S/31/PV.80 Security Council

I should at the outset like to say that 1 do not intend to repeat the very well-known, well-founded and uncontested arguments that decisively support the right of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to become a Member of the United Nations. 2. The delegation of Romania, like many other delega- tions, has on many occasions expounded those arguments, both in this forum and in the Security Council. The debates have emphasized the fact that all Member States, except one, have accepted their validity. 3. Indeed, these debates should have been terminatedlast year, but owing to the singular attitude of a permanent member of the Security Council we have to debate this issue again. For world public opinion and for all those who believe in the true mission of this Organization it is difficult to understand why the admission of Viet Nam to the United Nations continues to be on the agenda of the General Assembly. The peoples very rightly wonder by what supernatural power a single country, even though it is a great Power, can invalidate the will and the vote of every other memberof the General Assembly. 4. The negative attitude of the United States is even less justified and understandable because this is not really a problem that jeopardizes its vital interests, its security, or regional or world peace. The obstacles to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam's admission to the United Nations is an example of the arbitrariness and pure capriciousness that sometimes exist in international relations. 5. Viet Nam has been criticized for lacking humanitarian feelings concerning American soldiers missing in action. However, the question of which party didnot demonstrate Friday, 26 November 1976, at 3.40 p.m, NEW YORK humanitarian concern was quite rightly raised in the Security Council and in this forum by those who took part in the debate: the State which at the cost of the greatest sacrifices defended its independence and sovereignty and its right to a worthy and dignified existence and life or the State whose armed forces, using modem methods of mass destruction indiscriminately bombed a country and a people who refused to accept any diktat or interference in their internal affairs. It is certainly not difficult to see who bears the responsibility for the acts that have been carried out and for their consequences and who has not demon- strated any humanitarian concern. 6. Actually the problem, or rather the pretext invoked by the United States, is devoid of any foundation, not only from the moral andjuridicalstandpoint, but also fromthe point of view of the facts and realities. 7. The Government of the Socialist Republic of VietNam and the Vietnamese people love freedom,justiceand peace. That Government has demonstrated generosity and humani- tarian feeling and continues to do so, and it behaves according to humanitarian principles. Despite all the injus- tices that have been perpetrated against them and despite all the sacrifices they have had to make, the Vietnamese people, in a noble gesture, have said that they are prepared to forget the tragedy of warandhave extendedthe hand of co-operation to all peoples of the world, including the American people. By that magnanimous gesture the Vietnamese peoplehave offered their formerenemyon the battlefield the opportunityof salvaging its honour andhave invitedit to negotiate andto co-operate. 8. It is our deep conviction that the United States is committinga historicerrorby rejectingthat invitation. 9. Once again we should like to state that the admission of the Socialist Republic of VietNamto the UnitedNations is a right of that country; it is not a favour that one grants according to the pleasure or displeasure of a permanent member of the Security Council. Once again we join with the entire Assembly in asking that the Charter be respected and that justicebedone to Viet Nam. 10. Viet Nam is an undeniable reality; it has proved that fact in time of war and it has the moral force to do the same in time of peace. Viet Nam's place is indubitably among us here as a full Member of this Organization, so that we may see to it that a tragedy such as the one that plunged Indo-China into mourning will never be repeated, and so that we may be helped in building together a just and better world.

The General Assembly 1s discussing the special report of the Security Council on the 12. Last year the United States prevented the admission of the two Vietnamese States, the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the Republic of South Viet-Nam, to memo bershlp in the United Nations, but even now the position of the United States has not changed. The United States endeavours to prevent the admission of the Vietnamese people to an international Organization that was established so that the joint efforts of States Members should ensure peace and international security, the independence and sovereignty of all peoples and their full co-operation. 13. The representatives of the United States have put forward first one reason and then another in support of their negative attitude towards the representation of the Vietnamese people in the United Nations. The artificial nature of those reasons has been confirmed by the ease with which they have been changed from one session of the General Assembly to the next. 14. Speaking in the Security Council: and also here [79th meeting}, the Permanent Observer of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, Comrade Dinh Ba Thi, presented a valid rebuttal of the groundless accusations to the effect that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam was pursuing an inhumane policy with respect to certain questions connected with the consequences of American imperialist aggression against the Vietnamese people. 15. He quite rightly stressed that its opposition to admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations shows Washington's lack of a serious desire to resolve the problems existing in the relations between the United States of America and the Socialist Republic of Viet Narn. 16" The opposition to the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations not only jeopardizes bilateral relations between the United States of America and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam but also prevents the entire international community represented in the United Nations from taking full advantage of the historical experience of the heroic Vietnamese people, its inexhaustible potential for goodwill and its energy in the work of strengthening peace, friendship and co-operation between the peoples of Asia and the whole world. 17. The steps which are being taken in international affairs by the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam testify convincingly to its striving to build up relations with various countries on the basis of the principles of the United Nations Charter. In its foreign policy the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam aims at strengthening peace and international security, deepening international co-operation, developing relations with all countries on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence, a refusal to use force, strict respect for the 18. For 30 years the Vietnamese people marched towards its victory, waging a heroic struggle against the imperialist interventionists, the colonialists and their puppets. The march of Viet Nam towards its great victory once again confirmed with new force the fact that a people which selflessly and with unflinching resoluteness and heroism defends its national independence and the path it has freely chosen for its development, and is ready to make any sacrifice, and is supported by the peaceful socialist system and all peace-loving forces, such as a people is uncon- querable. 19. The Ukrainian SSR resolutely supports the application of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam for membership in the United Nations. The Soviet people and the peoples of the socialist countries have always stood shoulder to shoulder with the heroic Vietnamese people and made their contribution in giving the necessary assistance to it in its battle of liberation. Now the Soviet Union and other socialist States are giving the Vietnamese people all-round assistance in overcoming the consequences of aggression and helping the whole country along the path of socialism. 20. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has more than 50 million inhabitants. In population and territory, it counts as a very large State of the world. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has become a major factor for peace and progress in South-East Asia and in Asia as a whole. How can we reconcile ourselves to the fact that the admission to the United Nations of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, that major State, is being obstructed? 21. We consider any further delays regarding the favourable examination of the question of the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations absolutely inadmissible in view of tne provisions of the United Nations Charter, of the interests of the United Nations itself, of the interests of strengthening international peace and security and" of the normalization of the international situation and relations among States. We call upon those who are against admitting the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations finally to heed the voice of reason and common sense and to stop piling up artificial obstacles and delaying the solution of this question. 22. The immediate admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations is in essence supported by all States Members of the United Nations. This was convincingly shown in the discussion of this question in 1975 in the Security Council and at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly as well as at the recent meetings of the Security Council and the present plenary meetings of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly on the question. 24. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR hopes that the General Assembly will this year confirm the full and unquestionable right of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to be. a Member of the United Nations and call upon the Secunty Council to take a positive decision on the application of the Socialist Republic of Viet Narn for membe.rship in the United Nations. We fully support draft resolution A/31/L,21 and Add.1 and 2, which has been sponsored by a large group of States, one of which is my country the Ukrainian SSR.

