A/79/PV.17 General Assembly

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Bassam Sabbagh, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Expatriates of the Syrian Arab Republic.

I congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its current session, and I thank your predecessor, Mr. Dennis Francis, for presiding over the previous session. I also thank the Secretary-General for his efforts to fulfil his mandate under the provisions of Charter of the United Nations. As this session of the General Assembly begins, international tensions have reached a boiling point and efforts to maintain international peace and security are confronted by real challenges and threats. Clashes are growing fierce, crises are multiplying, conflicts are escalating, chaos is spreading, terrorism is gaining ground, the global economy is faltering, poverty rates are rising, climate change is accelerating, and development indicators are lagging. Those are the unfortunate results of the eight decades of multilateral action that have followed the establishment of the United Nations. While we previously sought to promote preventive diplomacy and the peaceful settlement of disputes, today we are witnessing more direct wars and proxy wars waged through investment in terrorist tools. Instead of reaping the fruits of scientific progress to serve human civilization and the well-being of all people, we are witnessing the disgraceful use of modern technologies as deadly tools to sow death and destruction. Instead of investing efforts and resources in achieving sustainable development for all, we see some persisting in policies that plunder nations of their resources, rob peoples of their wealth and impose unilateral coercive measures that impoverish populations and devastate their lives. For more than a decade now, Syria has experienced unparalleled suffering. It fell victim to a fierce terrorist war, direct aggression on its territories that continue to this day, a suffocating multidimensional economic blockade in various forms and unprecedented political and media incitement. Billions of dollars have been spent to demolish development achievements, spread chaos and undermine security and stability and to force millions of Syrians to leave their homes, only to become internally displaced or refugees in other countries. Nevertheless, Members may rest assured that all of this has failed to make Syria abandon our strong beliefs, our firm positions and the resolute national choices we have made. Syria has never hesitated to protect and defend its people and never faltered in its decision to defeat terrorism. Economic hardships have not prevented us from meeting the needs of our people. All that has happened has unequivocally exposed the true intentions of the collective West’s policies against Syria, which completely contradict the principles and purposes that formed the founding pillars and functions of the international Organization. Israel’s ongoing occupation of Arab territories since 1967, including the Syrian Arab Golan, and the genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity it commits are a glaring example of the failure of the Organization, and the Security Council in particular, to end that expansionist and racist occupation and ongoing aggression. It is damning proof that the United States has prevented the Council from fulfilling its responsibility to confront threats to international peace and security. Since 7 October 2023, the Israeli occupation has continued to commit bloody and terrorist crimes, adding another chapter to its seven-decades criminal record. In recent months, the occupying forces and settler gangs have been carrying out a savage aggression against the Palestinian people and, before the eyes of the entire world, committing genocide that has claimed the lives of more than 42,000 Palestinians, most of them children and women. The Syrian Arab Republic strongly condemns the Israeli aggression against the Palestinian people and reiterates its solidarity with their legitimate struggle to liberate their occupied land and establish their independent State on their entire national territory, with Jerusalem as its capital, while ensuring the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland, in line with international law and relevant United Nations resolutions. Syria also condemns all attempts to liquidate the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) and suspend the services it provides to Palestinians in their land and in neighbouring countries. We stress the need to hold Israel accountable for the war crimes it is committing, including its deliberate targeting of more than 200 personnel working for UNRWA and other United Nations and humanitarian agencies. In an attempt to conceal the failure of their war against the Palestinians and to fend off their own internal crisis, the Israeli occupying forces have chosen to drag the region into a serious escalation, while benefiting from the immunity, impunity and unlimited support provided by certain Western countries, in particular the United States, in a clear case of hypocrisy and double standards. Israeli forces have scaled up their attacks on countries of the region, including my country, Syria, targeting vital civilian facilities, residential buildings and even diplomatic premises, resulting in the death of dozens of civilians and significant material damage and hindering the delivery humanitarian aid to Syrians. On 27 July, Israeli occupying forces committed another heinous crime against our people in the occupied Syrian Golan when they targeted the Syrian town of Majdal Shams, claiming the lives of 12 Syrian children. The criminal Israeli forces went even further, blaming others for that tragedy and exploiting the death of innocent Syrians for propaganda purposes. The open Israeli aggression has also been extended to our brotherly Lebanon. Two weeks ago, the Israeli occupation authorities committed an unprecedented crime against the Lebanese by using communications technology as a tool to collectively kill unarmed civilians. A few days ago, the Israeli occupation authorities targeted the southern suburb of Beirut with a treacherous and cowardly aggression, destroying an entire residential block and using tons of explosive bombs to assassinate Hizbullah Secretary-General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, who for more than three decades led the honourable Lebanese national resistance against the Israeli occupation. That large-scale Israeli aggression, which is unfettered by any restriction or limitation, is pushing the region to the brink of a dangerous escalation and confrontation whose consequences cannot be predicted, with disastrous effect on peace and security not only in our region, but also beyond. The Syrian Arab Republic calls on all States Members of the United Nations to work to end the Israeli aggression against Palestine, Syria and Lebanon, hold the occupation authorities accountable for their crimes and prevent impunity. The Syrian Arab Republic unequivocally reiterates that the Golan is occupied Syrian territory and that its inhabitants are Syrian Arab citizens who are and will always be an integral part of the people of Syria. They have struggled for decades against the occupation. Syria reaffirms that recovering the occupied Syrian Golan, in line with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 497 (1981), is an inalienable right that shall never be subject to compromise, affected by the passage of time or be subject to the statute of limitations. The crimes and continued attacks of the Israeli occupying forces against Syria cannot be uncoupled from the subversive role played by certain Western countries, especially the United States, in my country, Syria. Those countries have continued to violate Syria’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity by illegally deploying their military forces inside Syria’s territory, allowing their officials to infiltrate Syria and supporting separatist militias and terrorist groups. Those countries have also worked to exacerbate the humanitarian situation of the Syrian people by depriving them of the benefit of their resources as a result of their systematic looting of Syria’s national riches and by imposing unilateral coercive measures whose disastrous effects have touched all aspects of the daily lives of Syrians. Those measures have targeted various vital sectors, most notably public health, energy, banking and financial transfers. They have also targeted the transportation and agricultural sectors, leading to a decline in food security rates. All the unfounded allegations made by Western countries to justify such illegal measures and to deny or downplay their catastrophic impacts have been laid bare in multiple recent United Nations reports. In that context, Syria demands once again the immediate, full and unconditional lifting of unilateral coercive measures, which amount to the collective punishment of people, a form of economic terrorism and a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and international law. Since the beginning of the terrorist war on Syria, the Syrian Government has responsibly and constructively engaged with all initiatives aimed at supporting efforts to preserve Syria’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity, protect its people from terrorists and improve the living conditions of Syrians. Many measures have been taken to that end, which can be summed up as follows. First, we have mobilized all efforts to eradicate terrorist groups designated by the Security Council and to put a halt to their dark philosophy, extremist ideology and practices based on killing, torture, enforced disappearance, restriction of freedoms, the recruitment of children, discrimination and violence against women and girls. The Syrian Government continues to confront the remaining organizations with a view to ending the suffering of Syrians and calls on all countries to repatriate those of their citizens who are currently detained in illegal centres in north-eastern Syria and to close those facilities in the light of the potential danger they pose. Second, we are pursuing national reconciliation and local settlement agreements. Twenty-three amnesty decrees have been issued, facilitating the proper social reintegration of those who had lost their way. The most recent of these was legislative decree No. 27 of 22 September. Third, we are supporting and facilitating humanitarian access, inter alia, by granting the United Nations multiple authorizations to use three border crossings to deliver humanitarian assistance to eligible Syrian civilians in north-western Syria and by granting the necessary approvals for humanitarian deliveries from inside Syria, despite all attempts by terrorist groups to obstruct humanitarian access and steal or divert the aid. Four, Syrian State institutions continue to work to enhance their role and increase their efficiency by delivering all constitutionally mandated entitlements in a timely manner, following up on the process of economic and administrative development and reform, and moving forward with efforts to modernize legislative structures, including those related to strengthening the rule of law, developing media work and social protection programmes, empowering women, protecting the rights of children and persons with disabilities, implementing the strategic plan for gender equality and developing legislation regulating conscription. Fifth, we are sparing no effort to support the dignified return of refugees and displaced persons to their homes. An agreement has been reached with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees on several measures that are currently being implemented diligently. Discussions are also ongoing with certain neighbouring countries to launch innovative projects, which could be a model to facilitate and accelerate return. Sixth, we are openly engaging with all efforts and initiatives made at the political level, including by taking part in the Astana meetings, which have achieved concrete results. The Syrian Government is also in constant contact with the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Syria and is cooperating with him, in line with his mandated role as a facilitator of a Syrian-led and Syrian-owned political process. Seventh, we are committed to dialogue and diplomacy as a basis for correcting relations with other countries. The Syrian Government has engaged positively with the various initiatives put forward in that regard out of its firm belief that building sound relations based on specific principles and clear grounds ensures the achievement of the desired results, in particular mutual respect for States’ sovereignty and territorial unity, joint action to address all threats to security and stability, and the pursuit of common interests without interfering in internal affairs. As Syria heals the wounds of what it has been exposed to, it looks to the future with a sense of hope and optimism. However, the success of its efforts necessarily requires the collective West to stop politicizing humanitarian work and linking it to political conditionality. Donors need to fulfil their pledges of humanitarian funding and provide sustainable solutions for livelihoods and support for resilience, including by working to strengthen and increase early recovery projects in quantity and quality, and for the immediate, complete and unconditional lifting of unilateral coercive measures. Syria reiterates its demand for a Middle East zone free of all weapons of mass destruction, in particular nuclear weapons, and for Israel to be compelled to join relevant international treaties and conventions and place its installations under international monitoring. Syria expresses its support for and solidarity with Arab countries, especially those facing challenging circumstances resulting from foreign interference in their affairs, natural events or climate change. Syria reiterates its support for the right of the Russian Federation to defend itself and to preserve its national security in response to the West’s hostile policies and in rejection of the logic of hegemony and unipolarity. Syria also condemns attempts to confiscate Russian financial assets. Syria expresses once again its full support for the Islamic Republic of Iran’s legitimate right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy. We commend Iran’s constructive and responsible approach in that regard. Syria renews its support for the one China principle and the stances of the People’s Republic of China as it faces external attempts to interfere in its internal affairs. We stress China’s inalienable right to take the measures and steps it deems necessary to defend its sovereignty. Syria condemns the United States’ decades-long economic embargo on Cuba and rejects the issuance of the infamous list of so-called State sponsors of terrorism. Syria calls for an end to the United States military drills and exercises on the Korean peninsula, as they contribute to raising tensions in that region. My country reiterates its solidarity with Venezuela in the face of the flagrant interference in its internal affairs and the hostile policies against it. Syria calls for the immediate lifting of all unilateral coercive measures imposed by Western countries on Russia, Iran, Venezuela, Belarus, Cuba, Nicaragua, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Eritrea and others, as well as on my country, Syria. In conclusion, I call on the countries of the world to muster the courage and make the right choice to guarantee a better present and future for current and future generations; to save humankind from the scourge of all-out wars looming on the horizon by reforming international political and financial institutions; and to end the state of hegemony and unipolarity and deter attempts to undermine the United Nations Charter and replace it with the so-called rules-based order. The Syrian Arab Republic looks forward to seeing the current session of the General Assembly, under your leadership, Sir, fulfil the promise of its theme and stresses that success in translating that theme into practical reality will require the abandoning of policies of hegemony, exclusion, blockade and collective punishment of peoples, adherence to the Charter of our Organization, respect for international law and multilateral diplomacy, and the granting to developing countries of equal opportunities to advance their societies and achieve well-being, prosperity and sustainable development for their peoples.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Valdrack Ludwing Jaentschke Whitaker, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Nicaragua.

After hearing so many analyses, the description of so many misfortunes and calamities, and the details of the holocausts that afflict us as a human family, and after seeing and observing the brilliance of so much intelligence, we are left with silence and emptiness because, in the midst of all that we know or that we believe we know we do not find or perceive common answers to the weaknesses and pains of our societies, the abuses and aberrations, the aggressions of Powers and the unjust world order that, in all aspects, rather seems to be suffocating us more and more, despite our knowledge, experience and the spirit that as human beings we must nourish to better enlighten ourselves. The catastrophes of injustice, the pretensions to supremacy and the perverse appetites of domination, submission and barbarism, as in the most terrible times of what was called colonization or conquest, seem to be getting worse, perpetuating the slavery of humankind to the most ignoble feelings, to greed and avarice and to the dominion of some people over others, flouting the principles and values of equality and rights that humankind and intelligence believed to have established at the cost of great suffering. Cataclysm after cataclysm, we are extending war as a savage method of imperialism and capitalism — itself savage, barbaric and fierce — walking towards the extinction of all living beings and refusing to accept that only peace can win out. Because peace is justice; it is harmonious coexistence, respectful cooperation and the march of freedom, dignity and the sovereignty of peoples, which assures us all of better times in history. But peace would seem today to be one of the most ardent fantasies and dreams. We do not walk the paths of peace and of course we have no understanding of the just and lasting peace that can be seen as the path towards a world of brotherhood, joy and solidarity. Every morning we wake up, in so many parts of our planet, to the dead and more dead, sacrificed on the bonfires of the insipid superiority of some; dead and more dead that weigh or should weigh on the conscience of the warmongers, merchants and traffickers of apocalyptic wars imposed by those who, with blood and fire, destroy beings, cultures and lands, enslave, crucify and exploit life to their liking, whim and convenience. In that daily massacre, how many us find ourselves to be the losers, particularly in the sphere of the most human and profound feelings and emotions — love, brotherhood and the hope that human beings seem to be abandoning. Those values are undoubtedly victims of the hell that is sold to us as paradise and of their satanic majesties who, unaware of the tragedies they impose, forget the elementary and basic principle of civilization, which should be the empowerment of all for the good of all. We lose our soul every day, not because we sell it to the devil or devils, but because our generations should have learned so much from the millions of human beings who have been sacrificed throughout history on the bonfires of vanities, ambitions, fatal selfishness and failures not internalized. The enemies of peace claim and seem to be succeeding in turning us into the most arid of deserts in terms of that spirituality that we do not see or understand and of the strengths of human consciousness that we do not apply. Among all the aggressions, barbarities, attacks and crimes; among all the satanic, infernal attacks; among all the evidence of evil defeating good, we, the people who know how to fight, have our culture and spiritual experience of national dignity and decorum. That is our greatness. That is our most precious heritage. That is the kingdom of God on Earth. That is the beginning, the dawn of a new world that is being born amidst anguish, suffering and pain, forced and imposed upon us by those sick minds that do not see and do not want to see that other world and try to continue inhabiting — for their own benefit and with millennial backwardness — the old and blood-soaked world. So much pain, so many battles, so many chains and so much slavery go into forging the steel of our human condition, which rises from truth to truth, from awakening to awakening, from courage to courage and from boldness to boldness, each day accumulating, paradoxically, more glory and more victories of the genuine truth and the human spirit that we must all make prevail. No one can take from us the certainty of a new world. No one can take from us the reality of a fraternal world of understanding, solidarity and respectful cooperation in the present and for the future of all. In the old world designed by the conquistadors, they will be frustrated, sad and alone, condemned and repudiated by those of us who have learned to revere love, to banish the grotesque impositions of hatred, to bury the humiliations, degradations and indignities and, above all, to ignore the terror and fear with which the damned of the Earth incite and seek to intimidate us. We shall never fall to our knees. We shall never condescend to the enemies of peace and the common good. We shall never be slaves to selfishness or greed. We shall never turn a blind eye to the atrocity that some turn into a rule of life or to the false narrative of the hypocrites who with artificial techniques and tactics and technicolor celluloid want to sell us and install in us a childish, fictional, blind, deaf, dumb and paralytic world, exonerating those guilty of so many crimes against humanity. We will not be silent now or in the future. We denounce and condemn the genocide that the Government of Israel and its allies in the first world have committed, are committing and continue to commit against the glorious Palestinian people, against the brave people of Lebanon and against so many other brave, courageous and dignified peoples who do not submit to brutality. We will not be silent now or in the future. We denounce and condemn the aggressions against Syria, Iran and many other great and fighting brothers on all continents. We will not be silent now or in the future. We denounce and condemn the occupation and usurpation of the rights of peoples and countries, such as Haiti. We will not be silent now or in the future. We denounce and condemn the systematic policy of extermination of cultures and rights that the colonial and imperialist Powers maintain against peoples, Governments and countries, including Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and Nicaragua, which have joined the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) in a strategic unity of defence of our sovereignties, independence and legitimate paths and our own models of institutionality, empowerment and the participatory and direct democracy we exercise. We are in solidarity with all the countries and peoples affected by the bestiality and brutality that has been unleashed against our Mother Earth and our resources, generating what is known today as climate change, which is nothing but selfishness and the plundering of our planetary resources; which have degenerated into a profusion of disasters of all kinds; which are not natural; which demand climate justice; and which have been and are imposed by the greedy enslavers, obstructionists and plunderers of this world, without consideration or compensation, reparation or compensation, against those who have the most to lose. We unite in brotherhood, solidarity and complementarity in the just struggles for food security, health security, security in education, security of rights, human security — rights that we will never renounce. We join, of course, in the urgent and daily struggle against terrorism in all its forms, against drug trafficking and organized crime, against the vices and criminal activities that have been imposed on us to weaken our institutions, models and practices, and to strengthen interference through policies and modalities that invade us and encourage the installation of forms and ways of life that are foreign to us, further generating an image of pitiful incapacity or beggary, which we do not accept in any way. To the invaders and interventionists in sheep’s clothing — sheep’s skin and wolves’ mouths — we say: We are peoples rich in culture, resources, community models and values that have been and are disfigured, defamed and plundered. We will not allow them to turn us into needy supplicants, because we are not. Despite their facade of false kindness and generosity, their interests are evident and their interference in our own affairs is not only unacceptable, but denounceable and inappropriate. We have the right to all our freedoms and to the supreme dignity of the spirit and culture, of consciousness and conviction, of learning and the consistent, permanent and humble pilgrimage that inspires us to learn from everyone, to incorporate all that is good and to discard and repudiate everything that seeks to turn us into servile conglomerates, divided by the strategies of the imperialists of the Earth. We defend our supreme dreams alongside Bolívar, Martí, Sandino, Morazán and so many great beings who preceded us and anticipated the duty to fight, fight, fight and to win, win, win. Nothing is free in this world. We must grow in consciousness and heart every day, absolutely lucid, absolutely clear and absolutely convinced and consistent, because only the union of the peoples of the planet will make the imperialists of the Earth give up. Only that union will make them retreat, even if they continue plotting their crimes. We will find them, wrangle them, expose them, confront them and defeat them. In the fighting and victorious ALBA, we are one with Chávez, Nicolás and their great people at all times. We are one with the Cuba of Fidel, Raúl and Miguel and their dignified and formidable resistance. We are one with Bolivia and its respectable paths. We are one with Honduras and its challenges. We are one with all of Mesoamerica and the challenges we face. We are one with Asia, with the Arab peoples and with the peoples of Africa who also live among us. We are one with the Russian Federation in its great battles against bestial fascism — battles that we shall surely all win. We are one with the People’s Republic of China, which teaches us so much and shares with us its magnificent and great experience of building the well-being of its people and of solidarity with the entire world for a community of the future. We are one with all the fighters and warriors of the world and with the powers of firmness and dignity that we have always possessed. Today, more awake than ever, we do not allow ourselves to be crucified. On the contrary, we raise with pride and joy our flags and banners because we know that humanity and the human spirit must win. We will win and we will prevail. Only in that way can we preserve and increase the highest ideals and values of that humankind to which we all belong. From our Nicaragua, blessed, dignified, always sovereign, Christian, socialist and solidary, we embrace all throughout the world who seek peace, love, respect, rights and well-being. United forever with them all, we move forward to the eternal beyond of our victorious General Augusto Sandino and the immortal poetry of our great Rubén Darío and his “Song of Hope”: “A great flight of crows stains the celestial blue. A thousand-year-old breath brings threats of plague. Men are murdered in the East End. “Has the apocalyptic Antichrist been born? Omens have been known and wonders have been seen and the return of Christ seems imminent. “The earth is pregnant with pain so deep that the imperial dreamer, brooding, suffer with the anguish of the heart of the world. “Executioners of ideals afflicted the earth: in a well of shadow humanity locks itself with the rude Molossians of hatred and war. “O Lord Jesus Christ! Why are you late, what are you waiting for to extend your hand of light over the beasts and make your divine flags shine in the sun? “Suddenly arises and pours the essence of life about so many crazy, sad or hardened souls that, lover of darkness, your sweet dawn forgets. “Come, Lord, to make glory of yourself. Come with tremor of stars and horror of cataclysm, come to bring love and peace over the abyss. “And your white horse, which the visionary looked at, happens. And sound the divine extraordinary bugle. My heart will be the ember of your censer.” Today we remember the Nicaraguan father, priest, chancellor of the dignity and decorum of our peoples, Miguel d´Escoto Brockmann, who fought for and bequeathed to us the responsibility of battling for the refoundation of the United Nations so that it might promote debate and the combat for justice, the right to harmony and the happiness of peoples — the United Nations as an instrument of the nations to denounce, condemn, reject and repudiate all the abominations and aberrations that are committed against all of us; to encourage the good and affection; and to banish evil, disgrace and hatred in our relations, which must be marked by brotherly coexistence. May the peoples of the world arise. The Earth must be the paradise of all humankind. The world will be different and better. That is what we are working for. That is what unites us. That is what we believe in. I convey the affectionate greetings of the people of Nicaragua, of the President, Commander Daniel Ortega, and Vice- President Rosario Murillo.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Osman Saleh Mohammed, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Eritrea.

