plan terrorist attacks against public officials and public facilities. They also use social networks with impunity and the full support of the White House to promote mercenary incursions, as happened in May 2020. Although Washington denies involvement, this time they have been caught red-handed. Investigations into the latest aggression plots have shown that several United States and European mercenaries, including an active United States military officer specializing in terrorist and destabilization operations, were behind the post- electoral violence. Those criminals have confessed that they intended to assassinate President Nicolás Maduro Moros, the Executive Vice-President and several other senior Venezuelan State officials, and to attack critical infrastructure services, such as water and electricity. We inform members of the Assembly that all, including two people linked to Spain’s National Intelligence Centre, have been arrested. More than 400 rifles of various types, some of them produced for the exclusive use of An additional phase of that criminal plan of aggression has been launched in recent days through another group of mercenaries who opened a website in this country to raise funds to attack Venezuela and openly carry out assassinations. That initiative has the public backing of United States Government agencies, members of the United States Congress and senators. The hypocritical oligarchic narrative does not condemn such an aberration. In that context, it is worth noting the obligation of States to ensure that their territory is not used to finance, plan, facilitate or commit acts of destabilization through the use of mercenaries and terrorists. We demand that the United States Government comply with its international obligations in that regard. We must also emphasize that those terrorist plots, planned for months, took place at the very same time as the negotiation and signing of agreements between Venezuela and the United States of America in Doha, in September last year, whereby we sought to move towards a phase of normalization of relations between the two nations. That is further proof that the empire’s word and supposed good will cannot be trusted. The Venezuelan people demand the immediate fulfilment of all the commitments agreed in Doha to lift all unilateral coercive measures that illegally weigh on our country today, and we thank the Government of the State of Qatar for its good offices as facilitator of those negotiations. Furthermore, and this must be said, all of that is also taking place as the Government of the United States of America, which promotes and finances criminal actions around the world, has included Cuba, entirely without basis, on a spurious list of countries allegedly accused of sponsoring terrorism. We also demand an end to that attack against the homeland of Martí and Fidel, which further deepens the impact of the blockade. The new aggression against Venezuela, which is still in full swing, will meet exactly the same fate as all previous ones  — a resounding failure. Despite the psychological operations aimed at creating confusion, and despite Washington’s overt and covert operations within the framework of a so-called maximum pressure policy, social peace reigns in Venezuela today. The plans to generate violence have been defeated thanks to the determination of our people to defend their right to live in peace. Moreover, Venezuela is today enjoying growth that has allowed it to insert itself strongly into the world economic dynamic, contributing its strengths to the production of energy, food and basic goods and services. That epic has been possible thanks to the resolve of the Venezuelan people and firm leadership that has managed to stand up to the blockade. At this juncture, we call on the free and peace-loving peoples of the world to strengthen unity in the face of those who want to divide us in order to achieve their plans of neocolonial domination. The hour belongs to the global South. It is time for the longed-for new world order. It is time to consolidate the new multipolar and multicentric world of peace and economic prosperity, free of hegemonies. It is time to rescue the founding principles contained in the United Nations Charter and to honour the promise that the Organization is at the service of “We the peoples”, as stated in its Preamble. Venezuela puts its Bolivarian diplomacy of peace at the service of humankind to advance in that direction, as demonstrated by its leadership at the head of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations. Those are the principles that constitute the narrative of free peoples, which are expressed in new forms of Let me conclude by emphasizing that we in Venezuela are still on our feet, battling hand-in-hand with our people, in permanent popular organization and mobilization, in the struggle to continue consolidating our independence. No matter who is at the head of the United States imperialism to speak from this rostrum in a year’s time, Members may rest assured that the clear and rebellious voice of the people of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela will continue to be raised in this forum under the firm leadership of President Nicolás Maduro Moros, as we stand determined to resist United States imperialism. With Bolívar we say, “God grants victory to constancy”.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Frederick Makamure Shava, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Trade of the Republic of Zimbabwe.