I should like briefly to explain the attitude of my delegation towards the application for membership in this Organization of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. In doing so I should also like to enunciate the general policy of my Government on the membership question. 26. Article 4 of the Charter of the United Nations sets out the qualifications which an applicant must possess. It also sets out the questions which the Members of this Organi- zation may raise in examining the application. My Govern- ment agrees with the advisory opinion of the International Court of J'ustice? which stated that the conditions stipu- lated in paragraph 1 of Article 4 are exhaustive. 27. Under paragraph 1 of Article 4, an applicant for membership must pass four tests. First, it must be a sovereign and independent State. I do not think there is any doubt that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is a sovereign and independent State. 28. The second test is that the applicant must be a peace-loving State. In this connexion, my Government has taken note of the statements made by the Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the effect that it intends to pursue a policy of peaceful coexistence with all its neighbours and with other States in the same subregion, regardless of their political and economic systems, and to respect the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. 29. The third requirement is that the applicant be pre- pared to accept the obligations contained in the Charter. 30. The fourth implies a question that it is for the members of this Assembly to answer. We must be satisfied that the applicant is able and willing to carry out those obligations. The Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has solemnly stated that it is prepared to accept the obligations contained in the Charter. On this question my Government will, as a matter of general policy, make a favourable presumption with regard to all applicants. We do so because we favour a United Nations whose Membership is universal. 2 Admission of a State to the United Nations (Charter, Article 4). Advisory Opinion. I.CJ. Reports 1948, p. 57. 32. For'the foregoing reasons, my delegation supports the application of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and will vote in favour of draft resolution A/31/L,21.

A few days ago the United States of America, abusing the right of veto in the Security Council, arbitrarily prevented the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam from being admitted to the United Nations. That constituted a further hostile act on the part of the American imperialists towards the Vietnamese people, as well as a further challenge to the Organization. 34. The American veto in the Security Council clearly proves, once again, that the American imperialists, despite the crushing defeat they suffered in Viet Nam and in Indo-China as a whole, have not given up, and have no intention whatever of giving up, their aggressive policy towards the Vietnamese people. 35. The delegation of the People's Republic of Albania vehemently condemns the hostile and obstructionist atti- tude adopted by the United States of America towards the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations. The Albanian delegation firmly supports the undeniable and unchallengeable right of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, an independent and sovereign country, to take its rightful place in our Organization. The Vietnamese people acquired that right, and ensured that it had such a right, during its long, heroic armed struggle. Through the blood shed by its sons and daughters on the battlefield, and through the countless sacrifices it had to make, the Vietnamese people was victorious over the American imperialist aggressors and their lackeys, and achieved its national aspirations: the liberation of south Viet Nam and the reunification of its homeland in a single sovereign and independent State, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. The victorious conclusion of the armed struggle of the Vietnamese people is a historic victory of world-wide importance, not only over American imperialism, but also over the plots and intrigues of Soviet soeio-imperialism. 36. The Albanian people whole-heartedly welcomed the victory of the fraternal people of Viet Nam. Our people and their Government strongly support, as always, the just cause of the Vietnamese people, as well as its efforts to defend the victories won, in order to bring progress and prosperity to the country. We are sure that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will finally take its rightful place in the United Nations, whether or not the United States wishes it to do so, and despite the obstructionist ma- noeuvres of the United States. 37. In conclusion, the Albanian delegation wishes to emphasize that the General Assembly must assume its responsibilities and condemn the hostile attitude of the United States of America towards the Socialist Republic of Viet Narn, so that the American imperialists will not be able to impose their diktat on our Organization. 39. The active support of the application of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam for membership in the United Nations by States with various social systems and situated in all parts of the world is based on the fact that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has won this right in its heroic struggle for its freedom and independence and on the fact that it is pursuing a peace-loving foreign policy and a domestic policy of socialist construction directed towards the full development of the fatherland and the happiness of the people. 40. The policy of socialist Viet Nam is fully in keeping with the purposes and principles of the United Nations. It fulfils the requirements laid down in Article 4 of the Charter concerning the admission of new Members, pro- motes an improvement in the world situation, favours the strengthening of peace in South-East Asia, and makes another important contribution to the struggle of the peoples of Asia and the entire world for a stable peace, national independence and social progress. 41. The artificial obstacles to the admission of Viet Nam to membership in the United Nations are a violation of the United Nations Charter and the principle of the universality of the Organization and run counter to the interests of the further democratization of international relations. Further- more, they do not take into account the facts of the contemporary world. 42. The representative of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam stated in the Security Council: "... in the long-term interests of the Vietnamese and American peoples, the Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam on several occasions has stated and has shown by concrete actions that it is prepared to discuss with the United States Government the settlement of problems held over from the war concerning both sides and, in so doing, to endeavour to establish normal relations between the two countries"," 43. It should also be stressed that the artificial obstacles placed in the path of the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to membership of the United Nations have been quite rightly criticized by world public "Nothing in the national interest dictates this policy, especially at a time when bilateral talks with Hanoi have just been started. This latest veto was not an act of courage or resolution. It was closer to a demonstration of official vengeance over a lost war ...''. 44. The delegation the the Byelorussian SSR calls on all other delegations to support actively draft resolution A(31/L.21 and Add.I and 2 and thus to demand resolutely and unanimously the victory of the just cause of the Vietnamese people and thereby to create a situation where no one can erect any artificial obstacles to prevent the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations and deprive the Organization of the constructive assistance of that country in our activities, in the interests of peace and security and the co-operation of all peoples.