Allow me to join previous speakers in congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy- ninth session. The current session is taking place at a crucial juncture of transition in the architecture of global governance. Before I delve into the main subject, allow me to digress a bit and dwell on some historical perspectives. As will be recalled, the maintenance of global peace was indeed the overarching mantra and proclaimed objective when the League of Nations was established one century ago in January 1920, in the immediate aftermath of the First World War. However, in spite of the lofty pronounced objectives, the League of Nations could not fully measure up to its noble task or deter the eruption of the Second World War. Twenty-five years later, in October 1945, the United Nations was solemnly established to prevent another world war and guarantee durable global peace, but yet again our global community was plunged into the era of the Cold War, whose hallmark was a confrontational, bipolar international world order. With all its dynamics and deleterious consequences for global peace and stability, the Cold War era culminated, after 45 years, in the collapse of the former Soviet bloc in 1991. As it happened, that later phase ushered in a new, precarious epoch of a unipolar world order, which was in essence bereft of any new ideology. As a matter of fact, the new dispensation represented a retrograde relapse into and revival of centuries-old colonialism and slavery. Indeed, the resources and wealth of others were usurped to mollify the insatiable greed of the few through force and other tools of repression. The manifestations of that policy are myriad and include pronounced policies of containment by the architects and proponents of a unipolar world order in the European theatre and especially reckless acts in Ukraine; provocative containment policies against China, pursued in Asia for analogous objectives and considerations; and trends that those policies portend for global peace. In our neighbourhood, the ramifications of that policy include the perilous war unleashed to stifle the Palestinians’ cause and evict them from their land; the chaos that it continues to engender and the wider regional conflagration that it may trigger; acts of subversion conducted and multiple crises fomented in several parts in Africa, under various pretexts, to preserve and maintain colonial slavery; overt interventions carried out in the same manner in Latin America to install surrogate regimes; various subterfuges conducted to stifle and roll back burgeoning public protests in Europe and the United States against the backdrop of fragmentation of traditional coalitions. All those distressing developments and trends amplify the innate flaws and dysfunctionality of the reckless policies of the unipolar world order. Efforts exerted during the various epochs to imbue an institutional structure and mandate into the global architecture were not ultimate aims and objectives in themselves. It is clear that institutional formats are mere mechanisms and modalities for achieving desired goals and objectives. Peace and stability are indispensable prerequisites for the promotion of prosperity and growth and the attainment of the ultimate human aspirations of justice and the prevalence of a just political order — in other words, the assertion and guaranteeing of a just global order where domination, deceit, coercion and intimidation, plunder and monopolization are not countenanced or tolerated. The unequivocal aspirations of the peoples of the world over the past 100 years have been, precisely, the crystallization — through the League of Nations and later the United Nations — of a just global order. The perplexing question remains whether those lofty aspirations and profound wishes were achieved. The poignant answer is: No, they have not been realized. On the other hand, the logical corollary to failure is not despondency but redoubled and more vigorous commitment and resilience in order to achieve the cherished objectives and goals. Allow me now to revert to the predicament of the Eritrean people, which epitomizes in all respects the typical ordeal of numerous other peoples. Three generations of Eritreans were doomed to make precious and inordinately huge sacrifices for almost 80 years following the end of the Second World War, merely because the Dulles brothers determined that Eritrea did not serve the United States strategic interests. As it happened, the people of Eritrea were compelled to wage a political and armed struggle of liberation for 50 long years, and even when they achieved their hard-won independence in 1991 they were denied respite and the opportunity to funnel their energies into nation-building. Indeed, the same hegemonic policy considerations and defunct ploys were ramped up to foment unremitting crises and instability by instigating border conflicts and other ruses. The suffering and economic damage that ensued and the opportunity loss that was incurred have been enormous by any standard. Still, and in the face of unwarranted onslaught, the resilience of the Eritrean people was not dampened. And yet, the spiral of mindless hostility continued to intensify without let-up. In 2009, Eritrea was subjected to sanctions on the basis of unsubstantiated and trumped-up charges. As it happened, the forces of hegemony plotted to further punish the people of Eritrea and invoked a preposterous pretext for a people and country that have waged a relentless struggle against terrorism and domination for decades. The sanctions were ultimately lifted in 2018, but the question remains: Why were they imposed in the first place? Furthermore, it must be borne in mind that illicit unilateral sanctions, futile demonization campaigns and subversive acts to instigate conflicts in the region continue unabated. The ordeal meted out to the people of Eritrea is only the tip of the iceberg. The tribulations imposed on other peoples in Africa, Latin America, Asia, Europe and the Americas are severe indeed. In the event, we urge the categorical lifting of the unilateral coercive measures and sanctions imposed on countries like Eritrea, Zimbabwe, Venezuela and Cuba, including the 60-year embargo against Cuba and its unjust placement on the dubious list of State sponsors of terrorism. Meanwhile, we need to pause and ask: What is the relevance and impact of the fundamental principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations against the backdrop of the law of the jungle that the hegemonic Powers are bent on imposing? That precarious reality amplifies the imperative and urgent need for the peoples of the world to strive with higher vigour, fortitude and enhanced solidarity than what has been seen for 100 years to install a global order that guarantees peace and stability. That is not an option that can be left to circumstance. The forces of hegemony must also be held accountable for their crimes for the dispensation of justice. Let me conclude my brief address by reiterating our best wishes for success in our current endeavours.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Bakary Yaou Sangaré, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation and Nigeriens Abroad of the Republic of the Niger.

I would like to begin by extending my warmest congratulations to you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. I would also like to take this opportunity to express my warmest thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Dennis Francis of Trinidad and Tobago, for his outstanding work during his term, despite a global context in turmoil. Sadly, I can go no further with my congratulations, as representatives will soon understand. A year ago, in this very Hall and at this very rostrum, my country, the Niger, was unjustly and unjustifiably deprived of the floor. That is not the worst of it. We were told of the rationale for that decision at the time but, worse yet, representatives of other countries in the same situation as mine were allowed to speak and were even received with honours by the Secretary-General. I am sure that everyone will readily agree with me that a double standard is in play that is likely to undermine the credibility of our common Organization. My country accepted that decision with dignity, but it felt the snub. That is why my statement will be focused in particular on those who have been left behind and on human dignity. Human dignity dovetails perfectly with the ideals of the reconstruction under way in the Niger. Some have been left behind, however, as a result of multifaceted conflicts and violence, inequalities, the lack of solidarity and the marginalization of a large part of the population of our planet who aspire to a better world. In that regard, I would like to welcome the participation in this session of Palestine, which has been left behind. We hope that its well-deserved presence among us will constitute a decisive step towards the advent of a free, independent and sovereign Palestinian State, living in peace with its neighbours within its 1967 borders. The Niger reaffirms its support for the Palestinian cause and believes that only a two-State solution can put an end to the cycle of violence and guarantee peace and security in the region. My country also deplores the situation in Lebanon and calls for an immediate end to hostilities. Every year, we engage in the ritual of lamenting the situation of poor countries and pleading for a more equitable world, but we have to admit that we meet too much and do too little in a world in which we are supernumerary. At a time when poor countries are treading water, as the young people put it, not to say sinking into the morass, the rich are lining their pockets with our resources and continuing to support corrupt and subservient regimes that rig elections and plunge their people into total poverty. Meanwhile, the international community is wallowing in a complicit silence that once again reflects a policy of double standards. From this rostrum, I launch a vibrant appeal to the exploited and abandoned peoples and tell them that it is not up to the wealthy countries to find solutions for us. I affirm that those solutions are ours to define. They consist of giving up mendicant and degrading aid for a dignified partnership in which our natural resources will be sold at their true worth and the profits invested for the benefit of our populations. It is in that spirit that my country manages with its own funds the damage and the humanitarian crisis born of the unprecedented floods that it is suffering this year. We do not need a lesson in democracy. What matters to us are the interests, choices and aspirations of our valiant peoples. As the President of the Conseil national pour la sauvegarde de la patrie (CNSP) and Head of State, Brigadier General Abdourahamane Tiani, has said, “No State, no inter-State organization will dictate to my country the conduct to be adopted, much less its agenda in terms of strategic or diplomatic partnership”. As everyone knows, for over a decade the Sahel region has been in the grip of a serious security crisis that threatens the very existence of its States and constitutes a notorious attack on international peace and security. In order to face together the common challenges that assail them, particularly security, the three States under the leadership of Captain Ibrahim Traoré, President of Faso; Colonel Assimi Goïta, President of the Transition and Head of State of Mali; and Brigadier General Abdourahamane Tiani, President of the Conseil national pour la sauvegarde de la patrie and Head of State of the Niger, signed on 16 September 2023 the Liptako- Gourma Charter establishing the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). Today, we note both the strong support of the populations and the military successes achieved on the ground by our defence and security forces in the fight against terrorism and transnational crime. I take this opportunity to welcome the creation of the Unified Force of the AES and the smooth coordination between the units established. I pay a vibrant tribute to all the civilian and military victims of violence in the Sahel. On the occasion of the historic Summit of Heads of State of the AES, held in Niamey on 6 July, the Alliance was transformed into a confederation based on three pillars: defence/security, diplomacy and development. That new strategic framework for integration, intended to eventually become a federation, has great potential in natural resources to achieve its objectives. That potential is coveted by certain Western Powers that finance and arm terrorist groups in order to destabilize our countries. The Niger reiterates its firm condemnation of those hostile acts and rejects any form of support for terrorism, in particular the active and publicly acknowledged support of Ukraine for the terrorist coalition that launched a cowardly attack on the town of Tinzawaten in Mali. This is also the right moment to denounce the subversive actions and the new recolonization strategy claimed and implemented by France, which informs, trains, finances and arms terrorist groups in the Sahel. It offers lodging and meals to its local lackeys, some of whom occupy the Niger’s diplomatic premises in Paris, in flagrant violation of the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Far from interrupting the current dynamic in the Sahel region, those attempts at destabilization only strengthen the determination of our countries to move forward in pursuit of the objectives set. Despite all those adversities, the AES caravan is moving forward. Regardless of what others may feel, the AES now constitutes a new geopolitical dispensation that intends to fully play its role on the international stage, while respecting the sovereignty and free choice of its partners. As Colonel Assimi Goïta, President of the AES Confederation, said on the occasion of the first anniversary of the Alliance: “In our dynamic of independence and regained sovereignty, we remain open to cooperation with brotherly and friendly peoples in a spirit of fraternity and mutual respect.” At the national level, the inclusive vision of the President of the CNSP and Head of State, Brigadier General Abdourahamane Tiani, is structured around the following four strategic axes: strengthening security and social cohesion, promoting good governance, developing production bases and accelerating social reforms. Those axes seek to ensure the security, political and socioeconomic sovereignty of our country. In that regard, they constitute the frame of reference for all interventions by the State and its partners to create conditions for the structural transformation of the Nigerien economy and improve the well-being of the population. To support that transformation, particularly in the mining and oil sector, my country is willing to enter into partnerships with foreign investors based on the win-win principle and respect for the dignity of our populations, who have been left behind until now. The objective is to make the Sahel a zone of peace and prosperity, as President Tiani has affirmed. I cannot conclude without thanking the brother and friendly countries Burkina Faso, Mali, Togo, Morocco, Türkiye, Russia, China, Iran and all those who support the Niger in its rebuilding process. I would ask our nationals in the diaspora, wherever they may be, to continue to pray that God will protect the AES, our peoples and our Governments. Long live solidarity among peoples! Long live the AES Confederation!

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Karamoko Jean Marie Traoré, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Regional Cooperation and Burkinabes Abroad of Burkina Faso.

I have the great privilege and the immense honour to convey to you, Sir, on behalf of Captain Ibrahim Traoré, President of Faso and Head of State, the fraternal and friendly greetings of the valiant people of Burkina Faso, who, despite all adversities, including the ignominy of the aggressors and enemies of peace and manipulations and interferences of all kinds, have been able to develop resilience to pursue their radiant march towards inclusive economic and social development. I am also pleased, Mr. President, to convey to you, on behalf of the Government and the people of Burkina Faso, my warm congratulations on your brilliant election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. To your predecessor, Mr. Dennis Francis, I extend the congratulations of my delegation for the achievements made during his mandate in an international context particularly marked by profound divergences. Burkina Faso fully appreciates the actions that the United Nations system and its partners, under the Secretary-General’s coordination, continue to carry out on the ground in support of the Government’s efforts. In that regard, my country welcomes the choice of the highly evocative and challenging theme of this session: “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”. In evoking the theme, allow me to convey the aspirations of the Sahelian social classes in general and Burkina Faso in particular. I am a farmer who protects and perpetuates traditions and customs. I ardently cultivate my land, which was bequeathed to me by my ancestors to feed my family and ensure its well-being. I want to be able to live free, dignified and proud. I am a woman, a mother and a worthy descendant of the Princesses Yennenga and Guimbi Ouattara, endowed like other brave Sahelian women with a strength of character like no other. I would give my life to ensure the survival and development of my children, my brothers and sisters, my compatriots in a society of peace and love. I want to be able to live free, dignified and proud. I am a young Burkinabé, a farmer, breeder, trader, civil servant, artist, craftsman and student — young people from all regions and all backgrounds, raised as a brave and combative youth and committed to doing my part for the development of Burkina Faso. I want to be able to live free, dignified and proud. I am a child, girl or boy, from cities and villages and from internally displaced persons sites. I want to be able to live free, dignified and proud. I am a Burkinabé, Malian and Nigerian soldier, a Volunteer for the Defence of the Homeland, a husband, wife, father, mother, son, daughter, brother and sister. I have taken an oath to defend my homeland with my life, to selflessly fight the enemy on the battlefield and to protect my fellow citizens against all danger. I want to be able to live free, dignified and proud. I am a Burkinabé living abroad, a courageous, hard-working and honest man, a native of the country of upright men. In my life far from the motherland, I participate with enthusiasm in the common struggle for peace and stability in my country and my subregion. I want to be able to live free, dignified and proud. Those aspirations are the beacons that guide the action of the Government, whose struggle is to create a framework for the men and women of the Sahel to live free, dignified and proud. The theme of our session, highly appreciated for its relevance, actually exhumes a fundamental concern as old as the United Nations and which is addressed by almost all the debates that have taken place here. It tell us that it is no longer really a question of thinking about what to do; it is a question of giving substance and life to our speeches through concrete action. We must go beyond words to finally act in favour of a fairer world, free of prejudices and stereotypes that tend to relegate certain peoples or certain parts of the planet to the background, condemned to wait in the dungeons of isolation and contempt for potential help, at the mercy and whim of Powers that claim to be the only ones able to set the course and pace to be followed by others. We must refocus our efforts more on the fundamental objectives of our Organization, primarily designed to promote the well-being of populations and nations by ensuring them peace and security. That absolute urgency and necessity to co-construct and act in favour of a fairer world are all the more relevant in the current context, in which our world is dominated by persistent crises, complex conflicts and unequal economic governance that accentuate the rupture among States and the divisions among peoples, with human tragedies as corollaries. That disastrous configuration is the result of a multilateralism at a crossroads — a multilateralism that has run out of steam and whose reputation has been frequently tarnished by the partisan and predatory actions of certain Member States that have set themselves up as masters of the world and made the submission and exploitation of other States the guiding principle of their foreign policy. We must rightly be concerned about that because the harmony and cohesion of our world are at stake. That is why Burkina Faso takes this opportunity to appeal once again to the reason and wisdom of all, particularly the Powers of our planet, to promote inclusive global governance free of hegemonic visions. It is at that price that we will restore the nobility of the United Nations. Restoring the integrity of the territory by ensuring the security of populations and their property; rebuilding political, administrative, economic and financial governance to carry and embody the aspirations to a better life for all Burkinabés; and undertaking reforms and development actions that will lead to shared prosperity and sustainable economic and social progress are all projects launched under the leadership and foresight of Captain Ibrahim Traoré, President of Faso and Head of State. The Burkinabé people, who have decided to assert and assume their sovereignty by putting an end to their enslavement and who have demonstrated extraordinary resilience, like all the populations of the Sahel, understand the stakes and the scope of this fight and have mobilized alongside our defence and security forces. With that unwavering support, and thanks to the patriotism, ingenuity, bravery and spirit of sacrifice of its sons and daughters, Burkina Faso is recording previously unhoped-for successes as well as highly appreciable results in the fierce fight against terrorists, who have been weaponized, remote-controlled and financed by neocolonialist Powers. I take this opportunity to pay a heartfelt tribute to all those, civilians and military, who have fallen on the battlefield and whose memory I salute. Through strategic and visionary reforms, marked among other things by an increase in the operational capacities of the troops and the reorganization of our fighting forces on the ground, we have multiplied our means of action and achieved the salutary reconquest of areas infested by the criminals and their allies. Specifically, nearly 70 per cent of the territory is now under the control of the State, as opposed to 40 per cent in 2022. That has allowed the resettlement of displaced populations and the reopening of schools. Thus, in less than two years, our reconquest activities have allowed more than 700,000 people to return to their villages and nearly 1,500 schools to reopen their classes, offering the chance and happiness so hoped for by thousands of students to return to school and continue their academic studies. Those results, which command admiration and arouse much hope, were possible thanks to the action of the Defence and Security Forces, the patriotic commitment of the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland and the firm support of the populations and the Burkinabé diaspora in a tremendous surge of solidarity. That patriotic mobilization of all components of our people made it possible to raise more than $165 million for the year 2023 alone, a figure that largely exceeded initial forecasts. That reflects the resolve of the Burkinabé people to finance and lead the noble fight against terrorists and their allies themselves. At the very moment when we are reaping successes in our victorious offensive against obscurantist forces, agencies of dubious reputations and integrity have curiously engaged in a vast and virulent campaign of denigration and stigmatization against our fighting forces, which they accuse of violating human rights without having the slightest proof to produce. That orchestrated propaganda is in fact aimed at demoralizing Burkinabé patriots and sabotaging their legitimate fight, because quite simply those practitioners of chaos have not yet understood the dynamics under way in the Sahel — that is to say, our desire to free ourselves from all guardianship and paternalism. My country takes the opportunity offered by this rostrum to respectfully express its infinite gratitude to all those friendly countries and sincere partners that support its cause and accompany it in the consolidation of its radiant march towards inclusive economic and social development. I would therefore like to invite United Nations Member States to give no credence to all the media agitation, which clearly reflects, in essence, the distress of terrorists in disarray and their sponsors. I also reassure them of the professionalism and reputation of our Defence and Security Forces, demonstrated through their participation in peacekeeping operations, as often recognized here in the General Assembly. The systematic training and ongoing education of the Defence and Security Forces and the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland in international humanitarian law guarantee that professional rigour in terms of respect for human rights on a daily basis. To the extent that there is unanimity on the need to combat international terrorism, my country is concerned about the support given by State entities to terrorists. Such sponsorships, which we have constantly denounced and which others have dismissed as mere figments of the imagination, were recently revealed to the world by a paradoxical attitude of Ukraine, a State Member of our Organization. Indeed, by unequivocally affirming its involvement in the terrorist attacks that caused the death of elements of the Malian Defence and Security Forces in Tinzawatene, Mali, in July, and by acknowledging its support for international terrorism, particularly in the Sahel, that country has opened a window on the terrorist activities that it is carrying out in the Sahel, like other States active in the shadows of treason. We reiterate our firm condemnation of such acts of aggression and apology for terrorism, which violate the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant international conventions. Those particularly serious facts are indicative of the ambitions that have constantly marked the history of our continent, namely, its balkanization, the assassination of its leaders, interference in the domestic politics of African States and predation as the ultimate goal. The means to do so range from the manipulation of national elites and regional and subregional organizations to the perpetration of proxy wars, as is the case in the Sahel, where Ukraine and other countries finance and arm terrorists with impunity. That reading, whose relevance is reflected in the worrying proliferation of military bases in our subregion, also explains the possession by criminal gangs of sophisticated and latest-generation weapons. Faced with this new type of terrorism, the stability and foundations of our States and our organization have been compromised. It is therefore urgent to take vigorous action. For their part, and regarding the case of the Ukrainian aggression, the countries of the Confederation of Sahel States referred it to the Security Council on 20 August. We are waiting for firm responses in that regard. Faced with the security imperatives of the Sahel, Burkina Faso, Mali and the Niger decided in all sovereignty, on 16 September 2023, to create the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) through the Liptako-Gourma Charter. The AES is a military alliance for collective defence and mutual assistance to combat terrorism and organized crime on their territory. In order to also provide appropriate responses to the complex challenges of development, the AES countries have decided to extend the scope of their cooperation to other priority areas in their space. It is in that spirit that the first Summit of Heads of State of the AES was held on 6 July in Niamey. At the end of that historic Summit, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, President of Faso and Head of State; Colonel Assimi Goïta, President of the Transition and Head of State of Mali; and Brigadier General Abdourahmane Tiani, President of the Conseil national pour la sauvegarde de la patrie and Head of State of the Niger, adopted the treaty establishing the Confederation of Sahel States (AES). The popular support and enthusiasm generated by the advent of the AES Confederation can be explained in part by the failure and inability of subregional institutions and mechanisms to respond to the security and legitimate concerns of our populations. That salutary and beneficial action is aimed primarily at protecting the populations of the Sahel already tested by the security and humanitarian crisis and against whom deliberate murderous measures have been taken to further exacerbate their suffering. While this session calls on us to leave no one behind, current international events are still, unfortunately, marked by increasingly acute tensions that seriously threaten peace and security, under the helpless gaze of the United Nations. Burkina Faso has always promoted diplomacy to resolve such disputes peacefully. We remain convinced that by prioritizing the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, we will succeed in extinguishing the hotbeds of tension, whatever their scale and wherever they occur — in Africa, Europe, the Middle East, Asia or America. In that spirit — in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations — Burkina Faso reiterates its support for the political process under way in Western Sahara, conducted under the auspices of the Secretary-General with a view to reaching a mutually acceptable and negotiated political solution, as recommended by the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. In the Middle East, Burkina Faso reaffirms its solidarity with the Palestinian people, who are enduring an unprecedented tragedy. The two-State solution of Israel and Palestine living in peace and good-neighbourliness remains the objective option that Burkina Faso continues to support. Our acceptance of Palestine as a State Member of the United Nations is part of that logic. As sources of untold suffering for the most vulnerable populations, unilateral coercive measures imposed on States must be prohibited if we want to give real and objective content to the topic of this session. This is why we call for the immediate lifting of economic, commercial and financial sanctions imposed on certain States whose only fault is the search for freedom for their peoples. That is the case with Cuba. It is also the case with the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Nicaragua, Iran and many other countries. On the subject of development issues, Burkina Faso would like to point out that, whatever their relevance, the commitments in favour of development made here at the United Nations will have no chance of success without the good faith and involvement of all. With regard to the reform of our Organization, it is time for the African continent to be able to participate fully in the Security Council, in accordance with the Common African Position reflected in the consensus documents supporting it. That will make it possible to enshrine the universal nature of the United Nations and to redress the persistent injustice against Africa. To conclude, I would like to point out that Burkina Faso has faith in the United Nations. However, it hopes that the Organization’s interventions will be carried out with respect for the sovereignty of Member States, their strategic choices and their fundamental interests. In the Sahel, a wind of renewal and hope is blowing, sparked by the advent of the AES Confederation. Burkina Faso remains convinced that this new subregional integration community, which is not directed against any country or people, can contribute, in collaboration with sincere partners, to an approach stripped of all hypocrisy, to the fight against terrorism and insecurity in the Sahel. God bless Burkina Faso. God bless the Confederation of Sahel States. God bless Africa. Give me my country or give me death — we shall prevail!

