S/33/PV.101 Security Council

May I first of all express the pleasure of my delegation at seeing you, Sir, preside again this time over the resumed thirty-third session of the General Assembly, which is devoted to the very crucial question of NllIIlibia. We are confident that under YOUI' continued able and distinguished leadership our resumed session willbe a productive and successful one.

May I first of all express the pleasure of my delegation at seeing you, Sir, preside again this time over the resumed thirty-third session of the General Assembly, which is devoted to the very crucial question of Namibia. We are confident that under YOUl" continued able and distinguished leadership our resumed session will be a productive and successful one.

May I first of all express the pleasure of my delegation at seeing you, Sir, preside again this time over the resumed thirty-third session of the General Assembly, which is devoted to the very crucial question of Namibia. We are confident that under YOUl" continued able and distinguished leadership our resumed session will be a productive and successful one. 2. It is timely indeed that our session resumes at this moment. The unfortunate fact is that the situation in Namibia has now assumed very serious dimensions and there is urgent need to fmd an early solution to the problem before that situation erupts into wider conflict and bloodshed. We are, of course, very concerned that despite the dedicated and untiring efforts of the United Nations Council for Namibia, independence has still continued to elude the people of Namibia. It is clear that in the South Mrican Government the United Nations has to contend with a ruthless and unscrupulous'regime which is system- atically employing all manner of deceptive and obstruc- tionist tactics to deny the people of Namibia their basic rights ofself-determination and independence. 2. It is timely indeed that our session resumes at this moment. The unfortunate fact is that the situation in Namibia has now assumed very serious dimensions and there is urgent need to fmd an early solution to the problem before that situation erupts into wider conflict and bloodshed. We are, of course, very concerned that despite the dedicated and untiring efforts of the United Nations Council for Namibia, independence has still continued to elude the people of Namibia. It is clear that in the South Mrican Government the United Nations has to contend with a ruthless and unscrupulous'regime which is system- atically employing all manner of deceptive and obstruc- tionist tactics to deny the people of Namibia their basic rights ofself-determination and independence. 3. There is no doubt that the serioussituation in Namibia is caused by South Mrlca's intransigenceand obstructionist tactics. Reports have revealed the dastardly methods resorted to by the racist regime for the purpose of exploiting the rich resources of that country and by so doing to deprive the Namibians of their inherent right to the wealth of their land. 4. Unless the Namibians are accorded total independence the situation will continue to pose a threat to the peace and 3. There is no doubt that the serious situation in Namibia is caused by South M:rica's intransigence and obstructionist tactics. Reports have revealed the dastardly methods resr'fted to by the racist regime for the purpose of exploiting the rich resources of that country and by so doing to deprive the Namibians of their inherent right to the wealth of their land. 3. There is no doubt that the serious situation in Namibia is caused by South M:rica's intransigence and obstructionist tactics. Reports have revealed the dastardly methods resr'fted to by the racist regime for the purpose of exploiting the rich resources of that country and by so doing to deprive the Namibians of their inherent right to the wealth of their land. 4. Unless the Namibians are accorded total independence the situation will continue to pose a threat to the peace ancl 4. Unless the Namibians are accorded total independence the situation will continue to pose a threat to the peace ancl NEW YOlK NEW YOlK stability of the whoie area, with implications for world peace and security. We should not at this crucial stage allow the initiati\ra ofthe five Western Powers to be aborted. That initiative, which we had all welcomed, has led to the adoption by the Security Council ofresolution 435 (1978) with the support of all members of the Council as well as of all other Members of this Organization. It is unfortunate that the South Mrican regiIr.e has chosen to defy the United Na~ons and frustrn:e all attempts at bringing about the effective implementation of that resolution. By so doing, the South Mrican Government is clearly showing that it has no desire.to see a free and independent Namibia. On the contrary, it is intent on perpetuating its control:.if the Territory and on preserving tha status quo. stability of the whoie area, with implications for world peace and security. We should not at this crucial stage allow the initiati\ra ofthe five Western Powers to be aborted. That initiative, which we had all welcomed, has led to the adoption by the Security Council ofresolution 435 (1978) with the support of all members of the Council as well as of all other Members of this Organization. It is unfortunate that the South Mrican regiIr.e has chosen to defy the United Na~ons and frustrn:e all attempts at bringing about the effective implementation of that resolution. By so doing, the South Mrican Government is clearly showing that it has no desire.to see a free and independent Namibia. On the contrary, it is intent on perpetuating its control:.if the Territory and on preserving tha status quo. 5. These acts of utter defiance and contempt of the United Nations should not be tolerated, We firmly believe that Security Council resolution 435 (l978) is the best way out for all parties concerned, and, unless South Africa co-operates in effectively implementing this resolution, there is no other choice but to call for the strongest measuresagainst this recalcitrant regime. 6. The South Mrican Government must realize that time is of the essence for an early implementation of the independence plans for Namibia. It cannot go on with its illegal occupatlon ofthat Territory againstthe wishesof the people and of the international community. It cannot pretend that the United Nations is not the responsible authority for that Territory. Also,it cannot but be aware of the dire consequences if, as the reports suggest,it should go ahead with a possible unilateral declaration of indepen- dence in Namibia. In this regard the SpecialCommittee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration 011. the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, at its recent meetingin Belgrade, has already voiced serious concern over a possible attempt by South Africa to launch a unilateral declaration ofindepen- dencein Namibia. 5. These acts of utter dt.fiance and contempt of the United Nations should not be tolerat6d. We fIrmly believe that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is the best way out for all parties concerned, and, unless South Africa co-operates in effectively implementing this resolution, there is no other choice but to call for the strongest measures against this recalcitrant regime. 5. These acts of utter dt.fiance and contempt of the United Nations should not be tolerat6d. We fIrmly believe that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is the best way out for all parties concerned, and, unless South Africa co-operates in effectively implementing this resolution, there is no other choice but to call for the strongest measures against this recalcitrant regime. 6. The South Mrican Government must realize that time is of the essence· for an early implementation of the independence plans for Namibia. It cannot go on with its illegal occupdbn ofthat Territory against the wishes of the people and of the international community. It cannot pretend that the United Nations is not the responsible authority for that Territory. Also,.it cannot but be aware of the dire consequences if, as the reports suggest, it should go ahead with a po~ible unilateral declaration of indepen- dence in Namibia. In this regard the Special Committea on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration 011. the Granting of Independence tG Colonial Countries and Peoples, at its recent meeting in Belgrade, has already voiced serious concern over a possible attempt by South Mrica to launch a unilateral declaration ofindepen- dence in Namibia. 6. The South Mrican Government must realize that time is of the essence· for an early implementation of the independence plans for Namibia. It cannot go on with its illegal occupdbn ofthat Territory against the wishes of the people and of the international community. It cannot pretend that the United Nations is not the responsible authority for that Territory. Also,.it cannot but be aware of the dire consequences if, as the reports suggest, it should go ahead with a po~ible unilateral declaration of indepen- dence in Namibia. In this regard the Special Committea on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration 011. the Granting of Independence tG Colonial Countries and Peoples, at its recent meeting in Belgrade, has already voiced serious concern over a possible attempt by South Mrica to launch a unilateral declaration ofindepen- dence in Namibia. 7. We cannot accept any form of political action in Namibia which is contrary to the United Nations principle of self-determination. It is crystal clear that the South Mrican Government wants to have its own way in Namibia, a way which we regard as being fraught with danger. The. United Nations should, therefore, undertake all possible actions to prevent any move by the racist regime to installa unilateral declaration of independence, a step which;we all agree, would serve only to create more complications and unnecessarybloodshed in that Territory. 7. We cannot accept any form of political action ip. Namibia which is contrary to the United Nations principle of self-detennination. It is crystal clear that the Sol'th Mrican Government wants to have its own way in Namibia, a way which we regard as being fraught with danger. The. United Nations should, therefore, undertake all possible actions to prevent any move by the racist regime to install a unilateral declaration of independence, a step which;we all agree, would serve only to create more complications and unnecessary bloodshed in that Territory. 7. We cannot accept any form of political action ip. Namibia which is contrary to the United Nations principle of self-detennination. It is crystal clear that the Sol'th Mrican Government wants to have its own way in Namibia, a way which we regard as being fraught with danger. The. United Nations should, therefore, undertake all possible actions to prevent any move by the racist regime to install a unilateral declaration of independence, a step which;we all agree, would serve only to create more complications and unnecessary bloodshed in that Territory. 8. The situation as it is is already complicated by the recent aggressions committed by South Africa against the neighbouring African States which we all condemn. Weare 1727 A/33{PV.I01 8. The situation as it is is already complicated by the recent aggressions committed by South Mrica against the neighbouring African States which we all condemn. We are 8. The situation as it is is already complicated by the recent aggressions committed by South Mrica against the neighbouring African States which we all condemn. We are 9. IfSouth Africa continues its obstr..lctionist policies, it is the view of my delegation that it would be appropriate and timely for this body to consider effective counter-measures. TIme is fast running out, and all this while the people of Namibia continue to suffer, not only because of the denial of the enjoyment of their inalienable right~, but also recause of the continued repressive measures and brutal polies tactics resorted to by the racist regime. It is imperative that we now consider the imposition of meas- . ures that would bring about the effective and total isolation . of the South African racist regime. There is need for appropriate measures under Chapter VII of the Charter, including a total oil embargo against that regime. My Government stands ready to support all measures, including sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter. 9. IfSouth Africa continues its obstr..lctionist policies, it is the view of my delegation that it would be appropriate and timely for this body to consider effective counter-measures. TIme is fast running out, and all this while the people of Namibia continue to suffer, not only because of the denial of the enjoyment of their inalienable right~, but also recause of the continued repressive measures and brutal polies tactics resorted to by the racist regime. It is imperative that we now consider the imposition of meas- . ures that would bring about the effective and total isolation . of the South African racist regime. There is need for appropriate measures under Chapter VII of the Charter, including a total oil embargo against that regime. My Government stands ready to support all measures, including sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter. 10. Malaysia's record in support of the cause of the Namibians is well known. My delegation wishes on this occasion to reaffirm once again our continuing support for the people of Namibia, led by SWAPO, their legal and authentic representative, in the just struggle to achieve freedom, self-determination and independence in a united Namibia. We realize that the United Nations task of finding' a conclusive and peaceful solution to the problem of Namibia is not going to be easy, particularly in view of the deception and manoeuvres of South Africa. But we call on South Africa to see reason and heed the United Nations, for we fmnly believe that the only lasting and just solution of the oroblems will be a solution in accordance with the relevant decisions of the United Nations. 10. Malaysia's record in support of the cause of the Namibians is well known. My delegation wishes on this occasion to reafiirm once again our continuing support for the people of Namibia, led by SWAPO, ~eir legal and authentic representative, in the just struggle to achieve freedom, self-determination ~d independence in a united Namibia. We realize that the United Nations task of finding' a conclusive and peaceful solution to the problem of Namibia is not going to be easy, particularly in view of the deception and manoeuvres of South Africa. But we call on South Africa to see reason and heed the United Nations, for we fmnly believe that the only lasting and just solution of the oroblems will be a solution in accordance with the relevant decisions of the United Nations. 10. Malaysia's record in support of the cause of the Namibians is well known. My delegation wishes on this occasion to reafiirm once again our continuing support for the people of Namibia, led by SWAPO, ~eir legal and authentic representative, in the just struggle to achieve freedom, self-determination ~d independence in a united Namibia. We realize that the United Nations task of finding' a conclusive and peaceful solution to the problem of Namibia is not going to be easy, particularly in view of the deception and manoeuvres of South Africa. But we call on South Africa to see reason and heed the United Nations, for we fmnly believe that the only lasting and just solution of the oroblems will be a solution in accordance with the relevant decisions of the United Nations. 11. The PRESIDENT {interpretation fromSpanish]: Since I understand that no other speaker listed this morning is ready to speak at this time, I am regretfully obliged to suspend the meeting. Themeeting was suspended at 11.15am., andresumed at 11.25 a.m.

Mr. President, first of all, may I say that we are greatly pleased to see you once again presiding over the meetings of the thirty-third session of the General Assem- bly on egend-item 27.

Since I understand that no other speaker listed this morning is ready to speak at this time, I am regretfully obliged to suspend the meeting.

Since I understand that no other speaker listed this morning is ready to speak at this time, I am regretfully obliged to suspend the meeting. 13. At the same time we should like once again to express _ to the ~~et~-General ofour Organization the support of c.:----1heqoYe+Iit of Bolivia for his political wisdom and the humanitarian al1proach to problems which he has brought to bear in ~ leadership of our ~rgaruzation, so that the latter may achieve the aims for which. it was created, namely: social knd democratic progress for all peoples and peaceand secunty for all men. The meeting was suspended at 11.15 a.m, and resumed at 11.25 a.m. The meeting was suspended at 11.15 a.m, and resumed at 11.25 a.m.

Mr. President, fIrSt of all, may I say that we are greatly pleased to see you once again presiding over the meetings of the thirty-third session of the General Assem- bly on agend". item 27.