Allow me to extend my heartfelt congratulations to Mr. Philemon Yang on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. We are confident that, under his astute leadership, significant progress will be made on the critical global agenda that is before us. He can rest assured of Zimbabwe’s unwavering support throughout his tenure. I would also like to pay tribute to his predecessor, Ambassador Dennis Francis, for his exemplary stewardship of the seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly. As the General Assembly had to contend with a number of delicate issues, Ambassador Francis worked hard to promote compromise and the collective resolution of issues, anchored on the principle of multilateralism, understanding and mutual respect. In an increasingly polarized and insecure world, dialogue and diplomacy are indispensable. Our world is besieged by numerous global challenges, both natural and human-made. The interconnectedness of our world means that events in one region inevitably affect others. In that regard, the theme of this session — “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations” — is relevant and timely. The theme is a reminder of our shared responsibility to build a world that is inclusive, just and sustainable. It is through collective action, grounded in solidarity and mutual respect, that we can advance peace, foster sustainable development, strengthen multilateralism and uphold human dignity. In that spirit of unity, we must prioritize the most vulnerable and marginalized populations, ensuring that no one and no place is left behind in our pursuit of progress. Sustainable development cannot be achieved without peace and peace cannot be sustained without addressing the root causes of conflict, chief among them poverty, inequality, intolerance, resource scarcity exacerbated by climate change, and unwarranted external interference in the internal affairs of some States. By investing in education, health care and sustainable economic opportunities, we can create resilient societies that empower individuals and communities to thrive. To attain that, we should commit to a renewed sense of global partnership in which every nation, large and small, contributes to and benefits from our collective efforts. As the 2030 deadline for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) approaches, the global community is at a crossroads and needs to make a critical choice on how to advance those ambitious targets. Climate change, geopolitical conflicts and economic disparities continue to pose substantial barriers to the achievement of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. It is therefore essential to accelerate action, enhance funding and foster innovative solutions. The devastating impact of climate change is our common challenge and requires collective action to enable vulnerable communities to adapt while at the same time mitigating the impact. Our Southern African Development Community (SADC) region has been affected by an El Niño-induced drought that has created serious food and nutrition insecurity. In that context, the SADC Heads of State and Government launched an international humanitarian appeal amounting to $5.8 billion at the end of May. That figure will go up as more countries of the region complete their national assessments. The overarching objective is to meet the immediate needs occasioned by the El Niño-induced drought, while at the same time building resilience for future shocks, including through the establishment of early warning systems. I wish to reiterate our steadfast commitment to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, spearheaded by our transformative Vision 2030. That national blueprint sets forth our aspirations to propel Zimbabwe to upper middle income-status by 2030, focusing on robust economic growth, sustainable development and holistic societal transformation. Our strategic thrust encompasses substantial investments in critical sectors that include infrastructure development, a modern, heritage-based education 5.0 model, health care and modernized agriculture, all of which are pivotal for ensuring inclusive prosperity across all strata of society. In earnest pursuit of the SDGs, Zimbabwe has recorded commendable strides across various domains. We have implemented rigorous policies, such as our agriculture 6.0 model, aimed at bolstering food security, enhancing access to potable water and sanitation facilities and investment in renewable energy. Our comprehensive social protection frameworks and health-care systems have yielded tangible reductions in poverty levels and disease burdens. Further, we remain unwavering in our commitment to empowering women and youths, recognizing their pivotal role as architects of sustainable transformation and development. The Government of Zimbabwe is advancing a devolution policy driven by our mantra, “Leaving no one and no place behind”. The focus is on promoting grass- roots development by empowering provincial and district authorities to lead the way in fulfilling their development aspirations. Our goal is to ensure that no community, village, town centre or province is left behind in our development efforts. As a result of that policy thrust, we have witnessed a life-changing and transformative impact driven by that bottom-up approach. Our valiant development efforts notwithstanding, Zimbabwe is confronted by formidable challenges in its quest to attain the SDGs. The adverse impact of punitive, illegal unilateral sanctions, compounded by the exigencies of climate