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Jean-Claude Gakosso, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Francophonie and Congolese Abroad of the Republic of the Congo.

I would like at the outset to express my great admiration for Mr. Philemon Yang, a person of great renown on the African continent, brilliantly elected to the presidency of our Assembly and whom we have seen lead our debates with great dexterity. As most speakers have said from this rostrum, our world is indeed at a crossroads. It is facing a sort of fatal spiral of interlocking crises and dangerous conflicts that one might almost believe to be irreconcilable. Indeed, situations of war or armed violence of all kinds in Ukraine, Palestine, Lebanon, the Sudan, the Sahel, the Horn of Africa and eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo — situations whose list is unfortunately not exhaustive and to which we must add the climate crisis, the unsustainable debt burden and, of course, the apocalyptic spectre of a nuclear war — are all existential challenges that today challenge what remains of human wisdom and call into question what remains of our awareness of good and evil. All those situations — as every one of us in the Hall is well aware — are largely revealing as tributaries to human vanity. They are the faithful reflection of the irrepressible propensity of some of us to dominate absolutely and to possess absolutely. They are a pernicious vice that certainly has its roots in the genesis of humankind, but which we have still not managed to eradicate. From this rostrum, in the name of peace, I call for a recovery on the part of all those who exercise political power throughout the world. In the name of peace, I call for the collective wisdom, the cardinal virtue, that the ancients lavished on all our societies in Africa, Asia, Europe, the Americas and the Pacific. In the name of peace, I call for full awareness of the fact that we are only one human race, embarked on the same ship, linked by a community of destiny and bound by reciprocal obligations and shared duties. I call quite simply for universal fraternity, that generous utopia, sublimated in the time of the Enlightenment and which in 1948 nourished the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which became the credo of all humanists. Our world vitally needs to reconnect with peace; if it does not, it is heading straight for its doom. Peace is not an option. It cannot be an alternative. Peace is an imperative, and that imperative must be imposed on everyone, everywhere and in all places. It is precisely that imperative of peace that today drives the mediation efforts of the African Union in Libya, a country where President Denis Sassou Nguesso, on whose behalf I speak, has been working tirelessly for years for comprehensive peace and inclusive reconciliation. Through perseverance and indomitability, the African Union High-Level Committee on Libya, which he chairs, has managed to bring yesterday’s enemy brothers together around the same table. The Committee has encouraged them to talk to each other. It has encouraged them to forgive each other and persuaded them to give precedence to justice, the foundation of the rule of law to which Libya aspires, rising from its ashes like the invincible phoenix. That peace, stubbornly sought and patiently cultivated for years, should soon materialize in Addis Ababa through the solemn signing by all parties of a charter of reconciliation. Thus, the path leading to the long-awaited general, free and democratic elections will be largely marked out. The renewal of multilateralism underlying the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) that we have just adopted clearly involves the affirmation of a multipolar world, a paragon of the diversity of cultural expressions. It involves a just, stable and equitable world, where all the peoples of the world live together, without any distinction as to race, tradition or religion. There is therefore an urgent need to reform the international institutions that arose from the Second World War, starting with the Security Council, which must embrace the face of our cosmopolitan world through a fairer representation of peoples. I recall Africa’s legitimate plea for two seats in the permanent membership category in the Council, with veto power. In that regard, my country reaffirms the centrality and immutability of the Common African Position, as set out in the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. The time has come for Africa to take its rightful place in the concert of nations. It is up to us, representatives of the allied nations here, to make the choice of honour. It is up to us to enter history through the front door by distancing ourselves forever from medieval prejudices and abstruse stereotypes about Africa. It is up to us to consolidate and amplify our generous convergences, which trace the true paths of human history. There will be no sustainable development on any continent if our planet is not protected from the destructive factors of the environment. Climate change is today an existential threat. That threat, as we know, is multidimensional — rising temperatures, melting glaciers, catastrophic floods, widespread desertification, the destruction of biodiversity, the outbreak of epidemics and the exodus of populations that all this entails are the perfect illustration of the fragility that now characterizes our beautiful blue planet. The community of nations has little choice but to act, to act here and now and to act without hesitation, with rigour and responsibility in order to spare our world an irreparable cataclysmic upheaval. One of the axes of that action is of course the mindful afforestation and widespread reforestation of the planet. Each party must do its part in the building. The Republic of the Congo and the African Union came to this seventy-ninth session with a well-developed strategy, which my delegation has already included in the roster of upcoming committee work as a draft resolution. That strategy, for which I seek the advance support of our Assembly, is aimed at a substantial, progressive and irreversible increase in the world’s forest area through international cooperation that harmoniously pools afforestation and reforestation activities across the globe in a united, coordinated, concerted and consensual approach among States. I cannot leave this rostrum without returning to a situation that constantly challenges our conscience, a situation in the face of which, morally, we cannot give up. It is the everlasting blockade inflicted on Cuba, whose duration is gradually moving towards a century and which causes untold suffering to the innocent populations of that country. The blockade, which many Americans themselves find anachronistic, should have been purely and simply abolished a long time ago. Once again, I appeal to the wisdom of the American people and the sagacity of its leaders, most of whom, as we know, have nothing to do with that sort of residual avatar of the Cold War. I urge the United States Government to turn forever that painful page in the history of the two peoples, both born of the mixed race and the blessed cultural osmosis among Europe, Africa and pre-Columbian America. In conclusion, I hope to see all the peoples of the world resolutely engage in the fight for the emergence of a new humanity: a peaceful humanity that definitively turns its back on war and death and pools its solidarity; an authentic humanity that mercilessly fights the endemic poverty that wreaks so much havoc in developing countries, that is a real cancer in our global society and that is one of the main causes of the frustrations and violence which so obscure the horizon of hope; a fraternal humanity, as imagined in this same city by the great artist John Lennon; and finally, a rainbow humanity, as dreamed of, from the depths of his prison, by Nelson Mandela.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Ahmed Attaf, Minister for Foreign Affairs and National Community Abroad of the Democratic Republic of Algeria.

As we meet once again in the halls of our United Nations, our world is at a very delicate, sensitive and dangerous juncture; a juncture marked by the accumulation of conflicts, crises and wars, the widening gap in development disparities between the North and the South, and the exacerbation of climate change and environmental risks of all kinds and forms; a juncture that reveals the magnitude of the shortcomings that have afflicted the collective security system in light of the tendency to resolve disputes by force, the excessive and selective resort to unilateral punitive measures, the failure to fulfil obligations undertaken, the disregard for international legitimacy, the spread of polarization, the accompanying absence of the role of the Security Council and the erosion of multilateral international action as a whole. Last but not least, it is a juncture that puts to the test the entire system of international relations, with its rules, principles and controls codified in the Charter of the United Nations and mechanisms, structures and institutions that rely on it, which were established to serve the aspirations, ambitions and goals that bind our countries. From that perspective, looking ahead to the eighth decade of the United Nations must be an opportunity to renew our commitment to the international system that unites us, based on the rule of law, not the rule of force, and on the force of law, not the law of force, and on the force of logic, not the logic of force. We need more than ever today to renew our commitment and adherence to the United Nations Charter and the rules of international law, before which we are all equal, and to respect and abide by them. The ongoing genocidal war in Gaza, which has raged for almost a whole year, and its recent spillover into the West Bank and recently into Lebanon, and the multifaceted Israeli escalation on multiple fronts throughout the region could not have happened if the international community had taken a firm stance at the time, imposing on the Israeli settlement occupation the same measures that have been imposed on others, namely, the punitive and deterrent measures enshrined in Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. The international community today should hasten to put an end to the hell inflicted on the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples and to rein in the Israeli occupier and its desire to plunge the Middle East region into a cycle of crises, conflicts and endless wars. The international community should also realize that it is facing a critical and pivotal stage in the history of the Palestinian cause, a stage that does not accept a return to the status quo ante; a stage that does not accept hesitation or inaction in supporting the Palestinian national project; a stage that does not tolerate procrastination or delay in supporting the move towards the establishment of an independent and sovereign Palestinian State as a just, lasting and final solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. From this rostrum at the seventy-eighth session (see A/78/PV.5), the President of the Republic, Mr. Abdelmadjid Tebboune, appealed to the United Nations to expedite the admission of the State of Palestine to full membership. He did so in the context of less turbulent, crisis-ridden and tragic circumstances in the occupied Palestinian territories and the rest of the Palestinian neighbourhood. Today, as the Palestinian cause is enduring its darkest historical phase ever, that approach has become imperative, urgent and self-evident. The full membership of the State of Palestine in our Organization remains a crucial step towards preserving the two-State solution and addressing all that the Israeli occupation is preparing to thwart. It is a step towards safeguarding the tenets of a resolution to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the foundations of security and stability in the region. As for developments in our regional neighbourhood, Algeria remains firmly convinced that confronting the complex challenges facing the countries and peoples of the region requires international support and global solidarity to meet the various problems that are weighing heavily on our pan-African space. In the same vein, my country aspires to end colonization by closing the final page on colonialism, which is still regrettably manifest in the Western Sahara. We offer all our support to the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy for Western Sahara in their efforts to enable the two parties, the Kingdom of Morocco and the POLISARIO Front, to return to the path of direct negotiations with the aim of reaching a political solution that would guarantee the Sahrawi people the exercise of their inalienable right to self- determination, which is not subject to the statute of limitations. As for those who seek to entrench the colonial status quo by buying time, falsifying damning data and stepping up their desperate manoeuvres to distract attention from the clear truth, we affirm that the phenomenon of colonialism is destined to disappear, no matter how long it takes, and that the legitimate rights of the Sahrawi people will be exercised sooner or later. As for neighbouring Libya, Algeria calls for the expeditious elimination of the scourge of foreign interventions, which is exhausting that brotherly country’s resources and fuelling divisions and conflicts among its people. Only then can our Libyan brothers come together on a consensus that will begin to achieve the goals off national reconciliation and facilitate the transition towards organizing free, fair and transparent elections, all in the service of the highest goal we desire from the bottom of our hearts, which is the unification of Libya and its people, territory, Government and institutions. At the continental level, Algeria is pursuing its efforts and endeavours to make a qualitative contribution to comprehensive African action in the light of the priorities that the continental agenda has decisively and unequivocally defined. First and foremost, Africa looks forward to activating African-led solutions and to developing and implementing them to end conflicts and resolve the various crises and disputes afflicting the countries and peoples of the continent. Secondly, Africa looks forward to addressing economic development and joining the revolutions currently taking place in the fields of artificial intelligence, digitalization and renewable energy. Thirdly, Africa is looking forward to advancing its strategic priorities that lie at the heart of the reform of the international financial, monetary and banking institutions in order to improve African representation in those institutions, the structural reform of global debt and adequate international financing that is appropriate to the Africa’s development requirements. Fourthly and finally, Africa is looking forward to correcting the historical injustice imposed on it in the Security Council and being able to occupy its rightful place in that key United Nations organ, complementing its recent accession to the Group of 20 as a permanent member. With the same commitment at the continental level, Algeria is pursuing its endeavours and efforts to establish a balanced, beneficial and meaningful partnership in the Sahel-Saharan region, which is experiencing fragile conditions as countries endure an aggravation of political unrest, growing terrorist threats, the spread of poverty, the absence of prospects for sustainable development and the exacerbation of the phenomenon of climate change. In the face of those challenges, Algeria reiterates its full solidarity with all countries and peoples of the Sahel-Saharan region and affirms its firm conviction that its security, stability and well-being are an integral part of the security, stability and well-being of the neighbouring African region. One representative of a State of that region dared to brazenly attack my country with vile language that should not be dignified with a reply and is not befitting of this noble rostrum. My country will not respond to such low, ill-mannered language except with polite, refined language that sincerely reflects its loyalty and devotion to the deep-seated ties that unite it with the countries and peoples of the region, which cannot be shaken by transient circumstantial factors or the trivial concerns of those who stand behind its incitement. My country is resolute and extends its hand to our brothers as we seek to build with them a Sahel that enjoys security, safety and tranquillity. Today, Algeria is taking firm and solid steps on the right path established by the President of the Republic, Mr. Abdelmadjid Tebboune, to strengthen the political and institutional stability of the country, build a strong and diversified national economy, end dependence on the hydrocarbon sector and enhance the social character of the Algerian State as a fixed principle and solid legacy of our glorious revolution of liberation. That approach has yielded its first fruits in strengthening the security and stability of the country, consolidating its democratic path, particularly in the recent presidential elections, and laying the foundations for a comprehensive economic renaissance that has restored our national economy’s position in Africa among the three strongest economies on the continent and opened the door to opportunities for cooperation and profitable partnership for all parties in it. In the light of those achievements, Algeria is working to strengthen its relations with all sisterly, friendly and partner countries in its neighbourhood and beyond. My country also seeks to continue working closely with all States Members of our Organization that share our commitment to and concern for upholding the principles and values enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Although the current situation in our world is difficult and dangerous and is capable of breaking the strongest will and discouraging the most ardent determination, we remain very confident that hope will survive and that ambition will remain. From the heart of crises, opportunities are born; from the womb of suffering, determination is sharpened; and from the heart of adversity, hope shines. We hope from the bottom of our hearts that we will have a better world for current generations and for future generations.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Albert Shingiro, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Development Cooperation of the Republic of Burundi.

It is a great honour and a privilege for me to address the Assembly on behalf of Mr. Evariste Ndayishimiye, President of the Republic of Burundi, who could not be with us this morning and who has honoured me to represent him in these meetings to raise the voice and position of Burundi on the global challenges facing the world today. Allow me, Mr. President, to offer you my warm congratulations on your outstanding election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session. Your wisdom, your long and rich political and diplomatic experience, your high sense of listening and your qualities as a seasoned negotiator are for us the guarantee of the success of these meetings. You can always count on the full support and cooperation of Burundi throughout your mandate. Your predecessor, Ambassador Dennis Francis, deserves equal admiration and recognition for having invested himself in the accomplishment of his mission with brilliance during the session that we have just closed. At the same time, I address a well-earned tribute to Secretary-General António Guterres for his services to humankind through his courageous action in progress to make the United Nations an Organization close to the people, despite the complex global context in which it operates. The President’s slogan for this session, “Unity in diversity, for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for everyone, everywhere”, is all the more timely as the world we live in today is moving rapidly towards disunity and the questioning of the values of peace, solidarity and mutual understanding. That disunity is coupled with a new type of radicalism that prevents Member States from agreeing on how to tackle global challenges in a spirit of compromise and mutual trust. Indeed, today more than ever, most of us act as if we were alone in the world and as if others did not exist or did not matter. Solidarity has become a rare commodity at the very moment when we need it most. The undermining of positive values throughout the world has become the currency of choice. However, we know that all conflicts that the world has known, be they direct or proxy, proceed from the same logic — the denial of others, their interests and their very identity, be they cultural, religious or civilizational. In short, the loss of trust, tensions around geostrategic positions and deliberate disinformation are polarizing countries and paralysing societies across the world at an increasingly worrying pace. As is necessarily appropriate in such cases, my country, Burundi, strongly condemns all those who seek to impose on others their points of view, their practices or their own values and thoughts through muscle diplomacy and political conditionalities of development aid, while forgetting that the world is plural and that difference in diversity is a great asset and a driving force for development for economic growth and the flourishing of our societies. Properly understood at its true value, diversity in all its dimensions is a source of varied possibilities, opportunities and inspirations. The wealth of points of view, experiences and lessons learned brings a variety of ideas, knowledge, understanding and acceptance of others that can significantly improve a society’s ability to prosper, to understand the different perspectives of the contemporary world in which we live, and thus to live in peace and harmony with its immediate and distant environment. As we know, cultural diversity and values constitute a powerful lever for building links beyond differences. They unite populations and thereby support social cohesion, peace, security and peaceful coexistence. Despite that unifying function, the past 20 years have been marked by the increasing instrumentalization of culture and values for the purposes of division and tension. Because of their significance and intrinsic connection with populations, cultural diversity and the values we hold dear have increasingly been placed at the forefront of conflicts and used as a tool of division, even a weapon of war, above all to dominate weakened societies, particularly in the most fragile regions of the world. That self-centred exploitation of culture and values has contributed not only to the prolongation of crises and conflicts, but also to deterring the exercise of human rights, including economic, social and cultural rights. Today more than ever, bridging the gap among cultures, values and civilizations is urgent and necessary to establish peace, stability, solidarity and inclusive development that leaves no one behind. The world we live in today needs more than ever a consensual approach to face such major challenges as raging conflicts, intensifying natural disasters and climate change, omnipresent poverty and inequalities, the mistrust and dissensions that divide the world, the crumbling spirit of compromise and waning international solidarity, not to mention the Sustainable Development Goals, which are very far from being achieved. With regard to its role in building a better future and a world order based on the rule of law — a peaceful, equitable, prosperous and united world — Burundi, my country, is pursuing its ambition to strengthen relations of friendship and cooperation based on the principle of mutual respect and the sovereign equality of States to make Burundi a country that is a friend to all and an enemy to none. Burundi is a true supporter of a multilateralism in which all countries, regardless of their size and level of development, have a role to play in addressing the challenges of the moment that President Yang and the Secretary-General have already rightly mentioned. In that regard, Burundi opposes the unilateral measures imposed by certain actors, which can lead to the erosion and destruction of the social fabric in the targeted countries. As for the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, if nothing is done to reverse the current trends we will gradually move towards the renunciation of the promise made to humankind in 2015 in this very Hall. With only six years to go before the deadline, the Sustainable Development Goals Report 2024 clearly shows that only 17 per cent to 18 per cent of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are on track, nearly half have made little or moderate progress, while more than a third have stagnated or even regressed. Faced with such an alarming situation, we, the people, have no more time to lose. Let us act together and quickly to save the future generation, which will judge us by our actions in the event of inaction. It is supremely crucial that the international community redouble its efforts to address the various needs and challenges encountered, with a particular focus on countries in special situations, such as least developed countries, landlocked developing countries and small island developing States, with the aim of reversing the trend and the hope to leave no one behind, as we collectively decided in 2015 through the 2030 Agenda. At the national level, Burundi, like all other nations, is working hard to significantly improve the quality of life of its population. The Burundian people firmly believe that the only path that will lead them to true political independence necessarily passes through economic independence. To that end, the Government of Burundi, under the enlightened leadership of the President of the Republic, Mr. Evariste Ndayishimiye, is committed to making the peace and security already achieved profitable, has set out in the ambitious and achievable vision of making Burundi an emerging country by 2040 and a developed country by 2060. The goal sought in that reference document is to build a nation characterized by the well-being of the population, a sustained increase in production and structural changes leading to an increase in life expectancy, the satisfaction of basic needs and the reduction of unemployment and poverty in all its forms, dimensions and manifestations. By 2040, Burundi plans to be a peaceful country where everyone lives in decent conditions and no one dies from an avoidable cause, and with a competitive economy driven by the agrifood and industrial sectors with high added value and by mining for the benefit of society, all in a preserved natural environment and with consideration of the gender dimension and equity. In matters of peace and security, Burundi, always siding with solutions and not with problems, reiterates its commitment to the peaceful resolution of conflicts throughout the world with the tools that preventive diplomacy puts at our disposal, namely, dialogue, cooperation, consultation and negotiation. Representatives are well aware that without peace, no development is possible, and that without development peace becomes utopian, both being two sides of the same coin. The terrorist threat and the dangers associated with violent extremism have grown in recent years, with increasing ramifications at the local, regional and international levels. Faced with that existential threat, Burundi is committed to maintaining and strengthening its collaboration with other nations to prevent and combat terrorism and violent extremism through its substantial contribution to peace operations and the fight against terrorism, particularly in Somalia, the Central African Republic and the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, in order to support those brother countries in their legitimate efforts to restore peace and State authority throughout their territories. The climate crisis is besetting the planet before our very eyes and sustainable solutions are slow to come, due to a lack of financing for climate action capable of helping countries of the global South to face the threefold planetary crisis of climate change, pollution and loss of biodiversity. Burundi, like other countries of the subregion, is increasingly affected by climate change, despite its minimal contribution to global greenhouse gas emissions. The frequency of climatic phenomena such as floods, landslides, drought and the rise in the level of Lake Tanganyika is increasing. Those events disrupt agricultural cycles, leading to crop losses, food insecurity and the degradation of local ecosystems. We advocate a simplification of deadlines to allow seriously impacted countries to receive green financing to limit the adverse effects of climate change on the implementation of the SDGs. To contribute to the climate edifice, Burundi, like other signatory countries of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, has committed itself through its nationally determined contributions document and has integrated environmental protection, strengthened resilience to climate change and food security into its national policies and its Emerging Country in 2040 and Developed Country in 2060 vision. As we know, climate hazards affect more than the physical environment; they also affect the good health of populations. To that end, Burundi has taken health measures into account in its climate change mitigation plan and broken the record in the recent report of the Global Climate Change Alliance by climbing to the top of the list of countries that have most comprehensively taken the health of the population into account in their mitigation plan. Moreover, several initiatives for the protection and restoration of landscapes have been taken, including a vast national reforestation programme called Ewe Burundi Urambaye — Green Burundi — the promotion of agroforestry and the tracing of contour lines with the involvement of all sections of the population. I now come to the issue of human rights on the list of challenges to be met. For Burundi, dignity — as highlighted in our central theme — begins with the promotion and protection of human rights, which are universal, indivisible, interdependent and closely linked. My country, Burundi, firmly believes that human rights must be strengthened through adherence to the fundamental principles of universality, transparency, impartiality, non-selectivity, non-politicization and objectivity, as well as the rejection of the practice of double standards. The special mechanisms sometimes imposed to regulate geopolitics in certain regions of the world must give way to dialogue and cooperation. In that context, Burundi must be treated fairly by the Human Rights Council in Geneva and calls on certain actors to avoid continually saddling us with special political mechanisms without any added value in terms of the enjoyment of human rights in all their components. In that regard, I encourage the initiators of such projects — they know who they are — to withdraw the initiative to extend the mandate of the so-called Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Burundi, because such an attitude, which seeks to regulate domestic politics in Burundi, generates unnecessary and above all avoidable tensions between our country and the initiators of that politically motivated, cynical and immoral project. International migration is a worldwide reality that has been around ever since the world was created. It affects our countries, our communities, migrants and their families in different and sometimes unpredictable ways. Burundi recognizes the need for a global approach to human mobility and strengthened bilateral, regional and international cooperation with a view to facilitating safe, orderly and regular migration. At the national level, Burundi is signing cooperation agreements with destination countries on labour migration. That cooperative approach seeks to ensure the legal, social and human rights protection of migrant workers and thereby to significantly counter the traffic in human beings. The issue of multilateralism has been the subject of particular attention since the opening of our session. After 79 years of existence of the United Nations, the shared observation is that despite its limitations, which everyone knows, multilateralism has contributed to bringing undeniable results to certain global problems. Let us acknowledge them. The most recent example that multilateralism is not dead and buried was the adoption by consensus in this very Hall, on 22 September, of our Pact for the Future and its annexes (resolution 79/1), a concise and action- oriented document. However, despite that encouraging result, there are early signs of the progressive weakening of the spirit of compromise and indifference to collective rules. In an increasingly globalized world, where interdependence is robust, no State, however powerful, can hope to resolve all the challenges it faces alone. States must preserve and strengthen mutual commitment and adopt a more coordinated approach, based on the rules of the game, to avoid unilateral actions that, as we all know, often manifest themselves in the form of blatant interference in the internal affairs of other countries, in violation of the principles and values conveyed by the Charter of the United Nations. Regarding the reform of the Security Council, the endless negotiations of which have become elastic, my country Burundi, through me, reaffirms its commitment to the Common African Position reflected in the Ezulwini Consensus. It cannot be said often enough that the current multilateral system is showing its limits in effectively ensuring global governance. The notorious and atrocious injustice committed against Africa, the only continent absent from the Security Council in the category of permanent membership and inadequately represented in the category of non- permanent membership, must end. Seeking to perpetuate the exclusion of more than 1.2 billion inhabitants from the table where major decisions concerning them are taken is an attitude that is simply unacceptable. Access to information in a universal, equitable and financially affordable manner, as well as to the instruments providing access to it, is also one of the major challenges of modern times. The Internet claims to represent a relationship of rapprochement between spaces and peoples, but the so-called spider web favours rich countries while developing countries are still poorly connected, particularly in Africa. At a time when the world and trade are becoming increasingly digital, it is becoming imperative for all countries to have access to the Internet, including artificial intelligence, which is revolutionizing the world as we speak. The increasingly widening and gaping abyss between the countries of the global North and the global South is causing the latter to lose a large number of social, scientific and economic opportunities. As leaving no one behind is one of the pillars of United Nations action, it is more than urgent that the digital divide be bridged in the legitimate interest of current and future generations. I cannot conclude without informing the Assembly of and, above all, without reiterating Burundi’s commitment to implementing the theme “Unity in diversity, for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for everyone, everywhere”.