Mr. President, fIrSt of all, may I say that we are greatly pleased to see you once again presiding over the meetings of the thirty-third session of the General Assem- bly on agend". item 27. 13. At the same tiI!Ie we should like once again to ex?ress _ to the ~~et~-Generalof our Organization the support of ~----1he qoYe+Iit of Bolivia for his political wisdom and the hUlaanijarian al1proach to problems, which he has brought to bear in ~ leadership of our ~rgaruzation, so that the latter may achieve the aims for which. it was created, namely: social Lid democratic;..progress for all peoples and peace and sec~ty for all men. 13. At the same tiI!Ie we should like once again to ex?ress _ to the ~~et~-Generalof our Organization the support of ~----1he qoYe+Iit of Bolivia for his political wisdom and the hUlaanijarian al1proach to problems, which he has brought to bear in ~ leadership of our ~rgaruzation, so that the latter may achieve the aims for which. it was created, namely: social Lid democratic;..progress for all peoples and peace and sec~ty for all men. , il 15. This meeting represents beyond any doubt a crucial stage in our deliberations; we are endeavouring to bring about a speedy and just solution to the problem of Namibia. 15. This meeting represents beyond any doubt a crucial stage in our deliberations; we are endeavouring to bring about a speedy and just solution to the problem of Namibia. 17. Aside from the question elimination of one of the grea tion, we have been guided by ute to the most genuine freedo Bolivia recognizes that some constant efforts to create the negotiated solution, one whi general consensus of Africa, SW.APO in the negotiations. 16. The position of Bolivia is well known; it is a position that my delegation pt:t forth at th~ ninth special session of the General Assemblyl and a position repeated in the Security Council. 16. The position of Bolivia is well known; it is a position that my delegation pt:t forth at th~ ninth special session of the General Assemblyl and a position repeated in the Security Council. 17. All.ide from the question of principle, that is, the elimination of one ot the greatest obstacles to decoloniza- tion t we have been guided by another purpose: to contrib- ute to the most genuine freedom of the people of Namibia. Bolivia recognizes that some Western Powers have made constant efforts to create the conditions necessary for 11. negotiated solution, one which, in accordance with the general consensus of Africa, envisages participation by SW.APO in the negotiations. 17. All.ide from the question of principle, that is, the elimination of one ot the greatest obstacles to decoloniza- tion t we have been guided by another purpose: to contrib- ute to the most genuine freedom of the people of Namibia. Bolivia recognizes that some Western Powers have made constant efforts to create the conditions necessary for 11. negotiated solution, one which, in accordance with the general consensus of Africa, envisages participation by SW.APO in the negotiations. 18. This position is one wh majority of the countries of th 12 years have passed since G 2145 (XXI) was adopted, the s has been deliberately aggrav South Africa. 19. In 1966, the General A 2145 (XXI) putting an end to administer Namibia. The Unite responsibility over the Territor that the people ofNamibia, obt 18. This position is one which Bolivia shares with the majority of the countries of the world. Howevert although 12 years have l'assed since General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI) was adopted, the situation, far from improvingt has been deliberately aggravated by tb~ Government of South Africa. 18. This position is one which Bolivia shares with the majority of the countries of the world. Howevert although 12 years have l'assed since General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI) was adopted, the situation, far from improvingt has been deliberately aggravated by tb~ Government of South Africa. 20. The Government of Pret tion and has placed itself b nations in so doing. 19. In 1966t the General Assembly adopted resolution 2145 (XXI) putting an end to South Mrica's Mandate to administer Namibia. The United Nations decided to assume responsibility over the Territory of Namibia and to see to it that the people ofNamibia, obtained autonomy. 19. In 1966t the General Assembly adopted resolution 2145 (XXI) putting an end to South Mrica's Mandate to administer Namibia. The United Nations decided to assume responsibility over the Territory of Namibia and to see to it that the people ofNamibia, obtained autonomy. 21. Since 1966, both the Security Council have adopted the GOvernment of South Afri presence in Namibia and to re of the Namibian people to sel freely to determine their own f 20. The Government of Pretoria has ignored that resolu- tion and has placed itself beyond the pale of civilized nations in so doing. 20. The Government of Pretoria has ignored that resolu- tion and has placed itself beyond the pale of civilized nations in so doing. 22. Far from heeding these u the resolutions, the legitimacy the International Court of Jus has strengthened its arbitrary Namibia the odious system o which is considered by the int an offence to mankind. 21. Since 1966, both the General Assembly and the Security Council have adopted numerous resolutions urging the Goyernment of South Africa to put an end to its illegal presence in Namibia and ~o recognize the inalienable right of the Namibian people to self-government and their right freely to detennine their own form of government. 21. Since 1966, both the General Assembly and the Security Council have adopted numerous resolutions urging the Goyernment of South Africa to put an end to its illegal presence in Namibia and ~o recognize the inalienable right of the Namibian people to self-government and their right freely to detennine their own form of government. 22. Far from heeding these urgings, far from abiding by the resolutions, the legitimacy of which was reaffirmed by the International Court of Justice in 1971,2 South Africa has strengthened its arbitrary occupation by extending to Namibia the odious system of apartheid, the existence of which is considered by the international community to be an offence to mankind. 22. Far from heeding these urgings, far from abiding by the resolutions, the legitimacy of which was reaffirmed by the International Court of Justice in 1971,2 South Africa has strengthened its arbitrary occupation by extending to Namibia the odious system of apartheid, the existence of which is considered by the international community to be an offence to mankind. 24. Although it was predictable that the Government of South Africa would flout that resolution too, the way in which it did so is particularly worthy of condemnation. In fact South Africa's version of decolonization propounded at the so-called Tumh.alle Conference is but an attempt by that C01.Ultry to maintain the privileges of the minority 3.lld to appear in the international community as a country which supports the spirit, if not the letter, of United Nations resolutions. 24. Although it was predictable that the Government of South Africa would flout that resolution too, the way in which it did so is particularly worthy of condemnation. In fact South Africa's version of decolonization propounded at the so-called Tumh.alle Conference is but an attempt by that C01.Ultry to maintain the privileges of the minority 3.lld to appear in the international community as a country which supports the spirit, if not the letter, of United Nations resolutions. 25. There is another aspect of the problem about which I Inust express the profound concern of my Government. The Government of South Africa has made an attempt-an arbitrary one, no matter how it is viewed-to annex Wal\lS Bay, which is an integral part of Namibia and to which Namibia is bound-as was pointed out at Maputo-by geographical, economic, cultural and ethnic ties. Although the United Nations has condemned that annexation, we must be aware of the fact that South Africa may try to win recognition for that annexation in exchange for respect for United Nations resolutions-which in any case it will have to respect sooner or later. An enclave of that kind, if created, would deprive Namibia of a port which is indispensable for its development, in addition to consti- tuting a centre of what would in the long term be intolerable economic and political pressure. It would be an enclave which could be used later by South Africa as an argument to justify its economic and political trusteeship of Namibiaor perhaps even to justify territorial claims to areas around the enclave. 25. There is another aspect of the problem about which I 25. There is another aspect of the problem about which I l nust express the profound concern of my Government. The Government of South Africa has made an attempt-an arbitrary one, no matter how it is viewed-to annex Wal\lS Bay, which is an integral part of Namibia and to which Namibia is bound-as was pointed out at Maputo-by geographical, economic, cultural and ethnic ties. Although the United Nations has condemned that annexation, we must be aware of the fact that South Africa may try to win recognition for that annexation in exchange for respect for United Nations resolutions-which in any case it will have to respect sooner or later. An enclave of that kind, if created, would deprive Namibia of a port which is indispensablt; for its development, in addition to consti- tuting a centre of what would in the long tern: be intolerable economic and political pressure. It would be an enclave which could be used later by South Africa as an argument to justify its ecqnomic and political trusteesb~p of Namibia or perhaps even to justify territorial claims to areas around the enclave. l nust express the profound concern of my Government. The Government of South Africa has made an attempt-an arbitrary one, no matter how it is viewed-to annex Wal\lS Bay, which is an integral part of Namibia and to which Namibia is bound-as was pointed out at Maputo-by geographical, economic, cultural and ethnic ties. Although the United Nations has condemned that annexation, we must be aware of the fact that South Africa may try to win recognition for that annexation in exchange for respect for United Nations resolutions-which in any case it will have to respect sooner or later. An enclave of that kind, if created, would deprive Namibia of a port which is indispensablt; for its development, in addition to consti- tuting a centre of what would in the long tern: be intolerable economic and political pressure. It would be an enclave which could be used later by South Africa as an argument to justify its ecqnomic and political trusteesb~p of Namibia or perhaps even to justify territorial claims to areas around the enclave. 26. What is of particularly great concern to us is the fact that not everyone thinks that the ambiguity of the situation created by this annexation is particularly grave, and many maps published in certain developed countries present the sovereignty of South Africa over Walvis Bay as an accom- plished fact. 27. In admittedly different historical circumstances, Bolivia was the victim of the lack of interest of certain ccuntries. Although they recognized the legitimate right of our country LO certain territories which other countries were disputing, they did not do anything to prevent our coastline from being taken from us, and that situation led to our land-locked status, which has now existed for a century. 26. What is of particularly great concern to us is the fact that not everyone thinks that the ambiguity of the situation created by this annexation is partIcularly grave, and many maps published in certain developed countries present the sovereignty of SQuth Africa over Walvis Bay as an accom- plished fact. 26. What is of particularly great concern to us is the fact that not everyone thinks that the ambiguity of the situation created by this annexation is partIcularly grave, and many maps published in certain developed countries present the sovereignty of SQuth Africa over Walvis Bay as an accom- plished fact. 28. We must not forget that one of the factors which led to the loss of prestige and the failure of the League of Nations between the two World Wars was its inability to cope with the various problems. 27. In admittedly different historical circumstances, Bolivia was the victim of the lack of interest of certain ccuntries. Although they recognized the legitimate right of our country La certain territories which other countries were disputing, they did not do anything to prevent our coastline from being taken from us, and that situation led to our land-locked status, which has now existed for a century. 27. In admittedly different historical circumstances, Bolivia was the victim of the lack of interest of certain ccuntries. Although they recognized the legitimate right of our country La certain territories which other countries were disputing, they did not do anything to prevent our coastline from being taken from us, and that situation led to our land-locked status, which has now existed for a century. 29. So this is an historic turning-point. Ifthis is the last opportunity for the Government of South Mrica to change its policy and adopt urgent measures to abide by the General Assembly resolutions, perhaps this is also a time when we can say that the credibility of the United Nations is at stake and would be challenged if, in viewof Pretoria's 28. We must not forget th&t one of the factors which led to the loss of prestige and the failure of the League of Nations between the two World Wars was its inability to cope with the various problems. 28. We must not forget th&t one of the factors which led to the loss of prestige and the failure of the League of Nations between the two World Wars was its inability to cope with the various problems. 29. So this is an historic turning-point. Ifthis is the last opportunity for the Government of South Africa to change its policy and adopt urgent measures to abide by the General Assembly resolutions, perhaps this is also a time when we can say that the credibility of the United Nations is at stake and would be challenged if, in view of PretQria's 29. So this is an historic turning-point. Ifthis is the last opportunity for the Government of South Africa to change its policy and adopt urgent measures to abide by the General Assembly resolutions, perhaps this is also a time when we can say that the credibility of the United Nations is at stake and would be challenged if, in view of PretQria's • .. --- - .. ~ ""'"' 30. In the interest of international concord, it is our hope that ~o'lth Africa will respond quickly to the appeals made by our Organization and avoid the dangers of an even mo!e serious situation in that part of the world. 30. In the interest of international concord, it is our hope that ~o'lth Africa will respond quickly to the appeals made by our Organization and avoid the dangers of an even mo!e serious situation in that part of the world.