change, present real threats and barriers to our development trajectory. In that regard, we call upon those that have maintained illegal and unjustified sanctions on Zimbabwe to remove those unwarranted measures immediately and unconditionally so as to allow us to continue with our noble efforts to uplift the lives and livelihoods of our citizens. My country remains committed to supporting the self-determination of the peoples of Palestine and Western Sahara. The time for mere rhetoric has long passed. The international community cannot continue to turn a blind eye or be numb to the systematic injustices and suffering of the Palestinian people. We call upon the Security Council to fulfil its mandate by implementing robust measures that ensure the protection of civilians, the upholding of international law and the facilitation of a just and lasting peace. Most importantly, we need to continue supporting efforts towards a two-State solution, which will help resolve the question of Palestine and the resultant peace and security challenges in the Middle East. In the SADC region, we are working tirelessly towards the achievement of peace and security in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo and in the Cabo Delgado province of Mozambique. The international financial architecture as it stands today is an anachronistic construct that no longer meets the needs of the global community, particularly those of developing nations. Our economies, which are the lifeblood of the global market, are disproportionately affected by the rigid and often inequitable policies imposed by dominant financial institutions. The current system, steeped in historical power imbalances, has failed to provide the necessary flexibility and support required for sustainable development. It is imperative that we reform those structures to ensure that they are more inclusive, equitable and reflective of the diverse realities that are faced by all Member States, particularly those of the global South. In a world facing all manner of insecurities, the current paralysis of the Security Council on crucial topics is unconscionable, as it negates its very reason for the Council’s existence. Reform of the Security Council is not just an aspiration, but a present-day necessity. Such reform is not just a matter of fairness; it is essential for ensuring that the Council’s decisions are inclusive, credible and truly reflective of the global community’s diversity. In that regard, Zimbabwe stands by the African Union’s Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, which advocate for at least two permanent seats, with the veto power, for African countries on the Security Council. Information and communication technologies have transformed our lives for the better and can be harnessed for fast-paced development. Yet the same technology has also been employed to commit crimes and destabilize societies. It would therefore be prudent for us to come up with a global digital governance framework to guard against the harmful consequences of that otherwise transformative technology. Zimbabwe is fully committed and will contribute positively in all negotiations aimed at global cooperation in both harnessing the good from the digital world and combating its negative aspects and abuse. In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm Zimbabwe’s commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The challenges we face are immense but not insurmountable. By acting together, we can advance peace, promote sustainable development and uphold human dignity for present and future generations. Zimbabwe stands ready to collaborate with all Member States to ensure that our shared aspirations for a better world are realized. Let us work in unison, guided by the spirit of multilateralism, solidarity and mutual respect, in order to address the pressing issues of our time and to build a more inclusive, just and sustainable future.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Ramadhan Abdalla Mohammed Goc, Minister for Foreign Affairs and

At the onset, allow me to extend warm greetings and congratulations on behalf of Mr. Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Republic of South Sudan, to Mr. Philemon Yang on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. President Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Republic of South Sudan, would have loved to be here but could not, due to competing demands back home. The Republic of South Sudan stands ready to support Mr. Yang during his tenure at the helm of the General Assembly. Allow me to also warmly bid farewell to Ambassador Dennis Francis, President of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session, for his stellar work in service of the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations. We are especially grateful for his proactive leadership, as illustrated by the goodwill visit to South Sudan in June that he undertook in support of the ongoing efforts to consolidate peace, security and development in our country. The theme of the seventy-ninth session, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”, speaks directly to the present state of global affairs. The ideals and values envisioned in the United Nations Charter are as important, relevant and crucial now as they were at the founding of the Organization on 24 October 1945. They remain essential to addressing serious global challenges, including conflict, unrestrained nationalism, geopolitical competition, food insecurity, climatic shocks, natural disasters, pandemics