I now give the floor to Her Excellency Ms. Mélanie Joly, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Canada.

It is an honour for me to speak to the General Assembly on behalf of Canada and on behalf of Canadians. I would like to underscore that I am joining the Assembly on the traditional territory of the Lenape people. That recognition is important because today in Canada we mark the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation, when we acknowledge and commemorate the indigenous peoples who came before us and continue to live here. We acknowledge the pain caused by decades of abuse, neglect and racism. This is also an opportunity for us to commit to doing better and to righting the wrongs of the past so we can move forward together. (spoke in English) Ours is a country based on the rights and freedoms that are enshrined in our constitutional Charter. A core reason that Canada is a prosperous society is that, beyond offering the freedom to pursue a better life for you and your family, it is also a way for us provide freedom from the barriers that prevent you from enjoying a better life — freedom from fear, violence, intimidation and discrimination; freedoms that foster a sense of inclusivity and belonging; freedom that protects the vulnerable and builds stronger communities. Far too often, though, some of the loudest voices claiming to speak for freedom are the ones trying to redefine that word for their own purposes. They claim freedom as an excuse to do as they wish without any regard for the freedom of others. That is certainly not how we should define freedom. They hide behind the word to tell us that everything is broken and to spread disinformation, and they parrot the lines fed to them by those who wish to interfere in our elections and undermine our democracy. They weaponize the term “freedom” to further marginalize those in the most vulnerable situations, to justify spreading hate and even to deny people their right to make choices about their own bodies, including limits on reproductive rights. At the end of the day, through all the noise, what they really mean to say is that freedom is for some, but not for all. Often, the people who claim to speak for freedom are the same people who want the Government to decide who people can love, who they are or even what they can wear. We see it in our country. We see it around the world. At the international level, we see it when groups or countries declare that international law does not apply to them. In Afghanistan, we see it taken to its extreme as the Taliban continue to impose inhumane rules against women and girls, banning them from being in public so they are invisible and robbing young girls of the fundamental right to an education. How is that respecting human dignity? How is that protecting the best interests of their people? They must be held accountable. Last week, Canada joined Australia, Germany and the Netherlands, with the support of 22 other countries, to take steps to hold Afghanistan accountable under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. The Taliban cannot make international law disappear through simple decrees. Canada is a country that values freedom from oppression, not the freedom to oppress others. There should be nothing controversial about protecting human rights, including the dignity of all men and women. With regard to Haiti, the world cannot sit idly by as people suffer. (spoke in French) Unchecked gang violence and corruption in Haiti have created a catastrophe for the population, which is plunged into a state of deep insecurity in which civilians fall victim to bullets and children die of hunger. Canada has always maintained that the solution to the crisis must come from Haitians for the benefit of Haitians. To that end, the Transitional Presidential Council and the transitional Government are working to restore order, but they cannot do it alone. The Haitian people need the Multinational Security Support mission to work with the Haitian National Police, not only to help them restore order but also to meet the basic needs of the population. That is why Canada has invested more than $100 million to support it. Canada is doing its part. We must all show the Haitian people that we are not going to abandon them. The Security Council must be clear on that, and I thank it for the decision it took earlier today. I would like to thank the Caribbean Community and Kenya for the essential role they are playing in the response to the crisis. Together, we can achieve lasting peace and stability in Haiti. (spoke in English) What is happening in the Middle East is an unspeakable tragedy. Thousands have been killed in Israel, Gaza and Lebanon, including many Canadians. This is a senseless war that goes against the dignity of human beings. The suffering on all sides must end. What the world continues to witness is a repeated cycle of violence in which civilians pay the heaviest price. Canada is joining those urging Israel and Hizbullah to accept an immediate ceasefire. We need to create space for peace talks and save lives. There cannot be war in Lebanon — full stop. Security Council resolutions must be respected. Families in southern Lebanon and families in northern Israel must be able to safely return to their homes. We have and always will insist that civilians be protected, wherever they are from. Next week will mark one year since the terrorist attacks by Hamas against Israel. Last March, I visited Kibbutz Kfar Aza, one of the communities attacked on 7 October 2023. I met Ayalet, a mother grieving for her son, who was brutally murdered in the attack; he died protecting his fiancée. Ayalet recounted the terror of that day, the search for loved ones in burned homes. As she spoke about the horrors of 7 October, we heard the bombs as they landed on Gaza nearby and felt the ground shudder. In that moment, our sense of the duality of the tragedy befalling the Israeli and Palestinian people was profound. It is a moment I will never forget. The situation in Gaza is inhumane. The level of suffering is unacceptable, and it must stop. Innocent Palestinians, including women and children, cannot pay the price of defeating Hamas. That must end. A ceasefire is needed immediately. Hostages must be released. That will require both sides to make real efforts. For lasting peace, Canada has long advocated a two-State solution. We believe that Israelis and Palestinians alike have the right to exist. We all know that a negotiated agreement is the best chance for Israelis and Palestinians to live side-by- side in peace and security. Unfortunately, Hamas, a terrorist organization, continues to operate in Gaza, refuses to release hostages and refuses to lay down its weapons. Meanwhile, the Government of Israel is against the creation of a Palestinian State. Violence against Palestinians by extremist settlers and the expansion of settlements by Israel in the West Bank continue unabated. That is unacceptable. Canada supports the creation of a Palestinian State. That is why we are providing security and development support to the Palestinians themselves. We will officially recognize the State of Palestine at the right time, when it is most conducive to building a lasting peace and not necessarily as the last step of a negotiated process. More than anything, the conflict has led to unspeakable pain. Communities are hurting. People have the right to protest peacefully, but nobody has the freedom to intimidate others. Polarization is a real problem. Division is real. We have a collective responsibility to bring people together. It has now been two and a half years since Russia launched its illegal invasion of Ukraine. The human cost continues to grow. No country has the right or the freedom to invade its neighbour. There is no freedom to impose one’s will on others. That aggression is a blatant violation of the Charter of the United Nations. Russia needs to get out of Ukraine now. The Ukrainian people have the right to be free from fear and from aggression. They have the right to decide what their own future should be. We all know that if Russia’s aggression goes unchecked here, it will continue. Many countries of the region and the hemisphere are wondering if they will be next. The world must not back down in denouncing that unjustifiable aggression. Canada will not back down from its support for Ukraine. At the end of October, Canada will host a conference, co-organized with Norway and Ukraine, on the human dimension of Ukraine’s 10-point peace formula. We will focus on the return of children to their families and on deported civilians and prisoners of war. Every one of those affected by the war is entitled to freedom from violence and from being forced from their home. (spoke in French) The issues I have just raised create immense challenges. This institution has a role to play in helping us to work together toward solutions. Critics of the United Nations accuse it of being incapable of solving the problems currently facing the world. Worse still, some more conspiratorial critics even believe that the United Nations is the cause of many of those problems. Both ignore the reality and the strength of the Organization. The United Nations is a unique forum that allows us to come together and talk to each other on an equal footing to try to iron out our differences, which are indeed sometimes profound, through discussion and consensus-building. That is why Canada supported the adoption of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) at the Summit of the Future last week. The Pact is a starting point as we work together to ensure the sustainability of the Organization. The United Nations is not a perfect Organization, it is true, but progress is possible. As the Secretary-General has said, “We cannot create a future fit for our grandchildren with systems built for our grandparents.” Let us build that future together. For almost 80 years, no woman has held the post of Secretary-General. That is unacceptable. Last week, with my colleague from Jamaica, I had the great honour of welcoming to Toronto 15 women Foreign Ministers from the four corners of the world. Our conclusion was clear. The next head of this illustrious institution must be a woman. It is high time we were able to respectfully say, at this rostrum and around the world, “Madam Secretary-General”. I would say the same for the post of President of the General Assembly. With all the respect I have for you, Mr. Vice-President, and for the President of the General Assembly, I hope that next year representatives will address “Madam President”. I know that many of us share that wish. I should like to tell the General Assembly about my mother. She will be so proud that I am talking about her at the United Nations. My mother and grandmother are among the millions of women around the world who have fought hard for equal rights. They have done so alongside the mothers and grandmothers of many of the people in the Hall. Mum recently told me that we were now part of the “consolidation generation”. She was right. (spoke in English) Being part of our generation means that we need to consolidate the gains that have been made over time and fight against those who are trying to roll back that progress. It also means that we need to continue to fight so that women and girls everywhere have the right to make choices about their own bodies and their own lives. We see the difference which the gap in freedoms creates. When women are robbed of the right to decide when to have children, they lose out on education and job opportunities. When women do not have access to safe abortions, their lives are put at risk. When women are denied access to safe contraception and fertility treatments, they lose the power to make choices that have the most profound impacts on their lives. Attacks on sexual and reproductive health rights are an attack on equality rights. They are an affront to basic dignity. (spoke in French) We must always have the right to choose for ourselves, which means we must be able to decide which contraception to use or whether to have an abortion or even to choose assisted reproduction. We women have the right to be equal in everything — in education, in employment and in every other opportunity. We are women and proud of it. We can never turn back. Together, we must keep moving forward for our sisters, our daughters and our granddaughters. (spoke in English) Two years ago, I stood here and said that countries around the world were faced with a choice (see A/77/PV.14). We still have that choice today. We can choose a world where rules can be broken by the powerful, bringing us back to darker times of tension and conflict, or we can choose a world that upholds human rights, opportunities for all, peace and prosperity; a world where people work together to solve problems. Canada will work with partners to move us beyond this moment of crisis. A new future is being shaped. We must not fail.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Seán Fleming, Minister of State of Ireland.

We gather at a very important moment. World leaders have agreed the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), which charts a way forward to meet the challenges facing us as a global community. To do so, we must honour existing commitments, including the Sustainable Development Goals and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, and be ready to adapt to new and emerging challenges. It requires us to address the interlocking crises of climate change, conflict, hunger, injustice and underdevelopment, and it requires us to protect the means to achieve progress For generations, the multilateral system, with the Charter of the United Nations at its heart, has driven our best advances. I believe that we have a shared responsibility to bring about a world in which each of us can thrive in safety, dignity and peace. We are accountable to those who will follow us, and accountable to each other to uphold the United Nations Charter, to stand up for international law, to ensure the peaceful settlement of disputes, to defend the universal and indivisible nature of human rights, and to pass on to the next generation a functioning multilateral system. The rules-based international order and the international human rights system are our greatest assets in achieving and sustaining peace. Human rights provide a common binding framework. We believe that every State has a duty to support and strengthen the international human rights regime and to defend it where it is challenged. That is why Ireland is seeking membership of the Human Rights Council for the period 2027-2029. We are doing so because we are deeply committed to human rights. We wish to further contribute to the United Nations human rights system and the valuable work of the Human Rights Council. We hope that we can count on the support of many in the Hall who share our belief in the values and principles we have collectively established. We also have a duty to uphold international law and the international legal order. Ireland is fully committed to supporting the essential work of the International Court of Justice and calls on all States to abide by its rulings. Ireland is also wholly committed to the international criminal justice system. The International Criminal Court is the cornerstone of that system and must be allowed to pursue its mandate without fear or favour. We strongly condemn all attempts to intimidate or threaten the International Criminal Court, its officials or those cooperating with the Court. There can be no impunity for the most serious crimes of international concern. We are seeing a global backlash against the human rights of women and girls. The gender persecution in Afghanistan stands out for its cruelty and must be denounced. In too many parts of our world, we see hard-won progress threatened and even reversed. We cannot accept that. Our commitment to gender equality must be non-negotiable. We must also address the unacceptable rise in attacks on the rights to life, liberty and security of LGBTQI+ people in all corners of the world, and we must unequivocally condemn all forms of racism, intolerance and hatred, including antisemitism, anti-Muslim hatred and the persecution of Christians. We are already seeing the destructive impacts of climate change. It is clear that climate change is a driver and multiplier of instability and conflict. Ireland worked hard to address that during our recent term on the Security Council. Climate change threatens each and every one of us, from small island developing States in the Pacific, the Caribbean and elsewhere, to countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Those who have contributed least to climate change are among the most vulnerable to its impacts. That is an enormous injustice. As we approach the twenty- ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, we must do everything we can to reduce fossil fuel emissions. As a fellow island State, Ireland is working to support adaptation and loss and damage activities. We need collective action, at speed and at scale, to avert the most catastrophic impacts of the climate crisis. Ireland and our European Union partners will play our role. At the United Nations last year, and again in the Pact for the Future, we have recommitted to the Sustainable Development Goals. Now we need to act with urgency as progress on those targets falters. Ireland’s international development budget is at record levels and, per capita, we are one of the strongest providers of humanitarian assistance on the planet. We are firmly committed to global solidarity and to reaching the furthest behind first. We will maintain our focus on action to end hunger and malnutrition, and especially the needless global scandal of child wasting and stunting. We will remain champions of gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls. We face the very real prospect of regional war in the Middle East. I am deeply concerned at the spiralling violence and the situation in Lebanon. Hizbullah has long been a malign actor in Lebanon and in the region. We have consistently condemned its attacks. But massive and ongoing Israeli airstrikes on densely populated areas are causing the indiscriminate deaths of civilians and destruction on a vast scale. Hundreds of thousands have been forced to flee. A ground war would be truly catastrophic. All parties to conflict have an obligation to abide by international humanitarian law. There can be no exceptions. I call on all parties to immediately de-escalate, to step back from the brink and to exercise restraint, and I call on all States that have influence, including Iran, to use it constructively. We need to create the space for political and diplomatic solutions and to ensure that urgent humanitarian assistance can get to those in desperate need. The violence must stop now. The scale of death, destruction and human misery in Gaza is truly horrific and completely unacceptable. Ireland has consistently condemned Hamas for its heinous attacks in Israel on 7 October 2023. The taking of hostages is unconscionable. However, Israel’s response has been and is completely disproportionate. We need an immediate ceasefire and hostage release deal, followed by a massive surge of humanitarian aid into Gaza. Instead, we are seeing an alarming escalation of the conflict in the West Bank and now in Lebanon. The violence and killing must stop. It has long been clear that the only viable basis for lasting peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians is a two-State solution. The recent adoption by the General Assembly of resolution ES-10/24 on the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice is a step in the right direction. The international community must now act to implement it. Ireland supports the global initiative launched last week here in New York to support the two-State solution, I encourage States to join in that shared effort. Russia’s unjustifiable war of aggression against Ukraine represents a severe threat to the global multilateral system. A challenge to the norm that borders cannot be changed by force should concern us all very deeply. We should all be deeply concerned by defiance of the United Nations Charter by a permanent member of the Security Council. Undermining the rules-based order, on which the security of each of us depends, should concern us all. The transfer of ballistic missiles by Iran and North Korea to Russia for use in Ukraine is totally unacceptable. Those transfers are unlawful and threaten international peace and security, and they must stop. That is not just a European security concern. This is a war with global impacts on food security, energy and commodity prices. Too often, it is those least able to respond who suffer the most. And it is a colonial war, about annexing the territory and destroying the identity of a United Nations Member State. That is why Ireland is committed to holding Russia accountable for its actions and to bringing about a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine. As the global community reaffirmed at the first Summit on Peace in Ukraine, the United Nations Charter can and must serve as a basis to achieve that peace. It is shocking that Russia has threatened the use of nuclear weapons in that conflict. The mere possession of nuclear weapons carries the risk of human and environmental disaster. That is why Ireland will propose a draft resolution at this session of the General Assembly to further our collective scientific understanding of the dangers those weapons pose. I urge all countries to support that draft resolution. We cannot allow a new nuclear arms race. We must also act to prevent another arms race for weapons beyond human control, and do so urgently, given the pace of technological development. Ireland supports the Secretary-General’s call to conclude a treaty on autonomous weapons systems by the end of 2026. The Horn of Africa and the Sahel region are beset by multiple overlapping crises, from food insecurity, drought and flooding to actual conflict. Addressing them means working for sustainable development and human rights. The situation in the Sudan is appalling — 12 million people forced from their homes; widespread reports of abuses against civilians, particularly women and girls; 25 million face crisis levels of hunger and are now facing famine. We need to see urgent action. We demand a ceasefire, humanitarian access, the protection of civilians and accountability for human rights abuses. We must do whatever it takes to pressure the parties to come back to the negotiating table and bring to an end that destructive cycle of violence. And we need to see accountability for those who have committed these atrocities. As we witness those harrowing conflicts, we must not accept that situation. The world as it is now is not the world as it should be. We have seen what can be achieved by cooperation through the Organization. The fact that the international community has managed to come together in a time of heightened tension to endorse that vision and agree a way forward, a Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), shows us what can be achieved. We continue to be united by our shared humanity. Ireland will work hard with others during the General Assembly to follow through on our words with action.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Manuel José Gonçalves, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of the Republic of Mozambique.