Some days ago, in the Security Council.! the French delegation clearly set out its reasons not only for desiring the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to our Organization but also for becoming a sponsor of the draft resolution recommending such admission. Here, therefore, 1 shall confine myself briefly to recalling our position. 46. As a founding Member, France considers that there can be no obstacle to the admission to membership in the United Nations of a State whose sovereignty is uncontested and which maintains diplomatic relations with the majority of countries represented here. 47. Moreover, it regards itself as having particular reasons for supporting the application of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. 48. France has never sought to use the clashes or differences resulting from the sometimes painful process of decolonization in which it has been involved as a pretext for denying a new State its rightful place in the international community. 49. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has undertaken to carry out its obligations under our Charter. Should any of us judge that it does not respect them, how can we blame it for that since it is not yet a Member of the United Nations? When Viet Nam becomes one of us, then it will be required to enter into a fruitful dialogue-one which, incidentally, it has often declared its readiness to open. 50. My delegation wishes to repeat that the United Nations is one of the most propitious places for the settlement of conflicts; the purpose of its universality is precisely to promote contact among States which do not necessarily maintain diplomatic relations with each other or which may even be in opposition. 51. France, whose history is bound up with that of Viet Nam, has great respect for Viet Nam, and it hopes that the 54. No one can doubt that the Socialist Republic of Viet Narn will one day join us, but that day must come as soon as possible. Keeping that country outside the United Nations is in itself a source of tension. It is paradoxical that our Organization, whose essential aim is precisely to eliminate tension, should create tension by refusing to allow the admission of a people who have long been identified as a nation and who through a noble struggle have now decided statehood. 55. France has spared no effort to bring about a situation in which our friends may meet here. France still hopes to see all of them here soon.