and threats to international peace and security. The revitalized Government of National Unity, as repeatedly stated by the President of the Republic of South Sudan, President Salva Kiir Mayardit, is fully committed to consolidating peace in our country. The implementation of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan is the primary vehicle for ensuring peace and stability in our country. Thus far, we have made tangible progress in our quest for durable peace and political stability in the country, but we have been constrained by resource challenges in fully meeting key benchmarks of the Agreement. Nonetheless, all the signatories to the peace accord remain steadfast in consolidating the gains made so far in the form of relative stability and joining hands to complete the rest of the outstanding elements. That unity of purpose was illustrated in the recent endorsement by the Cabinet of the Reconstituted Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission and the revitalized National Legislature of a 24-month extension of the transitional period, paving the way for the organization of free and fair general elections to be conducted in the Republic of South Sudan by the end of December 2026. The decision to postpone the previously scheduled elections was justified by the fact that essential security sector mechanisms and elections-related institutions require more time to fulfil their mandates. The mobilization of funds to complete those important tasks, which are critical to the conduct of free, fair and credible elections in the Republic of South Sudan, also demands more time. Most importantly, the process of constitution-making covers a series of activities and requires an adequate time frame for effective consultations with all stakeholders in order to ensure that a broadly accepted constitution is adopted in South Sudan. We therefore call on the United Nations and the broader international community to join us in ensuring that this new road map for a peaceful transition in South Sudan is met by providing the required financial and technical support for the process. Furthermore, I am pleased to report that the revitalized Government is currently engaged in robust and promising negotiations with hold-out groups through the Tumaini Initiative, under the auspices of the Government of the Republic of Kenya, Over the past year, the conflict in the Sudan, a neighbour of South Sudan, has created one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world, as confirmed by the United Nations and other agencies. As an immediate neighbour, we have been impacted by the conflict, with over 800,000 refugees and returnees fleeing the war, crossing our borders and settling in South Sudan. While we profoundly appreciate the efforts of the United Nations and humanitarian agencies working to alleviate the suffering of the victims of the conflict, we strongly encourage support for the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) peace initiative to bring peace to the Sudan. Furthermore, we also believe that the international community’s support for the victims of the war remains inadequate and unresponsive to the impact on the host communities that are also grappling with serious humanitarian challenges. Therefore, we are calling on the international community to expand its support and closely engage with the Government of the Republic of South Sudan to mitigate the negative impacts of war on all victims. It is worth mentioning that the conflict in the Republic of the Sudan has also directly impacted the economic situation in the Republic of South Sudan, with oil production significantly reduced since April. Given the fact that our economy is entirely reliant on the revenues we collect from the sale of oil that passes through Port Sudan, we urge the international community to redouble its efforts towards resolving the conflict in the Sudan. We further call for more solidarity with South Sudan as it struggles to overcome and withstand the dire economic impacts created by the conflict in the Sudan. Over the past 70 years, half a billion people in Africa have been affected by the impacts of climate change. As a result, South Sudan battles and suffers from the devastating impacts of flood and drought. Millions of people have been displaced and many lives have been lost due to floods and drought. Therefore, there is a need to scale up adaptation action and support to ensure an adequate response in the context of the climate crisis. Moreover, we strongly urge developed countries to exercise greater leadership by expanding their financial contribution to the required global mitigation and adaptation interventions, as trillions of dollars are needed annually to tackle the crisis and restore trust in the multilateral system. South Sudan recently conducted its first Voluntary National Review on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and the recommendations emerging from the findings are informing our immediate interventions. Moreover, our revised National Development Strategy and annual budgets are crafted around a commitment to the SDGs. Furthermore, the Ministry of Finance and Planning and the National Bureau of Statistics, with the support of United Nations agencies and development partners, are working to strengthen the capacity of the national statistical system to collect quality and analyse timely and reliable data. The Government is actively mobilizing resources to conduct the national population and housing census, thereby ensuring evidence-based planning and the