It is a great honour for me to address the Assembly and to convey to all participants in this session a special greeting from Mr. Filipe Jacinto Nyusi, President of the Republic of Mozambique. We congratulate Mr. Philemon Young on his election as President of the General Assembly at the seventy-ninth session and wish him success in fulfilling his mandate. We extend our greetings to the other members of the Bureau. We assure him of our full support in carrying out his duties. We also commend the positive work carried out by his predecessor, Ambassador Dennis Francis, which contributed to the strengthening of our Organization towards a more decisive approach to the peace and development agenda. We extend a word of great appreciation to Secretary-General António Guterres for his tireless dedication and advocacy in promoting multilateralism for global peace and security. The current session of the General Assembly is a sovereign opportunity to reinforce multilateralism and our collective action to consolidate international peace and security for the well-being of humankind. Those renewed commitments were reinforced by the deliberations of the Summit of the Future and other important high- level events held recently. We therefore welcome the theme of our general debate, which has particular relevance due to its connection with the future, which requires urgent efforts to strengthen international cooperation so that, together, we can face the challenges faced by humankind today and build a prosperous present and the promising future for humankind. We are aware that in just six years the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development will expire and that the progress made on its implementation remains still tenuous. It is urgent to mobilize the resources necessary for its financing and for other internationally agreed development objectives in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. We therefore encourage all Member States to accelerate the materialization of the commitments made, including the reinforcement of mutually beneficial cooperation in responding to prevailing challenges, including the fight against poverty, conflict, terrorism and climate change. We are optimistic about our collective future, where an environment of peace and security reigns. The functioning of our global institutions must keep up with the current dynamics imposed upon us. We therefore align ourselves with the voices defending the urgent need to reform the United Nations, especially at the level of the Security Council, so as to ensure greater inclusion, particularly giving a permanent voice to the African continent, thereby correcting the historical injustice to which it has been subject. We are encouraged by the ongoing collaboration between the United Nations and the African Union to overcome conflicts in the context of maintaining international peace and security. Resolution 2719 (2023), adopted by the Security Council on 21 December 2023, is a significant milestone for African Union-led peace support operations. It strengthens collaboration between the United Nations and the African Union, promoting greater regional and national ownership of peace initiatives. We hope that it will effectively ensure access to the adequate, predictable and sustainable financing required for the operations of the African Union. We believe that this collaboration will help to strengthen efforts to prevent and resolve conflicts towards a prosperous and peaceful Africa, the Africa we want, as established in the Agenda 2063 of the African Union. The concert of nations has been made feasible throughout these times by the collective observance of the sacrosanct objectives and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, including the defence of the right to self-determination of peoples and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States. We are deeply concerned over the escalation of conflicts and tensions in various parts of the world. In Ukraine, unfortunately, there are still no encouraging signs of an end to the conflict. We believe that the safest path is dialogue between the parties. It is up to all of us, as Members of the United Nations, to persuade the parties to the conflict to end hostilities and opt for dialogue towards peace between those two countries. In the Middle East, in violation of the principles of international law and international humanitarian law, the conflict continues to claim civilian lives, particularly those of children, women and the elderly, and to destroy civilian infrastructure, causing the tragedy that we are regretfully witnessing. We call for a cessation of hostilities and the protection of innocent civilians in the conflict. The vision of the existence of two sovereign States, Israel and Palestine, as full Members of the United Nations is the fairest formula that will ensure sustainable peace and stability in that region. In Africa, we are also concerned about the conflict in the Sudan, which has killed thousands of innocent civilians, including refugees, and caused an unprecedented humanitarian disaster. We reiterate our call on the parties to the conflict to end hostilities and the need for dialogue in order to restore peace and stability. The use of sanctions and other unilateral coercive measures does not contribute to the preservation of peace, security and sustainable economic and social development. Unilateralism is contrary to the multilateralism enshrined in the Charter. In that context, we reiterate our film call for the total lifting of the unilateral coercive measures imposed on Zimbabwe and Cuba, which have had significant negative impacts on the populations of those countries and harmed their rights and well-being, so as to allow for more fair and equitable development. In January 2023, Mozambique began its two-year term as a non-permanent member of the Security Council, from 2023 to 2024. With three months remaining until its end, we reiterate that it has been an honour and a privilege to serve on the United Nations organ responsible for maintaining international peace and security. Over the past two years, Mozambique has made its direct contribution to peace and security in the world, collaborating in addressing all topics on the Security Council’s agenda, amongst which we highlight peace and security in Africa, combating terrorism, women and peace and security, and the nexus between climate, peace and security. We presided over the Council in March 2023 and May 2024. We have been chairing the ad hoc Working group on Conflict Prevention and Resolution in Africa. We will soon end our mandate. We reaffirm our commitment to continuing to collaborate with a view to pursuing the goals that guide the Security Council in strengthening international peace and security. We therefore thank all Member States for the support they have given to Mozambique during its mandate and reaffirm our commitment to multilateralism and the principles and objectives set out in the United Nations Charter, which have guided our mandate since the beginning. In Mozambique, we continue to consolidate our young democracy and citizenship, strengthen dialogue and seek consensus in the various forums of participatory representation. In that spirit, the seventh presidential and legislative elections and those for the provincial assemblies will take place on 9 October. In the fight against terrorism in the province of Cabo Delgado, our vigorous action against that phenomenon has made progress, with the support of the Southern African Development Community, Rwanda and international cooperation partners, despite the prevailing challenges. In that regard, we reiterate our appreciation and gratitude to all bilateral and multilateral partners that have spared no effort in supporting us in the fight against terrorism and for the restoration of peace and tranquillity to the victim populations and the reconstruction of economic and social infrastructure in areas affected by terrorist activities. Furthermore, our country has faced multiple and complex challenges, including exposure to risks associated with climate change, such as cyclical cyclones, droughts and floods. Those phenomena cause economic losses averaging around 1.1 per cent of our gross domestic product per year. Finally, we reiterate the commitment of the Government of the Republic of Mozambique to international peace and security, which are essential factors for the well-being of humankind in this prosperous world.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Sheikh Shakhboot Nahyan Al Nahyan, Minister of State for the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Emirates. Sheikh Al Nahyan (United Arab Emirates) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, I would like to thank Mr. Dennis Francis for his outstanding leadership of the previous session. I also congratulate Mr. Philemon Yang on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session, and I wish him success in that endeavour. From the rostrum of the General Assembly, a place that has always embraced our ambitions and agonies, we call upon all to join hands and work together to create a better world for our sons and daughters and for future generations — a better world in which they can enjoy a decent, prosperous and stable life; a world in which all political, diplomatic and economic capabilities and tools and the latest technological and scientific advancements are harnessed to preserve life in all its forms. In the United Arab Emirates, we have focused on that vision. We have unleashed the wheel of progress in every field, from development, economy and education to technology and industry. Since its inception, the United Arab Emirates has adopted a transparent foreign policy based on credibility and building balanced relations with all countries. That includes supporting regional and international efforts to achieve stability and reduce escalations, encouraging dialogue and building bridges, as well as resolving crises instead of merely managing them. As our world stands at a dangerous crossroads, we must redirect the compass of our international action to focus on a set of fundamental and non-negotiable principles. Most importantly, we must stand united in the face of contentious issues, support all peoples without applying double standards, ensure the protection of civilians, uphold the rule of law, commit to human rights and respect the principles of good neighbourliness. Returning to those basic principles has become more urgent than ever, particularly in the light of serious violations committed in conflicts raging in our region and around the world. Those violations have deepened human suffering, erased decades of progress and caused widespread displacement, creating massive refugee crises. They have also increased the burdens on concerned and neighbouring countries, particularly with the ongoing bloody war on the Gaza Strip, the wars in the Sudan and Ukraine, and the crises taking place in Yemen, Syria, Libya, the Sahel, Afghanistan, Myanmar, Haiti and other countries. It must be recalled here that even wars have rules. Parties must respect international law, including international humanitarian law. In Gaza, an immediate and lasting ceasefire must be reached, the rapid, full and unimpeded access of humanitarian aid at scale must be allowed, and the hostages and detainees must be released. The relevant Security Council resolutions must also be implemented. We must act wisely in response to the rapid developments threatening our region. It is evident that everything we have warned of is now unfolding beyond our control. We regret to see the war spread to Lebanon at a time when we were hoping for an announcement about a deal to end the war on Gaza. It is unacceptable to ignore the decisions and advisory opinions issued by the highest judicial body of the United Nations, the International Court of Justice. That includes the provisional measures issued by the Court regarding the war on Gaza. In that context, we call for maintaining the security and safety of people. We must safeguard regional and international stability, including the security of international navigation, trade routes and energy supplies. That is especially crucial in the light of the continued attempts of terrorist and extremist groups to exploit people’s suffering for their own political goals. In the Sudan, the warring parties must stop the fighting immediately and permanently and allow unhindered and sustainable access to humanitarian assistance across borders and conflict lines. We express our complete rejection of the continued targeting by the warring parties of civilians and their obstruction of the delivery of humanitarian aid. My country condemns in the strongest terms the blatant attack launched by the Sudanese Armed Forces on the residence of the Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates in Khartoum on 29 September, in flagrant violation of the fundamental principle of the inviolability of diplomatic premises and of international conventions and norms, particularly the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. We call on the warring parties to engage seriously in peace talks. In that regard, we emphasize the importance of building on the positive outcomes achieved in the meetings of the working group of the Aligned for Advancing Lifesaving and Peace in Sudan Group. We commend all initiatives aimed at finding a comprehensive solution to the crisis. We must all continue working with regional and international partners to alleviate the suffering of the Sudanese people so as to ensure them a safer and more prosperous life. In Ukraine, the impacts of the ongoing war have transcended seas and continents. It is therefore imperative to find a peaceful solution to end the conflict, which has increased global polarization, created refugee and prisoner-related crises and impacted global food security. Through our continued engagement with all parties, my country has contributed to the release of nearly 2,000 prisoners of war through mediation efforts between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. We continue to push for dialogue and de-escalation and support recovery and reconstruction. Speaking of resolving long-standing crises, we must reiterate here our full support for Moroccan sovereignty over the Moroccan Sahara region, as well as for the autonomy initiative to maintain the territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Morocco. In numerous crises, my country has refused to the international response to be obstructed by growing global polarization or obstacles imposed by conflict parties. To that end, my country has sought to overcome those challenges and used all available means to enable humanitarian work to continue. To help all those in need around the world, in line with our commitment to the legacy of Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the founder of the United Arab Emirates. Today, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, President of the United Arab Emirates, has directed $100 million in urgent relief aid to support the brotherly people of Lebanon in facing the current challenges. When the war intensified in the Sudan, pushing millions of people into a multidimensional humanitarian disaster, the United Arab Emirates devoted its efforts to supporting the Sudanese people. We recently contributed $100 million to support United Nations efforts to address the humanitarian repercussions of the war in the Sudan and neighbouring countries. We have also established two field hospitals in Chad to provide medical services to all those in need, including Sudanese refugees. Similarly, we spare no effort in supporting the innocent people besieged in Gaza. To that end, we have sent urgent aid by land, air and sea and provided treatment to sick and injured Palestinians through the field hospital we established in Rafah and the floating hospital in El-Arish. The United Arab Emirates also continues to help evacuate the wounded and sick and their families from Gaza, most of whom are children and cancer patients, to receive the necessary treatment in the United Arab Emirates hospitals. We have also maintained our support for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, which plays a vital role in Gaza. We welcome its recent launch of preparatory programmes to resume its educational services in the Strip. We applaud the humanitarian workers who provide a ray of hope in the dark shadow of war for all their efforts. If we want to bring an end to the vicious seven-decade cycle of the Palestinian issue, we must take concrete steps towards the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, with East Jerusalem as its capital, based on the two-State solution. We must also consider the establishment of a temporary international mission in the Gaza Strip, upon an official request from the Palestinian Government, to address the humanitarian crisis, re-establish security and law and reunite Gaza and the West Bank under a reformed Palestinian Authority. That would enable the Palestinian Authority, once reformed, to take firm steps towards reaching a comprehensive and just political solution for the Palestinian issue. My country believes that the State of Palestine, which only a couple of weeks ago took its new seat in the Hall like any other nation, has fulfilled the requirements for full membership of the Organization. It deserves to be recognized by all States as a full-fledged State under occupation. In parallel with our efforts on those issues, my country renews its demand on Iran to end its occupation of the three United Arab Emirates islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa. Those islands are an integral part of the United Arab Emirates. We will continue to urge Iran to respond to our repeated calls to resolve that issue, either through direct negotiations or by resort to the International Court of Justice. With respect to all other issues, the United Arab Emirates believes that the best way to resolve crises is through diplomacy. We cannot fight fire with fire. When traditional approaches are no longer effective, it is our duty to update them so as to move forward during the darkest moments of our history. Building a secure and prosperous future requires renovating the mechanisms of multilateral action to better address the serious challenges surrounding us and to play important roles in finding solutions to conflicts and crises, particularly as the current international system has failed in preventing the most serious crimes or holding its perpetrators accountable. That will first require reform of the Security Council through a comprehensive effort that includes all States Members of the United Nations, which would allow the Council to restore its credibility, fulfil its mandate of maintaining international peace and security, and combat impunity, even in situations where polarization and political considerations prevent it from taking action. Developing and poor countries must also be at the centre of any international effort. We must ensure that women and young people are empowered to play their critical and meaningful roles in all aspects of collective action. While we are preoccupied with addressing the current reality, we must not lose sight of the importance of crisis prevention efforts. The deadliest wars in history did not break out overnight; they were the result of extremism, hate speech and intolerance accumulating over years, if not decades. That requires us to take concrete steps to uphold the principles of tolerance and peaceful coexistence and to coordinate regional and international efforts to extinguish the sparks of conflict before they ignite. Furthermore, collective action is the only way to address the challenges posing threats to the future of humankind and our planet, including climate change. The outcomes of the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP28), hosted by the United Arab Emirates, demonstrated what we can achieve when we work together. The historic United Arab Emirates consensus adopted by 198 countries embodies a global consensus on developing measures to prevent global warming above 1.5°C and to operationalize the Fund for responding to Loss and Damage to compensate the countries most affected by climate change. We will continue to cooperate with everyone to support climate action and clean and renewable energy solutions, including through the COP Presidencies Troika initiative with Azerbaijan and Brazil, to provide a concrete response that contributes to the achievement of the objectives of international climate agreements. We will also pursue our efforts to address the issues of water scarcity and the provision of sustainable clean water for all, including through the United Nations Water Conference, which we intend to host in the United Arab Emirates in 2026, in partnership with Senegal. Our other initiative in that field, most notably, is the Mohamed bin Zayed Water Initiative, which was launched this year. In that forward-looking spirit, my country seeks to explore the potential opportunities provided by advanced technologies and to harness emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence, as essential tools to find innovative solutions for our businesses, lives and Government services. We believe that international attention and investments should be directed towards those technologies in order to accelerate sustainable development and achieve transformative shifts in addressing the challenges we face in different fields. That will allow us to bridge development gaps and support progress for all. Let us seize this opportunity to correct the course of joint international action, our refuge in difficult times, and work together hand-in-hand to create a bright future that future generations will be proud of.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Peter Mohan Maithree Pieris, Chairman of the delegation of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka felicitates Mr. Philemon Yang of Cameroon on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. Against the background of global turmoil, setbacks and transformations, the aspirations of this year’s session of the Assembly to a better global future resonate with those of the people of Sri Lanka. On 23 September, following a transparent and peaceful electoral process and a dignified transition, in keeping with our decades of democratic practice, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake was sworn in as the ninth Executive President of Sri Lanka. The people of Sri Lanka have vested in him the mandate to realize the people’s aspirations for the future and to build a sustainable foundation for future generations. President Dissanayake has outlined to the nation his determination to put in place a united Sri Lanka and a transformed ethical political culture echoing the wishes of the people. His future trajectory combines nation- building based on public trust in governance and in the political system through accountability, integrity and the elimination of waste and corruption. In the words of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake: “We are launching … a unified Sri Lankan nation that respects diversity, fully ending an era of division based on race, religion, caste and class”. In order to achieve those objectives, the Government has recognized that it is crucial to reinforce stability and confidence in the economy and stimulate growth. The Government will work within commitments to reach macroeconomic stability through the framework of international financial institutions and in negotiations with sovereign and private external stakeholders. The Government is acutely aware of the hardships that have been faced by the people in the process of economic transition. Measures will therefore be put in place to generate greater resources for enhanced public expenditure and welfare to raise the living standards of our people, with equity and justice. The recent vote for change by the people of Sri Lanka presents us with a renewed opportunity, and we are determined to succeed including with the support of our friends in the international community. Despite our consensus on the Pact of the Future (resolution 79/1), this year’s session takes place at a moment of profound global crises on multiple fronts. In the Middle East, we are closer to wider regional conflagration than when we convened last week and the humanitarian suffering in Gaza gets worse by the day. The achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) now appears beyond our reach, and we are off target on the Paris climate goal to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. Big Power rivalries and geopolitical tensions have reignited and widened, and new rifts are appearing on North-South lines. Racism, intolerance, discrimination and xenophobia against migrants are on the rise. Theatres of conflict and tension have opened up on land and in the oceans. Developments in the digital realm provide fertile ground for the proliferation of disinformation and hate speech, with the potential for violence. The lingering impact of the pandemic has reverberated throughout the global economy, creating profound economic insecurities, threatening free trade and leading to protectionist barriers. We are spending more on weapons than ever before in the past and, regrettably, the use of nuclear weapons is in mainstream discourse. New domains are being weaponized including outer space and cyberspace, while the use of artificial intelligence is challenging international humanitarian law on the battlefield. Today, a large number of developing countries, including my own, face a debt crisis of unprecedented proportions. That debt distress severely impedes our ability to invest in sustainable development, as we are unable to meet these financial obligations while simultaneously investing in the future and well-being of our citizens. It is a fact that financing challenges remain at the heart of the sustainable development crisis. As per the Financing for Sustainable Development Report 2024, the SDG financing gap is between $2.5 trillion to $4 trillion. Is that not staggering? Given those immense challenges, the need for comprehensive reform of the global financial architecture has never been more pressing. The current international debt resolution framework has failed to respond adequately and efficiently to contemporary challenges. The global landscape has changed dramatically, with global debt, particularly in the developing world, increasingly controlled by international bond markets and non-Paris Club lenders. Let us think about that. It is therefore time that we review the architecture’s traditional moorings; we must urgently reform the system to reflect the new economic landscape. It is therefore necessary, we say, to find a more efficient, comprehensive and equitable way to address debt. Other institutions of global governance that reflect the world of the past century need to be reformed to meet the challenges of the present and the future. The composition of the Security Council must be expanded to be representative of current global diversity and decision-making. In parallel, the role of the General Assembly, the most representative primary organ of the United Nations where all countries have an equal voice, must be strengthened and revitalized. Sri Lanka’s commitment to maintaining global peace and security has been unwavering. We recognize that peacekeeping is one of the most effective tools available to the United Nations to help Member States to manage the difficult phase of transitioning from conflict to peace. Sri Lanka has been contributing to United Nations peacekeeping operations in some of its most hostile and demanding deployments. Over 23,000 men and women from the Sri Lanka’s armed forces and police have contributed to ensuring international peace and security under the United Nations banner over the past six decades and been commended for their high-calibre service. Beyond economic recovery, we face an even greater existential threat — the ongoing climate crisis and the accompanying need for a just energy transition. Although our development trajectory has not contributed to climate degradation, Sri Lanka has taken concrete steps to address those challenges. We will increase our nation’s forest coverage and increase renewable energy in our energy mix. It is time for developed countries to fulfil their obligations and assume their fair share of responsibilities under the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. We need their support in mitigation and adaptation efforts, as well as compensation for loss and damage. Without a concerted international effort to bridge the climate financing gap, the burden of climate impacts will continue to fall most heavily on those least responsible for the crisis. Sri Lanka is committed to phasing out coal by 2040 and reaching net-zero carbon emission by 2050. As a climate-vulnerable country, Sri Lanka has been advocating for the operationalization of the Fund for responding to Loss and Damage and called for climate justice. There is therefore an urgent need for increased climate financing, especially for vulnerable developing nations like Sri Lanka. Two other critical issues that are also relevant to Sri Lanka as an island nation were a part of the discourse during this year’s high-level week. Sea level rise is an imminent reality affecting millions. While Sri Lanka has taken mitigation measures nationally, as included in the National Adaptation Plan for Climate Change, it is through concerted international action that solutions can be implemented to halt the global warming that is the cause of sea level rise. Sri Lanka initiated resolution 76/265, on declaring 1 March the World Sea Grass Day, to focus international attention and awareness on a small but significant aspect of universal importance in combatting climate change. Sri Lanka has further been recognized for its contribution to mangrove regeneration programme as a 2024 World Restoration Flagship by the United Nations, under the United Nations Decade on Ecosystem Restoration. Anti-microbial resistance (AMR) has become a critical public health issue the world over, with bacterial resistance linked to around 5 million deaths worldwide annually. That is alarming. AMR, if not contained, has the potential to spiral into a development issue as well, with life expectancies declining worldwide. We welcome the target of mobilizing $100 million through the Antimicrobial Resistance Multi- Partner Trust Fund to ensure that 60 per cent of countries have funded action plans by 2030. However, international cooperation and sustainable financing must increase to meet that goal. As we seek solutions to global challenges, we must harness the power of technology and innovation. Digital technologies and artificial intelligence offer unprecedented opportunities to accelerate sustainable development. Sri Lanka aims for sustained growth through innovation and envisages an equitable digital transformation through the establishment of accessible digital public infrastructure. At the same time, we call for increased capacity-building and technical assistance to bridge the global digital divide and empower all countries to leverage those tools for the betterment of their people. The theme of the seventy-ninth session calls on us to leave no one behind and to act together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations. In Sri Lanka, 38 per cent of our total population is youth, which is the most capable and dynamic resource that can contribute to our future development. Sri Lanka advocates for increased youth participation in decision-making processes. After all, the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1, annex II) is theirs. Simultaneously, the new Sri Lanka will realize the aspirations of a just society, with greater empowerment for women, who make up to 52 per cent of our population. As we look towards the future, we must also address one of the gravest injustices that the Assembly has inherited from the past. Sri Lanka has repeatedly voiced its concern over the dire humanitarian situation in the occupied Palestinian territories. We reiterate our support for the recognition of the legitimate and inalienable right of the Palestine people to statehood and join the call for a two-State solution, based on the 1967 borders, in line with all United Nations resolutions. As a country that has suffered separatist terrorism for decades, we condemn the terrorist attacks in the Middle East and elsewhere in the world. Sri Lanka calls for the complete and unconditional lifting of all unilateral coercive measures imposed against any country, as they hinder free trade and the right to development and have unintended humanitarian consequences. As an island country, we are concerned about the present environmental and geopolitical aspects relating to the oceans. We want our oceans to be free of rivalry, free of conflicts and free of pollution, and to be able to sustainably manage our marine resources. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, with its cohesive and universal nature, provides us with a say in shaping the global maritime system. Sri Lanka remains committed to the balance and collaboration embedded within the Treaty, enabling the freedom of navigation and sustainable use of the oceans, while respecting the sovereignty of coastal States. We must recognize that global challenges demand global solutions. In our interconnected world, no country can solve those complex problems in isolation. We must strengthen our international institutions, enhance knowledge-sharing and foster stronger relationships. We must work together equitably, ensuring that all voices are heard in shaping our shared future. It is encouraging that several developing countries are on the cusp of becoming the leading economies tomorrow. We must bolster South- South cooperation to foster economic growth, social progress and sustainable development among us. However, we appreciate that South-South Cooperation is not a substitute for the responsibilities of the global North, as set out in the Addis Ababa Action Agenda and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. In conclusion, as Sri Lanka embarks on a path of national unity, ethical governance and economic recovery and growth with justice and equity under new leadership, we reiterate our commitment to multilateral cooperation in pursuit of peace, prosperity and sustainability. We must harness the power of international solidarity to confront the interconnected challenges before us, as well as to explore durable solutions for the generations to come.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Song Kim, Chairman of the delegation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Mr. Song Kim (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) (spoke in Korean; interpretation provided by the delegation) Allow me first of all to congratulate Mr. Philemon Yang on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy- ninth session. I am confident that his able stewardship will lead this session to excellent fruition. The current session of the General Assembly is convened at a time when the existence and development of humankind are faced with unprecedentedly serious crises and challenges. Armed conflicts and bloodshed continue unabated in various parts of the world, with the situation in Gaza still going on for almost a year, taking the lives of tens of thousands of innocent civilians and creating the most appalling humanitarian crisis since the Second World War. To make matters worse, ever- deteriorating abnormal weather conditions, such as extreme high temperatures, drought, torrential rain and flood, cause massive human and material losses, coupled with such problems as the food and energy crises, unemployment and poverty and social inequality. In addition, confrontation, bloc-forming and unilateralism prevail over the spirit of cooperation, unity and multilateralism that runs through the Charter of the United Nations, creating obstacles to tackling international crises. Therefore, I expect that the general debate, true to its theme and spirit, will serve as a significant occasion in overcoming the challenges and crises threatening humankind’s existence and development, defending the United Nations-centred multilateral system and promoting peace and advancement of the present and future generations. I consider it important for each and every United Nations Member State to fully discharge its responsibility with a view to overcoming present crises and promoting social progress and better standards of living, as stated in the Charter of the United Nations. From that perspective, I would like to outline the principled stand of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Government and its efforts directed at achieving socioeconomic development, defending regional peace and stability and realizing international justice. Today, the world is faced with challenges and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is no exception in that regard. However, valuable successes are being recorded in the socioeconomic field, thanks to the correct line of the Government and its steady implementation. First, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Government has made it a primary State policy to continue supplying children under school age with dairy products and to provide schoolchildren with essential stationery at the State’s expense. As a result of the strenuous execution of the policy, we have witnessed continued improvement in the quality of childcare and education. We have also achieved results in our efforts to achieve the sustainable development of the national economy. The trend of growth continues in various fields, such as light industry and agriculture, and remarkable successes are being registered in promoting the welfare of the people, including efforts to provide all residents of both urban and rural areas with new homes free of charge. In particular, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Government recently adopted a policy for regional development and is paying primary attention to its practical implementation. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Government’s regional development policy is aimed at effecting an epoch-making enhancement in socioeconomic, material and cultural standards at the national scale by bridging the gap between the capital and provincial cities and between urban and rural areas and developing all sectors and regions of the country in a balanced and simultaneous way within a 10-year time frame. This will make an active contribution from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) towards achieving sustainable development for everyone and ensuring that no one is left behind. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s regional development policy is firmly assured of its feasibility, as it is based on scientific accuracy and justness. In 10 years’ time, the world will witness a completely changed status of development in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The aforementioned work for socioeconomic development in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has never been undertaken in a peaceful and normal security environment. A peaceful and stable external environment is very dear to us, who aspire to overall development and the prosperity of the State, and yet the security threat forced upon us from the outside is ever-increasing with the passage of time. Last year, I stated from this rostrum that the situation on the Korean peninsula was nearing the brink of nuclear conflict (see A/78/PV.14). One year has passed since then. Now, the security landscape on the Korean peninsula is quite different from that time and becoming much more acute. Since the beginning of the year, the United States and its allies have staged joint military exercises one after another under various code names, such as Freedom Shield, Freedom Edge and joint air drills, in the vicinity of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, thereby heightening military tension and the hostile atmosphere in the region. Much more serious is the fact that the anti-Democratic People’s Republic of Korea nuclear war machine, the Nuclear Consultative Group engineered by the United States and the Republic of Korea last year, is now in full operation and simulation nuclear war drills are being conducted to put into practice an actual attempt to use nuclear weapons against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Joining in are the States members of NATO, an outside force from beyond the region and an exclusive military bloc. They are strengthening military cooperation with the United States and the Republic of Korea, abusing the aegis of the United Nations Command, which should have been dismantled decades ago pursuant to resolution 3390 (XXX). They are stirring up military confrontation still further by deploying warships and aircraft in the hot spot region of the Korean peninsula. That being the case, they blame us for threatening them and the peace and stability of the region and beyond with nuclear weapons. Moreover, who developed and used nuclear weapons against humankind for the first time in history? Who introduced nuclear weapons into the Korean peninsula in the last century and poses a nuclear threat to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in this century? Who on Earth is talking unhesitatingly about the end of the regime of a sovereign State and maintaining the first use of nuclear weapons against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea as its national policy? It is not the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea ’s possession of nuclear weapons that makes the United States hostile towards us. The truth is that the United States’ hostility and nuclear threat to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea for over 70 years has compelled us to make a historic decision to possess nuclear weapons. Our nuclear weapons have been manufactured and exist only to defend ourselves. As such, any talk about the nuclear threat we pose only proves a conceived hostility towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The security environment on the Korean peninsula is also bound to be intricately complicated through the next generation unless the United States and its followers change their confrontational and aggressive nature. In such circumstances, it is an indispensable exercise of the sovereign right of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to maintain powerful strength capable of defending its national security interests and guaranteeing peaceful development. The situation on the Korean peninsula has not descended into war even though it is fraught with extreme tension. That is totally attributable to our country’s powerful war deterrence, which helps stave off the threat of aggression and maintain the balance of power in the region. Therefore, we continue to increase our war deterrence capabilities, not only out of our obligation to ensure national security but also because of our mission to maintain peace and security in the region and beyond. Comrade Kim Jong Un, President of the State Affairs of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, has said that we can choose either dialogue or confrontation, but we should go further in getting ourselves fully prepared for confrontation. That is the assessment and conclusion drawn from the 30-year Democratic People’s Republic of Korea-United States relations, he said. When it comes to the right to self-defence, a legitimate right of a sovereign State, we will never go back to the far-off past. When it comes to national prestige, we will never bargain over it with anyone, for it was gained through the bloody struggle of the entire Korean people. Regardless of who takes office in the United States, we will deal only with the State entity called the United States, not its mere Administration. Likewise, any United States Administration will have to face the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, which is different from what the United States used to think. It is the unvarying external policy of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Government to champion justice and peace, aspire to progress and development and promote friendship and solidarity. That is also the idea running through the United Nations Charter. From that viewpoint, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Government stands strongly against attempts to divide the international political arena into two camps through unlawful double standards, giving precedence to their hegemonic interests and disturbing peace and stability. At present, many factors are obstructing the attainment of the SDGs set by the United Nations. The most critical among those are the high-handedness, arbitrariness and double standards of the United States and certain United Nations Member States. Since October last year, the indiscriminate massacre by the Israeli authorities has claimed more than 40,000 Palestinian civilian lives in the Gaza Strip, including those of many children and women, and thereby exposed a nation to complete extinction. The United Nations exists to prevent the recurrence of the scourge of war that has inflicted untold suffering on humankind. It is really shameful and deplorable that such an act against humanity has persisted for a year. It is hardly imaginable that one State can be immune to any censure and sanction even after committing such a horrible massacre. That is entirely due to the patronage of the United States, a permanent member of the Security Council. The United States has vetoed Security Council resolutions on bringing peace to the Middle East on as many as five occasions, overriding the wishes of the international community to see the ethnic cleansing stopped by its ally. That is how the United States has discredited the authority of the United Nations and incited crimes against humanity. That notwithstanding, the United States is branding as a threat and a provocation the legitimate exercise of the right to self-defence by a sovereign State that has done no harm to anybody. As for the Ukrainian situation, it has been prolonged for almost three years by the United States and Western countries. They are blaming other countries even though it is the result of the eastward expansion of NATO and the provision of lethal equipment worth astronomical sums of money to their ally. The reason behind the United States abusive invectives about the normal development of relations among other countries is in fact to vindicate its unprincipled political and military support for its ally and justify the forming of military alliances on a global scale. Justice or injustice is judged according to whether the actor is pro-United States or an independent country and the United Nations is misused for the political aims of an individual country. That reality should no longer be tolerated or allowed. I once again express serious concern and strongly denounce the fact that peace and security in many parts of the world are seriously threatened and that the spirit of the United Nations Charter is being debased by the arbitrariness and high-handedness of a single, arrogant permanent member of the Security Council. I also offer deep condolences to the Palestinian victims of the Israeli genocide and their bereaved families and extend unwavering support and solidarity to the Syrian people in their struggle to regain the occupied Golan Heights and safeguard the territorial integrity of their country. The reform of the present global governance regime should be oriented towards realizing impartiality, equity and justice. The United Nations will restore its sacred image only when it strictly adheres to the principles of sovereign equality, non- interference in internal affairs, impartiality and objectivity and eliminates high- handedness and arbitrariness, as well as biased double standard practices in all its activities, in conformity with the purposes and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. A just, peaceful and prosperous world remains the desire of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, as ever. It is the consistent stand of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Government to make positive, independent efforts against imperialism as its immutable primary national policy to achieve international justice based on respect for sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit and establish a new international order. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea will, in the future too, cooperate with all countries and nations that oppose and reject aggression, interference, domination and subordination and aspire to independence and justice, transcending differences in ideas and systems. We will also develop diversified exchanges and cooperation with the countries that respect our country and adopt a friendly attitude to us.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Teburoro Tito, Chairman of the delegation of the Republic of Kiribati.