There are times when it is necessary for us to pause in our discussions and to reflect for a moment on the nature of the undertaking in which we are involved, so that we do not let ourselves be swept along by a tendency to routine to which we are prone in the normal course of a session, especially-as is now the case-when we approach the end of a session. 57 _ We believe this is a time to pause and think. We are not considering a normal report of the Security Council. We are not simply considering the application for admission of a new Member, as we generally do each year in order to welcome new sovereign States that have achieved indepen- dence after overcoming years of colonial domination. To start with, we are repeating an operation that is in itself unnecessary, an operation that this Assembly has been faced with since last year because of the stubbornness, the obstinacy and the irresponsible, cynical and hypocritical attitude of a Member Of this Organization. Moreover-and this is the most important point-we are considering a question that affects the very essence of this Organization and touches on the very bases of the existence of the United Nations. Once again the Assembly is confronted by a conflict between principles, legality and law, on the one hand, and the arrogance, great power and arbitrariness of a single Member State, on the other. 58. I do not believe this is the time to repeat ourselves and reiterate the arguments that have been put forth in the Security Council, both last year and this year, and in the General Assembly, also both last year and this year, a couple of months ago. 59. I do not think it is necessary to remind anyone of the fact that few States in this world have each and every one of the attributes demanded by the Charter for membership in the Organization. I hardly think it indispensable to remind the Assembly that most of its Members a very long time ago recognized the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and 60. Nor do I believe that it is necessary to demonstrate that it is the opinion of the Organization that this State is indeed fulfillingsuch requirements, which are the only ones called for by the Charter for the admission of a new Member to the Organization. Indeed since last year the overwhelming majority of the members of this Assembly have clearly stated to the Security Council the almost unanimous feeling of this body that Viet Nam does meet the necessary requirements and that it should be admitted and accepted into this Organization. Nobody has doubted since then that that was the view of the Organization. Yet we are faced with a very astonishing situation: while the Charter speaks of the judgement of the Organization, the Organization has for more than a year been unable to make its judgement prevail and to translate its opinion into reality, because one single Member does not want the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to join the Organization. 61. Nor is it necessary for me to use many words to emphasize the fallacious nature of the argument adduced by the United States Government. The argument it adduced last year in order to cast its veto against Viet Nam wasnot the same as that which, in the view of that country, which thinks itself allpowerful and which enjoys special privileges and prerogatives in this Organization, should prevail now. While last year it arbitrarily and artificially tried to link the admission of Viet Nam to the United Nations with the admission of a supposed State of Asia, that argument is no longer the one that was used by the United States delegation in order to oppose the favourable recommenda- tion of the Security Council. Last year's excuse was untenable-it was not serious and it was not pertinent to the Vietnamese application-but this year's excuse, that is to say,the argument used so far to vote against the request for the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations, is purely and simply inadmissible. It shows a lack of respect for feelings, intelligence and common sense. It is an affront to all civilizedmen who are bound to ask many questions when they read in interna- tional cables and in the world press that a Power that is a member of the Security Council has exercised the right of the veto to oppose the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam as a Member of the United Nations because the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam would not conduct itself in a way which would be in conformity with the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and was not followinga humanitarian policy. 62. What then must be the surprise, the amazement and, I would add, the indignation of millions of people through- put the whole world-not excluding inhabitants of the United States-when they read in the very same publica- tions that such an argument had been adduced by the representatives of the Government of the United States, no more and no less. "Truth" as wassaid by El Cid, "will make the stones cry out." But, no one however fertile his 63. I think this calls for one or two comments. The only argument put forward by the United States delegation in its attempt to justify its latest veto against the Vietnamese people was that the authorities of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam had not co-operated in the way it wished and in accordance with the Paris Agreement- in locating persons missing as a consequence of the Vietnamese war, that is, United States military personnel missing in action. Now, those persons did not go to Viet Nam as tourists or to take part in an archaeological expedition or a mission of goodwill, but to bring there, to the Far East, the very principles of humanitarian philosophy subscribed to by the Government that is now putting obstacles in the way of that country's assumption of its rightful place in this Organization. 64. It is well known that the authorities of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam have demonstrated on more than one occasion the attitude of the Vietnamese side in this matter, how those authorities have shown magnanimity, humani- tarian feelings and goodwill in this respect, while the United States side has used the issue to try to accuse Viet Nam of not showing sufficient concern for the feelings and suffer- ing of the families of those who disappeared in Indo-China. 65. On four occasions-as we heard from this very rostrum this morning-the authorities of Viet Nam submitted to the United States Administration lists containing the names of those persons whose remains had been found on Viet- namese territory. Also, they authorized and facilitated the return to United States territory of some persons who, having gone to Viet Nam to make war on the people of that country, had remained in Vietnamese territory following the conclusion of that war. 66. Moreover, it should be said that not from any point of view, whether legal or logical, are there any solid grounds for demanding of the authorities of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam that they assume responsibility for something that by its nature is very difficult to accomplish and which, for its accomplishment, necessarily requires the co- operation of both parties-not generous and humanitarian action on the part of one side and demagogic and hypocritical propaganda on the part of the other. 67. According to United States sources, at the time of the Second World War some 35,000 United States officers and men were reported missing. Many years afterwards, 2,000 of those persons had not been clearly accounted for. It is also asserted that out of the 5,000 persons missing after the Korean war, about 1,000 were not subsequently located. 68. Therefore, it is easy to understand that in modem war there should be persons missing in action. Certainly, the 6 Agreement on Ending the Wurand Restoring Peacein Viet-Nam signed at Paris on 27 January 1973. ' 69. It is obvious that neither the Vietnamese nor perhaps the United States authorities in certain cases, are in a position to explain what happened to each and every one of those individuals. But perhaps it might be worth while to point out, since we cited a few figures with regard to previous wars, that it is said that the missing in action of whom we are speaking, and who serve as a pretext for the United States in this case, amount to some 795 persons that the United States presumes missing and the remains of 1,000 more who died during the Viet Nam war. 70. If the United States authorities had really shown a minimum of humanitarian concern, if they had displayed any sensitivity about the relatives of those who may have disappeared in Irido-China, the first thing they would have done would have been to refrain from using this question of the missing in action in Viet Nam like those coloured balloons that they let loose at their political conventions in this country and that are waved around to indicate the reactions of the local electorate or to suit the needs of international demagoguery; instead they would have adopted an attitude of genuine co-operation in order to comply fully with the Paris Agreement and, in a frank, direct and co-operative way, try to help the Vietnamese authorities who-in spite of all the harm done by those people, especially by those who were sent to destroy and to murder in Viet Nam, and in spite of the pain, the destruction and the suffering that those people occa- sioned-are nevertheless complying fully with the com- mitments they had entered into in the Paris Agreement and have established a special group that is keeping this problem under constant investigation in Viet Nam, trying to locate the missing persons, and attempting to clear up each specific case and convey that information to the United States authorities, not for a candidate to avail himself of for election purposes when an election is approaching, but in order to help the bereaved families. 71. Perhaps we should ask whether the United States Government, which also signed the Paris Agreement and which also has very clear commitments with regard to that document, whether that Government has done anything to indicate to the world that it at least laments and deplores the harm done to the Vietnamese people by those half a 73. Many speakers have already pointed out the obvious: that, in any event, this matter pertains to the bilateral relations between sovereign States, and that the two parties sho.uld try to resolve this and other pending issues-as the Un~ted States Government is obliged to do pursuant to the Pans Agreement-on a bilateral level, inasmuch as this problem has absolutely nothing to do with the composition of the United Nations. If this were not so we would find that every time new Members were to be admitted to the Organization, every bilateral dispute, every controversy, great or small, that any Member State might have now or in the future with any other would come to light. And this, as we all know, is not the case. 74. It would have been desirable had this Organization never had to face such an inelegant debate as this, in which one of the parties to the controversy-a powerful State and a permanent member of the Security Council-is neverthe- less incapable of behaving with that minimum of dignity and responsibility that is consistent with the powers and prerogatives that it wields. But although it might not be appropriate to use an argument that falls in the sphere of bilateral relations between two sovereign States, it is, to say the least, repugnant that the United States is trying to use this issue to accuse the Socialist Republic of Viet Narn of taking an attitude inconsistent with respect for the Uni- versal Declaration of Human Rights and, in general, for human rights. According to the United States, Viet Nam has demonstrated such an attitude in connexion with the group of missing Yankee bomber pilots. But this Assembly and the world have a right to ask the United States delegation to tell them how many victims, how many dead there were and how many orphans there are in Viet Nam as a result of the actions of those and other pilots who dropped tons of napalm bombs and chemical and toxic substances on Viet Nam; how many schools were destroyed by those United States pilots; how many hospitals, how many factories, how many cities, how many homes, how many bridges were reduced to dust by the action of those who today inspire the hypocritical concern of the Govern- ment of the United States of America; how many harvests, how many animals of the poor Vietnamese peasants disappeared for ever thanks to the forcible importation from Washington of this humanitarian philosophy flown in by American super-fortresses; how many tons of bombs, how many gallons of napalm, herbicides and defoliants were transported by the very persons about whom the Government of the United States of America now wishes to receive information. 75. If the question is one of human rights, of humani- tarian principles, the Viet Narn war will not go down in history through the demogogic phrases that some United States representative, from time to time, may wish to insert in our discussions; neither will it be symbolized by those persons whose fate cannot now be fully known. Rather, the 76. The Viet Nam war aroused the reprobation and protest of the universal conscience. Men and women of all continents raised their voices in protest to demand the cessation of United States aggression, to call for respect for the Vietnamese people's right to independence, and to demand that that people be allowed to decide their own destiny and to build their own future, after so many years of colonialism and of struggle to shake off the fetters of colonialism. 77. Even here in the United States, there were voices heard which were inspired by humanitarian principles that are part of the history of this country-inspired by the thinking of those in the United States who have fought for human rights and the rights of peoples. 7S. I wish to quote a short passage from a text by an American author published some 80 years ago, when United States imperialism was beginning its misdeeds in the Caribbean and in the Pacific-a text which American pacifists and youth popularized, spreading it throughout the country on their placards and in their anti-Viet Nam war slogans, and, in a sense, turning it into one of the main instruments in their fight to combat imperialist aggression against the Vietnamese people. 79. Referring to the Philippine war after having censured the much used and cherished saying of soldiers in that country, "My country, right or wrong", Mark Twain said the following: "Only when the life of a republic is in danger should a man support his Government if it is in error; on no other occasion. "The life of this Republic is not in danger. The nation has sold its honour for a saying. It has raised anchor and is adrift; its tiller is in the hands of pirates. That stupid saying required support and so gaverise to another: 'Even if the war is a mistake, we are in it, and we must continue to the end; we cannot withdraw without dishonour.' " SO. Mark Twain said that some 80 years ago, but I am sure that representatives here will have made a mental connexion with some more recent language used by United States representatives. And Mark Twain concluded with this warning: "You have sown the seed and it will.grow," 82. The seed that was planted in more recent times by United States imperialism in its cruel, barbarous aggression against the peoples of Indo-Chlna still lives in the conduct of the United States Government and is expressed in the economic blockade against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, in the measures to prevent any humanitarian assist- ance reaching that country from United States humani- tarian and welfare organizations, and in the opposition to the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Narn to this Organization. What it is doing is to continue to wage war against 'that people, but now at the diplomatic and commercial levels. 83. The imperialists should bear in mind that it is very easy to cast a veto in the Security Council; it is very easy to raise a hand in the Security Council to deny a country its right to' occupy its lawful place in the international community. But what is not easy, as the experience of the war in Viet Nam proves, and what will not be easy is to maintain for ever this policy of hostility, harassment and aggression against the Vietnamese people. What is impos- sible is to overcome the will of that people for Indepen- dence; and what the United States could not obtain on the field of battle by means of tons of bombs, napalm, herbicides and other chemical and toxic weapons, it will obviously not attain through diplomatic ploys, vetoes or votes. . 84. By way of conclusion, in view of the importance of the draft resolution in document A/31/L.21 and Add.I and 2, of which we are a sponsor, and for the honour of this Assembly, the principles which serve as a foundation and inspiration for our Organization, and thc duty of the international community to put an end to the aggressive policy that imperialism continues to wage against the Vietnamese people, my delegation requests that a roll-call vote be taken on this draft resolution.