The Australian Govern- ment views 1979 as a crucial year for the Namibian people in their efforts to achieve self-determination and indepen- dence. It is, therefore, a matter ~f deep disappointment and concern that the General Assembly has had to resume its thirty-third session because progress in plans for Umted Nations supervised elections in the Territory, after two years of patient and painstaking negotiations, appears to have stalled.

The Australian Govern- ment views 1979 as a crucial year for the Namibian people in their efforts to achieve self-determination and indepen- dence. It is, therefore, a matter ~f deep disappointment and concern that the General Assembly has had to resume its thirty-third session because progress in plans for Umted Nations supervised elections in the Territory, after two years of patient and painstaking negotiations, appears to have stalled. 32. My Government has given strong and consistent support to the plan initially proposed by the five w.estem Powers" and adopted by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978). We commend the efforts of the Secretary-General, his Special Representative, the members of the Security Council and, in particular, the representa- tives of the contact group and the front-line States, who have all done so much to resolve major differences which existed between the parties. Our commitment to the United Nations proposals is reflected in the willingness of the Australian Government to contribute to the United Nations Transition Assi-tance Group, which would be established to organize and superviseelections in the Territory. 32. My Government has given strong and consistent support to the plan initially proposed by the five w.estem Powers3 and adopted by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978). We cOIr~1lend. the efforts of the Secretary-General, his Special Representative, the members of the Security CouncH and, in particular, the representa- tives of the contact group and the front-line States, who have all done so much to resolve major differences which existed between the parties. Our commitment to the United Nations prop~sa1s is reflected in the willingness of the Australian Government to contribute to the United Nations Transition Ass~,tance Group, which would be established to organi.re ane supervise elections in the Territory. 32. My Government has given strong and consistent support to the plan initially proposed by the five w.estem Powers3 and adopted by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978). We cOIr~1lend. the efforts of the Secretary-General, his Special Representative, the members of the Security CouncH and, in particular, the representa- tives of the contact group and the front-line States, who have all done so much to resolve major differences which existed between the parties. Our commitment to the United Nations prop~sa1s is reflected in the willingness of the Australian Government to contribute to the United Nations Transition Ass~,tance Group, which would be established to organi.re ane supervise elections in the Territory. 33. It is my Government's finn belief that the United Nations proposals represent the best, and probably the only, course capable of bringing about the early indepen- dence of Naniibia by peaceful means. If this opportunity is not grasped, if the momentum of the past two years is lost, the prospect must be one of mounting violence and a protracted struggle, with disastrous consequen~s for ~e Nanuoian people and serious effects upon neighbourmg countries. 33. It is my Government's firm belief that the United Nations proposals represent th& best, and probably the only, course capable of bringing about the early indepen- dence of Naniibia by peaceful means. If this opportunity is not grasped, if the momentum of the past two years is lost, the prospect must be one of mounting violence and a protracted struggle, with disastrous consequences for the Nanuoian people and serious effects upon neighbouring countries. 33. It is my Government's firm belief that the United Nations proposals represent th& best, and probably the only, course capable of bringing about the early indepen- dence of Naniibia by peaceful means. If this opportunity is not grasped, if the momentum of the past two years is lost, the prospect must be one of mounting violence and a protracted struggle, with disastrous consequences for the Nanuoian people and serious effects upon neighbouring countries. 34. We welcomed the agreement in principle to the United Nations proposals by the two main parties last year. We were encouraged by the agreement that implementation of the United Nations plan would proceed at an early date. However, progress has now been stalled as a result of difficulties that the South Mrican Government has raised in relation to certain aspects of the proposals. The South African Government has so far refused to shift its position on these aspects. 34. We welcomed the agreement in principle to the United Nations proposals by the two main parties last year. We were encouraged by the agreement that implementation of the United Nations plan would proceed at an early date. However, progress has now been stalled as a result of difficulties that the South African Government has raised in relation to certain aspects of the proposals. The South African Government has so far refused to shift its position on these aspects. 34. We welcomed the agreement in principle to the United Nations proposals by the two main parties last year. We were encouraged by the agreement that implementation of the United Nations plan would proceed at an early date. However, progress has now been stalled as a result of difficulties that the South African Government has raised in relation to certain aspects of the proposals. The South African Government has so far refused to shift its position on these aspects. 35. It is also a cause for regret that the South Mrican authorities have introduced new internal measures in Namibia. These changes, especially at this time, cannot.but lessen the prospects for a settlement and Australia deplores all actions which diminish such prospects. 36. Australia likewise deplores the recent detention of leading members of the internal wing of SWAPO. Those detentions, together with other repressive acts directed at 35. It is also a cause for regret that the South African authorities have introduced new internal measures in Namibia. These changes, especially at this time, cannot. but lessen the prospects for a settlement and Australia deplores all actions which diminish such prospects. 35. It is also a cause for regret that the South African authorities have introduced new internal measures in Namibia. These changes, especially at this time, cannot. but lessen the prospects for a settlement and Australia deplores all actions which diminish such prospects. 3 SeeOlficiaTRecorth ofthe Steurity Council, Thirty-third YeDr, Supplement/or.April, May andJune1978, document 8/12827. 36. Australia likewise deplores the recent detention of leading members of the internal wing of SWAPO. Those detentions, together with other repressive acts directed at 36. Australia likewise deplores the recent detention of leading members of the internal wing of SWAPO. Those detentions, together with other repressive acts directed at 37. In this resumed thirty-third session of the General Assembly, we have the opportunity to demonstrate that the world community is united in its attitude toward the fundamental issues in respect of Namibia. It is important that we manifest this unity in the form of a resolution which can draw upon the widest support and preferably be adopted by consensus. To attempt to include secondary and controversial issues on which division exists among United Nations Members as to principle may well only give encouragement to those who'do not wish to see a prompt and peaceful transition to a genuinely independent Namibia. 37. In this resumed thirty-third session of the General Assembly, we have the opportunity to demonstrate that the world community is united in its attitude toward the fundamental issues in respect of Namibia. It is important that we manifest this unity in the form of a resolution which can draw upon the widest support and preferably be adopted by consensus. To attempt to include secondary and controversial issues on which division exists among United Nations Members as to principle may well only give encouragement to those who'do not wish to see a prompt and peaceful transition to a genuinely independent Namibia. 38. My delegation has taken an active part in the work of the two United Nations bodies entrusted with responsibility for Namibia: the Council for Namibia, the legal Adminis- tering Authority for the Territory, and the Special Com- mittee. Australia joined other members of the Special Committee in a special meeting on southern Africa held in Belgrade in April this year and we supported the consensus reached there on both Namibia and Southern Rhodesia. 39. We attach particular importance to the work of the Council for Namibia under its able President, Ambassador Lusaka. I refer, for example, to its decisive role in representing the interests of the Namibian people at international conferences, as a result of which the Council is now a member of such international bodies as FAO, ILO and UNESCO. Wehave, as a supporter of ueneral Assembly resolutions 31/149 and 32/9 E, supported the Council's membership in these specialized bodies. Wehave taken part as a member of the Council in a number of missions organized by the Council with a view to increasing international awareness of its work. 38. My delegation has taken an active part in the work of the two United Nations bodies entrusted with responsibility for Namibia: the Council for Namibia, the legal Adminis- tering Authority for the Territory, and the Special Com- mittee. Australia joined other members of the Special Committee in a special meeting on southern Africa held in Belgrade in April this year and we supported the consensus reached there on both Namibia and Southern Rhodesia. 38. My delegation has taken an active part in the work of the two United Nations bodies entrusted with responsibility for Namibia: the Council for Namibia, the legal Adminis- tering Authority for the Territory, and the Special Com- mittee. Australia joined other members of the Special Committee in a special meeting on southern Africa held in Belgrade in April this year and we supported the consensus reached there on both Namibia and Southern Rhodesia. 39. We attach particular importance to the work of the Council for Namibia under i.ts able President, Ambassador Lusaka. I refer, for example, to its decisive role in representing the interests of the Namibian people at international conferences, as a result of which the Council is now a member of such international b"dies as FAO, ILO and UNESCO. We have, as a supporter of ueneral Assembly resolutions 31/149 and 32/9 E, supported the Council's membership in these specialized bodies. We have taken part as a member of the Co~p.dl in a number of missions organized by the Council with a view to increasing international awareness ofits work. 39. We attach particular importance to the work of the Council for Namibia under i.ts able President, Ambassador Lusaka. I refer, for example, to its decisive role in representing the interests of the Namibian people at international conferences, as a result of which the Council is now a member of such international b"dies as FAO, ILO and UNESCO. We have, as a supporter of ueneral Assembly resolutions 31/149 and 32/9 E, supported the Council's membership in these specialized bodies. We have taken part as a member of the Co~p.dl in a number of missions organized by the Council with a view to increasing international awareness ofits work. 40. We strongly support the Council's programme of assistance to Namibia from which has evolved the United Nations Fund for Namibia, the United Nations Institute for Namibia in Lusaka and the Nationhood Programme. We are gratified that 25 of the first 45 projects under the Nationhood Programme were formally initiated a fortnight ago. In this respect I should like to pay a particular tribute to the work of the Uniteu Nations Commissioner for Namibia and his staff. 40. W~ strongly support the Council's programme of assistance to Namibia from which has evolved the United Nations Fund for Namibia, the United Nations Institute for Namibia in Lusaka and the Nationhood Programme. We are gratified that 25 of the first 45 projects under the Nationhood Programme were formally initiated a fortnight ago. In this respect I should like to pay a particular tribute to the work of the Unitell Nations Commissioner for Namibia and his staff. 40. W~ strongly support the Council's programme of assistance to Namibia from which has evolved the United Nations Fund for Namibia, the United Nations Institute for Namibia in Lusaka and the Nationhood Programme. We are gratified that 25 of the first 45 projects under the Nationhood Programme were formally initiated a fortnight ago. In this respect I should like to pay a particular tribute to the work of the Unitell Nations Commissioner for Namibia and his staff. 41. In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm my Government's conviction that the few remaining obstacles to the imple- mentation of the United Nations settlement proposals are capable of being resolved if the parties concerned are genuinely committed to an internationally acceptable solu- tion and act accordingly. Although Australia dissociated itself from the action taken yesterday on the question of South Mrican credentials, we do not accept that that action could in any wayjustify a move by South Africa to reject or evade a commitment to implement the United Nations proposals. We call upon South Mri"J to demon- strate that commitment in its still-awaited reply to the Secretary-General. 41. In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm my Government's conviction that the few remaining obstacles to the imple- mentation of the United Nations settlement proposals are capable of being resolved if the parties concerned are genuinely committed to an internationally acceptable solu- tion and act accordingly. Although Australia dissociated itself from the action taken yesterday on the question of South African credentials, we do not accept that that action could in any way justify a move by South Africa to reject or evade a commitment to implement the United Nations proposals. We call upon South Afri".l to demon- strate that conimitment in its stiil-awaited reply to the Secretary-General. 41. In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm my Government's conviction that the few remaining obstacles to the imple- mentation of the United Nations settlement proposals are capable of being resolved if the parties concerned are genuinely committed to an internationally acceptable solu- tion and act accordingly. Although Australia dissociated itself from the action taken yesterday on the question of South African credentials, we do not accept that that action could in any way justify a move by South Africa to reject or evade a commitment to implement the United Nations proposals. We call upon South Afri".l to demon- strate that conimitment in its stiil-awaited reply to the Secretary-General.