I am happy to greet the General Assembly on behalf of the President, the Government and the people of the Republic of Kiribati. At the outset, I wish to join other delegations in congratulating Mr. Philemon Yang and the Government and the people of Cameroon on Mr. Yang’s election to preside over the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session and to assure him of Kiribati’s full support and cooperation as he steers our work over the next 12 months. We also acknowledge with gratitude the efforts and work of the outgoing President, Mr. Dennis Francis of Trinidad and Tobago, as well as his leadership for the past year. It is with immense pride and a deep sense of responsibility that Kiribati stands before the Assembly, marking 25 years of our membership of the United Nations. A quarter-century ago, Kiribati joined this body and became the 186th Member of the United Nations family, believing that the challenges we face as a small island nation are inextricably linked to the fate of the global community. As we celebrate that milestone, we honour the path we have walked with our global partners and reaffirm our commitment to the core principles of the United Nations: peace, justice, human rights, responsibility, respect and sustainable development. The theme of “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations” could not be more relevant as global conflicts escalates, causing widespread destruction, displacing people and leaving millions neglected and marginalized. The theme reminds us that, despite the ongoing crises, we must stand firmly together as responsible leaders of the 193 Member nations of this greatest multinational Organization and recommit ourselves to doing together whatever is necessary to get the world back on the path of peace, progress and prosperity. What we are witnessing in the world today and have witnessed for the past 79 years suggests that the founding fathers’ aspiration to lasting peace is far from being realized. The theme is therefore a timely reminder not to lose hope over the heartbreaking scenes before us but to re-energize our unity, solidarity and collective determination to overcome the forces that stand against the multilateralism that our United Nations family embodies. That is why Kiribati reaffirms the critical importance of reinvigorating multilateralism. The United Nations must remain the central platform for collective global action, as no single nation can address the complexities of today’s challenges on its own, be they pandemics, terrorism, conflict, human trafficking or climate change, to name a few. It cannot be disputed that the United Nations, which was created in 1945 by the 51 founding Members to restore and maintain world peace and security out of the ashes and devastation of the Second World War, has now become the largest international Organization on Earth dealing with all aspects of human livelihood and well-being, to such an extent that its core function of maintaining world peace and improving living standards has been greatly thwarted. That is further exacerbated by the lack of unity and solidarity among Member States, coupled with the persistent lack of respect for the Charter of the United Nations and for the rights and sovereignty of nations under the Charter. The apparent lack of unity and solidarity within the membership of this family is very much evident in the inability of Members to stand united on issues of common concern, the increasing polarization of global issues and the proliferation of exclusive groupings, which tends to breed more disunity and distrust among Members. The success or failure of the United Nations in its core mission to achieve peace, progress and prosperity depends not only on the dedication, commitment and persistence of its leadership and membership but also on the quality of the teamwork between the two. The theme is a reminder of the need to gauge the performance of the United Nations against its core mission of maintaining world peace, improving living standards and promoting human rights and freedoms. In that vein, our collective deliberations at the seventy-ninth session must shape a more effective path for the United Nations, ensuring that it meets the pressing challenges of our time and serves all nations equitably. Considering the significant disparity between the United Nations intended mission and its actual outcomes, an in-depth analysis is needed to explore why the Organization has not been successful in preventing and resolving conflicts. It is important that the root causes of those failures be identified and addressed. Equally important is the need to stress the crucial role of the Secretary-General, jointly with the five permanent members of the Security Council, in putting a stop to ongoing conflicts and preventing new ones from erupting. In order to make the United Nations fit to deal effectively with new and complex challenges confronting humankind at this time, Kiribati calls for an overdue reform of the Security Council to ensure that it reflects the realities of today’s world. We believe that the permanent membership of the Council should be expanded to make it more inclusive and representative, including by allocating seats to the small island developing States (SIDS) and other vulnerable countries so as to ensure that the perspectives and needs of the most vulnerable nations are heard and addressed. My country firmly believes that Members’ respect for the United Nations Charter and for each other’s rights and sovereignty is key to the peace of the world and to the efficient and effective functioning of the United Nations multilateralism. It is therefore of paramount importance that each one of us recommit ourselves now to fully respecting the Charter and each other’s rights and sovereignty. Of equal importance is a renewal of faith and trust in each other as Members of the United Nations family. Peacekeeping remains a cornerstone of international cooperation for maintaining global security and stability. Kiribati is grateful to have contributed to that effort by deploying police personnel to support the United Nations Mission in South Sudan. Kiribati remains steadfast in its belief that global peace can be achieved only through collective action and we will continue to play our part in that regard. Kiribati firmly believes that a country without peace, as now seen in the case of countries that are currently being devastated by wars and conflicts, cannot undertake any meaningful development while its people are deprived of enjoying a normal way of life and forced to live in refugee camps or as homeless people surviving through charity and humanitarian donations. People living in such dire conditions have no way of becoming economically productive in order to feel a sense of human pride and dignity and cannot voluntarily free themselves from such a predicament until the conflict has been resolved, peace has been restored, and life has returned to normal. In other words, development and human dignity are not achievable without peace. Peace must be achieved first. Kiribati’s unwavering commitment to global peace internationals deeply rooted in its tragic history with nuclear weapons. As a nation that has experienced the harsh, destructive and long-lasting consequences of nuclear testing, Kiribati remains steadfast in our support for the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a landmark agreement that represents a collective effort to eliminate the threat of nuclear weapons from our world through complete nuclear disarmament, and we stand in solidarity with other States in advocating for a world free of nuclear weapons. Kiribati recently launched its first-ever foreign policy during its forty-fifth National Day celebration on 12 July. That landmark document principally seeks to enhance the policy objectives of the core pillars of the Kiribati 20-Year Vision (KV20). It captures the ways forward on how we seek to engage effectively and strategically with our partners in areas of shared and mutual interest. It seeks to develop our nation and people while protecting our right to self-determination over our huge ocean and air space. Allow me at this juncture to highlight Kiribati’s views and perspectives on some pertinent issues for small islands, such as climate change and sea level rise, the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), marine conservation and protection, the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) and the crucial link between peace, sustainable development, human dignity and the concept of leaving no one behind, as highlighted in the theme. Kiribati’s designation as a least developed country (LDC) reflects not only our economic challenges but also our acute vulnerability to climate change. Kiribati’s geographical isolation from major world markets coupled with the volatility of global commodity prices and the increasing frequency of extreme weather patterns, exacerbates our development challenges. The high cost of imports, limited export opportunities and reliance on fluctuating external markets further strain our efforts to achieve sustainable growth and development. Our graduation status from the LDC category, which has been deferred to a later date, remains at the back of our minds, given what it would mean for us in the future, given those unprecedented challenges. It is for that reason, among others, that we recognize the multidimensional vulnerability index potential as a more fitting measure of vulnerability for all developing States. We believe that humankind must be well informed that the riches and resources of the planet are finite and must not be overexploited to the extent that the planet’s health and wealth are compromised, as is now evident in the climate crisis caused by the overexploitation of the planet’s resources during the past century of industrialization. While international dialogue on climate change has been extensive, Kiribati urges that we move beyond words to concrete actions. The commitments made in international forums, including the Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, must translate into tangible results on the ground. As we continue to advocate for mitigation, it is clear that adaptation and resilience-building are critical for low-lying atoll nations like Kiribati. Coastal protection remains a priority for Kiribati, and while adaptative measures such as the planting of mangroves and the demarcating of seagrass continue, there is a dire need for interventions in hard infrastructure, such as resilient seawalls. Climate change is undeniably the driving force behind sea level rise. Kiribati continues to grapple with the challenges posed by sea level rise, which endangers our land, agriculture and way of life. The Alliance of Small Island States Leaders Declaration on Sea Level Rise and Statehood encourages our dedication to building resilience against climate impacts and emphasizes the urgent need for global action. The United Nations recognition of the profound impacts of climate change and sea level rise, through the establishment of a high-level platform to address sea level rise at this session, is a notable and welcome step. It reflects the urgency of addressing climate change and its devastating consequences on vulnerable communities worldwide. In line with our commitment to the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent, we strongly advocate for global climate action, including maintaining the 1.5°C goal and addressing sea level rise as essential to safeguarding the livelihoods, identity, sovereignty and security of Pacific island communities, especially low-lying atolls, which are only two or three metres above sea level. As we continue our journey towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030, Kiribati has localized the SDGs in a 20-year development road map, the KV20, with its primary aim of making Kiribati a healthy, wealthy and most peaceful nation by 2036. That localization effort ensures that the SDGs are not merely theoretical goals but are embedded in our national policies projects and initiatives. Sustainable development is crucial to the long-term resilience and prosperity of Kiribati and other small island developing States (SIDS). However, the realization of those goals requires enhanced capacity development, technology transfer and stronger data support systems to better meet the unique and special circumstances of vulnerable countries. Kiribati also commits and looks forward to the implementation of the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS (ABAS), focusing on several key areas aimed at promoting sustainable development and resilience and addressing the unique challenges faced by small island developing States, such as climate change resilience, sustainable economic development, access to financing and biodiversity conservation, to name a few. ABAS reflects the need for tailored solutions that recognize the unique circumstances of SIDS while promoting sustainable development and resilience against external shocks. Fisheries continue to hold prominence as a priority sector within our Kiribati 20-Year Vision, given that ocean resources contribute significantly to Kiribati’s economy. Kiribati’s huge reliance on its tuna fishing licence revenue, which finances about 70 per cent of the Government’s annual budget for expenditures, makes it mandatory for the Government to take special care of the health of the marine environment, as evidenced in its adoption of the marine spatial planning of the entire 3.5 million square kilometres of its tuna-rich ocean. In order to promote public awareness and participation in marine protection and conservation, a number of programmes have been launched in some villages and communities in which people are encouraged to make village-based rules for protecting fisheries in their areas against over exploitation and punishing offenders in accordance with well-accepted cultural practices. However, with our limited capacity in monitoring and surveilling our large economic exclusive zone, we are highly susceptible to illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing expeditions. Considering our heavy reliance on our fisheries for livelihood and revenue, Kiribati remains deeply concerned about the ongoing challenge of IUU fishing, which undermines not only our national effort to sustainably manage marine resources but also global progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. IUU fishing significantly impacts our national economy by depleting fish stocks, undermining sustainable fishing practices and reducing revenue for local fisheries. That threatens economic stability and the livelihoods of our people dependent on fishing. We acknowledge the assistance of our partners in addressing that gap and in providing surveillance support. Kiribati calls upon the international community to strengthen cooperation and action to combat IUU fishing, ensuring that sustainable fisheries management becomes a reality for all nations, especially those most vulnerable to its impacts. Kiribati is acutely aware of the profound significance of the ocean to our livelihoods, culture and environment. That is why we have invested great effort in the preservation and protection of our marine environment. Kiribati applauds the Secretary-General for his great initiative in bringing the whole world together to re-energize the United Nations as it approaches its eightieth year anniversary so that it remains relevant and vital to the peace, progress and prosperity of humankind in the future. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) offers an essential road map for strengthening global cooperation on key issues, including climate change, digital transformation and peacebuilding. We fully support the development of the Global Digital Compact (resolution 79/1, annex I), which will help bridge the digital divide and ensure that small island developing States like Kiribati are not left behind in the digital age. It is vital that the international community take bold steps to strengthen global governance mechanisms, fostering inclusive multilateralism that benefits all countries, particularly the most vulnerable. We believe that the successes of those initiatives will be key to achieving sustainable development, peace and security for future generations. I express our hope for the future. Kiribati firmly believes that, together, we can unite in action and commitment, ensuring that no country is left behind in our pursuit of a more sustainable world where peace, sustainable development and human dignity are advanced for present and future generations. Let us make the seventy-ninth session a time to renew our unity, solidarity and togetherness for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations. We believe that, together, we can make it and that, together, we can do it.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Siad Doualeh, Chairman of the delegation of the Republic of Djibouti.

I would like to begin by warmly congratulating Mr. Philemon Yang, President of the General Assembly at its seventy- ninth session, and assuring him of the full support of the Republic of Djibouti in the execution of his mandate. The theme he has chosen for this session — “Unity in diversity, for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for everyone, everywhere” — summarizes and reveals what millions of human beings around the world are demanding: a less unequal, more united, peaceful and prosperous world; a world where unity is not confused with the denial of particularities and where the recognition of a common destiny mobilizes the energy of all to build a better common future. We reiterate our gratitude to his predecessor, Mr. Dennis Francis, for the immense work he has accomplished. The world is going through a perilous period, characterized by disorder and uncertainty. The crisis is observable at several levels. Conflicts are proliferating and becoming increasingly violent. The conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza continue to rage while we are unable to agree conditions for the conclusion of a ceasefire agreement. Terrorism is progressing in several parts of the world, including on the African continent, where its metastasis is a source of concern for us. The annual financing gap for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is widening dangerously every day and many countries are facing a difficult financial situation, aggravated by the multiplicity of exogenous shocks and the debt burden. The crisis of confidence among Member States is affecting the multilateral system and undermining its credibility. The risk of geoeconomic fragmentation and trade wars constitute a set of factors that negatively impact global economic growth, generating chaos in which the interests and voice of developing countries are lost. We have already made the diagnosis in our discussions dating back to the celebration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations. We will therefore not return to it. The question is whether we will be able to use the windows of opportunity for renewal that are available to us, because, fortunately, there are a few. We must redouble our efforts, overcome our divisions and take collective action to end conflicts, put in place policies, investment programmes and partnerships to mitigate the delay in the implementation of the SDGs, and reform international financial institutions so that they can respond promptly and effectively to the emergencies and systemic shocks that many countries around the world are facing. Financial institutions must provide developing countries with access to a larger volume of grants and financing on favourable terms, while preserving their risk tolerance for investments linked to sustainable development, including the use of innovative risk instruments. Those solutions must be discussed and deepened with a view to their implementation within the Economic and Social Council, whose role and place must be strengthened. The United Nations, as stipulated in the Charter, must play an important role in the work of global economic coordination, as it is the most democratic Organization. The Economic and Social Council must continue to play a leading role in identifying emerging challenges, promoting innovation and achieving economic, social and environmental integration of sustainable development. We take this opportunity to express our deep gratitude to the States Members of the United Nations for the confidence they have shown in my country, Djibouti, by electing it in June as a member of the Economic and Social Council for the period 2025-2027. They can count on my delegation to defend those priority areas within the Council throughout its mandate. Like many developing States, Djibouti is facing major challenges induced by climate change, including rising temperatures, the scarcity of water resources and rising sea levels. In the face of those persistent threats, the Government of Djibouti has implemented a series of ambitious and multidimensional measures aimed at mitigating the effects of climate change and strengthening the country’s resilience. The twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change offers another window of renewal for the international community to prevent climate change commitments from falling behind schedule. It will be a vital opportunity to prioritize adaptation and mobilize adequate resources. The promise of $100 billion per year has not been met. There is an urgent need to rebuild trust by rapidly disbursing the billions of dollars needed. We must make every effort to implement the necessary adaptation measures and a fair transition to renewable energy in low-income countries. There is an urgent need to operationalize the Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage in order to assist countries and people suffering from the inevitable impacts of change and to mobilize more resources. That is an issue that affects the rights of billions of people. It is an obstacle to development, and it is also an existential threat. (spoke in English) We welcome the adoption of the Pact for the Future and its annexes, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1). We live in an era of disruptive technological advances and complex challenges. Djibouti is grateful to the United States for having spearheaded the effort that led to the unanimous adoption by the General Assembly of resolution 78/311, the first-ever resolution on artificial intelligence, to promote safe, secure and trustworthy artificial intelligence systems for sustainable development. We in Djibouti are convinced that preparing for the future requires optimizing our country’s human capital as the most sustainable key to economic growth. Like many other African countries, Djibouti’s population is young. Its population is a tremendous asset and a huge competitive advantage if it can be harnessed through investment in skills development and new technologies to promote quality job and workforce competitiveness. We have the ambition to vigorously pursue education systems focused on accessing advanced technological skills. (spoke in French) Djibouti welcomes the progress made by Somalia in its efforts to stabilize the country, as well as the holistic approach developed by the Government of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to deepen peace. We welcome the efforts of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union to develop a joint strategic assessment of the situation in Somalia and a draft general concept of operations. We need to intensify discussions to agree on the best financing option for the mission. The mandate given to the mission that will succeed the African Union Transitional Mission in Somalia mission is a robust one. The security threat posed by Al-Shabaab terrorist attacks is a major obstacle to our joint efforts and must be eliminated as soon as possible. The future mission must be guaranteed adequate resources and necessary equipment, including force multipliers. We must fully support the efforts of the Somali Government to reposition itself as a key player in the region. Its term on the Security Council, which will begin next January, will certainly serve as a platform to share the lessons it has learned and the experience it has gained during these decades of conflict. Djibouti remains concerned about the attacks perpetrated by the Houthis against merchant ships and commercial vessels. They are disturbingly disrupting maritime traffic and trade flows. The crisis has already caused an exponential increase in maritime transport costs, which is reflected in the consumer goods price index. If the situation continues, the impact on the Djiboutian economy, as well as the environmental consequences of those repeated attacks, would be devastating. We call for the identification of solutions that will ease the regional tensions contributing to the deterioration of the situation in the Red Sea and for the intensification of diplomatic efforts to find a favourable outcome to the peace process in Yemen, under the auspices of the United Nations. (spoke in English) We are profoundly alarmed by the continued deterioration of the situation in the Middle East and Gaza, and the West Bank in particular. The violence continues unabated. We are profoundly saddened by the continued loss of lives, in particular those of children in Gaza, the collective punishment of the Palestinian people, the indiscriminate and continued bombings and the unlawful occupation in the form of a total siege. The attack on Lebanon has accelerated the regional conflagration we all feared. We express hope that the parties will agree to the 21-day ceasefire called for by the United States and France. We must at all costs avoid an all-out war. We welcome resolution ES-10/24, recently adopted by the General Assembly at its tenth emergency special session by an overwhelming majority. The solution demanded by the Security Council, the General Assembly, the Arab Peace Initiative and all the 140 States that already recognize the State of Palestine is the two-State solution. It is the only solution that can lead to lasting peace and security, and it is the very solution that has been blocked by Israel’s defiant insistence on maintaining its occupation of Palestinian territory in perpetuity. We are troubled by the continued deterioration of the situation in the Sudan, the third-largest African country and a founding member of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). We are saddened by the tragic loss of lives, the destruction of infrastructure and the devastating humanitarian catastrophe that it has caused. Djibouti, under the leadership of President Guelleh, current Chairman of IGAD, has held many meetings at summit level to explore avenues for a peaceful resolution of the conflict. Djibouti reaffirms its commitment to the territorial integrity, sovereignty, political independence and unity of the Sudan. In line with African Union Peace and Security Council decisions, we underscore the importance of ensuring the protection of the Sudanese State, its institutions and its people. We recently held in Djibouti, in partnership with the United Nations, a retreat of mediators with the ultimate goal of harmonizing the various initiatives aimed at ending the conflict. We call on the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces to honour the commitments made in Jeddah and subsequent negotiations and further urge them to guarantee full, safe, rapid and unhindered humanitarian access. We call on Sudanese leaders to have the Sudanese people’s best interest at heart. We call on external actors concerned by the conflict in the Sudan and in a position to do so to use their influence and bring constructive pressure to bear on the parties so that they commit to a mediation format, with the ultimate objective of achieving a negotiated settlement of the conflict. We need to act with determination and in unison. We cannot and we must not give up on the prospects of peace in the Sudan. Djibouti stands ready to complete the normalization process with our neighbour Eritrea and we stand ready to find a negotiated settlement to the conflict on the basis of international law, including the unresolved border dispute and other outstanding issues. The fate of our missing combatants is uppermost in our hearts. Their families need closure. To conclude, we have made significant commitments at this session. We have adopted the Pact for the Future, a bold and ambitious document that bestows important responsibilities on our Organization, strengthens it and calls for a reformed global governance structure. We have adopted it to reject the return to an older order devoid of justice, where the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must, where there is no rule of law and might triumphs over right. We did it for our own sake and for the sake of our posterity, because we have no choice but to stand up and stand together to prevent a descent into the morass. We now have to honour the commitments made. The stakes are high because if we do not, the United Nations will continue to be reduced to a symbolic space where non-binding commitments are made but never implemented.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Ernest Rwamucyo, Chair of the delegation of the Republic of Rwanda.

At the outset, I would like to congratulate Ambassador Philemon Yang on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session and to assure him of Rwanda’s full support. As we conclude the general debate, unity has been a central theme throughout this year’s high-level week, and rightly so. Rwanda is of the view that in today’s increasingly fractured world, unity is central to addressing pressing issues, most of which transcend borders and national interests. Contemporary challenges require ambitious and coordinated action that paves the way for equal access to opportunity, ensures sustainable development and contributes to global peace and security. As we approach the second half of this decade, solidarity is key to achieving targets under the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals. Rwanda strongly endorses the Secretary-General’s stimulus package as a timely and necessary intervention to address the pressing challenges facing the global economy and the most vulnerable populations. The package represents a crucial step towards creating a more equitable and resilient global financial system, particularly as developing nations continue to grapple with the impacts of climate change and widening inequality. For too long, African countries and other marginalized regions have borne the brunt of global economic shocks without sufficient support from the international community. The stimulus package not only acknowledges those disparities but also seeks to correct them through targeted financial aid, debt relief and sustainable development initiatives. By addressing structural inequalities and ensuring that resources reach those who need them most, the Secretary-General’s proposal is a call to action for global solidarity. It will empower nations to rebuild more sustainably, with renewed focus on green energy, digital transformation and poverty eradication. Rwanda believes that now is the time for bold multilateral action, and the package is an essential step towards securing a more just inclusive and sustainable future for all. Rwanda commends the efforts of the Secretary-General and Member States in convening the Summit of the Future. The Summit and the adoption of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) are crucial steps in boosting action to protect the interests of present and future generations. Rwanda knows first-hand what division and fracture can do to a society, let alone a community of nations. In the aftermath of the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994, we Rwandans found ourselves at a crossroads, where we chose unity over division for our own survival. That choice was not an easy one, but it was the right one and has defined Rwanda’s post-genocide nation-building ever since. The world now stands at a similar crossroads, with a choice to make by choosing unity for the collective good. That is what the Kwibuka Flame of Hope monument, recently built in the gardens of United Nations Headquarters in memory of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, stands to remind the world. Reports show that Africa is set to be the engine of future global growth in the decades to come. With the world’s fastest growing middle class, estimated to encompass 1.1 billion people by 2060, Africa will take the centre stage of global affairs. However, that feat cannot be achieved without the adequate tools to both finance the decarbonization of our economies and mitigate the effects of climate change. Building resilient economies in the global South is an urgent priority that goes hand-in-hand with increased solidarity from those who are most responsible for carbon pollution. The pay-to-pollute model is not a viable option; solidarity and investment are. Consequently, advanced economies should reduce their emissions faster and invest more in Africa’s autonomous transition. In a few weeks, the world will gather in Baku for the twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The international community should seize that opportunity to pledge more green investments in Africa. Additionally, Rwanda encourages nations to join hands and conclude an ambitious global plastics treaty, based on a comprehensive approach that addresses the full life cycle of plastics at the upcoming fifth session of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee in Busan. We have a historic opportunity to demonstrate our collective resolve to end plastics pollution for the benefit of current and future generations. Rwanda stands ready to play a positive role in that direction. The year 2024 marks two decades since Rwanda’s first deployment of troops under the United Nations peacekeeping banner. Today, Rwanda is among the top contributors, with deployment in missions across Africa, and yet insecurity in our region has reached unprecedented levels. That is evidenced by the rising threat of radicalized insurgency in the southern part of the continent, terrorism in the Sahel and the presence of State-supported genocide militias right by our border. Now more than ever, cosmetic fixes must be avoided in favour of long-term solutions addressing the root causes of those conflicts. Security is not achieved only by silencing the guns; it is also achieved by building a fit-for-purpose global governance system capable of quickly adapting to crises. The reform of the multilateral financial institutions is complementary to the reform of the Security Council, as both are crucial to creating a more equitable and effective global governance system. The financial institutions that shape global economic policies and the Security Council, which ensures peace and security, must evolve to better address the diverse needs of today’s world. Without reform, those bodies risk perpetuating inequalities, particularly for Africa, which has historically been underrepresented in decision-making processes. Reforming both the financial institutions and the Security Council is vital to ensuring fair representation, fostering trust among nations and effectively responding to the pressing challenges of the modern era, such as economic instability, climate change and conflict. In that regard, Rwanda fully supports the reform of the Security Council to enhance its effectiveness and efficiency. Such reforms are necessary to address the long-standing injustices faced by Africa, ensuring that the Council becomes more responsive to contemporary global challenges and dynamics. It is only through those changes that we can build a system grounded in equitable rules, unity and solidarity. As we conclude this session of the General Assembly, let us remember that history will judge us not by the challenges we face, but by how we respond to them. The reforms we seek are not just necessary but inevitable to ensure a future grounded in justice, equity and solidarity. Rwanda stands related to work with all nations and believes that, together, we can build the world we want, one where no nation or continent is left behind. Let us seize this moment for the future, for the future of humankind depends on it.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. José Javier De La Gasca, Chair of the delegation of the Republic of Ecuador.

I begin by conveying the greetings of the President of the Republic of Ecuador, Daniel Noboa Azín, leader of a young Government who has had the courage to break the patterns that prevented the changes demanded by his generation and my country. Ecuador is a country of 18 million inhabitants with enormous potential, where young people fight every day for a better future, changing the reality they have inherited. They believe in the transformative project that President Noboa has proposed and today they see a country of opportunities and progress, based on respect for human rights and in which there is a firm commitment to banishing corruption and impunity. Although it may seem that global and multidimensional crises are overwhelming us, international law and the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations must continue to be our compass. Therefore, today I reaffirm Ecuador’s commitment to multilateralism, peace and sustainable development, the peaceful resolution of conflicts and respect for individual freedoms and human rights. I reaffirm, in short, Ecuador’s unwavering commitment to and respect for the ideals and principles that have given life to nations. We must implement the Pact for the Future, the Global Digital Pact and the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1), adopted last week. That will help the United Nations to be more than just a photograph taken 79 years ago and to better reflect the reality of the contemporary world. Ecuador welcomes any initiative that seeks inclusive prosperity and democracy, knowing that its sustainability is closely linked to the peace of a nation because there is an indissoluble link between peace and development and between development and peace. Ecuador is therefore working towards the Sustainable Development Goals and has shown that the long-awaited Goal 16, “Peace, justice and strong institutions”, generates synergies and is intertwined with 125 of the 169 targets of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We must understand that when we strengthen democracy and institutions, we combat violence in all its forms. By attacking corruption, we achieve greater justice and peace for citizens and generate an impact on the reactivation of the economy, quality employment and the reduction of poverty, hunger and malnutrition. Building a future of greater prosperity and peace requires combating transnational organized crime and drug trafficking, which undermine institutions and corrode the social fabric of our democracies. In December 2023, President Noboa, within the framework of the Ecuadorian presidency of the Security Council, warned its members about a wave of transnational organized crime and narcoterrorism that threatened the rule of law, State control and border security. Faced with that challenge, my country’s national Government has adopted responsible decisions and is leading the relentless fight that past Governments avoided. However, national actions are not enough in the face of the threat of transnational organized crime, which has resources that far exceed those used to combat it. It is only by deepening our efforts and working in a coordinated and effective manner with the international community that we will be able to defeat it. As an elected member of the Security Council, Ecuador has demonstrated its commitment to international peace and security. We have risen to the occasion of that historic challenge, which has forced us to act responsibly and consciously in the face of geopolitical tensions among the great Powers that limit the fulfilment of the collective responsibility to act in conflict situations that keep humankind in suspense. In the case of Ukraine, we are co-authors of the humanitarian file and, with respect to the situation in Palestine, we have voted in favour of all resolutions adopted by the Security Council to end the hostilities, ensure the release of the hostages, allow an adequate flow of humanitarian aid and advocate for respect for international humanitarian law. In my region, we led the Security Council’s authorization for the deployment of the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission for Haiti, which was adopted under resolution 2699 (2023) of October 2023 and renewed until 2025 just a few minutes ago. The role of the Caribbean Community has been key in supporting Kenya as the leader of the MSS mission. That first step should help the sister Republic of Haiti find its own path towards peace and sustainable development. Until the end of our mandate, we will continue to honour the commitment made to the Assembly, which elected us with 190 votes, to promote the strengthening and maintenance of peace; respect for the Charter of the United Nations, prioritizing the peaceful settlement of disputes, diplomacy and dialogue; the protection of civilians as the best way to honour the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Geneva Conventions; the fight against transnational organized crime and terrorism; non-proliferation and the fight against illicit arms trafficking; and the women and peace and security agenda to move towards the elimination of obstacles that prevent women from participating and making decisions throughout the cycle of the prevention, building and maintenance of sustainable peace. Furthermore, I would like to highlight that Ecuador has consistently contributed to United Nations peacekeeping operations, with military personnel in various missions and with support for initiatives that strengthen them, such as the historic Security Council resolution 2719 (2023), which was adopted during our presidency of the Security Council. That resolution paves the way for the sustainable funding of missions requested by the African Union Peace and Security Council. That brings me to another of the challenges we face in Latin America — the imperative to preserve the rule of law and respect for the will of the people. The escalation of tensions in Venezuela, the systematic violations of human rights, the persecution of political leaders and the daily violent repression by a totalitarian Government of its citizens for claiming the right to have the popular will expressed at the polls respected portend a direct threat to regional stability, with possible repercussions for international peace and security. The critical humanitarian, economic, political, human rights and security situation in Venezuela has caused 7.7 million people to leave in search of better opportunities. Many have been received in various Latin American nations, including Ecuador, which hosts the largest number of Venezuelans per capita in the region. Faced with the continued deterioration, severity and complexity of the crisis, Ecuador has taken a lead role in favour of the people of Venezuela and will not relent in its insistence before international forums for a peaceful and democratic transition to take place, led by all Venezuelans. The international community must provide a clear and timely response on that path. Migration is one of the most complex and urgent challenges facing the world. Behind irregular migration operate networks of human trafficking and illicit migrant trafficking that threaten the integrity and lives of millions of people, with unaccompanied minors and women being the most vulnerable. That is intolerable and the fight against it requires joint and coordinated actions with a comprehensive approach. Ecuador experiences all dimensions of migration; we are a country of origin, destination, transit, return and even refuge. We therefore advocate for safe, orderly and regular migration in all areas of human mobility, which requires the determined support of the international community, which must be clear that it has to be achieved without criminalization. The international community must also face the devastating effects of climate change together. Ecuador is suffering its worst drought in recent decades, highlighting the importance of caring for our ecosystems and investing in infrastructure to do so. As a megadiverse country with unique and fragile ecosystems, such as the Amazon, the Andes and the Galapagos islands, we are committed to the conservation of biodiversity. We are updating our National Biodiversity Strategy and have launched an ecological transition policy that preserves our natural heritage. Those efforts require greater co-responsibility from the international community, particularly in terms of financing, technology transfer, capacity-building and scientific research, which are currently insufficient and inadequate. The Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the principle of shared but differentiated responsibilities cannot be undermined. They must be strengthened. Ecuador also supports initiatives for the protection, conservation and sustainable use of the ocean, such as the prompt entry into force of the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction, and the holding of the third United Nations Conference on Oceans in 2025. Our commitment is also reflected in the efforts made by the Ecuadorian presidency of the Committee in charge of developing a legally binding instrument to eliminate plastics pollution. We hope that this objective will be achieved soon and that the Galapagos, a Natural Heritage Site, will be the venue for the signing of that instrument. Security, transnational organized crime and climate change are some of the challenges we face as human beings and that require greater use of global mechanisms for cooperation and development financing. Ecuador is convinced of the need for a true transformation of global governance and its institutions in order to provide them with legitimacy and thereby avoid their condemnation to sterility and irrelevance. That includes the Bretton Woods institutions and this very Organization. The improvement of the organs of the United Nations system is not the ultimate objective, but rather a step towards achieving the greater objective of peace and security in the world. Therefore, taking the relationship between the main organs into account, if we are to have a stronger and more effective Security Council, we also need a more modern and efficient General Assembly. We must reaffirm the central role of the General Assembly while the necessary reform of the Security Council is taking place. Ecuador clearly understands that it is a non-permanent member of the Council whose term ends in December 2024, and it also knows that the role of elected members, when they act together, is critical. We must continue working along those lines. One essential component of the transformation is the participation of women in leadership positions. Ecuador reaffirms its support for a woman from the Latin American and Caribbean region to be the next Secretary-General. I conclude by recalling that crises are overcome with political resolve, will and courage to make the right decisions. That will be achieved by strengthening multilateralism, not by weakening it. In that way, we will be able to achieve the dreams of a more just, peaceful world with opportunities for all.

We have heard the last speaker in the general debate. (spoke in French) As we conclude the general debate, I express my deep gratitude to all Member States for their active participation in the debate. Our discussions this week illustrate the kind of multilateral cooperation we need to address the challenges our world faces. This month, we have gathered for the general debate at a particularly turbulent time. Delegations have highlighted the pressing challenges we face: the acceleration of history, the accelerating climate crisis, the slow pace of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, extreme poverty that shows no sign of abating, an ineffective international financial architecture, persistent gender inequality, staggering youth unemployment and the adverse effects of technological and digital transformation. Those are the key challenges that have emerged during our discussions. We must build on the momentum of the recently concluded Summit of the Future. The Summit was marked by the adoption of the Pact for the Future and its annexes (resolution 79/1), which are aimed at revitalizing our multilateral system and international cooperation. The Pact for the Future, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations are akin to a strong promise to propel our efforts towards the achievement of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Our Pact for the Future essentially addresses some of the challenges that have hampered international cooperation for many years. Some of those challenges will likely find solutions through the effective implementation of the Pact and its annexes. I urge Member States and all stakeholders to act for the effective implementation of the Pact for the Future and its annexes. My Office plans to conduct an intensive outreach programme in this regard throughout the seventy-ninth session. We remain open to any advice and support to facilitate our actions. (spoke in English) While we meet in New York, violent conflicts are raging in Gaza, Lebanon, the Sudan and Ukraine. That is unfortunately not an exhaustive list of the conflicts and crises affecting States Members of the United Nations. In the past few days, the world has seen an extremely dramatic escalation of violence between Israel and Hizbullah in Lebanon. That escalation risks causing war in the entire Middle East region. As we speak, peace in the Middle East is hanging delicately on a shoestring. There is pervasive tension and uncertainty in the region. Thousands of people have lost their lives. Many others have been displaced. Infrastructure has been destroyed. That must stop, and it must stop now. The world must not allow an all-out war to happen in that volatile region. We call on all parties — Israel, Hamas and Hizbullah — to urgently conclude a ceasefire and for all remaining hostages to be freed immediately and unharmed. I also call on all those with influence on the parties to demand an immediate ceasefire and dialogue. I further call on all States supplying weapons to the region to desist from such actions and give peace a chance, for no sustainable peace will be achieved militarily. Negotiations and diplomatic solutions must take precedence over brutal force. The Charter of the United Nations instructs Member States to settle their disputes peacefully so as not to endanger international peace and security. As representatives heard me say at the opening of the general debate (see A/79/PV.7), only a two-State solution, based on relevant United Nations resolutions, can guarantee lasting peace and security for both the people of Israel and Palestine, and indeed for the rest of the region. During the general debate, we heard from 190 Member States, including contributions from 71 Heads of State, 42 Heads of Government, 6 Vice-Presidents and Crown Princes, 8 Deputy Prime Ministers, 53 Ministers, 3 Vice-Ministers and 7 Chairs of delegations. Moreover, we heard from 3 observers. During the general debate this September, it was disappointing, and frankly unacceptable, that only about 10 per cent of the speakers were women. That glaring disparity speaks to a deeper issue that we cannot ignore. We must do far better on gender equality, and that cannot simply be a talking point. It must remain a priority on our agenda, demanding action, not just acknowledgment, as we move forward. In my opening remarks for the general debate, I emphasized that only by working together, despite our differences, can we confront and overcome the complex and discouraging challenges before us. Only through dialogue, listening and collective action can we find solutions that benefit all of us. The theme I chose for the seventy-ninth session — “Unity in diversity, for the advancement of peace, sustainable development, and human dignity for everyone, everywhere”— is not just a guiding principle. It is a call to action. The theme reminds us that our strength lies in our diversity and our ability to unite stakeholders around our common goals. Let us all move forward together in that spirit of unity and shared responsibility. Let us continue our work with the clear aim of building a peaceful, just and dignified future for all. The exercise of the right of reply has been requested. May I remind members that statements in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and to 5 minutes for the second intervention and should be made by delegations from their seats.

Egypt categorically rejects the reply delivered by the representative of Ethiopia to Egypt’s statement during the general debate. If Ethiopia were to reflect on its own conduct and behaviour in the region, it would recognize that it is the party that is the principal source of threats to peace, security and stability in the region. It was Ethiopia that concluded a memorandum of understanding that infringed on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a sisterly neighbouring African state, Somalia. It is Ethiopia that has repeatedly violated cardinal rules of international law and undermines the principle of the sanctity of international borders established in African laws and practice. It is also Ethiopia that is under the illusion that it has established control over the Nile River and will deprive the two downstream riparian States, Egypt and the Sudan, of their established historical rights to the Nile’s waters. Ethiopia ought to relinquish its aspiration to regional hegemony. Ethiopia also ought to realize that fabricating baseless allegations against other States and inventing fictional external enemies is nothing but a futile attempt that is meant for internal consumption to distract attention from Ethiopia’s many domestic challenges, which are of its own making. Egypt, which is an ancient civilization, a responsible State in Africa and a voice of peace and prosperity globally, does not engage in deplorable conduct of that nature. We call upon Ethiopia to exercise responsibility and to desist from threatening its neighbours and from engaging in conduct that undermines stability in Africa. We also invite Ethiopia to return to the African family as a contributor to peace and stability in the region and not as an agent of insecurity and destabilization.

I take the floor to exercise the right of reply of my delegation in response to the disinformation and baseless statement delivered by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Albania during the general debate (see A/79/PV.14). The alleged refugees who have been sheltered by the Republic of Albania belong to the terrorist People’s Mojahedin Organization, of which violence and terror form an integral element of its eclectic ideology. It has never dismissed the ideology of violence and recourse to arms; rather, it has always sought to revert to its hate- mongering nature and to commit violent acts of terrorism. The Islamic Republic of Iran rejects the disinformation delivered by the representative of the Republic of Albania. In the meanwhile, it is the obligation of Albania to bring to justice or extradite members of that cult for their role in organizing, supporting and perpetrating terrorist attacks in Iran. The Islamic Republic of Iran believes that the failure of the Government of Albania to take appropriate and necessary measures against that terrorist cult constitutes a grave threat to international peace and security. Moreover, the Islamic Republic of Iran categorically rejects and denounces any kind of unwarranted attribution for the alleged cyberattack on Albania’s infrastructure. That accusation is completely unfounded and is hereby rejected and condemned. We have already expressed our readiness to cooperate and enlighten the Albanian Government, and we repeat it once again. In exercising our right of reply in response to the unfounded allegations and irrelevant reference to my country by the representative of the United Arab Emirates, while my delegation strongly rejects those baseless allegations it would like to reaffirm its sovereignty over the Iranian islands of Abu Musa, Greater Tunb and Lesser Tunb in the Persian Gulf. We consider the statement by the representative of the United Arab of Emirates to be a flagrant violation of the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as an interference in Iran’s domestic affairs, in violation of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, and we categorically reject it. The Islamic Republic of Iran has always pursued a policy of friendship and good-neighbourliness towards all its neighbouring countries. It is obvious that the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Islamic Republic of Iran over the said islands are not negotiable. We invite the delegation of the United Arab Emirates to stick to the principle of good-neighbourliness and refrain from raising issues that are based on unsubstantiated accusations,

My delegation takes the floor to exercise its right of appeal in response to the statement made by the representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. I vividly remember that, a year ago here in this Hall, I pointed out the preposterous and absurd nature of the allegation the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea made in his statement, particularly on the situation in and around the Korean peninsula (see A/78/PV.14). Today, having listened carefully to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea statement and hearing no change in its position, my delegation feels deeply distressed that we have to repeat our position so that every delegation in the Hall accurately understands the facts and truth. The representative of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in his statement demonized the United States and its allies to justify his country’s pursuit of nuclear weapons. To be brief, it is a totally groundless claim. The real cause of the problem is the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s continued advancement of its unlawful nuclear and ballistic missiles, in direct violation of relevant Security Council resolutions, threatening to undertake a pre-emptive nuclear attack and thereby heightening tensions throughout the Korean peninsula and in the region. It should not confuse cause and effect or put the cart before the horse. As a responsible Government, it is our duty, like any Member State, to protect the lives and safety of our people from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s military threat by maintaining a robust Republic of Korea-United States combined defence and deterrence posture. Again, contrary to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s claim, the Republic of Korea-United States defence and deterrence posture is in response to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s military threat. In the same context, with respect to the recent Republic of Korea-United States extended deterrence cooperation, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s ever-growing unlawful nuclear and missile threats are the very reason why we are strengthening extended cooperation with the United States, not the other way around. Let us make one thing clear — the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s illegal nuclear weapons programme is by no means maintaining the regional balance of power, as its representative claimed today. In fact, it is the very reason for the regional security turbulence. Lastly, my delegation would like to recall that it is the Secret Council’s resolutions, all of which were unanimously adopted, that prohibit the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s nuclear and ballistic missile programme. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea should respect and abide by the Security Council’s resolutions, as stated in the Charter, if it genuinely wishes to be a responsible Member of the United Nations.

An exercise that I hate more than anything in this Hall is that of exercising my right of reply, in particular when it comes to a brotherly, neighbouring country. Just as one cannot change one’s neighbours, however, at the same time one cannot remain silent when one is accused of things that are not true. That is why I requested this right of reply to set the record straight on three mistruths and to make a comment. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria stated this morning that the Sahara needed to be decolonized. I must say that Algeria needs to wake up from its Cold War slumber and realize that Moroccan Sahara has been independent in the context of its integration in the motherland, the Kingdom of Moroccan, for 50 years. Algeria has perhaps forgotten, or perhaps is pretending to have forgotten that, in this very Hall, resolution 3458 (XXX) B was adopted in Algeria’s presence almost half a century ago, attesting to the end of the Spanish colony and the return of the Sahara to its motherland, forming the basis of the Madrid Accord. That is the truth; it is a reality. It is an agreement that was struck pursuant with international law. I recall that this historic agreement was in line with the statement made by the late President Boumediene during the League of Arab States Summit in Rabat to his peers, the King, princes and Heads of State, to the effect that he would support any formula that would allow the Moroccan Sahara to be decolonized. One year later, Moroccan Sahara was indeed decolonized. That is the first mistruth I wanted to respond to. Regarding the second mistruth, the Algerian Minister stated that his country supported the efforts of the Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy. In that regard, I would like to say that it is absolute nonsense. It is not true, simply because, as the whole world knows, the Personal Envoy was appointed three years ago. Why has there not been a single meeting here or anywhere else? The reason is because Algeria refuses to return to the negotiating table. Algeria is opposed to the resumption of the political process. What is more, Algeria rejects the resolutions concerning the political process. This morning, the Minister said that he supported the political process. It is really quite bizarre for Algeria to claim that it wants to support the efforts of the Personal Envoy and the Secretary-General, yet at the same time it imposes conditions. I am not coming, it says, so who will come? Who will participate and who will not? It is strange that Algeria, which claims to support the political process, is opposed to its name being cited in rejecting the resolution, for the simple reason that it is cited in all relevant Security Council resolutions as a main stakeholder in that regional dispute and must return to its seat at the negotiating table. We hope that when the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria meets the Personal Envoy this afternoon, he will be able to tell him the good news that Algeria is finally returning to the negotiating table, pursuant to the Security Council’s resolutions and to the statement made by that very Minister this morning from the rostrum. The third mistruth was uttered when the Minister accused Morocco of falsifying immutable realities. We sometimes say that there are none so blind as those who will not see. What reality is Morocco trying to change or falsify? We are falsifying nothing. We are doing everything in broad daylight before the eyes of the international community in this very Hall. We are doing it with friendly countries. I should like to inform the Algerian delegation and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of another truth, which is that Algeria refuses to see that 109 members of the international community support the Moroccan autonomy initiative. Nineteen of those are members of the European Union, including. France, Spain, Germany, Denmark, Slovenia and Finland, to name but a few. This Hall has heard Heads of State and Government express their support not only for the Moroccan autonomy initiative but also for Morocco’s immutable sovereignty over its Sahara. The next truth that the Algerian delegation is pretending not to know is that 29 consulates have been opened in Moroccan Sahara and that the thirtieth is currently being built and will open soon. There will be others, and I hope that the Algerian delegation will change its glasses so they it can finally see what is really happening in Moroccan Sahara. Another reality is economic development in the Moroccan Sahara, which Algeria does not want to see. It now has motorways, the longest bridge in Africa and the deepest port in Africa. Four thousand trucks cross the Sahara each day, particularly at the El Guergarat crossing. We have universities, teaching hospitals and excellent schools. We have foreign investment and solar energy. That is the reality that Algeria does not want to see, and we hope that soon it will come to recognize that we are not trying to hide what is happening in Moroccan Sahara. The last thing I wanted to say is more in the way of a comment. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria spoke of the threats that weigh on the Sahel-Sahara region: terrorism, separatism and lack of development. For once, I agree with him. I agree with his diagnosis. However, the Minister forgot to identify the remedy and the causes. Algeria is the cause and the wellspring of all the problems facing the Sahel and the Sahara, because when one asks where the terrorists, extremists and separatists go to hide, the answer is Algerian territory. It is true that there is a terrorist threat in the Sahel-Sahara region. There is a separatist threat. There is an extremist threat, but it is because of his country. Algeria’s borders are crawling with terrorists, separatists and extremists. Furthermore, the Minister also failed to talk of the remedy. The remedy is simple. Algeria must stop interfering in the internal affairs of the countries of the region, flouting the will of its neighbours and meddling in their politics. Finally, Algeria must go back and listen to a speech made by an eminent minister on Saturday from this rostrum, in which he addressed the relations of the countries of the Sahel with Algeria.

In exercise of our right of reply to the Islamic Republic of Iran, I would like to note the following. The United Arab Emirates believes that the three islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa are in the Arabian Gulf. They are part and parcel of the United Arab Emirates occupied by Iran. Iran is therefore an occupation force on those islands. No Iranian claim will change that reality. It is unacceptable for Iran to claim that this is an Iranian domestic issue. The United Arab Emirates stresses firmly that the three islands are part and parcel of the United Arab Emirates. They are an integral part of the United Arab Emirates. We strongly reject the continued Iranian occupation of those three United Arab Emirates islands. We have consistently called upon the Islamic Republic of Iran to resort to the Charter of the United Nations and international law to resolve that issue through bilateral negotiations or to turn to the International Court of Justice. I stress that the United Arab Emirates enjoys excellent relations and close cooperation with Iran. We aspire to increase our cooperation and deepen our bilateral relations. However, the three United Arab Emirates islands will remain a contentious issue until a satisfactory and peaceful solution is reached in line with international law and good-neighbourliness.

My delegation is taking the floor to exercise the right of reply in response to a provocative statement levelled against my country during the general debate and in a right of reply. Some days ago (see A/79/PV.14), the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea abused this United Nations platform to commit a grave political provocation against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, a dignified United Nations Member State. We categorically condemn and reject his reckless statement as a blatant affront to the sovereignty of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and wanton interference in its internal affairs. The Foreign Minister of the Republic of Korea should pay a high price for his despicable attempt to tarnish the dignity and prestige of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. It is an undeniable historical fact that the United States’ nuclear threat, which has lasted for more than half a century, triggered the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s access to nuclear weapons, and the hostile acts of military blackmail by the United States and Republic of Korea have been a decisive factor in compelling the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to steadily advance the enhancement of its nuclear forces. As of today, various United States-led military blocs exist throughout the Asia-Pacific region, including on the Korean peninsula, and the Nuclear Consultative Group, aimed at using nuclear weapons against Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, is in operation. Furthermore, the United States and its vassal countries’ aggressive war drills continue unabated. The whole world knows who is to blame for having turned the Korean peninsula and the rest of the region into the world’s hottest spot and a volatile gunpowder depot by staging war drills of an aggressive nature. Almost every day throughout the year, while raving about the end of the regime in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the Republic of Korea is frantically engaged in waging military drills and strengthening its aggressive military alliance with the United States, thereby coming ever closer to sparking a grave security crisis in the Korean peninsula and the North- East Asian region. Given the aforementioned facts, it is a mockery and trickery against regional countries and the rest of the international community for the Republic of Korea to clamour about the alleged threat, as well as peace and stability. The Republic of Korea Foreign Minister’s outburst clearly shows that it is at the very least impossible to exist or live together with forces imbued with inveterate hostility and repugnance towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, and that the regional situation can never restore stability as long as the United States, the evil source and root cause of instability on the Korean peninsula, continues to exist. On the other hand, the United States and its followers have recently held frequent confabulations in the United Nations on the alleged human rights issue. Such performances are prompted by their sinister intention to tarnish the image of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea at any cost by resorting to a despicable smear campaign, since they cannot subdue the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea by military force. Moreover, the Republic of Korea has no elementary qualification to talk about the human rights issue, as it is a cesspool of human rights abuses caused by its pro-United States sycophancy, fascist dictatorship and anti-people misgovernment. It is a pressing need for the Republic of Korea to clean up its human rights garbage at home. The Republic of Korea is seriously mocking and insulting our people by scattering rubbishy political agitation leaflets defaming our ideology and system, dirty notes and other things. The Republic of Korea’s scams deserve to be accordingly condemned. No matter how desperately the Republic of Korea may try to disguise itself as a victim by wracking its brain and playing on words to turn black into white, no one will be fooled into believing it anymore. The Republic of Korea, obsessed with its inveterate hostility towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, is strongly urged to carefully read Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations, which stipulates that the Security Council shall act in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations, namely, the principles of sovereignty, self- determination and refraining in international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity of other States. Accordingly, we have never acknowledged and will never acknowledge the alleged Security Council resolutions that deny our rights to existence and development, in flagrant contravention of the United Nations Charter itself. Under the prevailing circumstances, it is a priority for the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea to preserve its right to security in terms of safeguarding and exercising its sovereignty. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea will never accept hostile military acts and the strengthening of military blocs detrimental to the security environment on the Korean peninsula and world peace and stability. We remain firmly committed to fully safeguarding the sovereignty and security interests of the State and regional peace through offensive and overwhelming counteractions.

I am speaking in exercise of my right of reply to the allegations made by my Moroccan colleague, following the statement delivered here by my Minister this morning. I recall that since Algeria gained its independence in 1962, 62 years ago, there has not been one session of the General Assembly at which my country has not championed the inalienable right of self-determination of peoples still under colonial rule. I have to wonder why so many delegations have referred to the issue of the Western Sahara from the rostrum. Why does the representative of Morocco want to single out the statement delivered by my Minister from this rostrum? Why would he want to do that? Why would he mention the name of Algeria more than 20 times in 10 minutes? I wonder. His attempt to make an item on the General Assembly’s agenda a bilateral issue will not fly. In that regard, I wish to stress three points. First, he should reread my Minister’s statement on the issue of the Western Sahara for the edification of the General Assembly and in particular his own edification. The Minister said, “my country aspires to end colonization by closing the final page on colonialism, which is still regrettably manifest in the Western Sahara”. The Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy for Western Sahara can count on our full support in their efforts to enable the two parties to the conflict, Morocco and the POLISARIO Front, to resume the negotiation process in order to arrive at a political solution that will guarantee the Sahrawi people the full exercise of their inalienable right to self-determination. To those who seek to impose a colonial fait accompli by gaining time by falsifying facts and stepping up their desperate ploys to distract attention from what is clear and established, Algeria reaffirms that colonization will sooner or later disappear and that the legitimate rights of the Sahrawi people will undeniably be recognized. Secondly, the United Nations, through the General Assembly and the Security Council, has indeed begun the process of decolonization by creating the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara. Its work, however, is currently being blocked by the occupying Power, Morocco, which uses all kinds of tricks to postpone the referendum, including its shady project of proposed autonomy. If that project were really such a great deal, why not propose it for the consideration of the Sahrawis? Is Morocco afraid of how the Sahrawi people will react to the call for freedom? For its part, Algeria and all those that support the right to self- determination of the people of Western Sahara call for the Sahrawi people to be consulted. Thirdly, the political process — yes, the political process — is part of negotiations between the legitimate representatives of the Sahrawi people and the occupying Power, Morocco. If they reach a political agreement in the context of the inalienable right to self-determination, Algeria would welcome it. I do not want to prolong this meeting, but I would like to recall that the right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination is solidly anchored in international law and the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. My country, Algeria, based on its history, values and fundamental principles, will never fail to stand alongside oppressed peoples under colonial occupation, which is the case of the people of Western Sahara. In that unwavering resolve and deep-seated conviction, we will maintain our unfailing support for the people of Western Sahara until they are able to fully exercise their inalienable right to self-determination.

I am very grateful to my brother, the Ambassador of Algeria, for having read out the section of his Minister’s statement on Moroccan Sahara. Those who had not heard it or who were not in the Hall when it was delivered will now understand why my country wished to exercise its right of reply. What did the Algerian Ambassador do? All he did was confirm my argument with even greater aggression and virulence and in greater detail. I am glad he did, because now the international community can understand why Morocco referred to Algeria 20 times. Why 20 times? I did so quite simply because every day that passes Algeria trains more POLISARIO Front separatists. Every God-given day for half a century it has hosted terrorists and militias. Every God-given day for half a century, it has allowed them to cross its borders to attack us. Thousands of Moroccans have died and suffered because of you, Ambassador, and your country. There are even foreign citizens who have been killed. I respect the freedom of expression, of course, and if you will let me conclude, Sir, I shall conclude. Now Members will understand why Morocco mentioned Algeria 20 times. The Ambassador of Algeria also asked why we single out Algeria and not other countries. We are in a building where the law prevails and where each country is free to say what it likes and to express itself, while respecting others. The realities that I referred to should do you no harm because —

I give the floor to the representative on a point of order.

I apologize for interrupting the representative of Morocco, but may I ask you, Mr. President, to request that the representative of Morocco address himself to you, as President, and not to me?

The representative of Morocco may continue his second intervention. I ask that he address himself to me, as President.

I shall be happy to do so. All I was doing was responding to accusations that were made against my country by my brother from Algeria, but, given that he does not wish me to address him, I will speak to Algeria. Why is Morocco addressing Algeria and not the other representatives who have spoken here about self-determination? Quite simply, we do so because we believe in the principle and the right of freedom of expression. We find ourselves in a place where international law rules and everyone can say what they wish. We are addressing Algeria because it is the source of all our problems; because Algeria created and finances the POLISARIO Front; because the separatists of the POLISARIO Front travel around the world on Algerian passports. It is Algeria that is diverting humanitarian assistance to the POLISARIO Front. That is why we are addressing Algeria. Other countries are not financing or giving passports to the Front. We may not agree with those other countries, but we respect them and their position. We try to dialogue with them; indeed, dozens of countries have withdrawn their recognition of and support for the POLISARIO Front and closed their embassies, which Algeria was happy to finance. As to the political process, it is unfortunate that my brother from Algeria — and I hope he will allow me to call him my Algerian brother — should falsify facts. The truth is, the political process is at a dead end because, as I have said, Algeria simply rejects the relevant resolutions. It does not always welcome United Nations personnel, and when it does it is on the condition of confidentiality and that the meeting not be publicized. It does not want to return to the table for dialogue and negotiations. As concerns the —

I request the representative of Morocco to wrap up his statement. He has exhausted his five minutes.

I shall conclude here.

I shall be brief. I have two questions to put to my brother, the Ambassador of Morocco. First, if the territory of the Western Sahara is so immutably the property of Morocco, why has the International Court of Justice not recognized it and why has Morocco accepted to share it with the neighbouring Republic of Mauritania? I ask, why would it divvy up its own property? Secondly, why be afraid of democracy? Why is Morocco afraid of the referendum? Why is it afraid of freely and frankly asking the people of Western Sahara what they feel? The United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara is on the ground and waiting for authorization to organize the referendum, for the good of the entire region.

I am exercising the right of reply to the statement made earlier by the representative of Egypt. Egypt is dumping arms in the Horn of Africa that could potentially fall into the hands of the terrorist group Al-Shabaab. Egypt is still trying to stick to its colonial policy of monopolizing the waters of the Nile River. Ethiopia is known for respecting international principles, particularly the equitable and reasonable use of its own natural resources.

The representative of Ethiopia has just proven once again, in his intervention, what we said earlier regarding his country’s approach, which makes us wonder if dealing with the Somali Government is now seen as supporting terrorist groups. We know very well who is exporting weapons, supporting terrorist groups and spreading instability in the Horn of Africa. It is Ethiopia that is doing so. We have never heard the Ethiopian delegation cite any clear example in support of its claims. Ethiopia is pursuing a policy of concealing the facts and diverting attention from the real issues. The real issue here is respect for international law in terms of cross-border water sources. Egypt has always respected international law, yet in its policies Ethiopia consistently seeks to veto issues related to the Nile and make a controversy of all issues related to it. Egypt reaffirms the reservation of its right under the Charter of the United Nations to take all necessary measures to defend its interests and the survival of the Egyptian people.

I thank you very much, Mr. President, for your high professionalism in managing the General Assembly’s meetings. We also appreciate the positions of the Secretary-General and the Member States, expressing their strong condemnation of the aggressive acts committed by the Israeli occupation forces, its targeting of civilian infrastructure and continuous violations of the sovereignty of Member States, in flagrant violation of international law and international humanitarian law. Iraq strongly denounces the aggressive and criminal acts committed by the Israeli occupying forces and strongly rejects the statement delivered by the Prime Minister of the occupation authorities (see A/79/PV.13) and his threats to countries of the region before the eyes of all Members of the United Nations. We call on the United Nations and its various bodies to act expeditiously to put an end to the Israeli aggression and to protect the region from its consequences. Indeed, the inability of the Security Council to put an end to that aggression has encouraged the occupation forces to continue their attacks on Palestinian territory. The conflict has now spread to Lebanon and other countries. Those ongoing acts of aggression and barbarous crimes of the Israeli occupying force, the latest of which was the attack on Hassan Nasrallah, will lead to total war in the region, which will completely destabilize regional and international security and stability.

May I take it that it is the wish of the Assembly to conclude its consideration of agenda item 8?