A few days ago, during the debate in the Security Council concerning the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations," I asked whether there was such a thing as "honorary membership" in the United Nations and said that, if there were, that title should be conferred upon the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, because it is a people which has fought with great courage; in fact, there is no other people in the world which has fought so courageously and valiantly as the people of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. 87. The United Nations, represented by the majority whose representatives have spoken in the General Assembly and in the Security Council, with the sole exception of one, expressed in various resolutions adopted during 1975 and 1976 the conviction that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam fulfils all the conditions required for membership in the United Nations and that it is able and willing to carry out the obligations that would be imposed on it by the United Nations Charter. 88. With respect to the admission of a new Member, the last word rests with the General Assembly. Article 4, paragraph 2 of the Charter gives the General Assembly the power to decide; it states that "the admission of any such State to membership in the United Nations will be effected by a decision of the General Assembly upon the recommen- dation of the Security Council"; that is to say, the role of the Security Council is to submit a recommendation, and the final decision is up to the General Assembly. 89. The attempt made by a State to impose as a new condition for the admission of a country to the United Nations considerations relating to the interests of that country and considerations of a national character is a violation of the Charter and would imply the unilateral amendment of Article 4 of the Charter. 90. During the discussion which took place in the Security Council on 15 November last my delegation expressed the hope that the delegation of the United States of America would adopt a more positive attitude on this problem and that it would act a role consistent with its responsibilities as a great Power I especially one that is a permanent member of the Security Council and that has special responsibilities for the preservation of international peace and security. 91. However, the representative of the United States of America abused the right of veto once again. He was the only member of the Council who objected to the admission of Viet Narn, and denied Viet Narn its right to become a full Member of the United Nations. That negative attitude of the United States of America, which is maintained to this moment, runs counter to the stipulations of the United Nations Charter and is paradoxical, given the responsi- bilities of the United States as a permanent member of the Security Council. Furthermore, it constitutes an improper attitude when one considers everything that was done by the United States to the people of Viet Nam. Instead of making reparation for the wrongs it inflicted upon that people, the United States continues to antagonize that people politically and diplomatically, after having subjected that people to military conflict for so many years. 92. An Organization such as ours should oppose racist regimes such as those of Israel and South Africa. But even Members which practise racism continue to enjoy mern- 93. My deleg.alion. togetherwith &0other delegations,has sponsored draft tes,olution Al31/L,2\ and Add.I and 2, which we hope will be adopted unanimously. We hope to see the Security CouncU respond to the wishes of fue Large majority of the General AS$Ilmbly and re-examine in a favourable light the application of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nsm for Idmiuion to the United Nations. This problem would thus be wlved in accordance with logic and in confomtil)' with the Charter and the wishes of the world community it large. If the Security Council cannot carry out its responsibilities, iI will faU to the General Assembly, the supreme body of the United Nations, to decide this matter. It wU! be up to the General Assembly to assume full respontibU.ity for this question on the bws of the Charter and historica.l precedent.