Recent developments in Namibia and the deterio-

Recent developments in Namibia and the deterio-

Recent developments in Namibia and the deterio- 43. The resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, including those of the Security Council, regarding the territories of southern Africa, continue to be cynically violated by the racist regimes. It is now quite clear that, not';,."ithstanding their formal commitments to participating in the process of a negotiated settlement of the Namibian and Zimbabwean situation, the ,period of negotiations was used by the regimes to cover up their shady manoeuvres. 43. The resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, including those of the Security Council, regarding the territories of southern Africa, continue to be cynically violated by the racist regimes. It is now quite clear that, not';,."ithstanding their formal commitments to participating in the process of a negotiated settlement of the Namibian and Zimbabwean situation, the ,period of negotiations was used by the regimes to cover up their shady manoeuvres. 44. By suppressingthe fundamental right southern Africa to self-determination and stepping up repressive measures and by peated acts of aggression against neighbo Pretoria and Salisbury racists have shown out-and-out enemies of the liberation of aggravated already very dangerous source conflict on the continent and throughout t 44. By suppressing the fundamental rightsofthe peoplesof southern Africa to self-determination and independence, by stepping up repressive measures and by perpetrating re· peatP.d acts of aggression against neighbouring States, the Pretoria and Salisbury racists have shown themselves to be out-and-out enemies of the h"beration of peoples and h.~ve aggravated already ~ry dangerous sources of tension and conflict on the continent and throughout the world. 44. By suppressing the fundamental rightsofthe peoplesof southern Africa to self-determination and independence, by stepping up repressive measures and by perpetrating re· peatP.d acts of aggression against neighbouring States, the Pretoria and Salisbury racists have shown themselves to be out-and-out enemies of the h"beration of peoples and h.~ve aggravated already ~ry dangerous sources of tension and conflict on the continent and throughout the world. 45. It becomes ever more clear that Unite to build a new economic and political in and a better and more just world are inse struggle to eliminate the policy of force and fmally to do away with colonialism racial discrimination .u.d apartheid. 46. The militant solidarity of Romania a people with the peoples and countries courageous struggle for the exercise of the to decide on their future themselves and their own national riches, for the full triu and independence on the African cont mently reaffirmed during the official vi made this year in April by President Nico several African countries. 45. It becomes ever more clear that United Nations effo, ts to build a new economic and political international order and a better and more just world are inseparable from the struggle to eliminate the policy of force and domination and fmally to do away with colonialism and all forms of racial discrimination ,'tt,d apartheid. 45. It becomes ever more clear that United Nations effo, ts to build a new economic and political international order and a better and more just world are inseparable from the struggle to eliminate the policy of force and domination and fmally to do away with colonialism and all forms of racial discrimination ,'tt,d apartheid. 46. The militant solidarity of Romania and the Romanian people with the peoples and countries of Africa, their courageous struggle for the exercise of their legitimate r~ght to decide on their future themselves and to be masters of their own national riches, for the full triumph of freedom and independence on the African continent, was vehe- mently reaffirmed during the official visits of friendship made this year in April by President Nicolae Cea~scu to several African countries. 46. The militant solidarity of Romania and the Romanian people with the peoples and countries of Africa, their courageous struggle for the exercise of their legitimate r~ght to decide on their future themselves and to be masters of their own national riches, for the full triumph of freedom and independence on the African continent, was vehe- mently reaffirmed during the official visits of friendship made this year in April by President Nicolae Cea~scu to several African countries. 47. The progress of each people, as w President, and the establishment of a po co-operation throughout the world cannot imperialist and colonialist domination oppression are ended once and for all. F this entails the need to make effective, as the right of the "Namibian people to indep support for the struggle of that people f and independent development, These a requisites, the very raison d'~tre of our O demand attention in this debate and cal efforts on the part of all ~ember States a for action to support people' still strugg national independence. 47. The progress of each people, as was stated by our President, and the establishm,ent of a policy of peace and co-operation throughout the world cannot take place unless 47. The progress of each people, as was stated by our President, and the establishm,ent of a policy of peace and co-operation throughout the world cannot take place unless imperiali~t and colonialist domination and all national oppression are ended once and for all. First and foremost this entails the need to make effective, as soon as possible, the right of the'Namibia!! people to indepenqence and tbe S\!Pport for the struggle of that people for their freedom and independent devel'Jpment. These are essential pre- requisites, the very raison d'etre of our Organization. They demand attention in this debate and call for co-ordinated efforts on the part of all ~ember States and a staunch will for action to support people' still struggling to win their national independence. imperiali~t and colonialist domination and all national oppression are ended once and for all. First and foremost this entails the need to make effective, as soon as possible, the right of the'Namibia!! people to indepenqence and tbe S\!Pport for the struggle of that people for their freedom and independent devel'Jpment. These are essential pre- requisites, the very raison d'etre of our Organization. They demand attention in this debate and call for co-ordinated efforts on the part of all ~ember States and a staunch will for action to support people' still struggling to win their national independence. 48. The development of the situation in N doubt :egarding the true intention of resort to a unilateral, illegal solution, ru the will of the Narnibian peopl~and its n movement, SWAPO, notwithstarlQing the international community, which had be 48. The development of the situation in Namibia leaves no doubt :egarding the true intention of South Mrica to resort to a unilateral, illegal solution, running counter to the will of the Narnibian peopl~and its na.tionalliberation moWment, SWAPO, notwithstaJi'ding the aemands of the international community, which had been frequently ex- 48. The development of the situation in Namibia leaves no doubt :egarding the true intention of South Mrica to resort to a unilateral, illegal solution, running counter to the will of the Narnibian peopl~and its na.tionalliberation moWment, SWAPO, notwithstaJi'ding the aemands of the international community, which had been frequently ex- 49. The unilateral illegal actions of the South African regime of occupation in Namibia, the duplicity practised by the authorities of Pretoria during the negotiations entered into on the organization of free and democratic elections in Namibia under Security Council rCi:olution 385 (1976), as well as the delaying tactics used throughout the nego- tiations, have dearly shown up the intention of South Africa to preserve its interests and its control over a region of such importance by reason of the exploitation of its resources and its strategic value. These shady goals are quite transparent in the attempts of South Africa to attribute a so-called legitimacy tu the results of the rigged elections held last December, so as to obtain international recog- nition for them. That is why we think that it is particularly important to take energetic steps to put an end to the delaying tactics of the Pretoria regime to impose on the Namibian people a so-called internal settlement and a bogus decolonization of the Territory, by establishing there a neo-colonialist regime held in bondage. 49. The unilateral illegal actions of the South African regime of occupation in Namibia, the duplicity practised by the authorities of Pretoria during the negotiations entered into on the organization of free and democratic elections in Namibia under Security Council rCi:olution 385 (1976), as well as the delaying tactics used throughout the nego- tiations, have dearly shown up the intention of South Africa to preserve its interests and its control over a region of such importance by reason of the exploitation of its resources and its strategic value. These shady goals are quite transparent in the attempts of South Africa to attribute a so-called legitimacy tu the results of the rigged elections held last December, so as to obtain international recog- nition for them. That is why we think that it is particularly important to take energetic steps to put an end to the delaying tactics of the Pretoria regime to impose on the Namibian people a so-called internal settlement and a bogus decolonization of the Territory, by establishing there a neo-colonialist regime held in bondage. 53. We believe that, if that goal is to be attained, United Nations efforts must be backed up by the full co-operation of all, particularly those who, by their policies and because of economic interests have made the Namibian people's. accession to independence more difficult and who have contributed, directly or indirectly, to the maintenance of the colonialist regime of domination and occupation in Namibia, with all its deleterious consequences for the already grave situation in the Territory and throughout southern Africa. 53. We believe that, if that goal is to be attained, United Nations efforts must be backed up by the full co-operation of all, particularly those who, by their policies and because of economic interests have made the Namibian people's. accession to independence more difficult and who have contributed, directly or indirectly, to the maintenance of the colonialist regime of domination and occupation in Namibia, with all its deleterious consequences for the already grave situation in the Territory and throughout southern Africa. 50. In order to implement their neo-colonialist racist designs, the South African regime of occupation, while involved in negotiations, has had recourse to brutal re- pression of the struggle of the Namibian people for independence and of their national liberation movement, SWAPO, which is recognized by the United Nations, as their sole authentic representative.-It is to this end that the regime made mass arrests, especially of members of SWAPO, and indulged in diversionary acts to undermine the national unity of the Namibian people and the territorial integrity of their country. 54. The decision by which the United Nations, in 1967, assumed responsibility for Namibia was an historic act expressing the will of the international community. It was followed up by intense activity to eliminate the illegal occupation of Namibia and to prepare the Narnibian people for independence. Despite all the efforts that were made, we still have not managed to bring the occupation and colonial domination of Namibia to an end and thus enable Narnibian people to enjoy the fruits ofindependence. 54. The decision by which the United Nations, in 1967, assumed responsibility for Namibia was an historic act expressing the will of the international community. It was followed up by intense activity to eliminate the illegal occupation of Namibia and to prepare the Narnibian people for independence. Despite all the efforts that were made, we still have not managed to bring the occupation and colonial domination of Namibia to an end and thus enable Narnibian people to enjoy the fruits ofindependence. 50. In order to implement their neo-colonialist racist designs, the South African regime of c4Xupation, while involved in negotiations, has had recourse to brutal re- pression of the struggle of the Namibian people for independence and of their national liberation movement, SWAPO, which is recognized by the United Nations, as their sole authentic representative.lt is to this end that the regime made mass arrests, especially of members of SWAPO, and indulged in div~rsionary acts to undermine the national unity of the Namibian people and the territorial integrity of their country. 50. In order to implement their neo-colonialist racist designs, the South African regime of c4Xupation, while involved in negotiations, has had recourse to brutal re- pression of the struggle of the Namibian people for independence and of their national liberation movement, SWAPO, which is recognized by the United Nations, as their sole authentic representative.lt is to this end that the regime made mass arrests, especially of members of SWAPO, and indulged in div~rsionary acts to undermine the national unity of the Namibian people and the territorial integrity of their country. 51. These illegal actions, which have been repeatedly condemned by the United Nations, are flagrant violations of the Namibian people's legitimate desire for liberty and independence; they defy the demands of the people of southern Africa; and they are an affront to the entire African continer.t and a direct provocation to this Organi- zation. If this situation continues it cannot but lead to a further heightening of the tension in southern Africa and a further increase in the number of elements of conflict throughout the continent. By its policies of expansion, colonialist domination, apartheid and racial discrimination, South Africa is attacking the universal principles which are the very basis of the United Nations and of international co-operation. 55. The Romanian delegation is ofthe opinion that all the CO.!lditions have been met to enable the United Nations to take resolute action to discharge immediately, effectively and completely responsibilities which are unique in its history. But the General Assembly and the Security Council, particularly the latter, will have to take new and energetic steps to put an end to the continued defiance of United Nations authority and to force South. Mrica to abide by the Organization's demands. 55. The Romanian delegation is ofthe opinion that all the CO.!lditions have been met to enable the United Nations to take resolute action to discharge immediately, effectively and completely responsibilities which are unique in its history. But the General Assembly and the Security Council, particularly the latter, will have to take new and energetic steps to put an end to the continued defiance of United Nations authority and to force South. Mrica to abide by the Organization's demands. 51. These illegal actions, which have been repeatedly condemned by the United Nations, are flagrant violatio~s of the Namibian people's legitimate desire for liberty and independence; they defy the demands of the people of southern Mrica; and they are an affront to the entire Mrican continer.t and a direct provocation to this Organi- zation. If this situation continues it cannot but lead to a further heightening of the tension in southern Africa and a further increase in the number of elements of conflict throughout the continent. By its policies of expansion, colonialist domination, apartheid and racial discrimination, South Africa is attacking the universal principles which ar~ the very basis of the United Nations and of international co-operation. 51. These illegal actions, which have been repeatedly condemned by the United Nations, are flagrant violatio~s of the Namibian people's legitimate desire for liberty and independence; they defy the demands of the people of southern Mrica; and they are an affront to the entire Mrican continer.t and a direct provocation to this Organi- zation. If this situation continues it cannot but lead to a further heightening of the tension in southern Africa and a further increase in the number of elements of conflict throughout the continent. By its policies of expansion, colonialist domination, apartheid and racial discrimination, South Africa is attacking the universal principles which ar~ the very basis of the United Nations and of international co-operation. 56. Special attention should be given to the needs of Namibia and its national liberation movement, SWAPO, for assistance, especially at this crucial stage of the legitimate struggle they are waging by all possible means to eliminate the illegal regime· of occupation and to win national independence. We must act in a concerted way to ensure the cessation of all acts of violence against the Narnibian people, to bring about the immediate and unconditional liberation of Namibian patriots and freedom fighters, and to ensure the national independence of their homeland. The special responsibility of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security and to look to the future of the Namibian people demands of it the greatest possible vigilance in view of South Mrica's attempts to impose on the Namibian people a neo-colonialist regime in violation of United Nations resolutions. 56. Special attention should be given to the needs of Namibia and its national liberation movement, SWAPO, for assistance, especially at this crucial stage of the legitimate struggle they are waging by all possible means to eliminate the illegal regime· of occupation and to win national independence. We must act in a concerted way to ensure the cessation of all acts of violence against the Narnibian people, to bring about the immediate and unconditional liberation of Namibian patriots and freedom fighters, and to ensure the national independence of their homeland. The special responsibility of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security and to look to the future of the Namibian people demands of it the greatest possible vigilance in view of South Mrica's attempts to impose on the Namibian people a neo-colonialist regime in violation of United Nations resolutions. 52. Even a cursory analysis of the situation shows that the General Assembly is faced once more with a particularly complex problem which has far-reaching Implications and which cannot be dealt with merely by reaffirming the political and juridical positions of the United Nations on Namibia and on South Africa's illegal occupation of the Territory. This debate is a test of the responsibility of this Organization and ofits ability to act. They are also a test of the resolve of all Member States to take energetic action, on the basis of the Charter, including Chapter VII, under which South Africa can be compelled to abide by United Nations resolutions. One of those is Security Council resolution 385 (1976) concerning the implementation of the right of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence. It is imperative to ensure the immediate and 52. Even a cursory analysis of the situation shows that the General Assembly is faced once more with a particularly complex problem which has far-reaching implication~ and which cannot be dealt with merely by reaffirming the political and juridical positions of the United Nations on Namibia and on South Africa's illegal occupation of the Territory. This debate is a test of the responsibility of this Organization and ofits ability to act. They are also a test of the resolve of all Member States to take energetic action, on the basis of the Charter, including Chapter VII, under which South Mrica can be compelled to abide by United Nations resolutions. One of those is Security Council resolution 385 (1976) concerning the implementation of the right of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence. It is imperative to ensure the immediate and 52. Even a cursory analysis of the situation shows that the General Assembly is faced once more with a particularly complex problem which has far-reaching implication~ and which cannot be dealt with merely by reaffirming the political and juridical positions of the United Nations on Namibia and on South Africa's illegal occupation of the Territory. This debate is a test of the responsibility of this Organization and ofits ability to act. They are also a test of the resolve of all Member States to take energetic action, on the basis of the Charter, including Chapter VII, under which South Mrica can be compelled to abide by United Nations resolutions. One of those is Security Council resolution 385 (1976) concerning the implementation of the right of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence. It is imperative to ensure the immediate and 57. Romania actively supports the United Nations in its efforts to achieve its aspirations for the removal ofthe last vestiges of colonialism and domination, the implementation of its resolutions on the accession ofcolonial countries and peoples to independence, and, in particular, the fulfilment of its special responsibilities vis-i·vis Namibia. At the same time the Romanian people resolutely supports and gives multilateral assistance to colonial peoples and their ,lational liberation movements in their legitimate struggle by all means to attain freedom anci iIidependence. 57. Romania actively supports the United Nations in its efforts to achieve its aspirations for the removal ofthe last vestiges of colonialism and domination, the implementation of its resolutions on the accession ofcolonial countries and peoples to independence, and, in particular, the fulfilment of its special responsibilities vis-i·vis Namibia. At the same time the Romanian people resolutely supports and gives multilateral assistance to colonial peoples and their ,lational liberation movements in their legitimate struggle by all means to attain freedom anci iIidependence. 54. The decision by which the United Nations, in 1967, assumed responsibility for Namibia was an historic act expressing the will of the international community. It was followed up by intense activity to eliminate the illegal occupation of Namibia and to prepare the Namibianpeople for independence. Despite all the efforts that were made, we still have not managed to bring the occupation and colonial domination of Namibia to an end and thus enable Namibianpeople to enjoy the fruits ofindependence. 55. The Romanian delegation isofthe opinion that all the CO.!lditions have been met to enable the United Nations to take resolute action to discharge immediately, effectively and completely responsibilities which are unique in its history. But the General Assembly and the Security Council, particularly the latter, willhave to take new and energetic steps to put an end to the continued defiance of United Nations authority and to force South. Mrica to abide by the Organization's demands. 56. Special attention should be given to the needs of Namibia and its national liberation movement, SWAPO, for assistance, especially at this crucial stage of the legitimate struggle they are waging by all possible means to eliminate the illegal regime· of occupation and to win national independence. We must act in a concerted way to ensure the cessation of all acts of violence against the Namibian people, to bring about the immediate and unconditional liberation of Namibian patriots and freedom fighters, and to ensure the national independence of their homeland. The special responsibility of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security and to look to the future of the Namibian people demands of it the greatest possible vigilance in view of South Mrica's attempts to impose on the Namibianpeople a neo-colonialistregimein violation of United Nations resolutions. 57. Romania actively supports the United Nations in its efforts to achieve its aspirations for the removalofthe last vestiges of colonialismand domination, the implementation of its resolutions on the accessionofcolonial countries and peoples to independence, and, in particular, the fulfilment of its special responsibilities vis-a-vis Namibia. At the same time the Romanian people resolutely supports and gives multilateral assistance to colonial peoples and their aational liberation movements in their legitimate struggle by all means to attain freedom anti iIidependence. 59. In a message addressed to a solemn meeting of the United Nations Council for Namibia, as well as during meetings with SWAPO leaders, in official signed documents and in speeches made during recent visits to several African countries, the President of the Socialist ~epublic of Romania, Nicolae Ceau~escu, stressed that Romania would continue to give the Namibian people fun political, diplo- matic, moral and material support in their just struggle for nation'al liberation. In the aforementioned message he stated: 59. In a message addressed to a solemn meeting of the United Nations Council for Namibia, as well as during meetings with SWAPO leaders, in official signed documents and in speeches made during recent visits to several African countries, the President of the Socialist ~epublic of Romania, Nicolae Ceau~escu, stressed that Romania would continue to give the Namibian people fun political, diplo- matic, moral and material support in their just struggle for nation'al liberation. In the aforementioned message he stated: "We consider that at present international solidarity must be strengthened with the Namibian people which, while it engages in political and diplomatic activity, pursues negotiations and draws on United Nations sup- port, has the inalienable right to continue its fight, including armed struggle, until it realizes its sacred aspirations to freedom and independence."4 60. We believe that in present conditions all States must ac~ as energetically as possible to implement, within the framework of the United Nations, measures which will assure the Namibian people of independence and will strengthen the solidarity of all peoples with those of Namibia and Zimbabwe by giving them full support in all forms, so that they may achieve national independence. "We consider that at present international solidarity must be strengthened with the Namibian people which, while it engages in political and diplomatic activity, pursues negotiations and draws on United Nations sup- port, has the inalienable right to continue its fight, including armed struggle, until it realizes its sacred aspirations to freedom and independence."4 "We consider that at present international solidarity must be strengthened with the Namibian people which, while it engages in political and diplomatic activity, pursues negotiations and draws on United Nations sup- port, has the inalienable right to continue its fight, including armed struggle, until it realizes its sacred aspirations to freedom and independence."4 61. It is high time for all, including South Africa, to understand that the progress of a contemporary society peremptorily demands the final elimination of this colonial phenomenon in all its forms and manifestations. Resolute action must be taken to bring about the immediate and unconditional cessation of South Africa's occupation of Namibia so that the Namibian people may exercise, without let or hindrance, their inalienable right to a free and dignified life in their homeland in accordance with their legitimate aspirations. 60. We believe that in present conditions all States must 60. We believe that in present conditions all States must ac~ as energetically as possible to implement, within the framework of the United Nations, measures which will assure the Namibian people of independence and will strengthen the solidarity of all peoples with those of Namibia and Zimbabwe by giving them full support in all forms, so that they may achieve national independence. ac~ as energetically as possible to implement, within the framework of the United Nations, measures which will assure the Namibian people of independence and will strengthen the solidarity of all peoples with those of Namibia and Zimbabwe by giving them full support in all forms, so that they may achieve national independence. 61. It is high time for all, including South Africa, to understand that the progress of a contemporary society peremptorily demands the final elimination of this colonial phenomenon in all its forms and manifestations. Resolute action must be taken to bring about the immediate and unconditional cessation of South Africa's occupation of Namibia so that the Namibian people may exercise, without let or hindrance, their inalienable right to a free and dignified life in their homeland in accordance with their legitimate aspirations. 61. It is high time for all, including South Africa, to understand that the progress of a contemporary society peremptorily demands the final elimination of this colonial phenomenon in all its forms and manifestations. Resolute action must be taken to bring about the immediate and unconditional cessation of South Africa's occupation of Namibia so that the Namibian people may exercise, without let or hindrance, their inalienable right to a free and dignified life in their homeland in accordance with their legitimate aspirations. 62. The Romanian delegation is convinced that the United Nations has a special responsibility towards Namibia and has the solemn obligation to guide the Namibian people to independence. The General Assembly should conclude the present deliberations by establishing clear guidelines for action which will contribute decisively to restoring legality. in Namibia and help the Namibian people to exercise without further ado their inalienable right to self-deter- mination and independence. 62. The Romanian delegation is convinced that the United Nations has a special responsibility towards Namibia and has the solemn obligation to guide the Namibian people to independence. The General Assembly should conclude the present deliberations by establishing clear guidelines for action which will contribute decisively to restoring legality. in Namibia and help the Namibian people to exercise without further ado their inalienable right to self-deter- mination and independence. 62. The Romanian delegation is convinced that the United Nations has a special responsibility towards Namibia and has the solemn obligation to guide the Namibian people to independence. The General Assembly should conclude the present deliberations by establishing clear guidelines for action which will contribute decisively to restoring legality. in Namibia and help the Namibian people to exercise without further ado their inalienable right to self-deter- mination and independence. 63. In line with this position, the Romanian delegation will make its contribution to elaborating necessary meas- ures to ensure the immediate accession of Namibia to independence in order that the Namibian people can devote all their efforts to reconstruction and to the development 4 See document A!AC.13I/PV.300, p.33. 63. In line with this position, the Romanian delegation will make its contribution to elaborating necessary meas- ures to ensure the immediate accession of Namibia to independence in order that the Namibian people can devote all their efforts to reconstruction and to the development 63. In line with this position, the Romanian delegation will make its contribution to elaborating necessary meas- ures to ensure the immediate accession of Namibia to independence in order that the Namibian people can devote all their efforts to reconstruction and to the development 65. On this point there is much that upon reflection, one realizes that all th already been said time and time again the situation is and the consequences implement the United Nations indepen fore, the only relevant question before light of the failure to implement this Assembly do in order to fulfil its o freedom and independence to the people 65. On this point there is much that could be said, but, upon reflection, one realizes that all tha'. could be said has already been said time and time again. We all know what the situation is and ~he consequences of the failure to implement the United Nations independence plan. There- fore, the l)nly relevant question before this body is, In the light of the failure to implement this plan, what can the Assembly do in order to fulfil its obligation to bring freedom and independence to the people of Namibia? 65. On this point there is much that could be said, but, upon reflection, one realizes that all tha'. could be said has already been said time and time again. We all know what the situation is and ~he consequences of the failure to implement the United Nations independence plan. There- fore, the l)nly relevant question before this body is, In the light of the failure to implement this plan, what can the Assembly do in order to fulfil its obligation to bring freedom and independence to the people of Namibia? 66. It is the considered view of my first act of the Assembly in this reg reaffirm once more the special responsi Nations over Namibia untii independe with resolution 2145 (XXI). Such a rea be added, should be backed up by a pl political and material support for the and their sole and authentic repres Secondly, South Africa's illegal man perpetuating its domination and exploi tory should be condemned. In the Africa's repression of the hope of the pe harassment and imprisonment of follow its attacks upon neighbouring countri condemned. Thirdly, it is imperative th this body adopt the common stance Constituent Assembly established in Africa is an illegal assembly and that granted it or any of its members by community. The establishment of that proof-if indeed any was needed-of S tion to establish a puppet regime in disregard of the wishes of the people o international community. 66. It is the considered view of my delegation that the first act of the Assembly in this regard should be to reaffirm once more the special responsibility of the United Nations over Namibia untti independence in accordance with resolution 2145 (XXI). Such a reaffirmation, it might be added, should be backed up by a pledge of stepped-up political and material support for the people of Namibia and their sole and authentic representative, SWAPO, Secondly, South Africa's illegal manoeuvres aimed at perpetuating its domination and exploitation of the Terri- tory should be condemned. In the same light, South Mrica's repression of the hope of the people of Namibia, its harassment and imprisonment of followers of SWAPO, and its attacks upon neighbouring countries should also be condemned. Thirdly, it is imperative that the members of this body adopt the common stance that the so-called Constituent A'isembly established in Namibia by South Mrica is an illegal assembly and that no recognition be granted it or any of its members by the international community. The establishment of that assembly is further proof-if indee,d any was needed-of South Mrica':; inten- tion to establish a puppet regime in the Territory in disregard of the wishes of the people of Namibia and the international community. 66. It is the considered view of my delegation that the first act of the Assembly in this regard should be to reaffirm once more the special responsibility of the United Nations over Namibia untti independence in accordance with resolution 2145 (XXI). Such a reaffirmation, it might be added, should be backed up by a pledge of stepped-up political and material support for the people of Namibia and their sole and authentic representative, SWAPO, Secondly, South Africa's illegal manoeuvres aimed at perpetuating its domination and exploitation of the Terri- tory should be condemned. In the same light, South Mrica's repression of the hope of the people of Namibia, its harassment and imprisonment of followers of SWAPO, and its attacks upon neighbouring countries should also be condemned. Thirdly, it is imperative that the members of this body adopt the common stance that the so-called Constituent A'isembly established in Namibia by South Mrica is an illegal assembly and that no recognition be granted it or any of its members by the international community. The establishment of that assembly is further proof-if indee,d any was needed-of South Mrica':; inten- tion to establish a puppet regime in the Territory in disregard of the wishes of the people of Namibia and the international community. 67. Having condemned all the illegal a has resorted to with regard to Namibia is our next step? What can we collective cause of Namibia's freedom? My delega this stage the General Assembly might c a list of possible sanctions for submiss Council, for it to take action agains conformity with Chapter VII of the C this list might be comprehensive ec measures, as well as an oil embargo. 67. Having condemned all the illegal actions South Mrica has resorted to with regard to Namibia and its people, what is our next step? What can we collectively do to further the cause of Namibia's freedom? My delegation believes that at this stage the General Assembly might consider drawing up a list of possible sanctions for submission to the Security Council, for it to take action against South Mrica in conformity with Chapter VII of the Charter. Included in this list might be comprehensive economic and trade measures, as well as an oil embargo. 67. Having condemned all the illegal actions South Mrica has resorted to with regard to Namibia and its people, what is our next step? What can we collectively do to further the cause of Namibia's freedom? My delegation believes that at this stage the General Assembly might consider drawing up a list of possible sanctions for submission to the Security Council, for it to take action against South Mrica in conformity with Chapter VII of the Charter. Included in this list might be comprehensive economic and trade measures, as well as an oil embargo. 68. Additionally, the severing of all d mercial links with South Africa in orde the international community might also 69. In reaffirming its special responsi this body might also take action to ent 68. Additionally, the severing of all diplomatic and com- mercial links with South Mrica in order to isolate it from the international community might also be considered. 68. Additionally, the severing of all diplomatic and com- mercial links with South Mrica in order to isolate it from the international community might also be considered. 77. The actual situation in Namibia has always been in discord with these basic principles, however. The reason for this has been, and still is, South Africa's refusal to comply with the principles. South Africa is obligated under international law to withdraw its military and political presence from Namibia. Yet, it continues its illegal military occupation of the Territory. This policy of obstruction has made the international efforts undertaken during the past two years to reach a negotiated settlement extremely difficult. At present these negotiations seem to be at a standstill. 77. The actual situation in Namibia has always been in discord with these basic principles, however. The reason for this has been, and still is, South Africa's refusal to comply with the principles. South Africa is obligated under international law to withdraw its military and political presence from Namibia. Yet, it continues its illegal military occupation of the Territory. This policy of obstruction has made the international efforts undertaken during the past two years to reach a negotiated settlement extremely difficult. At present these negotiations seem to be at a standstill. 71. In conclusion, I should like to renew to the people of Namibia and SWAPO the unwavering commitment of the people and Government of Indonesia to their struggle for freedom and independence in a united and consolidated Namibia. 70. The Council has served the aims and aspirations of the people of Namibia most admirably since its inception and is in a position to render additional valuable service in the very difficult days ahead. The various visiting missions dispatched to different parts of the world are just recent examples of the untiring efforts made by the Council to generate support for the people of Namibia in their quest for freedom and independence.. 70. The Council has served the aims and aspirations of the people of Namibia most admirably since its inception and is in a position to render additional valuable service in the very difficult days ahead. The various visiting missions dispatched to different parts of the world are just recent examples of the untiring efforts made by the Council to generate support for the people of Namibia in their quest for freedom and independence.. 72. My delegation is convinced that the present session of the General Assembly will not fail in its duty to the people of Namibia. 71. In conclusion, I should like to renew to the people of Namibia and SWAPO the unwavering commitment of the people and Government of Indonesia to their struggle for freedom and independence in a united and consolidated Namibia. 71. In conclusion, I should like to renew to the people of Namibia and SWAPO the unwavering commitment of the people and Government of Indonesia to their struggle for freedom and independence in a united and consolidated Namibia.

The General Assembly is resuming its debate on Namibia at a time when t'Ie future of the whole region of southern Africa seems very uncertain. Despite many differences, recent developments in Rhodesia and Namibia have followed parallel lines in several respects. Against a background of increasing vio- lence, risks for the stability in the whole region, and heavier involvement from Powers outside, strenuous diplomatic efforts have been made to find political solutions to bring the two Territories into free and independent nations in peaceful and orderly f0l111:s. 78. It has not been possible to reconcile the objectives of the South African policy with the aspirations of the Namibian people. Recent developments seem to bear out the 1l1ng-harboured suspicion that South Africa is deter- mined to maintain a de facto domination in Namibia and to use its economic power to continue to exploit the natural resources of the Territory. The Namibian people, and notably SWAPO, which has fought a long and arduous struggle for a free and independent Namibia, see no reason why they should compromise their aspirations. In their view the end of the South African occupation cannot be a question of compromises. The world community supports this view. It is, moreover, in full harmony with the principles of the Declaration on the Grantiilg of Inde- pendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)). which has guided the process leading to self-determination and independence in all other parts of the world. 78. It has not been possible to reconcile the objectives of the South African policy with the aspirations of the Namibian people. Recent developments seem to bear out the 1l1ng-harboured suspicion that South Africa is deter- mined to maintain a de facto domination in Namibia and to use its economic power to continue to exploit the natural resources of the Territory. The Namibian people, and notably SWAPO, which has fought a long and arduous struggle for a free and independent Namibia, see no reason why they should compromise their aspirations. In their view the end of the South African occupation cannot be a question of compromises. The world community supports this view. It is, moreover, in full harmony with the principles of the Declaration on the Grantiilg of Inde- pendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)). which has guided the process leading to self-determination and independence in all other parts of the world. 72. My delegation is convinced that the present session of the General Assembly will not fail in its duty to the people of Namibia. 72. My delegation is convinced that the present session of the General Assembly will not fail in its duty to the people of Namibia.

The General ASJembly is resuming its debate on Namibia at a time when t'Ie future of the whole region of southern Africa seems very uncertain. Despite many differences, recent developments in Rhodesia and Namibia have followed parallel lines in several respects. Against a background of increasing vio- lence, risks for the stability in the whole region, and heavier involvement from Powers outside, strenuous diplomatic efforts have been made to find political solutions to bring the two Territories into free and independent nations in peaceful and onhrly f0l111:s.

The General ASJembly is resuming its debate on Namibia at a time when t'Ie future of the whole region of southern Africa seems very uncertain. Despite many differences, recent developments in Rhodesia and Namibia have followed parallel lines in several respects. Against a background of increasing vio- lence, risks for the stability in the whole region, and heavier involvement from Powers outside, strenuous diplomatic efforts have been made to find political solutions to bring the two Territories into free and independent nations in peaceful and onhrly f0l111:s. 74. In accordance with the plans that have been elabo- rated for the two Territories, all political groupings would be given equal opportunities to compete democratically, under international supervision, for leadership in their future nations. Both in Rhodesia and in Namibia, however, a development now seems imminent which would fall far short of the basic principles worked out. The apparent similarities in the Rhodesian and Namibianproblems do not, of course, lead us to assume that the same solutions are applicable in the two Territories. Differences in the basic constitutional status as well as dissimilarities in the political situation may call for different approaches and procedures. But the goal is the same: independence, majority rule and democracy. And the risks of failure are the same: continued civil strife with severe repercussions not only for southern Africa but for international peace and security. 79. The aim of the negotiating process which has been tried with so much patience, was never, of course, to achieve compromises deviating from those basic principles. Had it been otherwise, SWAPO, the front-line States and the international community at large would hardly have supported these efforts. The aim of the negotiations was simply to seek practical ways and means to apply those principles so as to achieve a peaceful and orderly transition into independence for the Territory. This was to be done through a process, under the supervision of the United 79. The aim of the negotiating process which has been tried with so much patience, was never, of course, to achieve compromises deviating from those basic principles. Had it been otherwise, SWAPO, the front-line States and the international community at large would hardly have supported these efforts. The aim of the negotiations was simply to seek practical ways and means to apply those principles so as to achieve a peaceful and orderly transition into independence for the Territory. This was to be done through a process, under the supervision of the United 74. In accordance with the plans that have been elabo- rated for the two Territories, all political groupings would be given equal opportunities to co~npete democratically, under international supervision, foc leadership in their future nations. Both in Rhodesia and in Namibia, however, a development now seems imminent which would fall far short of the basic principles worked out. The apparent similarities in the Rhodesian and Nanuoianproblems do not, of course, lead us to assume that the same solutions are applicable in the two Territories. Differences in the basic constitutional status as well as dissimilarities in the political situation may call for different approaches and procedures. But the goal is the same: independence, majority rule and democracy. And the risks of failure are the same: continued civil strife with severe repercussions not only for southern Africa but for international peace and security. 74. In accordance with the plans that have been elabo- rated for the two Territories, all political groupings would be given equal opportunities to co~npete democratically, under international supervision, foc leadership in their future nations. Both in Rhodesia and in Namibia, however, a development now seems imminent which would fall far short of the basic principles worked out. The apparent similarities in the Rhodesian and Nanuoianproblems do not, of course, lead us to assume that the same solutions are applicable in the two Territories. Differences in the basic constitutional status as well as dissimilarities in the political situation may call for different approaches and procedures. But the goal is the same: independence, majority rule and democracy. And the risks of failure are the same: continued civil strife with severe repercussions not only for southern Africa but for international peace and security. 75. Within the United Nations much work has been done and effort spent with the aim of establishing basic principles for bringing about independence in the case of Namibia. Na~ons, by which the Nanuoian people could transform .their country in a free, fair and democratic way into an Na~ons, by which the Nanuoian people could transform .their country in a free, fair and democratic way into an independ~nt .nation. independ~nt .nation. 80. The five Western countries were thought to be in a favourable position to promote practical solutions in view of their influence with the Government in Pretoria. It was further hoped that, as a last res/Jrt, those five States would use their combined weight to convince South Mrica to abide by thE. f;.;nerally accepted prin~iples for a solution. 80. The five Western countries were thought to be in a favourable position to promote practical solutions in view of their influence with the Government in Pretoria. It was further hoped that, as a last res/Jrt, those five States would use their combined weight to convince South Mrica to abide by thE. f;.;nerally accepted prin~iples for a solution. 76. The General Assembly and the Security Council have repeatedly reaffirmed that only the Namibians themselves have the right to decide about their future and that the United Nations has the exclusive and direct legal respon- sibility for the administration of the Territory until the independence of Namibia has been achieved. In resolutions 75. Within the United Nations much work has been done and effort spent with the aim of establishing basic principles for bringing about independence in the case of Namibia. 75. Within the United Nations much work has been done and effort spent with the aim of establishing basic principles for bringing about independence in the case of Namibia. 81. At time'l, during the months that have passed since Security Council resolution 435 (1978) was adopted, pros- pects for a successful outcome have seemed quite prom- ising, only to give way to diminishing hopes when new obstacles were raised at the last moment. In this connexion, we would like to pay a tribute to the unceasing efforts by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative in Namibia. Today the prospects for the initiation of the transitional process seem very uncertain. Regretfully we 81. At time'l, during the months that have passed since Security Council resolution 435 (1978) was adopted, pros- pects for a successful outcome have seemed quite prom- ising, only to give way to diminishing hopes when new obstacles were raised at the last moment. In this connexion, we would like to pay a tribute to the unceasing efforts by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative in Namibia. Today the prospects for the initiation of the transitional process seem very uncertain. Regretfully we 76. The General Assembly and the Security Council have repeatedly reaffirmed that only the Na.nibians themselves have the right to decide about their future and that the United Nations has the exclusive and direct legal resp'm- sibility for the administration of the Territory until the independence of Namibia has been achieved. In resolutions 76. The General Assembly and the Security Council have repeatedly reaffirmed that only the Na.nibians themselves have the right to decide about their future and that the United Nations has the exclusive and direct legal resp'm- sibility for the administration of the Territory until the independence of Namibia has been achieved. In resolutions 78. It has not been possible to reconcile the objectives of the South African policy with the aspirations of the Namibian people. Recent developments seem to bear out the long-harboured suspicion that South Africa is deter- mined to maintain a de facto domination in Namibia and to use its economic power to continue to exploit the natural resources of the Territory. The Namibian people, and notably SWAPO, which has fought a long and arduous struggle for a free and independent Namibia, see no reason why they should compromise their aspirations. In their view the end of the South African occupation cannot be a question of compromises. The world community supports this view. It is, moreover, in full harmony with the principles of the Declaration on the Granting of Inde- pendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)). which has guided the process leading to self-determination and independence in all other parts of the world. 79. The aim of the negotiating process which has been tried with so much patience, was never, of course, to achieve compromises deviating from those basic principles. Had it been otherwise, SWAPO, the front-line States and the international community at large would hardly have supported these efforts. The aim of the negotiations was simply to seek practical ways and means to apply those principles so as to achieve a peaceful and orderly transition into independence for the Territory. This was to be done through a process, under the supervision of the United Nations, by which the Nanuoian people could transform .their country in a free, fair and democratic way into an independent .nation. 80. The five Western countries were thought to be in a favourable position to promote practical solutions in view of their influence with the Government in Pretoria. It was further hoped that, as a last resort, those five States would use their combined weight to convince South Mrica to abide by the g.merally accepted principles for a solution. 81. At times, during the months that have passed since Security Council resolution 435 (1978) was adopted, pros- pects for a successful outcome have seemed quite prom- ising, only to give way to diminishing hopes when new obstacles were raised at the last moment. In this connexion, we would like to pay a tribute to the unceasing efforts by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative in Namibia. Today the prospects for the initiation of the transitional process seem very uncertain. Regretfully we 82. It would be futile to speculate about South Africa's intentions when it embarked upon the negotiations two years ago. In view of South Mrica's conduct during these years we have been suspicious of these intentions on several . occasions. Today, hoVt-ever, we can only note, as a fact, that South Africa has used this time to strengthen its position in the Territory, not least militarily. South Africa may try to make its presence a little less conspicuous, dressing it in the cloak of so-called internal solutions and internal leaders. That intention became most obvious when the South African Government proceeded with the elections in December last year in an attempt to boost leaders of its own choice, thus jeopardizing the whole transitional pro- cess under United Nations supervision. 82. It would be futile to speculate about South Africa's intentions when it embarked upon the negotiations two years ago. In view of South Mrica's conduct during these years we have been suspicious of these intentions on several . occasions. Today, hoVt-ever, we can only note, as a fact, that South Africa has used this time to strengthen its position in the Territory, not least militarily. South Africa may try to make its presence a little less conspicuous, dressing it in the cloak of so-called internal solutions and internal leaders. That intention became most obvious when the South African Government proceeded with the elections in December last year in an attempt to boost leaders of its own choice, thus jeopardizing the whole transitional pro- cess under United Nations supervision. 83. We have gradually become convinced-not least in the light of recent arrests of SWAPO members-that South Mrica, in its striving for long-term domination, has never accepted the possibility of a government in Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO. This attitude is obviously in blatant conflict with the principle that no party enjoying popular support must be excluded from taking part in the process of independence, or from the possibility of forming the government of the new nation. The legislative powers bestowed lately upon the so-called Constituent Assembly in Windhoek confirm our conviction. The action is an affront -to the United Nations. If persuasion does not work upon South Mrica, the response to its manoeuvres must be increased pressure to bring about compliance with the principles laid down by the Security Council. 83. We have gradually become convinced-not least in the light of recent arrests of SWAPO members-that South Mrica, in its striving for long-term domination, has never accepted the possibility of a government in Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO. This attitude is obviously in blatant conflict with the principle that no party enjoying popular support must be excluded from taking part in the process of independence, or from the possibility of forming the government of the new nation. The legislative powers bestllwed lately upon the so-called Constituent Assembly in Windhoek confirm our conviction. The action is an affront ,to the United Nations. If persuasion does not work upon South Mrica, the response to its manoeuvres must be increased pressure to bring about compliance with the principles laid down by the Security Council. 83. We have gradually become convinced-not least in the light of recent arrests of SWAPO members-that South Mrica, in its striving for long-term domination, has never accepted the possibility of a government in Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO. This attitude is obviously in blatant conflict with the principle that no party enjoying popular support must be excluded from taking part in the process of independence, or from the possibility of forming the government of the new nation. The legislative powers bestllwed lately upon the so-called Constituent Assembly in Windhoek confirm our conviction. The action is an affront ,to the United Nations. If persuasion does not work upon South Mrica, the response to its manoeuvres must be increased pressure to bring about compliance with the principles laid down by the Security Council. 84. The Westem Powers involved in the negotiations continue to play a crucial role in this respect. So far, they have not shown any readiness to back up their negotiation with effective pressure. The Government in Pretoria has obviously felt confident that the world would not carry out the threats of sanctions embodied in a number of Security Council resolutions. Recent discussions in some countries about a unilateral lifting of the United Nations sanctions against Southern Rhodesia and about recognition of the government established as a result of the elections in that country have increased South African self-assurance. Those elections, in our view, fell far short of the basic principles in the Anglo-American planS and were rightly declared null and void by the Security Council. 84. The Westem Powers involved in the negotiations continue to play a crucial role in this respect. So far, they have not shown any readiness to back up their negotiation with effective pressure. The Government in Pretoria has obviously felt ct'nfident that the world would not carry out the threats of sanctions embodied in a number of Security Council resolutions. Recent discussions in some countries about a unilateral lifting of the United Nations sanctions agajnst Southern Rhodesia and about recognition of the government established as a result of the elections in that country have increased South African self-assurance. Those elections, in our view, fell far short of the basic principles in the Anglo-American plans and were rightly declared null and void by the Security Council. 84. The Westem Powers involved in the negotiations continue to play a crucial role in this respect. So far, they have not shown any readiness to back up their negotiation with effective pressure. The Government in Pretoria has obviously felt ct'nfident that the world would not carry out the threats of sanctions embodied in a number of Security Council resolutions. Recent discussions in some countries about a unilateral lifting of the United Nations sanctions agajnst Southern Rhodesia and about recognition of the government established as a result of the elections in that country have increased South African self-assurance. Those elections, in our view, fell far short of the basic principles in the Anglo-American plans and were rightly declared null and void by the Security Council. 85. A similar development in Namibia would bring dis- appointment, frustration and fury. A deep worry now prevails in dl quarters about the disastrous effects that an application of unilateral measures could have on the region of southern Africa itself, and on peace and security in a much larger context, not to mention the prestige and credibility of the United Nations. 86. Our confidence in sanctions, internationally decided on and accepted, as an important means of pressure to make intransigent parties comply with Security Council 85. A similar development in Namibia would bring dis- appointment, frustration and fury. A deep worry now prevails in dl quarters about the disastrous effects that an application of unilateral measures could have on the region of southern Mrica itself, and on peace and security in a much larger context, not to mention the prestige and credibility of the United Nations. 85. A similar development in Namibia would bring dis- appointment, frustration and fury. A deep worry now prevails in dl quarters about the disastrous effects that an application of unilateral measures could have on the region of southern Mrica itself, and on peace and security in a much larger context, not to mention the prestige and credibility of the United Nations. 86. Our confidence in sanctions, internationally decided on and accepted, as an important means of pressure to make intransigent parties comply with Security Council 86. Our confidence in sanctions, internationally decided on and accepted, as an important means of pressure to make intransigent parties comply with Security Council 87. Is there still time to steer awa course? Those directly involved in the will be in a better position to judge th hopes remain for a negotiated solution down by the United Nations. W~ can leading principle in the prevailing situ to be the exploration of every possib furthering and supporting the legitim whole Narnibian people. 87. Is there still time to steer away from a disastrous course? Those directly involved in the negotiating process will be in a better position to judge the basi:; for whatever hopes remain for a negotiated solution along the lines laid down by the United Nations. We can only repeat that the leading principle in the prevailing situation must continue to be the exploration of every possible peaceful means of furthering and supporting the legitimate interests of the whole Narnibian people. 87. Is there still time to steer away from a disastrous course? Those directly involved in the negotiating process will be in a better position to judge the basi:; for whatever hopes remain for a negotiated solution along the lines laid down by the United Nations. We can only repeat that the leading principle in the prevailing situation must continue to be the exploration of every possible peaceful means of furthering and supporting the legitimate interests of the whole Narnibian people. 88. We shall continue to show willing support the United Nations in its effor responsibility with regard to Namibia. 89. We shall continue to give humani many victims of the liberation strugg refugees. Our hope isthat thisassistanc transformed into long-term developme the new state.: Our support to the Nat and to the Institute for Namibia, we that direction. 88. We shall continue to show willingness and readiness to support the United Nations in its efforts to exercise its legal responsibility with regard to Namibia. 88. We shall continue to show willingness and readiness to support the United Nations in its efforts to exercise its legal responsibility with regard to Namibia. 90. The amounts allocated to SWAPO have increased substantially. In additio contributions to educational program on, which is -channelled through var bodies and international and nation organizations. 89. We shall continue to give humanitarian support to the many victims of the liberation struggle, in particular the refugees. Our hope is that tltis assistance will inthe future be transformed into long-term development co-operation with the new state. Our support to the Nationhood Programme and to the Institute for Namibia, we believe, is a start in that direction. 89. We shall continue to give humanitarian support to the many victims of the liberation struggle, in particular the refugees. Our hope is that tltis assistance will inthe future be transformed into long-term development co-operation with the new state. Our support to the Nationhood Programme and to the Institute for Namibia, we believe, is a start in that direction. 91. We sliall continue to stress that S to comply with relevant Security Cou prompt the Council to initiate appropr sanctions. 90. The amounts allocated to SWAPO during recent years have increased substantially. In addition Sweden also makes contributions to educational programmes, legal aid and so on, which is -channelled through various United Nations bodies and international and national non-governmental organizations. 90. The amounts allocated to SWAPO during recent years have increased substantially. In addition Sweden also makes contributions to educational programmes, legal aid and so on, which is -channelled through various United Nations bodies and international and national non-governmental organizations. 92. As we have pointed out on seve the arms embargo' against South Afri break-through in the efforts to mou secure the full implementation of Se lution 418 (1977) and to make the comprehensive is not enough. It has with other measures. 91. We sliall continue to stress that South Mrica's failure to comply with relevant Security Council resolutions must prompt the Council to initiate appropriate action, including sanctions. 91. We sliall continue to stress that South Mrica's failure to comply with relevant Security Council resolutions must prompt the Council to initiate appropriate action, including sanctions. 93. In a number of resolutions, the G recommended to the Security Counc measures that could possibly be a pressure. Together with the other Nord .has been particularly active behind e Nations to achieve the cessation of fu ments hi and financial loans to Sout occasions we have presented the 92. As we have pointed out on several occasions before, the arms embargo' against South Africa was an. important break-through in the efforts to mount pressure. But to secure the full implementation of Security Council reso- lution 418 (1977) and to make the arms embargo truly comprehensive is not enough. It has to be supplemented with other measures. 92. As we have pointed out on several occasions before, the arms embargo' against South Africa was an. important break-through in the efforts to mount pressure. But to secure the full implementation of Security Council reso- lution 418 (1977) and to make the arms embargo truly comprehensive is not enough. It has to be supplemented with other measures. 93. In a number of resolutions, the General Assembly has recommended to the Security Council a whole range of measures that could possibly be adopted to increase pressure. Together with the other Nordic countries, Sweden has been particularly active behind efforts in the United Nations to achieve the cessation of further foreign invest- ments in and financial loans to South Mrica. On various' occasions we have presented the arguments why we 93. In a number of resolutions, the General Assembly has recommended to the Security Council a whole range of measures that could possibly be adopted to increase pressure. Together with the other Nordic countries, Sweden has been particularly active behind efforts in the United Nations to achieve the cessation of further foreign invest- ments in and financial loans to South Mrica. On various' occasions we have presented the arguments why we