delivery of essential services to the people. As South Sudan capacitates its statistical system and bolsters its analytical capabilities, the Government is using multidimensional poverty index measures to guide related policies, designing multifaceted interventions to improve the lives of disadvantaged groups and track progress. In recognition of the role of women in public life in South Sudan, I am delighted to report to the Assembly that South Sudan is making great strides and improvements in gender equality. The Government of South Sudan believes that the active engagement of women in governance and decision-making is critical to ensuring As a reflection of our commitment to gender equity, South Sudan’s Transitional Constitution enshrines a 35 per cent affirmative action provision for women in all structures of our Government. The peace agreement also mandates the establishment of the Women Enterprise Fund, which shall serve as a vehicle for assigning resources that can leverage the entrepreneurial and innovative energies of our dynamic female population. We strongly believe that all those initiatives align with the theme of leaving no one behind. South Sudan is a young country in terms of its population, with young people constituting over 70 per cent of the population. That demographic reality can be harnessed for a brighter future through proactive and progressive investment in young people. The Republic of South Sudan aims to develop a robust education policy that is focused on unlocking that potential through job creation and innovation and benchmarked under the provisions enshrined in the African Youth Charter and United Nations resolutions on youth-related empowerment. The Ministry of Youth and Sports and our National Assembly are jointly working on legislation for a national youth service and a youth enterprise development fund to enhance the capacities of our young people. Once adopted, those two laws shall create the necessary conditions for the empowerment of our youth. Therefore, we call on the United Nations and the international community to augment our efforts to enhance the level of technical and financial support to the Government in the spirit of Our Common Agenda and the better future envisioned by the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), adopted at the recently concluded Summit of the Future. South Sudan’s universal health coverage service index is among the lowest in the region and globally. That is attributed to the conflict, economic crises in the country and the consequences of climate change, resulting in a fragile health system. Maternal and infant mortality rates remain the worst in the world. As such, the Government of the Republic of South Sudan commits to investing in affordable, accessible and standards-strengthened health-care systems. We are committed to the optimal health and well-being of our citizens via a primary health-care approach as the most inclusive, equitable and cost-effective path to universal health coverage. The provision of preventive health services through national programmes addressing malaria, HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, routine immunization and maternal and child health, including nutritional health services, is crucial to the reduction of the economic burden of health-care expenditures for households and the health-care system in South Sudan. Pandemic preparedness and response through a multisector approach have put us on a path to tackle public health emergencies, such as responding to the current mpox pandemic and other disease epidemics in the country. Most importantly, our commitment to addressing the burden of both infectious disease and the rising burden of non-communicable diseases, as we aim at reducing mortality rates, remains our top priority. Success in achieving all those objectives will promote the Sustainable Development Goal health targets for 2030, which will enhance the strategies for the Africa We Want agenda by 2063. As part of our commitment as a country to transforming education, the Government of South Sudan recognizes every child’s right to quality education and is addressing the issues of access, equity and inclusion. Based on that premise, the Government’s commitment has been translated into several actions or interventions. As Members are aware, President Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Republic of South Sudan, as the incumbent Chairperson of the East African Community, has consistently emphasized the need for the maintenance of peace and security in the East African region, the Great Lakes and the Horn of Africa. The President’s efforts align with the theme of the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly and the Secretary-General’s call in the Summit of the Future. One of the main impediments to South Sudan’s full realization of sustainable peace and security is the fact that the Security Council continues to maintain sanctions, individually targeted sanctions and the arms embargo despite our calls and those of the African Union and IGAD for them to be lifted. Those punitive measures have had a negative impact, restraining South Sudan’s full potential by preventing the Government from maintaining effective deterrence against negative non-State actors that foment violence and insecurity in our country. Moreover, potential investors in various sectors believe that South Sudan is under broad sanctions and, as a result, refrain from investing in our country. As a country, we have experienced relative peace and stability for the past six years and the continued imposition of those punitive measures is not reflective of the progress we have made so far. For any meaningful peace and security to prevail in the world, we urgently call for the reform of the Security Council to be fit for purpose in today’s global dynamics and realities. The United Nations has been an integral element in that effort, but it has to evolve in its processes and structures to more optimally address contemporary problems. It is in that context that we join the call for the expansion of the Security Council to incorporate the voice of Africans in an equitable way that reflects the continent’s weight and relevance in the maintenance of global peace, order and security. Therefore, I want to hereby state that South Sudan unequivocally supports the African Common Position as the most optimal way to restructure the Security Council. The reform proposal announced recently, which grants Africa two permanent seats on the Security Council without veto powers, is counterproductive and falls short of the spirit of inclusive and equitable global governance that we have been calling for. It only exacerbates the current inequities and fails to achieve the elusive consensus and cooperation required in the Security Council. South Sudan therefore calls for a text-based negotiation that is more viable and will lead to a Security Council with enhanced credibility and acceptance. In conclusion, I wish to restate our appreciation for President Yang’s leadership of the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly and to express our commitment to the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations.

I now give the floor to Her Excellency Ms. Celinda Sosa Lunda, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Plurinational State of Bolivia.

It is a great pleasure for me to participate in the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly. I greet the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Philemon Yang, our brother Secretary-General António Guterres and all delegations present. Today’s global economy is exacerbating inequalities and the model of capital accumulation, based on the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few, has increased poverty, marginalization and social instability in many parts of the world, while financial markets continue to generate huge profits for the 1 per cent of the global elite and millions of people struggle to access the most basic resources. The crisis is not only economic; it is also an ethical and social crisis that reveals the deep structural flaws of the capitalist system that prioritizes profit over life, well-being and Mother Earth. Wars, arms production, immense military spending and the proliferation of weapons not only divert enormous resources that could be allocated to sustainable development, but also fuel conflicts that aggravate human suffering. Billions of dollars are spent on arms production while millions of people lack access to basic services such as education, health care, food and water. Instead of providing solutions to common problems, global instability increases and hinders the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. The environmental crisis is one of the greatest threats and our actions to address it remain insufficient. Global warming, deforestation, pollution and biodiversity loss are devastating our ecosystems, but they also have a direct impact on the lives of millions of people through such extreme phenomena as increasingly intense droughts, floods and hurricanes, which affect local communities and indigenous peoples. Unprecedented technological transformations, through the development of new technologies and artificial intelligence, are advances that are redefining the way we interact, work and face our daily lives. However, that technological revolution also raises profound questions about the role of global governance in a world where technological power is concentrated in the hands of a few corporations and nations. Global governance must adapt to ensure that those technologies are used equitably, ethically and in the service of the well-being of humankind, rather than deepening inequalities or generating new forms of exclusion and control. In the face of those crises, we must act decisively to collectively confront global challenges. It is time to rethink our development models and strengthen multilateral institutions, to protect the planet for future generations and to ensure that justice, equity and solidarity are the principles that guide our actions, with respect for international law and the Charter of the United Nations. The system that has governed the world order since the end of the Second World War has proven insufficient to address contemporary crises, such as climate change, inequalities, regional conflicts, pandemics and new forms of economic interdependence. Therefore, a new world order based on effective multilateral cooperation, respect for the sovereignty of all countries and equity in global decision-making is imperative. To that end, a profound restructuring of international institutions, such as the Security Council, is necessary to make it more democratic and representative. We must move towards a system in which global decisions are made in an inclusive manner, respecting the diversity of visions and the needs of developing countries. In that regard, a profound restructuring of the international financial architecture is also necessary, focusing on economic justice, sustainability and inclusion, creating fairer mechanisms for the restructuring of sovereign debt, increasing the participation of developing countries in financial institutions and promoting financing flows that support sustainable development and climate action. It is also essential to redesign The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals remain in force and represent a fundamental road map for tackling the most urgent global challenges. They provide us with a clear framework for action and international cooperation, despite the delay in their implementation. We must redouble our efforts and strengthen the collective commitment to ensuring that this ambitious plan becomes a tangible reality and changes the lives of our people. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) must constitute a historic opportunity to rethink our course as the human species, committing us to an agenda that not only addresses immediate problems but also promotes sustainable, inclusive and equitable solutions for future generations. The Pact for the Future must not end in a diplomatic meeting. It is now our turn to take the decisions and agreements to give impetus to the Sustainable Development Goals and change life in every community and city. Sustainable development and climate change represent two sides of the same challenge that will determine the future of our planet and the generations to come. Acting means not only reducing emissions; it also means transforming our production and consumption models, protecting biodiversity and ensuring economic progress without leaving anyone behind. Bolivia recognizes the international community as a space for solidarity and cooperation, under the principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. In that context, we reject unilateral coercive measures that violate the most basic human rights and delay the development of many peoples. We express our solidarity with Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and all countries throughout the world that suffer unjustly from such unilateral sanctions. We also express our emphatic rejection of the economic, financial and commercial blockade by the United States against the brotherly people of Cuba. Sixty years of injustice have not been enough to punish a people that has bravely faced the attempts of submission and domination of the imperial Power. We are sure that, sooner rather than later, justice and truth will triumph. That injustice was compounded by the United States unilateral inclusion of Cuba on the list of countries sponsoring terrorism. Cuba should lead the list of the most supportive countries in the world, since its helping hand has reached every corner of the planet with the best of what humanity has to offer. For decades, Palestine has suffered a prolonged conflict that has undermined regional stability and prevented the dream of a just and lasting peace. Occupation, forced displacement and genocide have brought the Palestinian people devastation and destruction, creating an open-air prison for thousands and thousands of people, most of them children and women. Peace and security in Palestine will not be achieved without a true commitment to respecting human rights and ending the genocide. Bolivia reiterates its full support for the exercise of self-determination and independence of Palestine, within the 1967 borders and with East Jerusalem as its capital, and hopes that it will soon become a full Member of the United Nations. Before the Assembly, I wish to reaffirm Bolivia’s commitment to the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter and international law. We recognize the United Nations as the principal multilateral body created by humankind to promote development, peace and security not only within our borders, but also in the international arena. Bolivia calls on the international community to protect and support indigenous peoples, who have been the guardians of biodiversity and ancestral knowledge. We are currently facing vulnerabilities aggravated by various crises. It is important to recognize their contribution to climate action. Their knowledge and practices are fundamental and offer us a new development model for living well in harmony with Mother Earth. In that regard, I would also like to share our concern about the negative classification of the coca leaf, which for indigenous and peasant peoples represents part of our identity and culture. Furthermore, we propose that we continue to advance and deepen gender policies and social relations, incorporating the approach of decolonization and depatriarchalization, which will allow us to transform the power structures and social relations that have perpetuated gender inequality and the oppression of women. Today, on behalf of the Bolivian people and Constitutional President Luis Arce Catacora, we reaffirm our democratic conviction and the well-being of the Bolivian people in order to quickly achieve the 2030 Agenda and to live well in harmony with Mother Earth. We regret that internal and external interests are currently creating conflict in our country and trying to destabilize a democratic Government, but we are sure that with the support and accompaniment of all countries represented here we will maintain and strengthen the democracy and institutions of our country. Bolivia is a nation that has demonstrated throughout its history that its democratic spirit is unbreakable. Strengthening our institutions and guaranteeing a future of peace, stability and progress for all is the only objective of our Government. Long live the peoples of the world!