Once 'lain the application of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to take its rightful place in the United Nations was obstrueted on 15 November 1916 by the single negaliv1! vote of one permanent member of the Security Council. namely. the United States of America. 9S. The Somali ddoption maintains that the negative vote cut lillimt Vid Nam is \,"Onlrary to the purposes of the United Nations,particuJa.rly the pri.nciple of uniyemUty, which is one of the ultimate goals of our Organization. Article 4, pllr1l&rapn 1. of the Charter reads: ·'Member1.hip in the United Nations isopen to all other pcace.lovi.na States Which accept the obligations con- tained in the pBient Otarter and, in the judgement of the Orpnl.zation, arelllble and willing to carry out these obUptions.'· 96. We are SI.titfied that the Socia.list Republic of Viet Nw is I pellCe.fo'Ving country. h hasexpressed its readlness to accept the obligatioos, cOf'](lIined in the Charter. The world community hall nol the slightest doubt of the ability and wUlingnesa of t1lc Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to carry out the obligaliollS set forth in the Charter. Therefore the Social»t RepubUc of Viet Nll.m b fully qUalified to be admltmd to the United Nations. 97. At ill thirtieth seuion, the General Ademblyadopted te$Olution 3366 (XXX) of 19Seplember 1915, which requetted the Security Council to reconsider immediately and favourably the application of Vid Nam. On 15No- vember this year, 14 or the 1Smembert of the Security Council voted in favour of the a.pplication of the Socialist R.epubUc of V.et Nam. Thee facti speak for themselves and bear teUimony to the flliCt thal this Organilation issatisfied that the Sodali:st Republtc of Viel Nam Is able and willing to ca.rry out the obligations set forth in the Charter. We 9~. Indeed, the courage and determination shown by the V~etnamese people is a source of inspiration to all peoples still struggling for self-determination and human dignity. Thus the Vietnamese people enjoy the well-deserved respec I and admiration of all peoples of the world who. love peace and freedom. 99. The noblest argument used as justification for the negative vote of the Security Council invokes the American servicemen missing in action and states that the Govern- ment of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is required to submit a list of their namesasa conditionforits admission to the United Nations, But the list of the countless Vietnamese who were killed as the result of the aggression committed against that country, which brought untold suffering and sorrow to this people, could also be required. 100. During the debate in the Security Council, the Presiden t of the Security Council, while speaking in his capacity as representative of his country, on 15 November rightlystated: "It is obvious that the opposition to the entry of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is based on a unilateral altitude which derives from a bilateral controversy between two States and that it certainly does not fall within the clear text of Article 4 of the United Nations Charter, under which the Socialisl Republic of Viet Nam has a perfect right to become a Member State of Our Organizatlon.t's 101. In conclusion, the Somali delegation isconfidentthat the General Assembly will again positively and actively support the voice of right, common sense and justice and give unanimoussupport for draft resolution A/31/L.21 and Add.l and 2 now under discussion, of whichmy country is proud to be a sponsor and which recommends that the Security Council should reconsider favourably the adrnls- sion of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations in strict conformity with Article 4 of the Charter. 102. The Somalidelegation, in conjunction with theworld community, calls upon the United States Government to reconsider its attitude towards the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, a country whose people have been subjected to cruel aggression and who are now resolutely engaged in a programme of national reconstructionto repair the destruc- tion which resulted from the aggression perpetratedagainst that country and people.