Quite obviously the resumption of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly to discuss the question ofNamibia has come at a time ofsome rather disv..!Irhing developments. Only two days before we resumed our work South Africa characteristically threw down a ne·w· challenge to the international community an4 more specifically to the Western Powers which, with it, were trying to bring about a negotiated settlement of the Namibian problem. The decision to transform the so-called Constituent Assembly of Windhoek into a national assembly and to confer executive powers on some ofits members means, at the least, the end of any hope that the settlement plan adopted by the Security Council will be implemented.

Quite obviously the resumption of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly to discuss the question ofNamibia has come at a time ofsome rather disv..!Irhing developments. Only two days before we resumed our work South Africa characteristically threw down a ne·w· challenge to the international community an4 more specifically to the Western Powers which, with it, were trying to bring about a negotiated settlement of the Namibian problem. The decision to transform the so-called Constituent Assembly of Windhoek into a national assembly and to confer executive powers on some ofits members means, at the least, the end of any hope that the settlement plan adopted by the Security Council will be implemented. 95. It is difficult to talk about effective United Nations sanctions against South Africa without mentioning the possibility of an oil embargo. South Africa's oil industry is more vulnerable to external influence than any other sector. It is a key component of South Africa's military strength, the importance of which can hardly be over- emphasized. 94. I have stressed the matter of foreign investments and financial loans also in view of the decision of the Nordic Governments in March last year to work for a programme of joint action against apartheid in South Africa, and to seek widest possible support for such efforts in the United Nations. Needless to say, South Africa's policy versus Namibia can only further strengthen the arguments for such action. 94. I have stressed the matter of foreign investments and financial loans also in view of the decision of the Nordic Governments in March last year to work for a programme of joint action against apartheid in South Africa, and to seek widest possible support for such efforts in the United Nations. Needless to say, South Africa's policy versus Namibia can only further strengthen the arguments for such action. 96. But the discussions on the possibility of Security Council sanctions in this field should be widened to include also nuclear energy. As was made clear at a United Nations seminar in London recently on nuclear collaboration with South Africa, the danger of the acquisition of nuclear- weapon capability by South Africa has now become a matter of utmost concern to the international community. In this context; I wish to refer also to General Assembly resolution 33/63 of last year regarding the implementation of the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa. We therefore find it important besides ensuring that. Security Council resolution 418 (I977) be effectively implemented to bring to discussion. nuclear transfers to South Africa, including, for instance, transfers of equipment, technology and services.Thisis important not only becauseof the links that exist between military and civilian nuclear develop- ment but also because of the special interest to the South African economy in general that nuclear energy may have. 95. It is difficult to talk about effective United Nations sanctions against South Africa without mentioning the possibility of an oil embargo. South Africa's oil industry is more vulnerable to external influence than any other sector. It is a key comronent of South Africa's military strength, the importance of which can hardly be over- emphasized. 95. It is difficult to talk about effective United Nations sanctions against South Africa without mentioning the possibility of an oil embargo. South Africa's oil industry is more vulnerable to external influence than any other sector. It is a key comronent of South Africa's military strength, the importance of which can hardly be over- emphasized. 101. So once again the frequently demonstrated desire of South Africa to achieve its objectives has proved stronger than the warnin~ of the international community and those ofits Western friends. 101. So once again the frequently demonstrated desire of South Africa to achieve its objectives has proved stronger than the warnin~ of the international community and those ofits Western friends. 96. But the discussions on the possibility of Security Council sanctions in this field should be widened to include also nuclear energy. As was made clear at a United Nations seminar in London recently on nuclear collaboration with South Africa, the danger of the acquisition of nuclear- weapon capability by South Africa has now become a matter of utmost concern to the international community. In this context; I wish to refer also to General Assembly resolution 33/63 of last year regarding the implementation of the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa. We therefore fmd it important besides ensuring that. Security Council resolution 418 (1977) be effectively implemented to bring to discussion. nuclear transfers to South Africa, including, for instance, transfers of equipment, technology and services. This is important not only because of the links that exist between military and civilian nuclear develop- ment but also because of the special interest to the South African economy in general that nuclear energy may have. 96. But the discussions on the possibility of Security Council sanctions in this field should be widened to include also nuclear energy. As was made clear at a United Nations seminar in London recently on nuclear collaboration with South Africa, the danger of the acquisition of nuclear- weapon capability by South Africa has now become a matter of utmost concern to the international community. In this context; I wish to refer also to General Assembly resolution 33/63 of last year regarding the implementation of the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa. We therefore fmd it important besides ensuring that. Security Council resolution 418 (1977) be effectively implemented to bring to discussion. nuclear transfers to South Africa, including, for instance, transfers of equipment, technology and services. This is important not only because of the links that exist between military and civilian nuclear develop- ment but also because of the special interest to the South African economy in general that nuclear energy may have. 102. It will be recalled that two years ago the five Western Powers-France, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UnIted States and th~ Federal Republic of Germany-then mem- bers of the Security Council, took the initiative and brought about negotiations with the parties concerned with the aim of setting in motion the process which would lead to an internationally acceptable solution to the Namibian 102. It will be recalled that two years ago the five Western Powers-France, the United Kingdom, Canada, the UnIted States and th~ Federal Republic of Germany-then mem- bers of the Security Council, took the initiative and brought about negotiations with the parties concerned with the aim of setting in motion the process which would lead to an internationally acceptable solution to the Namibian problem~. problem~. 97. In our discussions on selected sanctions against South Africa we should also include the possibility of the Council's applying measures directed against air traffic with South Africa. 103. As is well known, that initiative met with differing reactions. Certain States, like my own, appreciated the constructive efforts made individually or collectively by States Members·of the Organization to find a solution to that distressing problem on the basis of the relevant resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Others, however, expressed scepticism regarding the· genuineness of South Africa's willingness to renounce its colonial domination. Indeed, the efforts of the 103. As is well known, that initiative met with differing reactions. Certain States, like my own, appreciated the constructive efforts made individually or collectively by States Members·of the Organization to find a solution to that distressing problem on the basis of the relevant resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Others, however, expressed scepticism regarding the· genuineness of South Africa's willingness to renounce its colonial domination. Indeed, the efforts of the 98. In this presentation of various possible measures against South Africa which could be cons.dered by the Security Council we have chosen to be selectiverather than general. We have done so in the hope that selective measures willbe sufficient to bring about a changein South African policy and make the South African Government comply with United Nations decisions. Should this not be the case, we remain as committed as before to supporting proposals in the Security Council resulting in binding decisions against trade with South Africa. 97. In Qur discussions on selected sanctions against South Africa we should also include the possibility of the Council's applying measures directed against air traffic with South Africa. 97. In Qur discussions on selected sanctions against South Africa we should also include the possibility of the Council's applying measures directed against air traffic with South Africa. Uni~ed Nations in the course of this decade to put an end to the illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia have always met the intransigence of the South African Goveni- ment. Uni~ed Nations in the course of this decade to put an end to the illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia have always met the intransigence of the South African Goveni- ment. 104. Yet it was clear that the Western initiative. for the solution of the Namibian problem was unprecedented. It was the first time that five Powers with special responsi- bility in this matter had decided on collective action. The international community therefore had every reason to hope for its success. 104. Yet it was clear that the Western initiative. for the solution of the Namibian problem was unprecedented. It was the first time that five Powers with special responsi- bility in this matter had decided on collective action. The international community therefore had every reason to hope for its success. 98. In this presentation of various possible measures against South Africa which could be cons~J.ered by the Security Council we have chosen to be selective rather than general. We have done so in the hope that selective measures will be sufficient to bring about a change in South African policy and make the South African Government comply with United Nations decisions. Should this not be the case, we rem~n as committed as before to supporting proposals in the Security Council resulting in binding decisions against trade with South Africa. 98. In this presentation of various possible measures against South Africa which could be cons~J.ered by the Security Council we have chosen to be selective rather than general. We have done so in the hope that selective measures will be sufficient to bring about a change in South African policy and make the South African Government comply with United Nations decisions. Should this not be the case, we rem~n as committed as before to supporting proposals in the Security Council resulting in binding decisions against trade with South Africa. 99. I wish to stress that the time has now come for exerting effective pressure on South Africa. We all share a responsibility.for achieving a solution in Namibia which i~ in accordance with the basic principles that have been 105. But just as those efforts to bring about a negotiated settlement were under way the South African .racist regime adopted a whole range of repreSliw meuures arid unilat·· erally apPQinted an Administrator-General for the Terri- tory. 105. But just as those efforts to bring about a negotiated settlement were under way the South African .racist regime adopted a whole range of repreSliw meuures arid unilat·· erally apPQinted an Administrator-General for the Terri- tory. 99. I wish to stress that the time has now come for exerting effective pressure on South Africa. We all share a responsibility for achieving a solution in Namibia which i~ in accordance with the basic principles that have been 99. I wish to stress that the time has now come for exerting effective pressure on South Africa. We all share a responsibility for achieving a solution in Namibia which i~ in accordance with the basic principles that have been 106. Thll!, today we are faced with a newsituation. From 21 May, South Africa, according to Judge Steyn, would 106. Thll!, today we are faced with a newsituation. From 21 May, South Africa, according to Judge Steyn, would 101. So once again the frequently demonstrated desire of South Africa to achieve its objectives has proved stronger than the warnings of the international community and those ofits Westernfriends. 102. It will be recalled that two years ago the five Western Powers-France, the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States and the Federal Republic of Germany-then mem- bers of the Security Council, took the initiative and brought about negotiations with the parties concerned with the aim of setting in motion the process which would lead to an internationally acceptable solution to the Namibian problem.. 103. As is well known, that initiative met with differing reactions. Certain States, like my own, appreciated the constructive efforts made individually or collectively by States Members'of the Organization to find a solution to that distressing problem on the basis of the relevant resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Others, however, expressed scepticism regarding the"genuineness of South Africa's willingness to renounce its colonial domination. Indeed, the efforts of the Unit.ed Nations in the course of this decade to put an end to the illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia have always met the intransigence of the South African Goveni- ment. 104. Yet it was clear that the Western initiatiVe. for the solution of the Namibian problem was unprecedented. It was the first time that five Powers with special responsi- bility in this matter had decided on collective action. The international community therefore had every reason to hope for its success. 105. But just as those efforts to bring about a negotiated settlement were under way the South African .racistregime adopted a whole range of repressive measures arid unilat-· erally apPQinted an Administlator-General for the Terri- tory. 106. Th11!, today we are faced with a newsituation. From 21 May, South Africa, according to Judge Steyn, would "We cannot believe that the Government of South Africa will now 1eave a road on which it has gone a long way with us and thus decide against a peaceful settlement under international control ...".6 "We cannot believe that the Government of South Africa will now 1eave a road on which it has gone a long way with us and thus decide against a peaceful settlement under international control ...".6 107. We can only be reassured by such statements-for the South African decision is in effect a unilateral declaration of independence, and we are convinced that no one would claim the contrary. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany went on to say: And the Foreign Minister went on to say: And the Foreign Minister went on to say: "No one in the Republic of South Africa should overlook the con~equencessuch a step w,)uld be bound to have."7 "No one in the Republic of South Africa should overlook the con~equencessuch a step w,)uld be bound to have."7 ", •. President Nujoma's letter of 8 September 1978 to the Secretary-General... means unqualified acceptance by SWAPO of the settlement proposal and the Secretary- General's report. Consequently, the responsibility for a further delay in reaching an internationally acceptable solution would now rest exclusively with the Republic of South Africa."8 107. We can only be reassured by such statements,for the South African decision is in effect a unilateral declaration of independence, and we are convinced that no one would claim the contrary. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Gennany went on to say: 107. We can only be reassured by such statements,for the South African decision is in effect a unilateral declaration of independence, and we are convinced that no one would claim the contrary. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Gennany went on to say: 108. Thus South Africa has just openly defied the five Western Powers, which, according to the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Vance, showed by their initiative that the international community is committed to the implementation of the programme set out in the report of the Secretary-General.? "•.. President Nujoma's letter of 8 September 1978 to the Secretary·General... means unqualified acceptance by SWAPO of the settlement proposal and the Secretary- General's report. Consequently, the responsibility for a further delay in reaching an internationally acceptable solution would now rest exclusively with the Republic of South Africa."s "•.. President Nujoma's letter of 8 September 1978 to the Secretary·General... means unqualified acceptance by SWAPO of the settlement proposal and the Secretary- General's report. Consequently, the responsibility for a further delay in reaching an internationally acceptable solution would now rest exclusively with the Republic of South Africa."s 109. That is to say that the situation thus deliberately created by South Africa is in fact grave and unusual. It is grave because South Africa is threatening "to abandon any subsequent negotiations with the Western Powers", as its Foreign Minister said on 20 May, but, above all, unusual inasmuch as South Africa has accused the five major Powers of distorting the settlement plan. Since this is not the time for invective, we shall for our part refrain from dwelling on that affront. 108. Thus South Africa has just openly defied the five Western Powers, which, according to the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Vance, showed by their initiative that the international community is committed to the implementation of the programme set out in the report of the Secretary-General.9 108. Thus South Africa has just openly defied the five Western Powers, which, according to the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Vance, showed by their initiative that the international community is committed to the implementation of the programme set out in the report of the Secretary-General.9 109. That is to say that the situation thus deliberately created by South Africa is in fact grave and unusual. It is grave because South Africa is threatening "to abandon any subsequent negotiations with the Western Powers", as its Foreign Minister said on 20 May, but, above all, unusual inas:nuch as South Africa has accused the five major Powers of distorting the settlement plan. Since this is not the time for invective, we shall for our part refrain from dwelling on that affront. 109. That is to say that the situation thus deliberately created by South Africa is in fact grave and unusual. It is grave because South Africa is threatening "to abandon any subsequent negotiations with the Western Powers", as its Foreign Minister said on 20 May, but, above all, unusual inas:nuch as South Africa has accused the five major Powers of distorting the settlement plan. Since this is not the time for invective, we shall for our part refrain from dwelling on that affront. 110. On the other hand, the South African decision regarding an alleged "internal settlement" has prompted Senegal to ask the General Assembly to take action to isolate South Africain the international arena. 111. In Senegal's view, the powers of the United Nations Council for Namibia must be increased. That Council continues to be the legal authority in Namibia as long as that country is not truly independent. The Council has been vigorously endeavouring to strip the South African Government of the responsibility which it claims illegally over the Territory of Namibia. In this connexion the 110. On the other hand, the South African decision regarding an alleged "internal settlement" has prompted Senegal to ask the General Assembly to take action to isolate South Africa in the international arena. 110. On the other hand, the South African decision regarding an alleged "internal settlement" has prompted Senegal to ask the General Assembly to take action to isolate South Africa in the international arena. 6 Ibid., Thirty-fourth Year, 2087th meeting, para. 32. 7Ibid. 8Ibid., para. 39. 9Ibid., Thirty·third Year, Supplement for July. August and September 1978, document 8/12827. 111. In Senegal's view, the powers of the United Nations Council for Namibia must be increased. That Council continues to be the legal authority in Namibia as long as that country is not truly independent. The Council has been vigorously endeavouring to strip the South African Government of the responsibility which it claims illegally over the Territory of Namibia. In this connexion the 111. In Senegal's view, the powers of the United Nations Council for Namibia must be increased. That Council continues to be the legal authority in Namibia as long as that country is not truly independent. The Council has been vigorously endeavouring to strip the South African Government of the responsibility which it claims illegally over the Territory of Namibia. In this connexion the 61bid., Thirty-fourth Year, 2087th meeting, para. 32. 7 Ibid. 8Ibid., para. 39. 91bid., Thirty-third Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1978, document 8/12827. 61bid., Thirty-fourth Year, 2087th meeting, para. 32. 7 Ibid. 8Ibid., para. 39. 91bid., Thirty-third Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1978, document 8/12827. 113. Senegal considers also that immediate end to their economic relations with South Africa as long occupying Namibia illegally and in apartheid there. 114. In this connexion, the contin multinational corporations in Nami administration of South Africa sho plundering of the natural resource contravention of Decree No. 1 fo Natural Resources of Namibia e Nations Council for Namibia) 0 113. Senegal considers also that all States must put an immediate end to their economic, military and fmancial relations with South Africa as long as that regime persists in occupying Namibia illegally and in practising its policy of apartheid there. 113. Senegal considers also that all States must put an immediate end to their economic, military and fmancial relations with South Africa as long as that regime persists in occupying Namibia illegally and in practising its policy of apartheid there. 115. The United Nations, and Security Council, are primarily resp peace and security and they mu obstacle to the accession of Nam pendence. 114. In this connexion, the continued illegal operation of multinational corporations in Namibia in collusion with the administration of South Africa should.be denounced. Their plundering of the natural resources of the Territory is in contravention of Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia enacted by the United Nations Council for Namibia) 0 114. In this connexion, the continued illegal operation of multinational corporations in Namibia in collusion with the administration of South Africa should.be denounced. Their plundering of the natural resources of the Territory is in contravention of Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia enacted by the United Nations Council for Namibia) 0 116. The elimination of the pol oppression require joint efforts on of the international community. R aimed at having mandatory sanction Africa under Chapter VII of th encountered a veto. 11S. The United Nations, and more specifically the Security Council, are primarily responsible for intemational peace and security and they must no longer allow any obstacle to the accession of Namibia to genuine inde- pendence. 11S. The United Nations, and more specifically the Security Council, are primarily responsible for intemational peace and security and they must no longer allow any obstacle to the accession of Namibia to genuine inde- pendence. 117. If the United Nations has t adopt appropriate sanctions agai because some have felt that proposa been ill-timed. 116. The elimination of the policy of domination and oppression require joint efforts on the part of all members of the international community. Regrettably, all initiatives aimed at having mandatory sanctions decreed against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter have always encountered a veto. 116. The elimination of the policy of domination and oppression require joint efforts on the part of all members of the international community. Regrettably, all initiatives aimed at having mandatory sanctions decreed against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter have always encountered a veto. 118. The reasons advanced were opinion, on the one hand, and, conviction that South Africa could But the results are there and req problem now is to know what countries can stiU give tc move the impasse. 117. If the United Nations has thus far been unable to adopt appropriate sanctions against South Africa, it is because some have felt that proposals along those lines have been ill-timed. 117. If the United Nations has thus far been unable to adopt appropriate sanctions against South Africa, it is because some have felt that proposals along those lines have been ill-timed. 119. Now that South Africa h efforts of the five Western countrie inasmuch as its decision of 21 May with the settlement plan endorsed which the five Powers have comm implemented; now that South Afri 118. The reasons advanced were the pressure of public opinion, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the conviction that South Africa could be brought to reason. But the results are there and require no comment. The problem now is to know what· assurances the Western countries can still give te move the negotiations out of the impasse. 118. The reasons advanced were the pressure of public opinion, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the conviction that South Africa could be brought to reason. But the results are there and require no comment. The problem now is to know what· assurances the Western countries can still give te move the negotiations out of the impasse. 119. Now that South Africa has clearly rejected the efforts of the five Western countries to bring about peace, inasmuch as its decision of 21 May is far from being in line with the settlement plan endorsed by the Security Council which the five Powers have committed themselves to have implemented; now that South Africa has taken no account 119. Now that South Africa has clearly rejected the efforts of the five Western countries to bring about peace, inasmuch as its decision of 21 May is far from being in line with the settlement plan endorsed by the Security Council which the five Powers have committed themselves to have implemented; now that South Africa has taken no account 121. -More than the credibility of the United Nations, it is the credibility of the five Western Powers which this time is directly at issue. 122. In any case, the constant violations by the South African regime of the principle laid down in the United Nations Charter prompt my delegation to call on the General Assembly to question the legitimacy of the presence of the Government of South Africa within our Organization. 1:_. This shows the importance for these discussions of what the five Western Powers will have to say about current events. 1:_. This shows the importance for these discussions of what the five Western Powers will have to say about current events. 121. -More than the credibility of the United Nations, it is the credibility of the five Western Powers which this time is directly at issue. 121. -More than the credibility of the United Nations, it is the credibility of the five Western Powers which this time is directly at issue. 123. Unquestionably South Africa is continuing per- sistently to transgress those Charter principles. Conse- quently, the General Assembly has an obligation to invite the Security Council to look further into the question of the legitimacy -of the presence of that State within our Organization. 122. In any case, the constant violations by the South African regime of the principle laid down in the United Nations Charter prompt my delegation to call on the General Assembly to question the legitimacy of the presence of the Government of South Africa within our Organization. 122. In any case, the constant violations by the South African regime of the principle laid down in the United Nations Charter prompt my delegation to call on the General Assembly to question the legitimacy of the presence of the Government of South Africa within our Organization. 124. This question, which was raised recently at the session of the Commission on Human Rights, deserves special attention from the General Assembly. 123. Unquestionably South Africa is continuing per- sistently to transgress those Charter principles. COilse- quently, the General Assembly has an obligation to invite the Security Council to look further into the questior.. of the legitimacy of the presence of that State within our Organization. 123. Unquestionably South Africa is continuing per- sistently to transgress those Charter principles. COilse- quently, the General Assembly has an obligation to invite the Security Council to look further into the questior.. of the legitimacy of the presence of that State within our Organization. 125. In any case, Senegal believes that the application of Article 41 would be the minimum step that would contribute to the isolation of the racist regime called for the day before yesterday by Mr. Sam Nujoma, the President of SWAPO[97th meeting]. 124. This question, which was raised recently at the session of the CommisSion on Human Rights, deserves special attention from the General Assembly. 124. This question, which was raised recently at the session of the CommisSion on Human Rights, deserves special attention from the General Assembly. 126. The resumption of this session is taking place at a time when the United Nations is celebrating the Inter- national Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia.. Senegal hopes that, 13 years after the adoption of General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), putting an end to South Africa's "Mandate, our decisions will measure up to the hopes which the courageous people ofNamibia place in us, the "peoples of the United Nations". 125. In any case, Senegal believes that the application of Article 41 would be the minimum step that would contribute to the isolation of the racist regime called for the day before yesterday by Mr. Sam Nujoma, the President of SWAPO [97th meeting). 125. In any case, Senegal believes that the application of Article 41 would be the minimum step that would contribute to the isolation of the racist regime called for the day before yesterday by Mr. Sam Nujoma, the President of SWAPO [97th meeting).

The General Assembly is resuming its thirty-third session at a time when the cause of Namibia has reached one of its most critical stages as a result of the-unsuccessful efforts which have been made so far to achieve just and authentic independence for the Namibian people and in view of the arrogant attitude adopted by the racist occupying authorities and their refusal to abide by United Nations resolutions and the will of the international community. 126. The resumption of this session is taking place at a time when the United Nations is celebrating the Inter- national Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia.. Senegal hopes that, 13 years after the adoption of General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), putting an end to South Africa's ·Mandate, our decisions will measure up to the hopes which the courageous people ofNamibia place in us, the "peoples of the United Nations". 126. The resumption of this session is taking place at a time when the United Nations is celebrating the Inter- national Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia.. Senegal hopes that, 13 years after the adoption of General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), putting an end to South Africa's ·Mandate, our decisions will measure up to the hopes which the courageous people ofNamibia place in us, the "peoples of the United Nations".

The General Assembly is resuming its thirty-third session at a time when the cause of Namibia has reached one of its most critical stages as a result of the·unsuccessful efforts which have been made so far to achieve just and authentic independence for the Namibian people and in view of the arrogant attitude adopted by the racist occupying authorities and their refusal to abide by United Nations resolutions and the will of the international community.

The General Assembly is resuming its thirty-third session at a time when the cause of Namibia has reached one of its most critical stages as a result of the·unsuccessful efforts which have been made so far to achieve just and authentic independence for the Namibian people and in view of the arrogant attitude adopted by the racist occupying authorities and their refusal to abide by United Nations resolutions and the will of the international community. 129. The recent developments of the situation have proved the validity of the fears we have repeatedly expressed. W~ were not exaggerating when we reaffirmed that the Government of South Africawas not being serious in its intention to withdraw from Namibia and accept just end free" elections under United Nations. control and supervision. Those who have followed the efforts made during the past two years to achieve a peaceful solution to . --- . ~ the problem can realize horr true that was. Everyone has been witness to the plots and intrigues ~~d by the Pretoria Government during the negotiations, when SWAPO showed much flexibility and proved that, unlike the racist regime, it was really trying to achieve a'genuine peaceful solution to enable the Namibian people to attain their legitiniate national aspirations and to try to save the people of the region from suffering the misfortune of a bloody war. No alternative is acceptable, if that settlement were to fail. 129. The recent developments of the situation have proved the validity of the fears we have repeatedly expressed. W~ were not exaggerating when we reaffIrmed that the Government of South Africa was not being serious in its intention to withdraw from Namibia and accept just -and free. elections under United Nations control and supervision. Those who have followed the efforts made dUring the past two years to achieve a peaceful solution to . --- ~ the problem can realize ho~' true that was. Everyone has been witness to the plots and intrigues ~~d by the Pretoria Government during the negotiations, when SWAPO showed much flexibility and proved tha,t, unlike the racist regime, it was really trying to achieve a'genuine peaceful solution to enable the Namibian people to attain their legitiniate national aspirations and to try to save the people of the region from suffering the misfortune of a bloody war. No alternative is acceptable, if that settlement were to fail. 129. The recent developments of the situation have proved the validity of the fears we have repeatedly expressed. W~ were not exaggerating when we reaffIrmed that the Government of South Africa was not being serious in its intention to withdraw from Namibia and accept just -and free. elections under United Nations control and supervision. Those who have followed the efforts made dUring the past two years to achieve a peaceful solution to . --- ~ the problem can realize ho~' true that was. Everyone has been witness to the plots and intrigues ~~d by the Pretoria Government during the negotiations, when SWAPO showed much flexibility and proved tha,t, unlike the racist regime, it was really trying to achieve a'genuine peaceful solution to enable the Namibian people to attain their legitiniate national aspirations and to try to save the people of the region from suffering the misfortune of a bloody war. No alternative is acceptable, if that settlement were to fail. 130. Under the pressure of the international community and in the light of the escalated armed struggle under the guidance of SWAPO, the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people, South Africa was obliged to pretend to accept the plan of the five Western Powers, endorsed in Security Council resolution 431 (1978), followed by reso- lution 435 (1978), for achieving independence in that region. 131. The international community waited impatiently for the beginning of the implementation of that international plan, when the Government of South Africa declared its decision to organize internal elections, in contravention of Security- Council resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). Notwithstanding the adoption of resolutions by the Security Council, especially resolution 439 (1978), which stated that such elections and the results of those elections would be considered null and void, and although the Security Council warned South Africa that it should not take such measures or it would be subject to steps to be taken to implement Chapter VII of the Charter, the Pretoria Government nevertheless flouted those resolutions and organized the illegal elections which gave rise to the so-called Constituent Assembly. It tried to deceive the world, pretending that the internal elections did not mean . that it abandoned the idea of elections under the control and supervision of the United Nations as stated in reso- lution 435 (1978). Yet South Africa placed more and more obstacles day after day in th' way of the implementation of the United Nations plan ~d tried to place false inter- I j 130. Under the pressure of the international community and in the light of the escalated armed struggle under the guidance of SWAPO, the sole authentic representative of the Nami:Jian people, South Africa was obliged to pretend to accept the plan of the five Western Powers, endorsed in Security Council resolution 431 (1978), followed by reso- lution 435 (1978), for achieving independence in that region. 130. Under the pressure of the international community and in the light of the escalated armed struggle under the guidance of SWAPO, the sole authentic representative of the Nami:Jian people, South Africa was obliged to pretend to accept the plan of the five Western Powers, endorsed in Security Council resolution 431 (1978), followed by reso- lution 435 (1978), for achieving independence in that region. 131. The international community waited impatiently for the beginning of the implementation of that international plan, when the Government of South Africa declared its decision to organize internal elections, in contravention of Security- Council resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). Notwithstanding the adoption of resolutions by the Security Council, especially resolution 439 (1978), which stated that such elections and the results of those elections would be considered null and void, and although the Security Council warned South Africa that it should not take such m"asures or it would be subject to steps to be taken to implement Chapter VII of the Charter, the Pretoria Government nevertheless flouted those resolutions and organized the illegal elections which gave rise to the so-called Constituent Assembly. It tried to deceive the world, pretending that the internal elections did not mean . that it abandoned the idea of elections under the control and supervision of the United Nations as stated in raso- lution 435 (1978). Yet SeuUl Africa placed more and more obstacles day after day in th, way of the implementation of the United Nations plan ~d tried to place false inter- f 131. The international community waited impatiently for the beginning of the implementation of that international plan, when the Government of South Africa declared its decision to organize internal elections, in contravention of Security- Council resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). Notwithstanding the adoption of resolutions by the Security Council, especially resolution 439 (1978), which stated that such elections and the results of those elections would be considered null and void, and although the Security Council warned South Africa that it should not take such m"asures or it would be subject to steps to be taken to implement Chapter VII of the Charter, the Pretoria Government nevertheless flouted those resolutions and organized the illegal elections which gave rise to the so-called Constituent Assembly. It tried to deceive the world, pretending that the internal elections did not mean . that it abandoned the idea of elections under the control and supervision of the United Nations as stated in raso- lution 435 (1978). Yet SeuUl Africa placed more and more obstacles day after day in th, way of the implementation of the United Nations plan ~d tried to place false inter- f 132. To carry out its preconceived plan, South Mrica has just declared that the Constituent Assembly' will be . transformed into a national assembly vested with all legislative and executive powers. Thus it would become a sort of interim government in Namibia. Before this the authorities of racist occupation arre:lted the SWAPO leaders in Namibia, within the context of their plan to impose a puppet regime on that country. Thus the danger to which we drew attention has emerged. We knew it would arise. 132. To carry out its preconceived plan, South Mrica has just declared that the Constituent Assembly' will be . transformed into a national assembly vested with all legislative and executive powers. Thus it would become a sort of interim government in Namibia. Before this the authorities of racist occupation arre:lted the SWAPO leaders in Namibia, within the context of their plan to impose a puppet regime on that country. Thus the danger to which we drew attention has emerged. We knew it would arise. 133. The Government of South Africa, while pretending to accept the plan of the five Western Powers, used the time to achieve its own goals. It was certainly not prepared to allow the organizing of free and fair elections, for it knew that SWAPO,to which the Namibian people is attached and which enjoys international support, would gain the upper hand if that were to take place. 134. We have placed the facts before the Western Powers. We have shown up the real intentions of the South African Government. We have pointed out the plots of ths racist occupying forces. We have requested those Powers to heed the will of the international community by imposing 'economic sanctions on South Africa, to compel it to withdraw from Namibia and to abide by United Nations resolutions. The arguments adduced by the Western Powers were to the effect that a chance should be given to South Africa to show good faith, to respond to United Nations demands, before any sanctions were imposed. 133. The Government of South Mrica, while pretending to accept the plan of the five Western Powers, used the time to achieve its own goals. It was certainly not prepared to allow the organizing of free and fair elections, for it knew that SWAPO, to which the Narnibian people is attached and which enjoys international support, would gain the upper hand if that were to take place. 133. The Government of South Mrica, while pretending to accept the plan of the five Western Powers, used the time to achieve its own goals. It was certainly not prepared to allow the organizing of free and fair elections, for it knew that SWAPO, to which the Narnibian people is attached and which enjoys international support, would gain the upper hand if that were to take place. 134. We have placed the facts before the Western Pow~rs. We have shown up the real intentions of the South African Government. We have pointed out the plots of th:l racist occupying forces. We have requested those Powers to heed the will of the international community by imposing 'economic sanctions on South Mrica, to compel it to withdraw from Namibia and to abide by United Nations resolutions. The arguments adduced by the Western Powers were to the effect that a chance should be given to South Mrica to show good faith, to respond to United Nations demands, before any sanctions were imposed. 134. We have placed the facts before the Western Pow~rs. We have shown up the real intentions of the South African Government. We have pointed out the plots of th:l racist occupying forces. We have requested those Powers to heed the will of the international community by imposing 'economic sanctions on South Mrica, to compel it to withdraw from Namibia and to abide by United Nations resolutions. The arguments adduced by the Western Powers were to the effect that a chance should be given to South Mrica to show good faith, to respond to United Nations demands, before any sanctions were imposed. 135. However, the reasoning we followed :0 this forum and in the Security Council and in all international bodies was that the experience of these past years was enough proof of the real intentions of South Mrica-ever since the United Nations resolution of 27 October 1966 ending the Mandate over the Territory and establishing United Nations responsibility for it, followed by the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 21 June 1971, which stated that the South African presence in Namibia was illegal as a result of the rejection by the Pretoria Govern- ment of the numerous resolutions adopted by the United Nations. Now the Pretoria Government has stepped up its domination over the region by perpetrating all sorts of cruel oppression against the people of Namibia, by brutally attacking neighbouring African countries and by bombing refugee camps and SWAPO bases in an inhuman and merciless way. That happened, for example, during the Kassinga massacre a year ago where more than 1,000 casualties were caused among those innocent refugees. 135. However, the reasoning we followed :n this forum and in the Security Council and in all international bodies was that the experience of these past years was enough proof of the real intentions of South Mrica-ever since the United Nations resolution of 27 October 1966 ending the Mandate over the Territory and establishing United Nations responsibility for it, followed by the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 21 June 1971, which stated that the South Mrican presence in Namibia was illegal as a result of the rejection by the Pretoria Govern- ment of the numerous resolutions adopted by the United Nations. Now the Pretoria Government has ~tepped up its domination over the region by perpetrating lill sorts of cruel oppression against the people of Namibia, by brutally attacking neighbouring African countries and by bombing refugee camps and SWAPO bases in an inhuman and merciless way. That happened, for example, during the Kassinga massacre a year ago where more than 1,000 casualties were caused among those innocent refugees. 135. However, the reasoning we followed :n this forum and in the Security Council and in all international bodies was that the experience of these past years was enough proof of the real intentions of South Mrica-ever since the United Nations resolution of 27 October 1966 ending the Mandate over the Territory and establishing United Nations responsibility for it, followed by the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 21 June 1971, which stated that the South Mrican presence in Namibia was illegal as a result of the rejection by the Pretoria Govern- ment of the numerous resolutions adopted by the United Nations. Now the Pretoria Government has ~tepped up its domination over the region by perpetrating lill sorts of cruel oppression against the people of Namibia, by brutally attacking neighbouring African countries and by bombing refugee camps and SWAPO bases in an inhuman and merciless way. That happened, for example, during the Kassinga massacre a year ago where more than 1,000 casualties were caused among those innocent refugees. 139. The situation can brook n Nations must meet the responsi The General Assembly now ha avoid a catastrophe in Namibia t occupation by South Africa internal settlement is imposed. give rise to civil war and tha international peace and securi Assembly must adopt decisive approved by the Security Counci 136. Now that South Africa has revealed its true inten- Chapter VII of the Charter agai tions and hampered the implementation of the United be clear to the great Wester Nations plan, now that all efforts made by the five Western permanent members of the Sec Powers, the most recent being the talks undertaken in New longer logical for them to a York on 19 and 20 March 1979 to try and convince the regimes, since it is counter to th Government of Pretoria to implement that plan have community. The time has come stumbled, we should not hesitate in taking a staunch abide by United Nations resolut decision to force that rigime to respect the Will. of the of a lack ofserious intent on the '----~"";.---=~~~r___:_-.~_- ~JlfZi_.__ ••• __ ~""""7_. ._"41 "_~!!L..!L "" 136. Now that South Africa has revealed its true inten- tions and hampered the implementation of the United Nations plan, now that all efforts made by the five Western Powers, the most recent being the talks undertaken in New York on 19 and 20 March 1979 to try and convince the Government of Pretoria to implement that plan have stumbled, we should not hesitate in taking a staunch decision to force that regime to respect the will of the 136. Now that South Africa has revealed its true inten- tions and hampered the implementation of the United Nations plan, now that all efforts made by the five Western Powers, the most recent being the talks undertaken in New York on 19 and 20 March 1979 to try and convince the Government of Pretoria to implement that plan have stumbled, we should not hesitate in taking a staunch decision to force that regime to respect the will of the 137. The General Assembly must now shoulder full responsibility, in accordance with the historic resolution 2145 (XXI), of 1966, which put an end to tb.e Mandate of South Mrica over the Territory and which transferred responsibility for it to the United Nations until inde- pendence in Namibia could be attained. 137. The General Assembly must now shoulder full responsibility, in accordance with the historic resolution 2145 (XXI), of 1966, which put an end to tb.e Mandate of South Mrica over the Territory and which transferred responsibility for it to the United Nations until inde- pendence in Namibia could be attained. 138. In view of that responsibility, the international community, at this historic moment in the struggle for Namibian independence, expects the General Assembly at its resumed session to agree on the adoption of decisive measures to counter that racist colonial plan. The people of Namibia have suffered for over a century under this imperial power and their sufferings have been increased because of the inhuman policy ofapartheid and the system of bantustanization applied by the racist occupying authori- ties. But thase people have never stopped struggling for their rights to self-detennination, freedom and national independence, despite all forms of injustice and oppression to which they have been exposed and despite the mal- treatment of their leaders, who have been arrested. There is still proof that the Government of Pretoria wishes fo execute its plan in the region. It wants to step up its military potential and to increase its military presence in Namibia. It is preparing for an armed struggle against the national resistance led ~y SWAPO, to destr~ythatresistance arid to eliminate SWAPO. It would have a free hand to set up its puppet regime, the regime the Government of Pretoria has been trying to establish in the Territory. And they feel encouraged in this" because they have the constant assistance of the Western Powers which are against the application of any economic sanctions. South Africa has been encouraged by the events that have occurred in Southern Rhodesia, by the success of Ian Smith and his plots for imposing an illegal regime on that country despite the will of the international community and United Nations resolutions, as well as by the efforts being made by certain circles in the United Kingdom and the United States of America which sympathize with the racist regimes of southern Africa at the expense of the legitimate rights of the black majority. 138. In view of that responsibility, the international community, at this historic moment in the struggle for Namibian independence, expects the General Assembly at its resumed session to agree on the adoption of decisive measures to counter that racist colonial plan. The people of Namibia have suffered for over a century under this imperial power and their sufferings have been increased because of the inhuman policy ofapartheid and the system of bantustanization applied by the racist occupying authori- ties. But thase people have never stopped struggling for their rights to self-detennination, freedom and national independence, despite all forms of injustice and oppression to which they have been exposed and despite the mal- treatment of their leaders, who have been arrested. There is still proof that the Government of Pretoria wishes fo execute its plan in the region. It wants to step up its military potential and to increase its military presence in Namibia. It is preparing for an armed struggle against the national resistance led ~y SWAPO, to destr~ythatresistance arid to eliminate SWAPO. It would have a free hand to set up its puppet regime, the regime the Government of Pretoria has been trying to establish in the Territory. And they feel encouraged in this" because they have the constant assistance of the Western Powers which are against the application of any economic sanctions. South Africa has been encouraged by the events that have occurred in Southern Rhodesia, by the success of Ian Smith and his plots for imposing an illegal regime on that country despite the will of the international community and United Nations resolutions, as well as by the efforts being made by certain circles in the United Kingdom and the United States of America which sympathize with the racist regimes of southern Africa at the expense of the legitimate rights of the black majority. 139. The situation can brook no further delay. The United Nations must meet the responsibilities incumbent upon it. The General Assembly now has no alternative if it is to avoid a catastrophe in Nanubia that is bound to occur if the occupation by South Mrica is perpetuated and if an internal settlement is imposed. Such a catastrophe would give rise to civil war and that would in turn threaten international peace and security. Therefore the General Assembly must adopt decisive measures that would be approved by the Security Council to apply the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter against South Africa. It should be clear to the great Western Powers, espe~ially the permanent members of the Security Council, that it is no longer logical for them to ally themselves with those regimes, since it is counter to the will of the international community. The time has come to compel that regime to abide by United Nations resolutions. There is.cogent proof . of a lack ofserious intent on the part of the Govenl'nent of 139. The situation can brook no further delay. The United Nations must meet the responsibilities incumbent upon it. The General Assembly now has no alternative if it is to avoid a catastrophe in Nanubia that is bound to occur if the occupation by South Mrica is perpetuated and if an internal settlement is imposed. Such a catastrophe would give rise to civil war and that would in turn threaten international peace and security. Therefore the General Assembly must adopt decisive measures that would be approved by the Security Council to apply the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter against South Africa. It should be clear to the great Western Powers, espe~ially the permanent members of the Security Council, that it is no longer logical for them to ally themselves with those regimes, since it is counter to the will of the international community. The time has come to compel that regime to abide by United Nations resolutions. There is.cogent proof . of a lack ofserious intent on the part of the Govenl'nent of 140. The entire international community must denounce the internal se~tlement being imposed upon Namibia, in the same way as it must denounce the one being imposed upon Southern Rhodesia. We must refuse to recognize any illegal regimes South Mrica would try to impose upon the Territory. We should reaffirm the role of the United Nations Council for Namibia. That is the body in which power is vested. It has responsibility for the territory of Namibia until independence. All political detainees-the leaders of SWAPO-should be released. In view of the serious developments now happening in the region, all member countries, international organizations and spe- cialized agencies must increase their military and material aid to the Namibian people through their sole and legitimate representative SWAPO, so that that people can continue their struggle for the liberation of their territory, so that they can accede to national independence in a united Namibia. 140. The entire international community must denounce the internal se~tlement being imposed upon Namibia, in the same way as it must denounce the one being imposed upon Southern Rhodesia. We must refuse to recognize any illegal regimes South Mrica would try to impose upon the Territory. We should reaffirm the role of the United Nations Council for Namibia. That is the body in which power is vested. It has responsibility for the territory of Namibia until independence. All political detainees-the leaders of SWAPO-should be released. In view of the serious developments now happening in the region, all member countries, international organizations and spe- cialized agencies must increase their military and material aid to the Namibian people through their sole and legitimate representative SWAPO, so that that people can continue their struggle for the liberation of their territory, so that they can accede to national independence in a united Namibia. 141. The position of Egypt vis-a.-vis the heroic Namibian struggle under the leadership of SWAPO is known to all, and there is no need for me to repeat it here. I merely wish, in this respect, to refer to the statement made by a 141. The position of Egypt vis-a.-vis the heroic Namibian struggle under the leadership of SWAPO is known to all, and there is no need for me to repeat it here. I merely wish, in this respect, to refp,r to the statement made by a 141. The position of Egypt vis-a.-vis the heroic Namibian struggle under the leadership of SWAPO is known to all, and there is no need for me to repeat it here. I merely wish, in this respect, to refp,r to the statement made by a ! I! IfI j 143. The Arab Republic of Egypt proclaims its staunch opposition to these racist plans, which tend to consecrate illegal racist sovereigntyoverAfrican land. Allinternational and African resolutions affirm the rights of the struggling people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, for freedom, independence and self-determination. 142. Such decisions taken by the racist regime of Pretoria are considered to be in flagrant defiance of the resolutions of the United Nations and of the will ofthe international community and constitute a challenge to Mrica, which has continuously condemned that flagrant aggression on the part of the racist regime in South Mrica which is contrary to all international criteria, values and principles. 142. Such decisions taken by the racist regime of Pretoria are considered to be in flagrant defiance of the resolutions of the United Nations and of the will ofthe international community and constitute a challenge to Mrica, which has continuously condemned that flagrant aggression on the part of the racist regime in South Mrica which is contrary to all international criteria, values and principles. 144. The Arab Republic of Egypt reiterates its affirmation that the United Nations must play a more active role to put an end to all this defianceon the part of the Government of Pretoria. 143. The Arab Republic of Egypt proclaims its staunch opposition to these racist plans, which tend to consecrate illegal racist sovereignty over Mrican land. All international and Mrican resolutions affirm the rights of the struggling people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, for freedom, independence and self-determination. 143. The Arab Republic of Egypt proclaims its staunch opposition to these racist plans, which tend to consecrate illegal racist sovereignty over Mrican land. All international and Mrican resolutions affirm the rights of the struggling people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, for freedom, independence and self-determination. Themeetingrose at 1 p.m. 144. The Arab Republic of Egypt reiterates its affirmation that the United Nations must play a more active role to put an end to all this defiance on the part of the Government of Pretoria. 144. The Arab Republic of Egypt reiterates its affirmation that the United Nations must play a more active role to put an end to all this defiance on the part of the Government of Pretoria. The meetingrose at 1 p.m. The meetingrose at 1 p.m.