It is most unfortunate that a nation such as the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which has recently emerged victorious from a long and protracted struggle against the forces of colonialism and imperialism and which has in the past few months succeeded in unifying the country, should be prevented from becoming a Member of our Organization because of the vote of one State memberof the SecurityCouncil. 105. This situation serves to reinforce the view of the Organization of African Unity /OAU/, of which my country has the honour of being current Chairman, that the -so-called veto privilege enjoyed by the permanent members of the Security Council is being abused and is not being applied in the spirit and for the purpose for which it was originally established. 106. The United Nations Charter makes it clear that our Organization is open to all peace-loving States which accept the obligations contained in its Charter and which are able and willing to carry out these obligations. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is at peace with all States. It also enjoys internal peace and stability. Furthermore, it has expressed in the clearest possible terms its willingness to carry out the obligations of the Charter. In my delegation's view it fulfils all the criteria, and its presence in the United Nations would be a real asset because of the great spirit and qualities of its people and the great potential of their country. 107. Members of OAU, in common with many other States throughout the world, have begun to question the usefulness and the propriety of the veto. Thus, at the summit conference of OAU in Mauritius in July this year,? a resolution was adopted maintaining that the misuse of the right of veto by some permanent members of the Security Council was contrary to, and a violation of, the United Nations charter and various United Nations resolutions; furthermore, it called upon all States Members of the United Nations to exert all efforts to find an effective alternative to the right of veto enjoyed by the permanent members of the Security Council in order to ensure that the will of the international community was not thwarted [see A/31/196, annex, resolution CMJRes.486 (XXVII)}. 108. At the non-aligned conference in Colombo.r v which was attended by African States, the Political Declaration which was adopted also addressed itself to the question of the veto. It stated: 'The Conference noted that the responsibilities and obligations that accompany the veto power in the 9 Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organiza- tion of African Unity, held at Port Louis, Mauritius, from 2 to 6 July 1976_ 10 Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo from 16 to 19 August 1976. 109. In this interdependent world of ours, it is important that States should have the opportunity to meet in a common forum and not only to present their views and ideas on questions affecting their interests but also to participate in collective efforts to find solutions for the great problems of our world. 110. The independent State of Viet Nam is a reality. It is recognized by virtually all Members of the United Nations. I should like to address an appeal to the United States not to obstruct any further the admission of Viet Nam to membership in the United Nations. The struggle of the people of Viet Nam for freedom and independence has raised pressing problems which require the active eo- operation of the United Nations. Viet Nam's membership in the United Nations would certainly facilitate the solution of these problems and the mobilization of much needed resources for its economic reconstruction and reha- bilitation. 111. It is my delegation's view that the international community must continue to impress upon the United States the realities of the situation and its desire to see Viet Narn assume its rightful place inour Organization without any further delay. 112. Taking all matters into consideration, I express the hope that the General Assembly will endorse without dissent or abstention draft resolution A/31/L.21 and Add.1 and 2, of which my delegation has the honour of being a sponsor.

On behalf of the delegation of the Libyan Arab Republic, I should like to reiterate our alarm and displeasure con- cerning the persistence of the United States of America in abusing its veto privilege and the whole concept of the veto in general. 114. My delegation deplores the United States action, which has resulted in preventing peoples that have struggled against imperialism, oppression and exploitation from exercising their right to membership in the United Nations and from participating, as they have every right to do, in the international community. us. Uberty and independence are sacred rights of all the peoples of this world, and requesting admission to member- ship of the United Nations. is a right of all independent States which accept and undertake to fulfil obligations contained in the Charter of the United Nations. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, as an independent State, accepted all the obligations laid down in the Charter of the United Nations, and the proclaimed objectives and prin- ciples of its policy are in harmony with the objectives and principles of the Charter. 116. The attainment of independence by the brave, heroic people of Viet Nam constitutes an extremely important control over all its lerritory and its own destiny. 111. TIle unforgl\lable. brutal war carried out against that small, peace-loving people and country will never be forgotten. We watched with amlU..cment and admiration the heroic ballte (If 1I people flg,llting the might), giant, with all its murderous weaponry. It cannot be denied that the people or Viet ~Iun fought it long and brave battle with a heroism that commands lIdminttion. 118. However, the mighty giant cannot forget that such a small country and people won their battle and put the mighty giant to unum. In its anger. the mighty giant invokes all kinds of pctl) "xcuses W obstruct the admission of the brave V.etnamese people to membership in the United Natic)fIs. I jQ. There is no logical.acceptable explanation worthy of any conslderauon b)" this Council lhal the United States can honestly present to deny the people of Viel Nam its right to be admitted to membership of the United Nations.. The pretence in'iokedl!tat there is an outstandlng obliga- lion on the part or the V.etnamese people to the ttUvcmment of the United States-relates to a matter that should, in the opinion of my delegation, besettled outside this Organization. TIle s.pecial interests of the United States of Arooriclil cannot, and should not, be catered to in this forum. I~O. The policy of obsuuctionism and persistent abuse of the veto privilege is In affront to all Members of the United NatKllls ami the very principles on which thho Organization wu founded. It is an unfortunate, indeed Intolerable, SitUlllil1f1 thill demand!; urgent evaluation and remedy, I ~ I. TIu:, PRFStIJENT The A.lsembly hll:S now concluded its debate on (hut uem and ilt rendy to lake a decision. Before I put the draft rl:~(llutkm to the vote, I shall call on t1W1IJl' representati\'\':'s will! wish 10 speak in explanation of vote bcr~)rt tht' '-'(lUng. I ~~. Mr. MURRAY Hinrtcd Kingdom): The views of my ddcgalion ()I'I the app!iuhlll1 for membershlpwhich \1Ie are mm' ~onlliderin~ life on record and havenot changed. 1~3. Mv Go~",mrm:nt wishes to see the United Nations develup 'into 11 truly univcml Orpniz,ation where the views of nil can be freelv hil.lltrd. frh" Govemment has diplomatic relllllonlll wUtl the G()Yenune~t of the SOdllHst Republicof Viel N"nL We hll\"t" already voted for the admission of the ${)(lahst Republh; of Viet Nam to the United Nations last ):carin thLII A111Cmblr md both last year and this year in the Securiry Coundl. 1~4. Had the Jrart fl:5ulution now before us been worded in terms similar to General Auernbly resolution .nb6 (XXX). which wc supported IlISt year. we would have been ple_d to ~uppurt lIlo.dalf. But, unfortunately, this is not the cue, The wending of draft resolution Al31/L.21 is "lItnliom•. My delegi'ltmn is unable to vote in favour ora 125. My delegation suggested informally to the sponsors certain modifications in respect of the seventh paragraph of the preamble which would have enabled us to vote in favour. But since, regrettably, those suggestions proved unacceptable, my delegation will abstain in the vote on the draft resolution.

Today, as we discussagain the question of the Socialist Republic of Viet Narn'sapplication for membership in the United Nations, it is timely to restate the United States position and what we mean by' an accounting of our missing in action. 121. The United States believes that Viet Nam, by its refusal to account for Americans missing in action during the recent conflict in South-East Asia. has shown itself unwilling to fulmbasic humanitarian obligationsconsistent with United Nations membership. Viet Nam apparently persists in its efforts to play upon the anguish of the families of these men for political and economic advantage. Let me remind this body that in 1974 the General Assembly itself recognized the importance of providing information on the missingand returning the remainsof the dead, when it passed by an overwhelming majority a resolution calling upon all parties to armed conflicts to do so after hostllitles had ceased{resolution 3220 (XXIX)j. 128. What we mean by an accounting has sometimes been of concern to others. TIle allegation has been repeated, often in very harsh terms, that we are asking tile impossible. That is not so. Clearly. we want to know what has happened to all of our men. But we understand that many were lost in circumstances which make it unlikely that any direct information about them will be discovered. However, what we do expect from the authorities in Hanoi is that they will provide all the information in their possession on our missing in action, that they will return to us all recoverable remains of our dead-In accordance with the resolution I have just cited-sand that they will carry out serious search efforts to ascertain the fate of others. 129. I (an add that on :2 October Secretary of State Kissinger expressed the following views during a panel discussion at the National Conference of Editorial Writers. He said that basically we have no conflict with Viet Narn now and that after our experience in Viet Nam we are the one great Power that ClU1 be guaranteed not to have any national objectlves there. And so, the Secretary continued, the normalizaticn of relations between the United States and Viet Nam eventually will come. On the other hand, the Secretary said, we believe that the behaviour of the Vietnamese in not turning over to us lists which we are confident they have is a cruel and heartless act and one for which we are not prepared to pay any price. The Secretary concluded that if such an accounting were rendered there would beno significant obstacle to normalization. 130. 11105e remarks should make it clear that the United States is not asking the impossible but rather a reasonable 132. I might add that the United States still has no information that would lead us to change our view that Viet Nam is unwilling to meet the humanitarian obligations of the United Nations Charter, the acceptance of which would qualify it for membership. While the United States has no objection to the Security Council's meeting again on Viet Nam's membership application should the members of the Security Council wish to have such a meeting, it is important for all to appreciate the standards against which my Government will continue to assess any membership application by Viet Nam.

The Assembly will now take a decision on the draft resolution entitled "Admission of new Members to the United Nations" [A/31/L.21 and Add.I and 2J. A roll call vote has been requested.

We shall now take a decision on the recommendation of the Special Political Committee, contained in paragraph 6 of its report [A/31/359]. Since the recommendation was adopted by consensus in the Special Political Committee, may I take it that the General Assembly wishes to do likewise?

In accordance with the General Assembly's decision, I shall now read the consensus statement: "1. The parties affirmed their adherence to the Decla- ration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and stressed, in this regard, their unalterable commitment to strengthen their bilateral relations by applying these Principles in the settlement of disputes. "2. The parties recognized the urgency of the situa- tion, particularly with the onset of anothe r dry season. "3. Both parties agreed that the situation called for an urgent solution and, to that end, have decided to meet urgently at Dacca at the ministerial level for negotiations with a view to arriving at a fair and expeditious settlement. "4. The parties asserted that the prime objective of such intensified contact was to promote the well-being of 11 The delegation of Gabon subsequently informed the Secre- tariat that it wished to have its vote recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution. "5_ The parties undertook to give due consideration to the most appropriate ways of utilizing the .eapacity of the United Nations system. "6. It is open to either party to report to the General Assembly at its thirty-second session on the progress achieved in the settlement of the problem." 138. I wish to congratulate the representatives of Bangla- desh and India and their respective Government on the statesmanlike way in which they have acted in regard to this question. I am confident that the same high quality of statesmanship will prevail in the negotiations that are to take place and I hope that a speedy solution satisfactory to both parties will be reached. At the same time I should like to express my appreciation to all those delegations whose good offices contributed to the achievement of this consensus. 139. I now call on the representative of Sri Lanka, who will speak on behalf of the non-aligned nations.

Although the hour is late, I did not wish to forgo this opportunity of saying a few words of appreciation for the remarkable sense of cooperation and for the efforts of some delegations, particularly our colleagues from Bangladesh and India. I have asked to be allowed to speak not only on behalf of my delegation but on behalf of all the delegations of the 86 nations belonging to the non-aligned group, of which my Prime Minister is the current Chairman. 141. Bangladesh and India are two brother nations, particularly close to us of Sri Lanka, being in the same 142. Let me conclude by saying to those who have been somewhat sceptical about the role of non-alignment in a difficult world that we place here, as a single,substantial, tangible piece of evidence of our usefulness,the fact that we have been able by consensus, by agreement, by discussion, to achieve something. I hope this will be a healthy precedent for the solution of other bilateral problems and that common understanding and appreciation of each other's points of view will lead to such results.We salute India and Bangladesh for having, in the wordsof the Charter, agreed "to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours".