S/33/PV.102 Security Council

Session 33, Meeting 102 — UN Document ↗

THIRTY-THIRD SESSION
I should like to inform the Assembly that a draft resolution has been submitted and will be circulated shortly.in document A/33/L.37.

27.  Question of Namibia : (a) R~port of the Special Committee on the Sitwtion with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples; (b) Report of the United Nations Council for Namibia

The General Assembly decided last December to resume its thirty-third sessionso as to give detailed consideration to all -aspects of the question of Namibia. That was a wise decision because in the period intervening between the suspension of the regular session and now the situation in Namibia has continued to deteriorate.
I should like to inform the Assembly that a draft resolution has been submitted and will be circulated shortly.in document A/33/L.37. 3. Last December, when the question of Namibia was debated by the General Assembly, there was considerable optimism that the people of Namibia, after a long and arduous struggle, were finally on the threshold of genuine independence. These hopes were based on the efforts that the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, was carrying out in pursuance of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which provided for the withdrawal of South Africa's illegal administration of Namibia and the transfer ofpower to the people of Namibia, with the assistance of the United Nations, in accordance with Security Council resolution 385 (1976).
The General Assembly decided last December to resume its thirty-third session so as to give detailed consideration to all -aspects of the question of Namibia. That was a wise decision because in the period intervening between the suspension of the regular session and now the situation in Namibia has continued to deteriorate. 3. Last December, when the question of Namibia was debated by the General Assembly, there was considerable optimism that the people of Namibia, after a long and arduous struggle, were finally on the threshold of genuine independence. These hopes were based on the efforts that the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, was carrying out in pursuance of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which provided for the withdrawal of South Mllca's illegal administration of Namibia and the transfer ofpower to the people of Namibia, with the assistance of the United Nations, in accordance with Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 4. It is indeed most regrettable that the hopes placed by the international community in a negotiated and peaceful settlement in Namibia have been belied by South Africa's intransigence and defiance of the will of the international community. Instead of acquiescing in the long-cherished desire of the strugglingpeople ofNamibiato 4. It is indeed most regrettable that the hopes placed by the international community in a negotiated and peaccfd settlement in Namibia have been belied by South Africa's intransigence md defiance of the will of the international community. Instead of acquiescing in the long-cherished desire of the strugg1in~ people ofNamibia to Friday, 25May 1979, at 3.45p.m. 5. My delegation wishes to congratulate the Presi the United Nations Council for Namibia, Amb Lusaka, on his lucid and comprehensive statemen cerning the current situation in Namibia [97th me This statement, coupled wita. the eloquent speechg Mr. Nujoma [ibid.], President of the South West People's Organization [SWAPO]. leaves no doubt th situation In Namibia, far from approaching normal tranquillity, has worsened further. It should be clear impartial observer of the situation in Namibia that Mrica had no intention of agreeingto the United N plan for a negotiated settlement of the quest Namibia.1 Even while pretending to engage in co tions, South Africa was stepping up its repressi brutality against Namibian patriots. Moreover,it app an Administrator-General for Namibia when the imp question of United Nations supervision and con general elections in the Territory was under nego True to its colours, the Pretoria regime then instruc Administrator-General to carry out the so-called i elections to install its puppets in power in Namibia elections are in total contravention of res 439 (1978) of the Security Council, which has d tflem null mid void. The aforementioned action lea doubt that South Africa has once again succee thwarting and undermining the international efforts taken so far which have been aimed at achievin determination and independence for the indigenous of Namibiain accordance with various Security Coun GeneralAssemblyresolutions. My delegationagreesw assessment given here by Mr.Nujoma that the African actions in the five-mon!h period since the third session was suspended smack of "a Rhodesian unilateral declaration of independence" [97th m para. 78J. South Africa thus has continued with its defiance of the United Nations. It not only contin • policies ofexploitation, repressionand racial discrim in Namibia but also has used that Territory to attacks against the neighbouring States of Zamb Angola, thus seriously jeopardizing peace and secu the region. NEW YORK attain genuine independence and freedom, South Mrica has once again shown that it cannot be trusted and would resort to all sorts of manoeuvres and stratagems to keep its illegal hold over Namibia. 5. My delegation wishes to congratulate the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Ambassador Lusaka, on his lucid and comprehensive statement con- cerning the current situation in Namijia [97th meeting]. This statement, coupled wita. the eloquent speech given by Mr. Nujoma [ibid.], President of the South West Africa. People's Organization [SWAPO]. leaves no doubt that the situation ifl Namibia, far from approaching normalcy and tranquillity, has worsened further. It should be clear"to any impartial observer of the situation in Namibia that South Mrica had no intention of agreeing t6 the United Nations plan for a negotiated settlement of the question of Namibia.1 Even while pretending to engage in consulta- tions, South Africa was stepping up its repression and brutality against Namibian patriots. Moreover, it appointed an Administrator-General for Namibia when the important _ question of United Nations supervision and control of general elections in the Territory was under negotiation. True to its colours, the Pretoria regime then instructed the Administrator-General to carry out the so-called internal elections to install its puppets in power in Namibia. These elections are in total contravention of resolution 439 (1978) of the Security Council, which has declared tflem null mid void. The aforementioned action leaves no . doubt that South Mrica has once again succeeded in thwarting and undermining the international efforts under- taken so far which have been aimed at achieving self- determination and independence for the indigenous people of Namibia in accordance with various Security Council and General Assembly resolutions.My delegationagreeswiththe assessment given here by Mr. Nujoma that the South Mrican actions in the five-mon!h period since the ~_. third session was suspended smack of "a Rhodesian type of unilateral declaration of independence" [97th meeting, para. 78J. South Mrica thus has continued with its present defiance of the United Nations. It not only continues its • policies ofexploitation, repression and racial discrimination in Namibia but also has used that Territory to launch attacks against the neighbouring States of Zambia and Angola, thus seriously jeopardizing peace and security in the region. 6. The question of Namibia has been on the agend United Nations for a long tnne, and its basic eleme well known. At a time when almost the whole continent ef Mrica has freed itself from colonialis 1 See Officiol Records of the Security Council. Thirty-thi Supplement for 4uly. August ond September 1978. do 8/12827. A/33/ 6. The question of Namibia has been on the agenda ofthe United Nations for a long time, and its basic elemellts are well known. At a time when almost the whole (if tlle continent ef Mrica has freed itself from colonialism, it is 1 See Officiol Records of the Security Council. Thirty-third Yeor. Supplement for 4uly. August ond September 1978. document 8/12827. 8. My country also had the honour recently to receive a visit by a mission of consultation sent by the Council for Namibia. During a meeting, President Muhammad Zia· ul-Haq of Pakistan pledged Pakistan's full support for the brave people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO and reiterated that Pakistan would extend all possible material and mor31 assistance to the efforts to hasten the process of Namibia's march to independence. 9. Pakistan would like to reaffirm its conviction that no plan or measure will succeed in ensuring genuine inde- pendence to Namibia unless it protects the territ0iial integrity of Namibia..Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia and should not be the subject of any negotiations. South Africa must withdraw from Namibia and must not be allowed to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia by spurious claims to Walvis Bay in pursuance of its territorial ambitions and expansionism. The General Assembly must reiterate its commitment to ensure the territorial integrity of Namibia against any attempts to dismember the Territory through the illegal negotiations on Walvis Bay by South Africa. It should reaffirm that Walvis Bay is not a question of territorial claims; it is an inviolable and non-negotiable part of, Namibia. 10. My delegation would like to record i Secretarv-General, Mr. Waldheim, for h efforts on behalf of the people of Nam 7. My country is indeed proud to have been in the gratified to learn from the Secretary-Gene forefront of those who have given both moral and material the occasion of the inauguration of the In support to the heroic liberation struggle of the people of of Solidarity with the Peopie of Namibias Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole and set-backs, he is continuing his efforts authentic representative. Pakistan has contributed to this mentation of the United Nations plan and goal through our participation in the United Nations momentum for the attainment of a peacef Council for Namibia since its inception, as well as by our accordance with the resolutions of the S active advocacy of Namibian aspirations in other inter- The Secretary-General deserves our unreser national forums. Pakistan could not base its stand on any and our admiration for his unrelenting e other consideration. Our own country owes its very with him that we must spare no effort t existence to the aspirations of the Moslems of the south settlement as rapidly as possible and that w Asian region to establish an independent State where they to stand firm against all unilateral politic could order their lives in accordance with the precepts of are not in conformity with the resolutions Islam. Pakistan is a living realization of that dream. Council. Any relaxation of our efforts w likewise, a free Namibia would be the culmination of the consequences for all concerned. aspirations of the people of southern Africa to establish an independent State free from exploitation of man by his 11. The question of Namibia should con fellow man, and where the equality of all people, regardless the most serious consideration and engage of race, colour or creed, will be ensured. As a member of the United Nations. South Africa's past re the Council for Namibia, I wish to take this opportunity to should leave 'no illusions that it is prepared record the deep appreciation of my delegation for the work overwhelming desire of the Namibian peop performed by Ambassador Lusaka of Zambia, under whose the contrary, its actions indicate that it w dynamic leadership the Council has intensified its efforts illegal hold over Namibia and exploit and programmes in all directions to assist the United resources indefinitely. However, if the in Nations in its goal of leading the Namibians to genuine munity makes it clear to South Africa =~~:~§~__. C:~:~:::~:~~~:::~~~~. 7. My country is indeed proud to have been in the forefront of those who have given both moral and material support to the heroic liberation struggle of the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole and authentic representative. Pakistan has contributed to this goal through our participation in the United Nations Council for Namibia since its inception, as well as by our active advocacy of Namibian aspirations in other inter- national forums. Pakistan could not base its stand on any other consideration. Our own country owes its very existence to the aspirations of the Moslems of the south Asian region to establish an independent State where they could order their lives in accordance with the precepts of Islam. Pakistan is a living realization of that dream. likewise, a free Namibia would be the culmination of the aspirations of the people of southern Africa to establish an independent State free from exploitation of man by his fellow man, and where the equality of all people, regardless of race, colour or creed, will be ensured. As a member of the Council for Namibia, 1 wish to take this opportunity to record the deep appreciation of my delegation for the work performed by Ambassador Lusaka of Zambia, under whose dynamic leadership the Council has intensified its efforts and programmes in all directions to assist the United Nations in its goal of leading the Namibians to genuine independence. In this context the recent consultation missions sent by the Council to a number of countries in Asia and Europe have generated a great awareness of the 9. Pakistan would like to reaffirm its co plan or measure will succeed in ensurin pendence to Namibia unless it protects integrity of Namibia..Walvis Bay is an Namibia and should not be the subject of a South Africa must withdraw from Namibia allowed to destroy the national unity integrity of Namibia by spurious claims t pursuance of its territorial ambitions an The General Assembly must reiterate its ensure the territorial integrity of Nami attempts to dismember the Territory thr negotiations on Walvis Bay by South A reaffirm that Walvis Bay is not a questio claims; it is an inviolable and non-neg Namibia. 10. My delegation would like to record its tribute to the Secreta:-'t~General, Mr. Waldheim, for his unremitting efforts on behalf of the people of Namibia. We were gratified to learn from the Secretary-General's message on the occasion of the inauguration of the International Year of Solidarity with the Peopie of Namibia2 that, de~,pite the set-backs, he is continuing his efforts for the imple- mentation of the United Nations plan and to keep up the momentum for the attainment of a peaceful settlement in accordance with the resolutions of the Security Council. The Secretary-General deserves our unreserved co-operation and our admiration for his unrelenting efforts. We agree with him that we must spare no effort to bring about a settlem~nt as rapidly as possible and that we must continue to stand firm against all unilateral political attempts that are not in conformity with the resolutions 0 ..... the Security Council. Any relaxation of our efforts would have tragic consequences for all concerned. 11. The question of Namibia should continue to receive the most serious consideration and engage the attention of the United Nations. South Africa's past record in Namibia should leave "no illusions that it is prepared to accede to the overwhelming desire of the Namibian people to be free. On the contrary, its actions indicate that it will continue its illegal hold over Namibia and exploit its riches and resources indefmitely. However, if the international com- munity makes it clear to South Africa that it will not countenance such a course, only then can a change in South "Pakistan, a founding member of the United Nations Council for Namibia,is proud of its close association with the Namibian people's just strugglefor self-determination and independence. We support the United Nations Plan on grounds of principle because the Security Council has recognized that the right of self-determination by the people of Namibia, as elsewhere, can be exercised only through impartial elections under United Nations auspices, and not through sham constitutional and political arrangements. Pakistan has upheld this principle for more than three decadesat the United Nations. ., 12. I wish to conclude by quoting from a message issued by President Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq of Pakistan on the occasion of the inauguration of the International Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia on 4 May 1979: Mr. Nujoma's dramatic words underscore the need for Member States, collectively and individually, to show their unequivocal moral support for SWAPO and to increase their material support for the liberation of Namibia. The long years of fruitless negotiation with South Mrica have surely illustrated the willingness of the Namibian people and their authentic leaders to explore every avenue of peaceful change and their ability to carry on the liberation struggle by all means, including armed struggle, against the illegal occupation of their Territory by South Mrica. "Pakistlm, a founding member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, is proud of its close association with the Namibian people's just struggle for self-determination and independence. We support the United Nations Plan on grounds of principle because the Security Council has recognized that the right of self-determination by the people of Namibia, as elsewhere, can be exercised only through impartial elections under United Nations auspices, and not through sham constitutional and political arrangements. Pakistan has upheld this principle for more than three decades at the Uuited Nations. "Finally, I should like to stress that the decisive factor in the liberation struggle of the valiant people of Namibia is their perseverance in the face of adversity and the dedication of the national liberation movement SWAPO. I am confident that their heroic efforts will soon be crowned with success, and we 1'.:;"k forward to strength- ening the close relations of friendship between the peoplesof Pakistan and independent Namibia."3 ., 18. An outstanding feature of the protracted and delicate negotiations was the high level of statesmanship shown by SWAPO's leaders, who made as many concessions as it was possible for them to make without compromising the fundamental interests of the Namibian people.
The General Assembly's decision to resume the thirty-third session in order to review the question of Namibia is evidence of the determi- nation of Member States that the United Nations should discharge its legal, political and moral responsiUlities for the Territory of Namibia. "Finally, I should like to stress that the decisive factor in the liberation struggle of the valiant people of Namibia is their perseverance in the face of adversity and the dedication of the national liberation movement SWAPO. I am confident that their hef(~ic efforts will soon be crowned with success, and we ':;:;·,k forward to strength- ening the close relations of friendship between the peoples of Pakistan and independent Namibia."3 14. Mr. President, I am sure that under your wise guidance, of which we already have ample evidence, the resumed session will make a valuable contribution to the attainment of the g\lal of establishing a genuinely inde- pendent Namibia.
The General Assembly's decision to resume the thirty-third session in order to review the question of Namibia is evidence of the determi- nation of Member States that the United Nations should discharge its legal, political and moral responsil,ilities for the Territory of Namibia. IS. My delegation is grateful to Mr. Lusaka ofZambia for the comprehensive and objective statement he delivered at the opening of the resumed session in his capacity as President of the United Nations Councilfor Namibia. 14. Mr. President, I am sure that under your wise guidance, of which we already have ample evidence, the resumed session will make a valuable contribution to the attainment of the g\lal of establishing a genuinely inde- pendent Namibia. 16. We also wish to extend to Mr. Sam Nujoma, the President of SWAPO, a warm welcome to the General Assembly, and we congratulate him on the balance and insight of his statement. My delegation agrees with 15. My delegation is grateful to Mr. Lusalca ofZambia for the comprehensive and objective statement he delivered at the opening of the resumed session in his capacity as President of the United Nations Council for Namibia. 16. We also wish to extend to Mr. Sam Nujoma, the President of SWAPO, a warm welcome to the General Assembly, and we congratulate him on the balance and insight of his statement. My delegation agrees with "To say, at this stage, that the situation in Namibia is critical and deteriorating is an understatement. Actually~ throughout Namibia there is currently an ominous spectre of war, more bloody than ever before and bearing ghastly consequences not only for our people and country but also for the rest of southern Mrica, [and] for Mrica as a whole...." [97th meeting, para. 50.J 17. The past year has, of course, been a particularly frustrating one with regard to the Namibian question. Hopes were raised high by the apparent agreement among all parties concerned on the proposals for Namibian independence negotiated initially by the five Western Powers.s 18. An outstanding feature of the protracted and delicate negotiations was the high level of statesmanship shown by SWAPO's leaders, who made as many concessions as it was possible for them to make without compromising the fundamental interests of the Namibianpeople. 17. The past year has, of course, been a particularly frustrating one with regard to the Namibian question. Hopes were raised high by the apparent agreement among all parties concerned on the proposals for Namibian independence negotiated initially by the five Western Powers.4 19. It wastherefore with deep disappointment and dismay that my Government saw the prospects for a negotiated settlement recede as the Pretoria regime reverted to its customary strategy of deceitful manoeuvres and arrogant defiance of the United Nations. 20. It is obvious now that South Africa has no intention of cc-operating to bring about genuine independence for Namibia. Its bluff was called when the Security Council adopted resolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978), giving overwhelming support to the Western proposals and to the Secretary-General's plan for their implementation. The Pretoria regime showed its true colours when it insisted on imposing a so-called internal settlement on the people of Namibia through fraud' dent elections for an illegal puppet regime. That attempt to perpetuate its colonial and racist exploitation of the Territory has, of course, been de- nounced by the Security Council and must be condemned by the international community in the strongest terms. As Security Council resolution 439 (1978) states, South Africa's decision to proceed unilaterally with elections in Namibia constitutes a clear defiance of the United Nations and of the authority of the Councilitself. 19. It was therefore with deep disappointment and dismay that my Government saw the prospects for a negotiated settlement recede as the Pretoria regime reverted to its customary strategy of deceitful manoeuvres and arrogant defiance of the United Nations. 20. It is obvious now that South Africa has no intention of cc-operating to bring about genuine independence for Namibia. Its bluff was called when the Security Council adopted resolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978), giving overwhelming support to the Western proposals and to the Secretary-General's plan for their implementation. The Pretoria regime showed its true colours when it insisted on imposing a so-called internal settlement on the people of Namibia through fraud'dent elections for an illegal puppet regime. That attempt to perpetuate its colonial and racist exploitation of the Territory has, of course, been de- nounced by the Security Council and must be condemned by the international community in the strongest tenns. As Security Council resolution 439 (1978) states, South Africa's decision to proceed unilaterally with elections in Namibia constitutes a clear defiance of the United Nations and of the authority of the Councititself. 21. The illegal political process in Namibia, which in.. eluded the creation, first of a so-called Constituent Assembly, and then of a National Assembly, has been . . 4 Ibid., Thirty-third Year. Supplement for April. M.y OM Jwre- 1978. document 8/12636. 21. The illegal political process in Namibia, which in- cluded the creation, first of a so-called Constituent Assembly, and then of a National AssemblYt has been . . 4 Ibid., Thirty-third Year, Supplement for April, M.y OM JfUI~ 1978, document 5/12636. . 22. I should like in this connexion to express my delegation's appreciation of the patience and hard work of Secretary-General) Kurt Waldheim) and of the unremitting efforts and skilfulness with which he has carried out the mandate of the Security Council. The fact that he and his colleagues did not succeed is due solely to the intransigence of the Pretoriaregime.-The Pretoria regime must now be considered to have closed the door to the,holding of United Nations-supervised elections leading to the genuine in- dependence of Namibia. The patently unacceptable con- ditions it belatedly put forward, such as the monitoring of SWAPO forces in neighbouring independent Mrican States, were not envisaged in the original proposals- and must be, seen as deliberate efforts to sabotage any further prospects for a negotiated settlement. If any illusions about South Africa's good faith remained, they should have been -dispelled by the recent wave of political repression directed against SWAfO members in Namibia and by the savage armed attacks directed against Namibian refugees in Angola. 27. The Nanuoian situation is Clearty relatea to that of Zimbabwe, which was considered dangerous enough to call for Security Council sanctions. As we know very well South Africa, which is at the heart or all the tension and conflict in the whole of southern Africa, has violated those sanctions to such an extent that Ian Smith not only has been able to remain in power for 13 years) but has imposed an illegal internal settJ.ement on the people of Zimbabwe and continues to dil'l;ct vicious military operations against Zimbabweans inside and outside their country, against the authentic leaders of the Zimbabwean people, the Patriotic Front, and against the front-line States of Za"1lbia and Mozambique. 23. My delegation believes the answer to the question of w?at can be done about the Namibian situation today can be found in paragraph 6 of Security Council resolution 439 (1978). That paragraph -warns South Africa that its failure to co-operate with the Security Council and the Secretary-General in the implementation of resolutions 385 (197.~), 431 (1978) and 435 (1978) would compel the Council co•• .to meet forthwith to initiate appropriate actions under the Charter of the United Nations, including Chapter VII thereof, so as to ensure South Africa's compliance with the aforementioned resolutions". 23. My delegation believes the answer to the question of w~at can be done about the Namibian situation today can be found in paragraph 6 of Security Council resolution 439 (1978). That paragraph -warns South Mrica that its failure to co-operate with the Security Council and the Secretary-General in the implementation of resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978) and 435 (1978) would compel the Council ,- 28. Flagrant aggression, wanton bloodshed, gross violation of human rights and a dangerous presence of elements of cold-war rivalry are as evident in southern Africa and as threatening to international peace as they are, for example, hl the Middle East where another despotic regime has been pursuing oppressive and repressive policies against the indigenous people of that region. 24.:··The .Security Council has often issued ultimatums to South Africa on Namibian issues in the past, and successive Pretoria regimes have known that those warnings would not be translated intosignificant action. The warning contained in its resolution 439 (1978) is the clearest and weightiest the Council has so far given South Africa. If the Council once again fails to take positive action, such as the imposition of comprehensive sanctions under Chapter VII .of the Charter, not only willit inflict upon itself the final . blow to-its credibility and authority, but the very prestige and authority of the United Nations will be also called into question. co•• _ to meet forthwith to initiate appropriate actions under the Charter of the United Nations, including Chapter VII thereof, so as to ensure South Africa's compliance with the aforementioned resolutions". 29. Given the gravity of the sQuthern African situ?tion in general and of the Namibian problem in particular, it is hoped that the five Western countries, espeCially the veto-holders on the Security Council, will recognize the need for drastic action. The time has certainly come for them to show how far they are committed to the achievement 'of a peaceful and equitable solution to the Namibian problem. 24:··The .Security Council has often issued ultimatums to South Africa on Namibian issues in the past, and successive fretoria regimes have known that those warnings would not be translated into·significant action. The warning contained in its resolution 439 (1978) is the clearest and weightiest the Council has so far given South Africa. If the Council once again fails to take positive action, such as the imposition of comprehensive sanctions under Chapter yII of the Charter, not only will it inflict upon itself the ftnal blow to, its credibility and authority, but the very preJtige and authority of the United Nations will be also called into question. 25. The fundamental purpose of the United Nations is to forestall threats to international peace and security and to deal with breaches of the peace. Even when the Namibian situation had not attained its present dangerous pro- "'portions, the majority of Member States recognized that it posed a grave threat to international peace and security. 'Those States which found it convenient to take a contrary view can hardly continue to maintain their position in view of the. violence and bloodshed rife in South Africa. where the problems, including the problem of Namibia, are also closely interrelated. 30. There have been many mental reservations and much scepticism about the motives and sincerity of the five Western countrie~ in their initiative of entering into negotiations with South Africa. Those who helg this state of mind maintain South Africa would hardly be in a position to defy the authority of the United Nations if it knew that the Western Powers were genuinely and fully committed to bringing about self·determination and inde- pendence for Namibia under the United Nations authority. 25. The fundamental purpose of the United Nations is to forestall threats to international peace and security and to deal with breaches of the peace. Even when the Namibian situation had not attained its present dangerous pro- . ·portions, the majority of Member States recognized that it pose4 a grave threat to international peace and security. 'Those States which found it convenient to take a contrary view can hardly continue to maintain their position in view of the violence and bloodshed me in South Africa, where the problems, including the problem of Namibia, are also closely interrelated. 31. My delegation believes the efforts of the five Western Powers deserve recognition. However, if one or more of the veto-holders should once apin f~trate the demand of the' international community for action commensurate with the needs of the situation, they would stand unmasked before the world; their complicity with the racist regimes would no longer be in doubt; and they ,would be held responsible for prolonging the agony of the Namibian people. 1 l 27. The Namibian situation is clearly r Zimbabwe, which was considered dangero for Security Council sanctions. As we know Atrica. which is at the heart or all the ten in the whole of southern Africa, has sanctions to such an extent that lan Sm been able to remain in power for 13 years, an illegal internal settlement on the peop and continues to direct vicious military o Zimbabweans inside and outside their cou authentic leaders of the Zimbabwean peo Front, and against the front-line States Mozambique. 28. Flagrant aggression, wanton bloodshe of human rights and a dangerous presenc cold-war rivalry are as evident in southe threatening to international peace as they hl the Middle East where another despotic pursuing oppressive and repressive poli indigenous people of that region. 29. Given the gravity of the southern Af general and of the Namibian problem in hoped that the five Western countries veto-holders on the Security Council, w need for drastic action. The time has ce them to show how far they are co achievement 'of a peaceful and equitable Namibian problem. 30. There have been many mental reserv scepticism about the motives and since Western countries. in their initiative o negotiations with South Africa. Those wh of mind maintain South Africa would position to defy the authority of the Un knew that the Western Powers were gen committed to bringing about self-determi pendence for Namibia under the United N 31. My delegation believes the efforts of Powers deserve recognition. However, if on veto-holders should once apm frustrate th international community for action comm needs of the situation, they would stand the world; their complicity with the raci no longer be in doubt; and they .would be for prolonging the agony of the Namibian p
Mr.President, it is a particular pleasure for me to tell you how happy the delegation of the Kingdom of Morocco is to see you presiding over the proceedings of the resumed thirty-third session of the General Assembly which is being devoted exclusively to the question of Namibia; We remain convinced that under your enlightened leadership our· Assembly will live up to the hopes of the international community, and of the Namibian people in particular and that we will be able to bring about a just solution to this painful problem.
Mr. President, it is a particular pleasure for me to tell you how happy the delegation of the Kingdom of Morocco is to see you presiding over the proceedings of the resumed L'1irty-third session of the General Assembly which is being devoted exclusively to the question of Namibia. We remain convinced that under your enlightened leadership our· Assembly will live up to the hopes of the international community, and of the Namibian people in particular and that we will be able to bring about a just solution to this painful problem. 34. We note with bitterness and frustration that what has been done so far by our Organization, often at the cost of compromises which were difficult to bring about, has not been properly understood or appreciated by Pretoria. 35. In defiance of the will of the international com- munity, South Africa continues its illegal occupa1ion of Namibia,in disregard of the resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council and of the advisoryopinion of the International Court of Justice.s 34. We note with bitterness and frustration that what has been done so far by our Organization, often at the cost of compromises which were difficult to bring about, has not been properly understood or appreciated by Pretoria. 36. We had thought, not too long ago, that Pretoria would come to see reason under the influence of the concerted efforts of the international community. It will be recalled, in fact, that the situation in Namibia had become so serious that it was liable to have disastrous consequences, not only for Namibia but also for the front-line States. The situation seemed to be degenerating in the direction of a regicnal war liable to give rise to international complications. Believing that this situation presented a potential danger to inter- national peace and security in the region, the Security Council decided to take up the question ofNamibia, which was to be considered no longer solely as a problem of decolonization but as a problem of international security. After numerous vicissitudes, in the course ofwhich tension alternated with hope, the Council achieved understanding on the basis of the proposals of the fiveWestern Powers for a settlement of the Namibian problem. As members are aware, in a spirit of compromise SWAPO subscribed to those proposals and South Africa also, it appeared, subscribed to them. 35. In defiance of the will of the international com- munity, South Africa continues its illegal occupafion of Namibia, in disregard of the resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council and of the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice.s 36. We had thought, not too long ago, that Pretoria would come to see reason under the influence of the concerted efforts of the international community. It will be recalled, in fact, that the situation in Namibia had become so ~erious that it was liable to h..ve disastrous consequencessnot only for Namibia but also for the front-line States. The situation seemed to be degenerating in the direction of a regicnal war liable to give rise to international complications. Believing that this situation presented a potential danger to inter- national peace and security in the region, the Security Council decided to take up the question ofNamibia, which was to be considered no longer solely as a problem of decolonization but as a problem of international security. After numerous vicissitudes, in the course ofwhich tension Sl.egal Consequences for States of the Contim~ed Presence of South ~f!ica in ,Namibia (South West Africa) "otwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisolj! Opinion I.CI. Reportsl971, p. 16. al~ernated with hopes the Council achieved UJi.derstanding on the basis of the proposals of the five Western Powers for a settlement of the Namibian problem. As members are aware, in a spirit of compromise SWAPO subscribed to those pmposals and South Africa also, it appeared, subscribed to them. Sl.egal Consequences for States of the Contim~ed Presence of South ~f.riCil in -Namibia (South West Africa) 'Iotwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Adviso1Y Opinion I.CI. Report:r1971, p. 16. 38. The creation of the spurious Constituent ~emblY constitutes in our view a dangerous first step towards an internal settlement. After this unilateral action-which, incidentally, was declared null and void by the Security Council in its resolution 439 (1978)-South Af~ca then strove to pursue a policy of obstruction with the unavowed intent of dragging out the process of negotiation. ThUs Pretoria, which had agreed at the beginning to co-operate in the rapid application of Security Council. resolution 435 (1978), called into question one after the other the most important aspects of the peace plan. In the light of those delaying tactics and recent statements by South African leaders with regard to the imminent transfer of legislative and executive powers to the Windhoek Assembly. we wonder whether Pretoria is not in fact carrying out in Namibia, hand in hand with the Salisbury Government, an action similar to that which led to the internal settlement and subsequently to the installing of a pseudo-Government in Zimbabwe. However that may be, if this plan were . carried out the United Nations would be confronted with a 'fait accompli, This new situatton, the extreme sravity ~f which is obvious to everyone, would radically change the nature of the Namibian problem. Indeed, South Africa which, since the foundation of the United Nations.. has defied resolutions of the General Assembly and' the Security Council, would be committing the greatest pos- sible act of defiance of our Organization if, after having accepted the United Nations peace plan, it were to prevail upon the Assembly which it has pieced together to declare unilateral independence for Namibia. The international community could not. then interpret this subterfuge as anything but a means enabllilg the Government of &uth Africa to perpetuate its economic and military grip on Namibian territory. In the circumstances, the(foreseeable consequences which would, flow from this action could only give rise to- the risk of destabilization and ever more serious intervention in this part of Africa.. And if this eventuality were, unfortunately. to occur what role could the United Nations play once again in order t~ achi~ve the objective which it has always set itself, namely, that of leading the people of Namibia to independence? 38. The creation of the spurious Constituent ~emblY constitutes in our view a dangerous first step towards an internal settlement. After this unilateral action-which, incidentallys was declared null and void by the Security Council in its resolution 439 (1978)-South Af~ca then strove to pursue a policy of obstruction with the unavowed intent of dragging out the process of negotiation. Thus Pretoria, which had agreed at the begirming to co-operate in the rapid application of Security Council resolution 435 (l978)s called into question one after the other the most important aspects of the peace plan. In the light of those delaying tactics and recent statements by Scmth African leaders with regard to the imminent transfer of legislative and executive powers to the Windhoek Assembly, we wonder whether Pretoria is not in fact carrying out in Namibia, hand in hand with the Salisbury Governments an action similar to that which led to the internal settlement and subsequently to the installing ofa pseudo-Government in Zimbabwe. However that may be, if this plan were " carried out the United Nations would be confronted with a -fait aWJmp~. This new situations the extreme sravity ~f which is obvious to everyone, would radically change the nature of the Namibian problem. Indeed, South Africa which, since the foundation of the United Nations.. has defied resolutions of the General Assembly and' the Security Council, would be committing the greatest pos- sible act of defiance of our Organization if, after having accepted the United Nations peace plan, it were to prevail upon the Assembly which it has pieced together to declare unilateral independence for Namibia. The international community could not. then interpret this subterfuge as anything but a means ena6lliJg the Government of &>uth Africa to perpetuate its economic and military grip on Namibhm territory_In the circumstances, thetforeseeable consequences which would· flow from this action CJuld only give rise to' the risk of destabilization and ever more serious intervention in this part of Africa. And if this eventuality were, unfortunatelys to oCcut' what role could the United Nations play once again in order to achi~ve the objective which it has always set itselfs naIiely, that of leading the people of Namibia to independence? 40. Furthermore, our Assembly should reaffirm its previous resolutions, as well as those of the Security Council, and see that the economic sanctions adopted against Pretoria are put fully into effect. 42. South Africa must face the undeniable fact that any solution to the Namibian problem has to be brought about by negotiation with SWAPO, the legitimate representative of the Namibian people and the symbol of its resistance. If there is any advice we can give to South Africa it would be to say that in the recent past other colonial Powers have had resort to and abused the same subterfuges and manoeuvres, but in the final analysis they have had to face the facts and negotiate with the liberation movements which were fighting against them by armed force. 41. Lastly, we believe that those who still possess a certain amount of influence and substantial interests in South Africa should use all appropriate means to make South Africa realize that its dleams can no longer come true and that the only solution which can respond to the profound sentiments of the Namibian people and of the international community is the bringing about of an independent, united and free Namibia. 42. South Africa must face the un1eniable fact that any solution to the Namibian problem has to be brought about by negotiation with SWAPO, the legitimate representative of the Namibian people and the symbol of its resistance. If there is any advice we can give to South Africa it would be to say that in the recent past other colonial Powers have had resort to and abused the same subterfuges and manoeuvres, but in the final analysis they have had to face the facts and negotiate with the liberation movements which were fighting against them by armed force. 43. In actual fact, what can one blame SWAPO for? -It cannot be accused of either intransigence or irresponsi- bility. Indeed, SWAPO has always demonstrated political maturity. In a spirit of realism and compromise it sup- ported the United Nations peace plan. That support means above all acceptance by SWAPO of the principle of free elections, supervised by the United Nations. In the circum- stances, what further guarantees could South Africa demand of SWAPO or the United Nations? 43. In actual fact, what can one blame SWAPO for? -It cannot be accused of either intransigence or irresponsi- bility. Indeed, SWAPO has always demonstrated political maturity. In a spirit of realism and compromise it sup- ported the United Nations peace plan. That support means above all acceptance by SWAPO of the principle of free elections, supervised by the United Nations. In the circum- stances, what further guarantees could South Africa demand of SWAPO or the United Nations? 44. In any case, I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate the support of Morocco for SWAPO in its struggle for the liberation of Namibia. We are fervent champions of African solidarity and we wish to express today, as always our unreserved support for the legitimate claims of the Namibian people. 45. We wish also to affirm our solidarity with the peoples of the front-line countries which have constantly been the victims of aggression committed by Pretoria, which has thereby violated their territorial integrity and hindered their economic development. 44. In any case, I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate the support of Morocco for SWAPO in its struggle for the liberation of Namibia. We are fervent champions of African solidarity and we wish to express today, as always our unreserved support for the legitimate claims of the Namibian people. 46. I should also like to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General of the United Nations and his Special Repre- sentative for the patience they have shown in the per- formance of their tasks. We are keenly aware of the complex nature of their tasks and we wish to extend our support to them. 45. We wish also to affirm our solidarity with the peoples of the front-line countries which have constantly been the victims of aggression committed by Pretoria, which has thereby violated their territorial integrity and hindered their economic development. 47. Finally I wish to express our gratitude and encourage- ment to the United Nations Council for Namibia under the 46. I should also like to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General of the United Nations and his Special Repre- sentative for the patien~ they have shown in the per- formance of their tasks. We are keenly aware of the complex nature of their tasks and we wish to extend our support to them. 47. Finally I wish to express our gratitude and encourage- ment to the United Nations Council for Namibia under the
This is the second time tha delegation of Honduras, I have had situation of Namibia in the General A that separates my two statements has bee disappointing results; it has aJ30 served feeling of solidarity of Honduras in f nationally acceptable settlement that prompt achievement of genuine inde people of Namibia. 48. It is the duty of our Organization and particularly of the Security Council, the organ responsible for the main- tenance of international peace and security, to demand the speedy and full implementation of the United Nations peace plan. In so doing, it will have honoured a com- mitment which it has always assumed selflessly and faithfully, that of conducting Namibia to independence and liberty.
This is the second time that, as head of the delegation of Honduras, I have had to speak on the situation of Namibia in the General Assembly. The year that separates my two statement~ has been characterized by disappointing results; it has a130 served to strengthen the feeling of solidarity of Honduras in favour of an inter- nationally acceptable settlement that will permit the prompt achieveme'1t of genuine independence for the people of Namibia. 50. The delegation of Honduras had special session, which had been devoted 1978, would be the culmination of the lo made in the international sphere as we struggle of the Namibian people. We h massive and unreserved support whic accorded the Declaration on Namibia Action in Support of Self-Determina Independence for Namibia [resolution S a reasonable period of time, lead to independence for the Territory, with the territorial integrity and the end of an un economic and socialsystem. 50. The delegation of Honduras had felt that the ninth special session, which had been devoted to Namibia in May 1978, would be the culmination of the long years ofefforts made in the internatioml1 sphere as well as of the selfless struggle of the Namibian people. We had hoped that the massive and unreserved support which Member States accorded the Declaration on Namibia and Programme of Action in Support of Self-Determination and National Independence for Namibia [resolution S-9/2J would, after a reasonable period of time, lead to the attainment of independence for the Territory, with the preservation of its territorial integrity and the end of an unjust and oppressive economic and social system. 51. The plan of the Western Powers, endorsed in Security Council resolutio although difficult problems were fore mentation, several States offered th generous co-operation in forming civ contingents which would guarantee t democratic electoral process and the representative government in Namibia. 52. However, in December the respon was fmal and negative and under its became a mockery. Since then it ha legitimize the "internal settlement" in wish of the Namibian majority and this i of its foreign policy regarding the Territo 51. The plan of the Western Powers, as it is called, was endorsed in Security Council resolution 431 (l978) and, although difficult problems were foreseen in its imple- mentation, several States offered their resolute and generous co-operation in forming civilian and milit!Jl)' contingents which would guarantee the conduct of a democratic electoral process and the transition to a' representative government in Namibia. 53. The delegation of Honduras consid Nations plan that wasso eminently suite in Namibia, since it would translate into of the entire international community frustrated by t!IeGovernment of South A 52. However, in December the response of South Africa was fmal and' negative and under its control elections became a mockery. Since then it has made efforts to legitimize the "internal settlement" in opposition to the wish of the Namibian majority and this is a constant feature of its foreign policy regarding the Territory. 54. The Pretoria authorities cannot al explain their behaviour since they wer preparation of the transition plan by m 53. The delegation of Honduras considers that the United Nations plan that was so eminently suited to bringing peace in Namibia, since it would translate into fact the consensus of the entire international community, has been cruelly frustrated by t!Ie Government of South Africa. 54. The Pretoria authorities cannot allege any reasons to explain their behaviour since they were associated in the preparation of the transition plan by means of preparatory 55. Nor in this case can we accept their reference to a resumption of armed resistance activity in Namibia-almost always a reaction against acts of terror committed against the Namibians-as a pretext for refusing to negotiate with SWAPO or as a justification for a general hardening of their position vis-a-vis the United Nations. Nor can the prepara- tion of civil war between the factions under an "internal settlement" be considered a viable solution or be felt to hold out any promise for the future of the Territory. 56. We can objectively affirm that, among other fore- seeable consequences, the white Namibianminority cannot expect indefinitely to dominate the other Namibians. The march of history is in favour of the self-determination of peoples and will not halt. The odious system of apartheid has earned universal repudiation and will have to disappear from the earth. 57. To live off injustice and oppression cannot be an attractive prospect for the white settlers of Namibia or for their mentors in Pretoria. 56. We can objectively affirm that, among other fore- seeable consequences, the white Namibian minority cannot expect indefinitely to dominate the other Namibians. The march of history is in favour of the self-determination of peoples and will not halt. The odious system of apartheid has earned universal repudiation and will have to disappear from the earth. 58. International public opinion that could have a wider audience in the white laagers should therefore be mobilized to the utmost to highlight the magnitude of the deceit and illusionof false security which they are trying to create. 59. The persistence of the Namibian crisis is a threat to international peace and security which might extend not only to other African countries but also to the rest of the international community, with very serious consequences. 57. To live off injustice and oppression cannot be an attractive prospect for the white settlers of Namibia or for their mentors in Pretoria. 58. International public opinion that could have a wider audience in the white laagers should therefore be mobilized to the utmost to highlight the magnitude of the deceit and illusion of false security wIDch they are trying to create. 60. The delegation of Honduras has most attentively followed the work of the United Nations Council for Namibia under the presidency of Mr.Paul Lusaka of Zambia and we wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity to pay a tribute to the dedicated efforts of its members. 59. The persistence of the Namibian crisis is a threat to international peace and security which might extend not only to other African countries but also to the rest of the international community, with very serious consequences. 61. The Council for Namibia has duly considered various initiatives and actions which the United Nations could take to deal with the difficult situation created by the persistent refusal of South Africa to comply with resolutions adopted by the relevant United Nations organs and by its determina- tion to continue ille-gally to maintain a markedly military presencein the Territory. 60. The delegation of· Honduras has most attentively followed the work of the United Nations Council for Namibia under the presidency of Mr. Paul Lusaka of Zambia and we wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity to pay a tribute to the dedicated efforts of its members. 62. Among those actions, which our delegation could certainly support, are the following: first, the United Nations must reassert itself as the legal authority in the Territory, in which it must have the forthright and resolute co-operation of Member States..secondly, it must condemn South Africa's intransigence in frustrating the implementa- tion of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, carrying out constant and indiscriminate attacks on the Namibians and neighbouring countries and demonstrating its total lack of compliance with the principles established in the Charter; thirdly, it must reaffirm support for the exercise by the Namibian people oftheir inalienable rightto self-determination and true independence and the preserva- tion of their territorial integrity; fourthly, it must not recognize the results of the election carried out unilaterally 61. The Council for Namibia has duly considered various initiatives and actions which the United Nations could take to deal with the difficult situation created by the persistent refusal of South Africa to comply with resolutions adopted by the relevant United Nations organs and by its determina- tion to continue illegally to maintain a markedly military presence in the Territory. 62. Among those actions, which our delegation could certainly support, are the following: first, the United Nations must reassert itself as the legal authority in the Territory, in which it must have the forthright and resolute co-operation of Member States;.secondly, it must condp,mn South Africa's intransigence in frustrating the implementa- tion of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, carrying out constant and indiscriminate attacks on the Namibians and neighbouring countries and demonstrating its total lack of compliance with the principles established in the Charter; thirdly, it must reaffirm support for the exercise by the Namibian people oftheir inalienable rightto self-determination and true independence and the preserva- tion of their territorial integrity; fourthly, it must not recognize the results of the election carried out unilaterally
Five months ago this General Assembly of the United Nations adopted a resolution on the situation in Namibia which drew attention both to the increasingly dangerous situation in Namibia and to what should be done to ensure the exercise by the Namibian people of its right to self-determination and independence [resolution 33/182J. 63. Finally, in view of the gravi~ of the situation and th~ special responsibilities of the United Nations concerning the people of Namibia, the Security Council must consider with urgency the application of measures in accordance with Chapter VII ofthe Charter. 65. The continuing illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa has been condemned as an act of aggression against the Namibian people. Allattempts to impose upon Namibia a so-called "internal settlement" and to create a puppet regime subservient to South Africa have been repudiated. The aspirations of South Africa to the pos- session of nuclear weapons, the cruel suppression of the people of Namibia and their national liberation movement, SWAPO, and the acts of aggression by the racist regime against independent African States have been described as a serious threat to international peace and security, which, as everyone knows, is entirely in accordance with the facts.
Five months ago this General Assembly of the United Nation:; adopted a resolution on the situation in Namibia which drew attention both to the increasingly dangerous situation in Namibia and to what should be done to ensure the exercise by the Narnibian people of its right to self-determination and independence [resolution 33/182]. 65. The continuing illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa has been condemned as an act of aggression against the Namibian people. All attempts to impose upon Namibia a so-called "internal settlement" and to create a puppet regime subservient to South Africa haVl~ been repudiated. The aspirations of South Mrica to the pos- se&Jion of nuclear weapons, the cruel suppression of the people of Namibia and their national liberation movement, SWAPO, and the acts of aggression by the racist regime against independent African St~tes have been described as a serious threat to international peace and security, which, as everyone knows, is entirely in accordance with the facts. 66. On this basis, the GeneralAssembly solemnly declared that the refusal of South Africa to comply with the. resolutions of the Security Council,in particular resolution 385 (1976), had made it necessary to apply effective sanctions in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter. The resolution stresses that SWAPO is the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people and calls upon all States Members of the United Nations to give all necessary support and assistance to SWAPO in its struggle to achieve independence and national unity in a free Namibia. 66. On this basis, the General Assembly solemnly declared that the refusal of South Mrica to comply with the· resolutions of the Security Council, in particular resolution 385 (1976), had made it necessary to apply effective sanctions in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter. The resolution stresses that SWAPO is the sole and authentic representative of the Narnibian people ~d calls upon all States Members of the United Nations to give all necessary support and assistance to SWAPO in its struggle to achieve independence and national unity in a free Namibia. 67. The German Democratic Republic has done everything possible to encourage the implementation of the General Assembly resolutions and has supported unreservedly and selflessly the just struggle of the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO. In the course of a visit to Angola, Zambia and Mozambique, the General Secretary of the Central Committee ofthe Socialist Unity Party of Germany and Chairman of the Council of State of the German Democratic Republic, Brich Honeoker, pointed out repeatedly that in their difficult struggle the peoples of Africa could always count on the Gennan Democratic Republic. In a conversation with the President of SWAPO, SamNujoma, BrichHonecker assured him: 67. The Gennan Democratic Republic has done everything possible to encourage the implementation of the General Assembly resolutions and has supported unreservedly and selflessly the just struggle of the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO. In the course of a visit to Angola, Zambia and Mozambique, the General Secretary of .the Central Committee ofthe Socialist Unity Party of Gennany and Chairman of the Council of State of the German Democratic Republic, BriOO Honecker, pointed out repeatedly that in their difficult struggle the peoples of Mrica could always count on the Gennan Democratic Republic. In a conversation with the President of SWAPO, Sam Nujoma, Erich Honecker assured him: cc••• that the German Democratic .Republic would continue uncompromisingly to support the .complete Cl••• that the German Democratic Republic would continue uncompromisingly to support the.complete 69_ This objective can be achieved only by means of broadly-based co-operation with the legitimate repre- sentative of the Namibian people, as recognized by the United Nations, SWAPO. Aware of its great responsibility for the future of the people and the country, SWAPO has stated its readiness to take part in elections under United Nations supervision, has played a constructive part in the implementation of United Nations decisions and has agreed to far-reaching concessions. SWAPO has adopted this course although, on the basis of bitter experience, it was com- pelled from the beginning to view with the utmost misgivings the hypocritical assertions of the racists that they would accept United Nations plans to hold democratic elections in Namibia. The following facts show how well founded those doubts and misgivings were. Instead of withdrawing their troops from Namibia, the racists actually increased their military strength there. Instead of freeing detainees, their number was actually increased. Further murders -were committed, terror was stepped up and aggression against peaceful neighbouring States was intensi- fied. The most recent example in the long chain of aggressive actions, this time once again against Angola, occurred as recently as within the last week. Instead of recognizing the territorial integrity of Namibia, which includes Walvis Bay, the racists have transformed WalVlS Bay into a spring-board which menaces independent Namibia. Instead of putting an end to the illegal occupa- tion, they are trying, with the assistance of the so-called national assembly of venal puppets, the so-called Demo- cratic Tumhalle Alliance, to perpetuate their regime of oppression. Instead of abolishing the discriminatory laws of apartheid, they are applying them ever more harshly against the population. In many parts of the country there is virtual martial law. 70. Every day that has passed in efforts-as they say-to "resolve this problem by means of negotiations", efforts which have proved futile, has brought additional proof that the racist regime is still trampling human rights underfoot, doing everything it can to prevent the people of Namibia from attaining independence and trying to suppress their liberation struggle with acts of bloodshed. The momnsand months of unsuccessful negotiations have only made it possible for the racists to win time to get around the relevant decisions of the United Nations and to prevent a truly peaceful solution, to implant their neo-colonialist puppet regime and to step up terror against the people. Sometimes one gets the impression that in the COUf3e of talks it has been forgotten that South Africa is the occupying Power, while SWAPO is the representative of the oppressed people fighting for their freedom. Pretoria has 70. Every day that has passed in efforts-as they say-to "resolve this problem by means of negotiations", efforts which have proved futile, has brought additional proof that the racist regime is still trampling human rights underfoot, doing everything it can to prevent the people of Namibia from attaining independence and trying to suppress their liberation struggle with acts of bloodshed. The mOlll..RS and months of unsuccessful negotiations have only made it possible for the racists to win time to get around the relevant decisions of the United Nations and to prevent a truly peaceful solution, to implant their neo-colonialist puppet regime and to step up terror against the people. Sometimes one gets the impression that in the COUf3e of talks it has been forgotten that South Africa is the occupying Power, while SWAPO is the representative of the oppressed people fighting for their freedom. Pretoria has 1 > ~ ~"__ .. " 71. The aggressive actions ofSouth Africa, carried out from the Territory of Namibia against sovereign neighbouring States, as well as the aggressive actions of Southern Rhodesia, have seriously aggravated the situation in the area. Having proclaimed the concept of creating groupings of States, South Africa has thus laid claim to hegemony, which it is trying to attain by creating puppet regimes in Namibia and Southern Rhodesia. Furthermore, the state- ments made by the racists have left no doubt that their aim is to include free African States in that bloc by means of the historically notorious policy of forced union, or "fusion". All this amoun~ to an exacerbation of tension in southern Mrica, which has lo~g been a constant threat to . international peace and security. 72. Imperialist circles never tire efforts of certain States members Treaty Organization [NATOl made about a so-called peaceful settlemen nothing but attempts by neutral Stat the conflict to "rescue" Namibia. I see is something quite different. 73. United Nations studies submitt on Transnational Corporations, w session, have shown that the number investments and interests" in South 1,623 in 1974 to 2,883 last year. In alone, one study states, the num monopolies operating where aparthe 10 per cent. 72. Imperialist circles never tire of repeating that the efforts of certain States members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organizatio.:l [NATO] made with a view to bringing about a so-called peaceful settlement are, so they believe, nothing but att.:mpts by neutral States that have no part in the conflict to "rescue" Namibia. In actual fact, what we see is something quite different. 74. From the report submitted in the United Nations Special Committe emerges that 382 banks of imperia period 1972 to the end of 1978 le South Africa sums of money amou First and foremost are the banks of th Germany, the United Kingdom, the and Switzerland. The press organs o in the Federal Republic of German their sympathy with the white racis have taken a leaf out of the book Nuclear co-operation between m States and South Mrica is in full cogently demonstrated by the sem Nations Special Committee against A to nuclear co-operation with South pening is not a so-called ''peacefu "model of salvation". What is ha - tion of monopolist profits, imperiali and the privilege of white colonia 73. United Nations studies submitted by the Commission on Transnational Corporations, which is currently in session, have shown that the number of firms with "capital investments and interests" in South Africa increased from 1,623 in 1974 to 2,883 last year. In the period 1977-1978 alone, one study states, the number of United States monopolies operating where apartheid prevails increased by 10 per cent. 74. From the report submitted in March of this year to the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid6 it emerges that 382 banks of imperialist States have in the period 1972 to the end of 1978 lent the racist regime of South Africa sums of money amounting to $5.5 billion. First and foremost are the banks of the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom, the United States, France and Switzerland. The press organs of the Springer concern, in the Federal Republic of Germany, have not concealed their sympathy with the white racists in Wi!ldhoek, which have taken a leaf out of the book of Hitlerite fascism. Nuclear co-operation between monopolies of NATO States and South Mrica is in full swing, as has been so cogently demonstrated by the seminar of the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid with regard to nuclea,r co-operation with South Mrica. What is hap- pening is not a so-called "peaceful settlement", nor a "model of salvation". What is happening is the salva- - . tion of monopolist profits, imperialist spheres of influence and the privilege of white colonialists. And herein lies 6 Corporate Data Exchange, Inc., "Ban 1972-1978" in Notes and Documents of againstApartheid. No. 5/79 (May 1979). 6 Corporate Data Exchange, Inc., "Bank Loans to South Africa, 1972-1978" in Notes and Documents of the United Nations Centre against Apartheid. No. 5/79 (May 1979). wh~ther the problem of Namibia should be resolved peacefully or by the language of warfare, and although such an interpretation of the situation is significant in itself, it does not go to the essence of the prob- lem. The impo~ant thing ~ the obj~ctive so~t. If th~ goal is an independent and free Namibia, then South.Africa should leave that country. If the occupying Power is unwilling to leave, then it must be compelled to leave, and every possible means available to the liberation movement and the international community must be used. That is only logical. Thus any party that does not want to apply United Nations means of enforcement in accordance with Chapter VU of the Charter i~ unwilling to bring about an independent Namibia and is aiming at other objectives. 75. Those circles that support South Mrir.-a want to undermine SWJ..PO's role and are trying to raise the international prestige of the puppet groupings in Namibia illegally created by Pretoria, and those circles, like the South Mrican racist regime, bear responsibility for the fact that elections have been held in extremely ominous circumstances. 76. The delegation of the German Democratic Republic remains convinced that Security Council resolution 385 (1976) is a general basis for a solution to the Namibian problem. That means the withdrawal of South Mrica from Namibia, the freeing of political detainees and guaranteeing the riFt ofthe people of Namibia to self-determinationand the territorial integrity of their country. We support SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. In itsdifftcult and selfless struggle, SWAPO is not alone. All the progressive forces of the world are linked with it by close ties of solidarity. There has been a perceptible increase in its international authority and its battleworthiness. Naturally, at the present time, in view of racist and imperialist manoeuvres, SWAPO has been forced to step up the armed struggle that has been imposed upon it. 75. Those circles that support South Mrir.a want to undermine SWAPO's role and are trying to raise the international prestige of the puppet groupings in Namibia illegally created by Pretoria, and those circles, like the South Mrican racist regime, bear responsibility for the fact that elections have been held in extremely ominous circumstances. 76. The delegation of the German Democrati\; Republic remains convinced that Security Council resolution 385 (1976) is a general basis for a solution to the Namibian problem. That means the withdrawal of South Mrica from Namibia, the freeing of political detainees and guaranteeing the riaht ofthe people of Namibia to self-determinationand the territorial integrity of their country. We support SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. In its difficult and selfless struggle, SWAPO is not alone. All the progressive forces of the world are linked with it by close ties of solidarity. There has been a perceptible increase in its international authority and its battleworthiness. Naturally, at the present time, in view of racist and imperialist manoeuvres, SWAPO has been forced to step up the armed struggle that has been imposed upon it. 77. The liberation struggle in Namibia and Zimbabwe has entered a decisive phase. The racist regimes cannot any longer maintain the harshest forms of implementation of their present power. The main issue today is whether these peoples will manage to achieve genuine independence or whether they will have imposed upon them neo-colonialist pseudo-solutions. There can be no doubt that the United Nations must assume considerable responsibility in this process. Primarily, it must adopt urgent measures to avert a further exacerbation of the dangerous situation.in the south of Mrica and also promote the cause of the independence and liberation of the people of Namibia. That course has been indicated by resolutions of the Security Council and of the General Assembly-and that course should be taken. But this is only possible if pressure upon South Mrica is increased. The Charter of the United Nations provides for appropriate measures. The delegation of the German 77. The liberation struggle in Namibia and Zimbabwe has entered a decisive phase. TIle racist regimes cannot any longer maintain the harshest forms of implementation of their present power. The main issue today is whether these peoples will manage to achieve genuine independence or whether they will have imposed upon them neo-eolonialist pseudo-solutions. There can be no doubt that the United Nations must assume considerable responsibility in this process. Primarily, it must adopt urgent measures to avert a further exacerbation of the dangerous situation,in the south of Mrica and also promote the cause of the independence and liberation of the people of Namibia. That course has been indicated by resolutions of the Security Council and of the General Assembly-and that course should be taken. But this is only possible if pressure upon South Mrica is increased. The Charter of the United Nations provides for appropriate ineasures. The delegation of the German
Mr. Urquia (El Salvador), Vice-President, took the Chair.
Mr. Urquia (El Salvador), Vice-President, took the Chair.
The resumption of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly to discuss the question ofNamibia is taking place at a time when the struggle of the braye Namibian people, under the firm and resolute leadenhip of SWAPOisentering its most critical phase and when the enemies of Mrica are redoubling their ruses and subterfuges and trying to implement all sorts of plans designed to obstruct the real independence of the peoples of southern Mrica. In the debates taking place now we must analyse this situation in all its complexity so as to enable the international community, which is responsible for leading the Namibian people to full independence, to adopt the necessary measures to safeguard the legitimate interests of the Namibian people, and enable it to enjoy its in3lienable rights to self·deterrni11ation and independence. 79. My delegation doubts not that Mr. lievano of Colombia will guide our debates with the objectivity and dynamism necessary to arrive at satisfactory results. . 80. The Benin revolution has been aware from the outset that it constitutes a link in the great chain of the Mrican revolution and therefore everything that concerns' the freedom and independence of African peoples directly concerns the Benin revolution. The special attention which our democratic and popular revolution gives to the serious events taking place in southern Africa, and particularly Namibia, can therefore surprise no one. 79. My delegation doubts not that Mr. lievano of Colombia will guide our debates with the objectivity and dynamism necessary to arrive at satisfactory results. . 81. Our delegation has unequivocally made known its position on the question of Namibia in the debates both in the General Assembly and in the Security Council. We expressed our profound scepticism regarding the diplomatic initiative of the five Western Powers, which were then members of the Security Council, an initiative whose first purpose was to mark time, to distract Mrica from the real problems of the time and to demobilize SWAPOpolitically and liquidate it militarily in the field. 80. The Benin revolution has been aware from the outset that it constitutes a link in the great chain of the Mrican revolution and therefore everything that concerns· the freedom and independence of African peoples directly concerns the Benin revolution. The special attention which our democratic and popular revolution gives to the serious events taking place in southern Mrica, and particularly Namibia, can therefore surprise no one. .. 81. Our delegation has unequivocally made known its position on the question of Namibia in the debates both in the General Assembly and in the Security Council. We expressed our profound scepticism regarding the diplomatic initiative of the five Western Powers, which were then members of the Security Council, an initiative whose first purpose was to mark time, to distract Mrica from the real problems of the time and to demobilize 3WAPO politically and liquidate it militarily in the field. 82. When at the time the delegation of Benin denounced this Machiavellian strategy, we were bombarded with epithets and given all sorts of labels, such as intransigent and radical, but today everybody, including those who seemed to have been afflicted with political short- sightedness, now clearly see the game being played by the Western Powers and their proteges, the Pretoria racists. Everything points to the fact that the Machiawllian plan was cunningly concocted by the imperialist Plowers and their proteges, and is now about to be realized. Defying. International public opinion, and while negotiations to find a "peaceful" solution to the problem of Namibia were under way, South Africa unilaterally organized sham elections in Namibia in December last,and is now preparing to confer legislative and executive powers on the so-called Constituent Assembly. .. 82. When at the time the delegation of Benin denounced this Machiavellian strategy, we were bombarded with epithets and given all sorts of labels, such as intransigent and radical, but today everybody, including those who seemed to have been afflicted with political short- sightedness, now clearly see the game being played by the Western Powers and their proteges, the Pretoria racists. Everything points to the fact that the Machiawllian plan was cunningly concocted by the imperialist Pt-wers and their proteges, and is now about to be realized. Defying. internationcl public opinion, and while negotiations to find a "peaceful" solution to the problem of Namibia were under way, South Africa unilaterally organized sham elections in Namibia in December last, and is now preparing to confer legislative and executiw powers on the so-ealled Constituent Assembly. 83. Thus there is a real threat that the Namibian people will have imposed on it an internal settlement on the 86. Indeed, the British Conservative Government, since it came to power, has unceasingly taken regrettable initiatives to prepare the way for this forthcoming recognition of the puppet Muzorewa Government. Otherwise, what is the meaning of the appointment of a diplomatic representative to Salisbury? What is the meaning of all these official contacts which come one after the other between Mrs. Thatcher's government and that of the illegal Salisbury regime? Why does the United Kingdom, the administering Power, hesitate before an illegal political process carried out by an illegal regime? Need one make much of an effort to demonstrate the illegality of these elections and of this majority government. Likewise, in the United States, despite action and negotiations by the African group of States in New York and in Washington, reactionary circles never stop increasing their pressure to lift the sanctions decreed by the Security Council, of which the United States and the United Kingdom are permanent members. 8S. Last month the international community leamed. with indignation, that the Salisbury racists and their straw men had just proceeded to a sham election, and expressed the hope that no organ emerging from these so-called elections would be recognized. We are impelled to express our concern over the pressure being exercised by certain reactionary imperialist circles in the United States and the United Kingdom for official recognition of that illegal regime. 86. Indeed, the British Conservative Government, since it came to power, has unceasingly taken regrettable initiatives to prepare the way for this forthcoming recognition of the puppet Muzorewa Government. Otherwise, what is the meaning of the appointment of a diplomatic repr~sentative to Salisbury? What is the meaning of all these official contacts which come one after the other between Mrs. Thatcher's government and that of the illegal Salisbury regime? Why does the United Kingdom, the administering Power, hesitate before an illegal political process carried out by an illegal regime? Need one make much ofan effort to demonstrate the illegality of these elections and of this majority government. Likewise, in the United States, despite action and negotiations by the Mrican group of States in New York and in Washington, reactionary circles never stop increasing their pressure to lift the sanctions decreed by the Security Council, of which the United States and the United Kingdom are permanent members. 87. The illegal process of the spurious independence in Southern Rhodesia of necessity encourages South Africa in its design to go ahead and proceed to a unilateral declaration of independence by the puppets of the Demo- cratic Tumhalle Alliance in Namibia. 88. Furthermore, everything combines to make us fear this tragic outcome. In flagrant violation of all the General Assembly and Security Council resolutions, Pretoria is continuing its illegal occupation of Namibia and increasing its military forces there, which now number approximately 75,000 troops, and, from these bases in the Territory, it is committing acts of aggression against neighbouring inde- pendent African States aimed at making them renounce their support for national liberation movements. 87. The illegal process of the spurious independence in Southern Rhodesia of necessity encourages South Africa in its design to go ahead and proceed to a unilateral declaration of independence by the puppets of the Demo- cratic Tumhalle Alliance in Namibia. 89. Moreover, Pretoria has massed a strong army all along its border with Angola, and this is a' constant threat to the stability, peace and territorial integrity of that country. 88. Furthermore, everything combines to make us fear this tragic outcome. In flagrant violation of all the General Assembly and Security Council resolutions, Pretoria is continuing its illegal occupation of Namibia and increasing its military forces there, which now number approximately 75,000 troops, and, from these bases in the Territory, it is committing acts of aggression against neighbouring inde- pendent African States aimed at making them renounce their support for national liberation movements. 90. The situation created in Namibia by the Pretoria racists has thus become explosive and poses a threat to international peace and security. The independent African States, particularly the front-line States and the liberation 89. Moreover, Pretoria has massed a strong army all along its border with Angola, and this is a· constant threat to the stability, peace and territorial integrity of that country. 90. The situation created in Namibia by the Pretoria racists has thus become explosive and poses a threat to international peace and security. The independent Mrican States, particularly the front-line States and the liberation s~tuatio!l might degenerate into a general conflagration, for which Mricans would not bear the responsibility. The time has therefore come for the international community to act. For more than two years the imperialist Powers have loudly touted the so-called negotiations with South Africa, SWAPO and "all interested parties", on the basis of what it has been agreed to call the "Western plan for a peaceful settlement". While that plan-with all its imper- fections-had been accepted by SWAPO at the cost.ofvery heavy sacrifices and by the front-line African States, the slippery Vorster regime, at times accepting the plan and at others rejecting it, has benefited from these two years of "negotiations", with the complicity of the imperiali.-8t Powers, which gave it all the necessary fmancial, qillitary and diplomatic assistance to strengthen its position in the field. It proceeded to commit more frequent and deadly acts of aggression .against Angola, zambia and Botswana· with the purpose of destroying the fighters of SWAPO and of creating difficulties for the countries which give them assistance, so as to make them accept the fait accompli. 91. If South Africa has thus be the international community wit to implement the various relev General Assembly resolutions, w seek a peaceful solution to this feels strong enough to do so be encouragement it has been recei Western imperialist Powers. Ne Africa would be nothing without military assistance of the imperi survived, any more than the reb sanctions imposed against it scrupulously applied by all cou which maintain major economic militariIy with it. Now the Wes continue to delay; they must pu and understand that their long friendship and co-operation with not in blind support for. the Salisbury racists, who will soone waste-basket of history. 91. If South Mrica has thus been able until now to flout the international community with such arrogance, refusing to implement the various relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, which are intended solely to seek a peaceful solution to this problem, it is because it feels strong enough to do so because of the support and encouragemert it has been receiving from its masters, the Western imperialist Powers. Need we repeat that South Mrica would be nothing without the massive economic and military assistance of the imperialists. It could never have survived, any more than the rebel Salisbury regime, if the sanctions imposed against it had been respected and scrupulously applied by all countries, particularly those which maintain major economic relations .and collaborate militarlly with it. Now the Western Powers can no longer continue to delay; they must put an end to their duplicity and understand that their long-term interests reside in friendship and co-operation with the African peoples and not in blind support for. the inveterate Pretoria and Salisbury racists, who will sooner or later be cast out in the waste-basket of history. 92. It is high time for the five that they can. no longer continue failure oftheir own diplomatic in to allow the situation in Namib day. 93. If the Western Powers J genuine will to co-operate with principle of reciprocal advantages by the international community the provisions and measures cont resolutions already adopted by the Security Council. 92. It is high time for the five Western Powers to realize that they can.no longer continue to work towards the total failure of their own diplomatic initiative if they do not ~ish to allow the situation in Namibia to worSen from day to day. 94. As for the international co its solidarity with and increa 93. If the Western Powers are really prompted by a genuine \\ill to co-operate wiP1 Mrica on the basis of the principle of reciprocal advantages, they must support action by the international community for effective application of the provisions and measures contained in the many relevant resolutions already adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council. 94. As for the international community, it must reaffirm its solidarity with and increase its assistance to the 95. It is time for the United Nations to reaffirm its responsibility on the subject and urgently take measures that will bring the racist minority regime of Pretoria to comply with the decisions of our Organization. 96. To support the action of the international community in this critical period for the Namibian people is to call for and support the application against South Africa r,;: the measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Chal:';t, in particular comprehensive economic sanctions, which is the only way to prevent a catastrophe in Namibia and the internationalization of a local colonial conflict, to stop the racist minority Pretoria regime from being able to mock the international community and to enable our Organization to play its role of guarantor of international peace and security. 97. The delegation of the People's Republic 'of Benin is convinced that, with the effective support of the inter- national community and the armed struggle of SWAPO, the victory of the Namibian people and of the majority in South Africa is inevitable. We wish here to pay a special tribute to the firm determination ofSWAPO and its tireless efforts to overcome the numerous obstacles in the path of independence and freedom. 98. The People's Republic of Benin, which is victoriously carrying out the democratic and popular revolution, is in total solidarity with the struggle of the Namibian people, a struggle which we shall continue to support by every means and at the cost of any sacrifice.. 97. The delegation of the People's Republic 'of Benin is convinced th~t, with the effective support of the inter- national community and the armed struggle of SWAPO, the victory of the Namibian people and of the majc~ty in South Africa is inevitable. We wish here to pay a special tribute to the firm determination ofSWAPO and its tireless efforts to overcome the numerous obstacles in the path of independence and freedom. 99. Ready for the revolution; ready for production; the struggle continues. 100. Miss LOPEZ (Venezuela) (interpretation from Spanish): The persistence of the racist Pretoria regime in attempting arbitrarily' to guide the destiny of the people of Namibia and to consolidate its illegal occupation of and presence in the Territory of Namibia has compelled us to meet again in our common desire to find a solution to one of the most complex and shameful problems which the history ofinternational relations has ever known. 98. The People's Republic of Benin, which is victoriously carrying out the democratic and popular revolution, is in total solidarity with the struggle of the Namibian people, a struggle which we shall continue to support by every means and at the cost of any sacrifice.. 99. Ready for the revolution; ready for production; the struggle continues. 101. We cannot but repeat here our position, which we have explained at length in various forums. Because the positon of Venezuela with regard to the case of Namibia is well known and unequivocal, we shall confine ourselves to a study of the recent events which have occurred in Namibia as a result of the intolerable actions taken by South Africa in that Territory and which are bringing the entire region of southern Africa to the brink of an international conflict of enormous proportions. 100. Miss LOPEZ (Venezuela) (interpretation from Spanish): The persistence of the racist Pretoria regime in attempting arbitrarily' to guide the destiny of the people of Namibia and to consolidate its illegal occupation of and presence in the Territory of Namibia has compelled us to meet again in our common desire to find a solution to one of the most complex and shameful problems which the history ofinternational relations has evet known. 102. We are facing an extremely difficult situation, since, for the Government of apartheid, the decisions of the United Nations, in particular those of the Security Council, are but objects of scorn and mockery-a position of defiance that is not foreign to the complicity of a group of' 101. We cannot but repeat here our position, which we have explained at length in various forums. Because the positon of Venezuela with regard to the case of Namibia is well known and unequivocal, we sha1l confine ourselves to a study of the recent events which have occurred in Namibia as a result of the intolerable actions taken by South Africa in that Territory and which are bringing the entire region of southern Africa to the brink of an international conflict of enormous proportions. 102. We are facing an extremely difficult situation, since, for the Government of apartheid, the decisions of the United Nati~ns, in particular those of the Security Council, are but objects of scorn and mockery-a position of defiance that is not foreign to the complicity of a group cf 103. Recent events that have occurred as a result of the illegal elections held in December and uniIatera1ly devised by the racist regime so as to establish the improperly named Constituent Assembly cause us grave concern. Even before that gross manoeuvre, Venezuela, as a member of the Security Council, had voted in favour of resolution 439 (1978), which was adopted last December, condemning the decision of the Government· of South Africa to hold such elections, which were considered by the Security Council to be null and void. We cannot accept any electoral process in Namibia held without United Nations supervision and control. 104. Regrettably, the South African actions were carri out, thus casting overboard all the efforts for a settleme outlined in the plan previously presented by the fi Western members of the Security Council, a plan that turn had as its foundation the principles stipulated resolution 385 (1976), which was recalled by that i portant United Nations organ in resolution 435 (1978), al supported by Venezuela. 105. New events have brought to light the desire Pretoria to disregard the United Nations plans for th independence of Namibia. The attempts by the Sou African Government to give the so-called Constitue Assembly of Windhoek legislative and executive powe cannot but astound and exacerbate the wrath of t international community. 104. Regrettably, the South African actions were carried out, thus casting overboard all the efforts for a settlement outlined in the plan previously presented by the five Western members of the Security Council, a plan that in turn had as its foundation the principles stipulated in resolution 385 (1976), which was recalled by that im- portant United Nations organ in resolution 435 (1978), also supported by Venezuela. 106. It would seem in the present circumstances th South Africa is bent on destroying every effort to arrive a negotiated settlement, by unilateral actions witho consultation, so that there is no choice but to carry on wi the brave struggle waged for many years by the majori movement in Namibia, namely, SWAPO. Support for th movement must be spurred by more decisive action on t part of the United Nations which would lead to a str application of the sanctions envisaged in Chapter VII of t Charter. Such action was' anticipated in resoluti 33/182 B, which was adopted last autumn by this Assemb and which was, it goes without saying, supported Venezuela. 105. New events have brought to light the desire of Pretoria to disregard the United Nations plans for the independence of Namibia. The attempts by the South African Government to give the so-called Constituent Assembly of Windhoek legislative and executive powers' cannot but astound and exacerbate the wrath of the international community. 106. It would seem in the present circumstances that South Africa is bent on destroying every effort to arrive at a negotiated settlement, by unilateral actions without consultation, so that there is no choice but to carry on with the brave struggle waged for many years by the majority movement in Namibia, namely, SWAPO. Support for this movement must be spurred by more decisive action on the part of the United Nations which would lead to a strict application of the sanctions envisaged in Chapt~rVII of the Charter. Such action was .anticipated in resolution 33/182 B, which was adopted last autumn by this Assembly and which was, it goes without saying, supported by. Venezuela. 107. Venezuela, as a member of the United Natio Council for Namibia, which is the legitimate author responsible for the administration of that Territory, joi all peoples and Governments in the world which dema the immediate liberation of the Namibian patriots i prisoned by the despotic apartheidregime. 108. On the occasion of this resumed session of t Assembly, we must shoulder our collective responsibilit in view of the" tragedv taking place in· Namibia and n allow the opportunity to pass without adopting cruc decisions which will enable the people of Namibia achieve genuine independence, free from any alien domin tion, and the free exercce of the rights that are legitimate 107. Venezuela, as a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, which is the legitimate authority responsible for the administration of that Territory, joins all peoples and Governments in the world which demand the immediate liberation of the Namibian patriots im- prisoned by the despotic apartheid regime. 108. On the occasion of this resumed session of the Assembly, we must shoulder our collective responsibilities in view of the ~ trage~y taking place in· Namibia and not allow the opportunity tCl pass without adopting crucial decisions which will enable the people of Namibia to achieve genuine independence, free from any alien domina- tion, and the free exerl.:.;e of the rights that are legitimately ~_..-._--...----.....-= 111. The failure of the Western plan, which had been approved by the Security Council and supported by Venezuela, a result ofsincerity and goodwill, must not now become proof of the slight regard some countries have for the United Nations and for the commitments entered into therein, for that would cause a public impugning of our Organization and attacks on it by the Western press and would benefit some countries with easily measurable economic interests, which are the' ones that really matter to the friends and supporters of South Africa and its abomi- - nable apartheidpolicy in southern Africa. 110. The manner in which some countries systematically disregard the role of the United Nations indicates to us that they intend to try to solve the problems outside our Organization, thus competing with the.,plans which they themselves have proposed within the United Nation.$. 111. The failure of the Western plan, which had been approved by the Security Council and supported by 'lenezuela, a result ofsincerity and goodwill, must not now become proof of the slight regard some countries have for the United Nations and for the commitments entered into therein, for that would cause a public impugniIig of our Organization and attacks on it by the Western press and would benefit some countries with easily measurable economic interests, which are the' ones that really matter to the friends and supporters of South Africa and its abomi- - nable apartheid policy in southern Africa. 112. I should like to announce at this time that Venezuela has joined the sponsors ofdraftresolutionA/33/L.37, which has~ustbeen distributed.
The General Assembly has convened once more to consider the question of Namibia, It is a session in which the United Nations will once again have to reaffirm its responsibilities for Namibia and its determination to fulfil its sacred trust" so that the people of Namibia may achieve freedom and independence. This responsibility and obligation of the international community is all the more compelling today, given the circumstances that prevail in and around the international Territory, for the Assembly is meeting at a time when the negotiations to bring about a settlement, in accordance with Security Council resolution 385 (1976), have reached an impasse because of the intransigence of the racist minority regime in Pretoria. Clearly, therefore, this Assembly meeting could not have been held at a more opportune time. We welcome the session with the hope that in reassessing our efforts we shall equally review our past hopes and expectations, which have now been clearly frustrated, and rededicate our resources to a more practical way of achieving genuine independence for the Namibian people. 112. I should like to announce at this time that Venezuela hasjoined the sponsors ofdraftresolution A/33/L.37, which hasjustbeendistnouted.
The General Assembly has convened once more to consider the question of Namibia. It is a session in which the United Nations will once again have to reaffirm its responsibilities for Namibia and its determination to fulftl its sacred trust,. so that the people of Namibia may achieve freedom and independence. This responsibility and obligation of the international community is all the more compelling today, given the circumstances that prevail in and around the international Territory, for the Assembly is meeting at a time when the negotiations to bring about a settlement, in accordance with Security Council resolution 385 (1976), have reached an impasse because of the intransigence of the racist minority regime in Pretoria. Clearly, therefore, this Assembly meeting could not have been held at a more opportune time. We welcome the session with the hope that in reassessing our efforts we shall equally review our past hopes and expectations, which have now t~en clearly frustrated, and rededicate our resources to a more practical way of achieving genuine independence for the Namibian people. i14. My delegation considers that this session is taking place at a time when the United Nations faces one of its greatest challenges, for the will of the international com- munity, expressed through our United Nations collective effort, is called up0!1 to withstand the challenge posed by the racist regime of South Africa-a challenge which threatens the credibility of our Organization as a viable instrument for promoting international peace and security. Uis the sincere hope of the Tanzanian delegation that this ." ~sembly willrespond to this challenge with commensurate action. i14. My delegation considers that till,s session is taking place at a time when the United Nations faces one of its greatest challenges, for the will of the international com- mu.nity, expressed through our United Nations collective effort, is c~ed up0!1 to withstand the challenge posed by the racist regime of South Africa-a challenge which threatens the credibility of our Organization as a viable instrument for promoting international peace and security. Lt is the sincere h()pe of the Tanzanian delegation that this ~sembly will respond to this challenge with commensurate action. 116. On embarking on this'ro ourselves to' the ideal of nego violent resolution of the pro indeed clear, that in the pursui would be inevitable. We were because we were convinced th would ensure genuine freedo worth the effort. No one ca exercise SWAPO demonstrated leaned to a point beyond w impossible to go. To SWAPO,t concession. It was an expressi United Nations and a noble ef suffering that the people of N long. SWAPO did, in fact, con even when confronted with m Africa against Namibian civilia well as the repeated barbarous a against the front-line States of not recount the actions that d displayed by SWAPO in the neg self-evident. But South Africa h of the will of the internation defiant to the ,very Western Po proposal culminating in the' ad resolution 435 (1978). And ye Powers that continue to pro regime extensive support, thus means of perpetuating its intran 116. On embarking on this-road, wc solemnly committed ourselves to· the ideal of negotiation and thus to a less violent resolution of the problem. We realized, as it is indeed clear, that in the pursuit of these ideals concessions would be inevitable. We were prepared to pay that price because we were convinced that a peaceful solutiQn that would ensure genuine freedom and independence was worth the effort. No one can deny that in this whole exercise SWAPO demonstrated tremendous flexibility and leaned to a point beyond which it is now practically impossible to go. To SWAPO, therefore, it was more than a concession. It was an expression of faith and trust in the United Nations and a noble effort to bring to an end the suffering that the people of Namibia have endured for so long. SWAPO did, in fact, continue with the negotiations, even when confronted with murderous attacks by South Africa against Namibian civilians and SWAPO militants as well as the repeated barbarous acts of aggression committed against the front-line States of Zambia and Angola. I need not recount the actions that demonstrate the seriousness displayed by SWAPO in the negotiating pror.ess a.s these are self-evident. But South Africa has remained defiant-defiant of the will of the international community, and no less defiant to the .very Western Powers that have initiated the proposal culminating in the' adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). And yet, ironically, it is these very Powers that continue to proffer to the South 'African regime extensive support, thus providing Pretoria with the means of perpetuating its intransigence and effrontery_ 117. What is even more di developments in Namibia is deceitful attitude of the South negotiating process for, while willingness to negotiate, the il national Territory have proceed their repressive rule - in Nam negotiations as a cover-up to cr realities" in the Territory. 118. Shotf'ly after the special regime undertook to appoint a Then, subsequent to the ado resolution 435 (1978), which, establishment of the United N 117. What is even more disturbing about the recent developments in Namibia is the over-all- behaviour a.l1d deceitful attitude of the South African reiJime towards the negotiating process for, while claiming and professing a willingness to negotiate, the illegal occupiers of the int' ~­ national Territory have proceeded with the consolidation 01 their repressive rule. in Namibia. They have used the negotiations as a cover-up to create "new facts" and "new realities" in the Territory. 118. Shot4'ly after the special session last year, the racist regIme undertook to appoint an "Administrator-General". Then, subsequent to the adoption of Security Council r~solution 435 (1978), which, inter alia, provided for the establishment of the United Nations Transition AssistlU1r,e 119. Attempts to translate the Secretary-General's plan into action through the United Nations Transition Assist- ance Group have repeatedly been frustrated by the usual vacillations and deceptive tactics of Pretoria through its ambivalent and contradictory press campaigns, coupled with increased repression in Namibia and aggression out- side. The South African racist regime has unleashed a new wave of aggression against neighbouring front-line States. It is not unknown why these attacks have escalated as the process of consultations by both SWAPO and the front-line States to secure the implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions has intensified. It is within the murderous designs of the racist and apartheid regime that such callous acts, resulting in the destruction of property and the massacre ofinnocent civiliansand children, come at the crucial stage of the initiative of the Secretary-General to pave the way for the Transition Assistance Group's assump- tion of its duties in Namibia. It is a premeditated designto forestall the negotiating process and an attempt to frustrate the efforts of the international community. The United Republic of Tanzania has consistently condemned such displays of arrogance and total contempt of the will of the international community by the regime in South Africa. 119. Attempts to translate the Secretary-General's plan into action through the United Nations Transition Assist- ance Group have repeatedly been frustrated by the usual vacillations and deceptive tactics of Pretoria through its ambivalent and contradictory press campaigns, coupled with increased repression in NarrJbia and aggression out- side. The South Mrican racist regime has unleashed a new wavtJ of aggression against neighbouring front-line StaLes. It is not unknown why these attacks have escalated as the process of consultations by both SWAPO and the front-line States to secure the implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions has intensified. It is within the murderous designs of the racist and apartheid regime that such callous acts, resulting in the destruction of property and the massacre ofinnocent civilians and children, come at the crucial stage of the initiative of the Secretary-General to pave the way for the T~ansition Assistance Group's assump- tion of its duties in Namibia. It is a premeditated design to forestall the negotiating process and an attempt to frustrate the efforts of the international community. The United Republic of Tanzania has consistently condemned such displays of arrogance and total contempt of the will of the international community by the regime in South Africa. 120. Symptomatic of South Africa's cle~r obstruction and, indeed, virtual closure of the path to negotiation is the rate of repression, brutal killings and arbitrary imprison- ment of SWAPO cadres and sympathizers inside Namibia. The recent imposition ofmartial law and the declaration of a state of emergency over two thirds of Namibian territory are calculated more to intensify the racist regime's acts of terrorism and banditry against the Namibian people under the guise of maintaining "law and order". The terror imposed upon the Namibian people and the fraudulent and obstructionist machinations to sabotage the United Nations plan for a negotiated settlement in Namibia have been characteristic of South Africa's Draconian style of negotia- tion. This sustained state of terror, the continued destruc- tion of property and the establishment of more concen- tration camps in Namibia cannot be deemed to be conducive to a peaceful process towards independence. Equally, the imposition of the "Assembly" is a calculated perversion of the process towards genuine independence and must be treated for what it is-merely yet another tool in South Africa's arsenal to perpetuate the illegal occupa- tion and colonization ofNamibia. 120. Symptomatic of South Mrica's cle~r obstruction and, indeed, virtual closure of the path to negotiation is the rate of repression, brutal killings and arbitrary imprison- ment of SWAPO cadres and sympathizers inside Namibia. The recent imposition ofmartial law and the declaration of a state of emergency over two thirds of Namibian territory are calculated more to intensify the racist regime's acts of terrorism and banditry against the Namibian people under the guise of maintaining "law and order". The terror imposed upon the Namibian people and the fraudulent and obstructionist machinations to sabotage the United Nations plan for a negotiated settlement in Namibia have been characteristic of South Mrica's Draconian style of negotia- tion. This sustained state of terror, the continued destruc- tion of property and the establishment of more concen- tration camps in Namibia cannot be deemed to be conducive to a peaceful process towards independence. Equally, the imposition of the ••Assembly" is a calculated perversion of the process towards genuine independence. and must be treated for what it is-merely yet another tool in South Mrica's arsenal to perpetuate the illegal occupa- tion and colonization ofNamibia. 122. Those Western countries with extensive political economic links with South Africa, more especially the Western Powers at whose initiative the negotiations of last two years have taken place, have in this respec particular responsibility. In many ways these count provide an economic lifeline for the Pretoria regime. T their attitude and actions toward this calculated defiaace South Africa will have a direct bearing on the nature of evolution of events, not only with respect to Namibia, indeed the whole of southern Africa. Wecall upon them join with the rest of the international community so t the United Nations objectives in Namibia should realized. We caIl upon them to desist from frustra meaningful enforcement action by the Security Cou aimed at using the full weight of the Charter to sec compliance by South Africa with the Council's o decisions, for it would be both absurd and tragic for Organization to continue allowing South Africa to use process of negotiation as a platform to demonstrate defiance and affront to the international community w consolidating its illegal occupation of Namibian territo 122. Those Western countries with ex~nsive political and economic links with South Mrica, more especially the five Western Powers at whose initiative the negotiations of the last two years have taken place, have in this respect a particular responsibility. In many ways these countries provide an economic lifelbe for the Pretoria regime. Thus their attitude and actions toward this calculated defince of South Africa will have a direct bearing on the nature of the evolution of events, not only with respect to Namibia, but indeed the whole of southern Mrica. We call upon them to join with the rest of the international community so that the United Nations objectives in Namibia should be realized. We call upon t.nem to desist from frustrating meaningful enforcement action by the Security Council aimed at using the full weight of the Charter to secure compliance by South Mrica with the Council's own decisions, for it would be both absurd and tragic for this Organization to continue allowing South Mrica to use the process of negotiation as a platfonn to demonstrate its defiance and affront to the international community while consolidating its illegal occupation of Namibian territory.
It is not by accident General Assembly is holding this resumed session at time of the year. Indeed, the Assemblycould as easily h disposed of this item during the earlier resumed sessio January. In our vi.ew, the timing was meant.to give a cha to South Africa to implement the agreement it reac with the five Powers on the procedure for bringing to end its unlawful occupation of Namibia. 124. The plan, apparently accepted by South Africa m than a year ago on the premise that the United Nations SWAPO would not accept it, became a stumbling-block South Africa's intentions for continued illegal occupa of Namibia. Therefore, South Africa created contempt excuses to back out of the plan and to accuse Secretary-General and SWAPO falsely of breaches of f and agreement. To anyone interested in these deve ments, it is quite obvious that South Mrica has ope taken meascresIn breach.of the agreement and good fa South Africa Intensified tension by unleashing an attack the KasiJnga refugee camp in Angola when the plan being promulgated. South Africa proceeded to organ internal elections and govemmental authorities in Nam contrary to the spirit and intenton of the plan. So Africa continued to organize intemalpuppet groups oppose the United Nations and to pretend to grant th puppets mdependence and obviously to support th against the United Nations.
It is not by accident the General Assemhly is holding this resumed session at this time of the year. Indeed, the Assembly could as easily have disposed of this item during the earlier resumed session in January. In our vi~w, the timing was meant to give a chance to South Mrlca to implement the agreement it reached with the five Powers on the procedure for bringing to an end its unlawful occupation of Namibia. 124. The plan, apparently accepted by South Africa more than a year ago on the premise that the United Nations and SWAPO would not accept it, became a stmnbling-blocl( to South Africa's intentions for contillued illegal occupation of Namibia. Therefore, South Africa created c0ntemptible excuses to back out of the plan and to accuse the Secretary-General and SWAPO falsely of breaches of faith and agreement. To anyone interested in these develop- ments, it is quite obvious that South Africa has openly taken meas'::.resin breach of the agreement and good faith. South Africa intensiired tension by unleashing an attack on the KasiJnga refugee camp in Angola when the plan was being promulgated. South Africa proceeded to organize internal elections and governmental authorities in Namibia contrary to the spirit and intenlbn of tne plan. Soufu Mrica continued to organize internal puppet groups to oppose the United Nations and to pretend to grant those puppets indepel1dence and obviously to support them against the United Nations. "If South Mrica is to be punished and victimized for its honourab~e :>.nd finn commitment to its assurances and undertakinga toward the inhabitants of a neighbouring State, it is prepared to accept the consequences of its viewpoint rather than follow the path of dishonour and be branded by the nations of southern Africa as an unreliable neighbour prepared' to place its own transitory salvation above the interests of the other nations of the region."" 126. In our view the plan of the five countries is dead and buried, and the United Nations is no further than it was three years ago when the five undertook their voluntary private initiative on behalf of the United Nations. The United Nations has given well-deserved credit to the five countries by endorsing their plan and by giving the Secretary-General all the support he needed to implement that plan. The response of the South African regime, in our view, has been negative and final. Therefore, the United Nations should resume the initiative and take appropriate measures to evict South Africa from Namibia. 126. In our view the plan of the five countries is dead and buried, and the United Nations is no further than it was three years ago when the five undertook their voluntary private initiative on behalf of the United Nations. The UrJted Nations has given well-deserved credit to the five countries by endorsing their plan and by giving the Secretary-General all the sUfrpoit he needed to implement that plan. The response of the South African regime, in our view, has been negative and fmal. Therefore, the United Nations should resume the initiative and take appropriate measures to evict South Africa from Namibia. 127. When the United Nations addresses itself to the question of what should be done to end the illegal occupation of Namibia, or to bring about an end to the crime of apartheid, it becomes seized with violent divisions of a kind which threaten the Organization itself. We partly saw this when the Assembly adopted the report of the Credentials Committee leading to the exclusion of the delegation of that regime from this session {A/33/ 350/Add.l]. Indeed some of the speeches made in explana- tion ofthe vote of those Member States which cast negative votes were so threatening in tone that a comment or two would help to set t.'Ie record straight. 127. When the United Nations addresses itself to the question of what should be done to end the illegal occupation of Namibia, or to bring about an end to the crime of apartheid, it becomes seized with violent divisions of a kind which threaten the Organization itself. We partly saw this when the Assembly adopted the report of the Credentials Committee leading to the exclusion of the delegation of that regime from this session {A/33/ 350/Add.l]. Indeed some of the speeches made in explana- tion ofthe vote of those Member States which cast negative votes were so threatening in tone that a comment or two would help to set the record straight. 128. We have no doubt at all that the decisions taken by the General Assembly in 1974 and this year to exclude a delegation whose credentials are rejected are correct and firmly based on the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. We should point out also that the provisions of the Charter regarding the expulsion of a Member which has persistently violated the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, as South Mrica has done, are very specific and clearly spelled out in Article 6 of the Charter. In our view, the admission and exclusion of Members are pro- cedural matters of the United Nations, and the use of the veto in the Security Council on these matters is an abuse of the spirit of the Charter. 128. We have no doubt at all that the decisions taken by the General Assembly in 1974 and this year to exclude a delegation whose credentials are rejected are correct and finnly based on the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. We should point out also that the provisions of the Charter regarding the expulsion of a Member which has persistently violated the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, as South Mrica has done, are very specific and clearly spelled out in Article 6 \If the Charter. In our view, the admission and exclusion of Members are pro- cedural matters of the United Nations, and the use of the veto in the Security Council on these matters is an abuse of the spirit of the Charter. 7 See O/ficilll Records of the Security Council, Thirty-fourth Year, StipplefMnt/0;.ffl1llU1ty, Febl'U/lTY and March1979, document 8/13148. 7 See OfficiJll Records of the Security Council. Thirty-fourth Year, Stipplel'Mntfor .Jfl1IlU1ty, FeblUllTJl andMarch 1979, document 8/13148. 130. In our view the United Nations ha critical point of decision and action. There left other than to take firm measures to bri illegal occupation of Namibia by the apar South Mrica. We consider the time has Security Council to adopt enforcement m end; otherwise it will be impossible to esca complicity in the continued illegal occupa by South Mrica. My delegation will suppo proposed to this end. 130. In our view the United Nations has come to the cdtical pl,Jint of decision and action. There is no alternative left other than to take finn measures to bring to an end the illegal occupation of Namibia by the apartheid regime of South Mrica. We consider the time has come for the Security Council to adopt enforcement measures to this end; otherwise it will be impossible to escape the charge of complicity in the continued illegal occupation of Namibia by South Mrica. My delegation will support any measures proposed to this end.
Permit me first to congratula Assembly on the firmness with which it further act of provocation on the part o which, deliberately and in an act ofindescr on 23 May last occupied one of the seats i The voting on the report of the Credent {99th meeting) is conclusive proof that t community is keeping a close watch on all of the South Mrican regime, which is see to use all possible means to replace the tru ofthe Namibian people.
Permit me first to congratulate the General Assembly on the firmness with which it reacted to one further act of provocation on the part of South Mrica which, deliberately and in an act ofindescribable insolence, on 23 May last occupied one of the seats in our Assembly. The voting on the report of the Credentials Committee {99th meeting] is conclusive proof that the international community is keeping a close watch on all the manoeuvres of the South African regime, which is seeking desperately to use all possible means to replace the true representatives ofthe Namibian people. 132. My delegation is gratified at the Pre in solving the problem, something which s reputation for wisdom and effectivene demonstrated in the course of tile fir thirty-third session of the General Assembly 133. I should like to take this opportunity to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Wa devotion and his tireless efforts in the ca liberation ofNamjbia.· 132. My delegation is gratified at the President's firmness in solving the problem, something which strengthens your reputation for wisdom and ~ffectiveness which you demonstrated in the course of tile first part of the thirty·third session of the General Assembly. 134. Permit me to congratulate the Council for Namibia which, in its role as this Territory, has spared no effort over th been in existence to achieve work whic respect and consideration. 133. I should like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his devotion and his tireless efforts in the cause of the total liberation ofNamibia•. 135. We should also like to express our ad solidarity with the front-line States which have been victims of the most brutal actso 134. Permit me to congratulate the United Nations Council for Namibia which, in its role as administrator of this Territory, has spared no effort over the 11 years it has been in existence to achieve work which has won our respect and consideration. 135. We should also like to express our admiration for an4 solidarity with the front-line States which, although they have been victims of the most brutal acts ofaggression and 136. There is no way of exaggerating the importance of this session which is taking place at precisely the time when the international community has once again been faced with an intolerable act of defiance by the South African racists who, with their customary lack of respect for our Organization, have been attempting te perpetuate their domination over the Namibian people. The recent electoral farce so vigorously condemned by us all declared null and void by this Assembly and by the Security Council, is about to achieve its objectives. The South African regime is determined to impose upon us a Rhodesian-style solution, that is to say, a unilateral declaration of independence. 137. Although we know that this act is born of the despair of South Africa-the prisoner of the contradictions of its own regime which internally is fighting the threat of recession and is incapable of resolving the dispute between the business community, connected with the great inter- national monopolies, and the farmers, in a dispute over slave labour-nevertheless this is a criminal manoeuvre which should be most vigorously repudiated by us all. 138. It is encouraging to note that the international community has been following with justifiable concern the most recent events in this region of our continent and has attached to them the importance warranted by their gravity. However, along with this feeling of encouragement, we also feel indignation and we are inevitably driven to ask ourselves-as indeed we ask all representatives here-how much longer we are going to tolerate the arrogant defiance of Mr. Botha and his companions, and howmuch longer we are going to permit these international criminals to continue to prevent our Organization from performing its historic task of restoring to the Namibian people freedom and sovereignty over their Territory. 137. Although we know that this act is born of the desp2ir of South Africa-the prisoner of the contradictions of its own regime which internally is fighting the threat of recession and is incapable of resolving the dispute between the business community, connected with the great inter- national monopolies, and the farmers, in a dispute over slave labour-nevertheless this is a criminal manoeuvre which should be most vigorously repudiated by us all. 138. It is encouraging to note that the international community has been following with justifiable concern the most recent events in this region of our continent and has attached to them the importance warranted by their gravity. However, along with this feeling of encouragement, we also feel indignation and we are inevitably driven to ask ourselves-as indeed we ask all representatives here-how much longer we are going to tolerate the arrogant defiance of Mr. Botha and his companions, and how.much longer we are going to permit these international criminals to continue to prevent our Organization from performing its historic task of restoring to the Namibian people freedom and sovereignty over their Territory. 139. SWAPO, which symbolizes the deepest aspirations to independence of Namibia and which, through its heroic liberation struggle, has already created the necessary internal conditions for the sovereignty of the people which it legitimately represents, continues to evince political maturity and calm by collaborating constantly in the search for solutions, and this is something which has won the respect and esteem of us all. 140. But we should declare unambiguously that we cannot ask any more of SWAPO, whose tolerance and spirit of conciliation are only too well known, though they have certainly reached the outermost limits of concession. 139. SWAPO, which symbolizes the deepest aspirations te independence of Namibia and which, through its heroi~ liberation struggle, has already created the necessary internal conditions for the sovereignty of the people which it legitimately represents, continues to evince political maturity and calm by collaborating constantly in the search for solutions, and this is something which has won the respect and esteem of us all. 141. For its part, South Africa, with total disdain for the positions of our Organization and particularly, inter alia, Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 439 (1978), ?Crsists in occupying itS illegal bases in Namibia ID; a spring-board for aggression against neighbouri:'.g countries, persists in pursuing, arresting and killing Namibian patriots members of SWAPO, and persists in failL'1g to give up its intentions to annex Walvis Bay. 140. But we should declare unambiguously that we cannot ask any more of SWAPO, whose tolerance and spirit of conciliation are only too well known, though they have certainly reached the outennost limits of concession. rH • .111 141. For its part, South Africa, with total disdain for the positions of our Organization and particularly, inter alia, Security COllilCil resolutions 385 (1976) and 439 (1978), ?Crsists in occupying itS illegal bas~s in Namibia BS a spring-board for aggression against neighboUl'i:'g countries, persists in pursuing, arresting and killing Narnibian patriots members of SWAPO, and persists in failL'1g to give up its intentions to annex Walvis Bay. 143. This racist policy of repression being carried out by the South African authorities, far from facilitating either the work of the United Natiuns Council for Namibia in its role as legal administrator; or indeed diplomatic initiatiVes designed to narrow the differences between the parties to the conflict-that is to say, SO'Jth Africa, which is illegally occupying the TerritOl"Y of Namibia, and SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian peop!e- constitutes rather a long-term threat to peace in the region. However, this attitude, which is not in the least surprising to us, is something we are not going to waste much time in regretting. It is entirely consistent with the very essence of apartheid and is part ofthe intemallogic ofthat regime. 144. However, there still remains the problem of sub- stance, How are we going to break this deadlock? How we are going to prevent South Africa from perpetuating its criminal acts against the people of Namibia, and how are we going to react against the defiance with which we are constantly faced? Whether we like it or not, the inter- national community owes these replies to the people of Namibia and, in accordance with the comproinises reached either ill the General Assembly or in the Security Council, it is now urgent that, in the course of this very session, firm and consistent measures be adopted in order to cut this international cancer from our conscience; otherwise, we run the risk of sitting in the dock along with the other accused. 144. However, there still remains the problem of sub- s~ance. How are we going to break this deadlock? How we are going to prevent South Africa from perpetuating its criminal acts against the people of Namibia, and how are we going to react against the defiance with which we are constantly faced? Whether we like it or not, the inter- national community owes these replies to the people of Namibia and, in accordance with the comproinises reaehed either ill the General Assembly or in the Security Council, it is now urgent that, in the course of this very session, firm anti consistent measures be adopted in order to cut this international cancer from our conscience; otherwise, we run the risk of sitting in the dock along with the other accused. 145. We shall not go on and on analysing situations and facts which are only too familiar to us all. I should merely like to propose measures which my delegation believes to be indispensable if the people ofNamibia are to exercise as soon as possible their inalienable rights to self- determination and total independence under the leadership of SWAPO. 146. The first measure webelieve to be fundamental is for the United Nations to reaffirm unequivocally its respone- bility in this area and to commit itself by all the means available to it to thwart any attempt at a unilateral declaration of independence. Havingsaid this, we propose that freedom be returned to all political detainees and that all refugees who so wish should be able to return home, that the racist occupation troops should abandon the Territory of Namibia ani that authentic elections under the aegis of the United Nations be held as soon as possible. 145. We shall not go on and on analysing situations and facts which are only too familiar to us all. I should merely like to propose measures which my delegation believes to be indispensable if the people ofNamibia are to exercise as soon as possible their ina1i~nable rights to self- determination and total independence under the leadership of SWAPO. 146. The first measure we believe to be fundamental is for the United Nations to reaffirm uneqUivocally its responri- biIity in this area and to commit itself by all !he means available to it to thwart any attempt at .a unilateral declaration of independence. Having said this, we propose that freedom be returned to all political detainees and that all refugee~ who so wish should be able to return home, that the racist occupation treops should abandon the Territory of Namibia ani that authentic elections under the aegis of the United Nations be held as soon as possibl~. 147. Furthermore, if South Africa persists in its delaying tactics in order to cover with ridicule all the attempts at a negotiated solution of the problem of Namibia, the Security Council should meet as soon as possible to adopt against South Africa appropriate measures which should include those provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter. 148. Furthermore, all those Members able to do so should make available .to SWAPO all necessary means, including military means, so that it can unswervingly wage Itt: 147. Furthermore, if SQuth Africa persists in its delaying tactics in order to cover with ridicule all the attempts at a negotia~d solution of the problem of Namibia, the Security Council should meet as soon as possibl~ to adopt against South Africa appropriate measures which should include those provided for in Chapier VII of the Charter. 149. In conclusion, permit me to reaffirm to the Namibian people, .who a~ fighting for their independence, and to their vanguard, SWAPO, that the Republic of Cape Verde will continue always to accord them all possible militant solidarity and it will support all forms of struggle which they may deem necessary to resort to for the reconquest of their historic rights and for the building of a prosperous country, a happy country, free from all forms of colonial- ism and neo-colonialism.
Mr. President, at this time when we are consider- ing the question of Namibia, in keeping with the provisions of resolution 33/182 A adopted by the Assembly on 21 December last, the situation in the Territory is continuing to develop dangerously, and may lead to developments with the most serious consequences, especially following the recent initiatives of the South African Government in defiance of the valid aspirations of the Namibian people and the repeated condemnations of the international community.
Mr. President, at this time when we are consider- ing the question of Namibia, in keeping with the provisions of resolution 33/182 A adopted by the Assembly on 21 December last, the situation in the Territory is continuing to develop dangerously, and may lead to developments with the most serious consequences, especially following the recent initiatives of the South African Government in defiance of the valid aspirations of the Namibian people and the repeated condemnations of the international community. 151. South Africa's decision to implement its own "in- ternal settlement" plan dangerously aggravates the situa- tion. This initiative, inspired directly by the Rhodesian model, has as its sole aim preparing the way for a unilateral declaration of independence. It is, moreover, a further demonstration of the stubborn refusal of the South African Government to abide by the resolutions of the United Nations, especially Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). 151. South Africa's decision to implement its own "in- ternal settlement" plan dangerously aggravates the situa- tion. This initiative, inspired directly by the Rhodesian model, has as its sole aim preparing the way for a unilateral declaration of independence. It is, moreover, a further demonstUltion of the stubborn refusal of the South African Government to abide by the resolutions of the United Nations, especially Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). 152. In so doing, the South African Government is once more revealing its true intention of continuing its policy of illegal occupation. of the Territory of Namibia and the exploitation ofits resources. 153:. By imposing a bogus government in Namibia in the form of the Democratic Tumhalle Alliance, against the will of the Namibian people. South Africa is confirming the views of those who. have always doubted its sincere mtention 'of accepting the implementation of a settlement plan negotiated 'with the United Nations. 152. In so doing, the South African Government is onCl' more revealing its true intention of continuing its policy of illegal occupation. of the Territory of Namibia and the exploitation ofits resources. 154. Everyone is aware that South Africa, despite the many appeals by the international community, has always found a way to place obstacles in the path of any attempt at a peaceful solution based on the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Namibian people to self- determination, freedom and independence. 153. By imposing a bogus government in Namibia in the form of the Democratic Tumhalle Alliance, against the will of the Namibian people, South Africa is confirming the views of those who. have always doubted its sincere mtention ·of accepting the implementation of a settler-lent plan n~gotiated'with the United Nations. 155. South Africa's intransigence, its numerous delaying tactics and its ever more brutal repression against the Namibian people are aimed at the perpetuation of the racist regime ofapartheid and the establishment at the beck and call of the Government of South Africa of a "regional group of States" forming what Prime Minister Botha calls a "gee-economic community of interests", a sort of white bastion behind the facade of internal settlements and so-called governments with black participation hut profes- sing a racism which is hardly concealed. 154. Everyone is aware that South Africa, despite the many appeals by the international community, has always found a way to place obstacles in the path of any attempt at a peaceful solution based on the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Namibian people to self- determination, freedom and independence. 155. South Africa?s intransigence, its numerous delaying tactics and its ever more brutal repression against the Namibian people are aimed at the perpetuation of the racist regime of apartheid and the establishment at the beck and call of the Government of South Africa of a "regional group of :States" forming what Prime Minister Botha calls a "geo«:onomic community of interests", a sort of white bastion behind the fil~ade of internal settlements and so-called governments with black participati..Jn hut profes- sing a racism which is hardly concealed. 158. But Pretoria's rejection of the S report dated 26 February 19798 and the in South African leaders during the talks c York on 19 and 20 March confirmed ou sincerity of South Africa and its will t "negotiated settlement plan" approved Council in its resolution 435 (1978). 157. Throughout these negotiations, which we are now convinced have been used by South Africa to attempt to undermine the struggle of the Namibian people, we hoped, in spite of all, that the South African Government would fmally take a step in the ~'rection of conciliation and wisdom. 159. These talks, which were designed positions of the parties involved, have sho deceit of the attitude of the South Africa its refusal to put an end to its illegal occup and make it possible for the Namibian exercise its right to self-determination and 158. But Pretoria's rejection of the Secretary-General's report dated 26 February 19798 and the intransigence ofthe South African leaders during the talks conducted in New York on 19 and 20 March confirmed our fears as to the sincerity of South Africa and its will to implement the "negotiated settlement plan" approved by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978). 160. At this critical stage in the Namibia a time when the latest events in the heightened pessimism, urgent and eff needed. We must in fact do all in our pow South African regime to abide by the resolutions of the United Nations. 159. These talks, which were designed to reconcile the positions of the parties involved, have shown once more the deceit of the attitude of the South African Government in its refusal to put an end to its illegal occupation of Namibia md make it possible for the Namibia.'1 people freely to exercise its right to self.tjetermination and independence. 161. The five Western Powers which ha responsibility in preparing and adopting th should demonstrate firmer political will a pressure on the South African Governme accept the United Nations decisions. We a they are able to do so. 160. At this critical stage in the Namibian situation, and at a time when the latest events in the Territory inspire heightened pessimism, urgent and effective action is needed. We must in fact do all in our power to induce the South African regime to abide by the law and by the resolutions of the United Nations. 162., In the view of the Tunisian delega by the South African Government to es "national assembly" or any other type of government" should be forcefully oppose because such an operation would vio justice and legality and would add one m already explosive situation. 161. The five Western Powers which have assumed great responsibility in preparing and adopting the settlement plan should demonstrate firmer political will and exert stronger pressure on the South African Government to induce it to accept the United Nations decisions. We are convinced that they are able to do so. 163. The implementation of such illega be a clear-cut violation of Security Co 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). 162." In the view of the Tunisian delegation, any attempt by the South African Government to establish a so-called "national assemtly" or any other type ofso-called "interim government" should be forcefully opposed and condemned because such an operation would violate" international justice and legality and would add one more threat to an already explosive situation. 164. Any settlement on the basis of eo-sovereignty in Namibia is contrary to our Organization and is aimed only at th the colonial regime in South Africa. 163. The implementation of such illegal measures would be a clear-cut violation of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). 8Ibid., docwnentS/13120. 164. Any settlement on the basis of the principle of co-sovereignty in Namibia is contrary to the" decisions of our Organization and is aimed only at the perpetuation of the colonial regime in South Africa. 1(;7. In any event, we cannot support any plan which does not involve the unconditional withdrawal of the unlawful South African administration from Namibian territory and the transfer of power to the Namibian people under the auspices of the United Nations and in conformity with Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 166. Tunisia feels that any solution must necessarily be negotiated with SWAPO, the legitim~te representative of the Namibian people, and with the parti~ipation of the United Nations, which has direct responsibility towards Namibia until it achieves genuine independence. 168. Recent manoeuvres by the South African Govern- ment and the ever more evident use of force to perpetuate the exploitation of the people and heritage of Namibia, its persistent defiance of the United Nations and, in particular, the authority of the Security Council, and its policy of aggression against neighbouring States are undoubtedly a grave threat to peace and security not only in Africa but throughout the world. 1(;7. In any event, we cannot support any plan which does not invDlve the unconditional withdrawal of the unlawful South African administration from Namibian territory and the transfer of power to the Namibian people under the auspices of the United Nations and in conformity with Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 168. Recent manoeuvres by the South African Govern- ment and the ever more evident use of force to perpetuate the exploitation of the people and heritage of Namibia, its persistent defiance of the United Nations and, in particular, the authority of the Security Council, and its policy of aggression against neighbouring States are undoubtedly a grave threat to peace and security not only in Africa but throughout the world. 169. That is why the Security Council, whose authority has frequently been defied by the Pretoria leaders, should as soon as possible adopt forceful and effective measures under Chapter VII of the Charter to ensure implementation by South Africa of the 'provisions of the relevant United Nations resolutions. 170. In this connexion, we should like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for his active role and attitude during the long and difficult negotiations among the parties concerned in order to lead Namibia to genuine independence. 169. That is why the Security Council, whose authority has frequently been defied by the Pretoria leaders, should as soon as possible adopt forceful and effective measures under Chapter VII of the Charter to ensure implementation by South Africa of the ·provisions of the relevant United Nations resolutions. 171. We wish also to pay a tribute to the Council for Namibia, the only legal authority of Namibia, and to its President for their untiring efforts to help the Namibian people regain its freedom and dignity in a united Namibia. 170. In this connexion, we should like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for his active role and attitude during the long and difficult negotiations among the parties concerned in order to lead Namibia to genuine independence. 172. Similarly, a special tribute must be paid to Mr. Ahti- saari for the part he has played and the far-sighted way he has carried out his mission. 171. We wish also to pay a tribute to the Council for Namibia, the only legal authority of Namibia, and to its President for their untiring efforts to help the Namibian people regain its freedom and dignity in a united Namibia. 173. While in Pretoria there is a pretence of peace talks, we are witnessing a sustained campaign by South Africa to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. While practising these delaying tactics the Pretoria Government has unleashed a new campaign of real terror in order to impose a bogus "government" on the Namibian people. 172. Similarly, a special tribute must be paid to Mr. Ahti- saari for the part he has played and the far-sighted way he has carried out his mission. 174. Since 27 April the South African police, by virtue of Proclamation AG 26, have embarked on a wave of mass arrests of SWAPO militants. 173. While in Pretoria there is a pretence of peace talks, we are witnessing a sustained campaign by South Africa to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. While practising th6se delaying tactics the Pretoria Government has unleashed a new campaign of real terror in order to impose a bogus "government" on the Namibian people. 174. Since 27 April the South African police, by virtue of Proclamation AG 26, have embarked on a wave of mass arrests of SWAPO militants. 176. In this decisive phase ofthe struggle of the Namibian people against oppression and colonialism the international community can no longer confme itself to a reaffirmation of the principles involved in the peaceful settlement of the conflict. It must now fmd ways and means ofimplementing the negotiated settlement approved by the Security Council, which remains valid since it is in keeping with the basic principles of the Declar~t~on on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [reso- lution 1514 (XV)] and of other United Nations resolutions. 177. In this context, two possibilities exist: either the five Western countries manage to exert their influence and induce South Africa to respect international legality, or the Security Council will have to decide on the application of the sanctions provided for in Chapter VU"of the United Nations Charter. 178. We are confident that the Security Council will be able to discharge its responsibilities and that its permanent members who have played an active role in negotiating the settlement plan will not fail in what is the duty of all the members of the international community. 177. fu this context, two possibilities exist: either the five Western countries manage to exert their influence and induce South Mrica to respect international legality, or the Security Council will have to decide on the application of the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII·of the United Nations Charter. 179. In conclusion, it would be regrettable, even dangerous, if the trust which the Namibian people have placed in the United Nations were betrayed. The failure of the negotiated settlement plan would be fraught with consequences not only for Namibia but also for all Africa and would seriously diminish the confidence of oppressed peoples in the peace initiatives of certain countries in particular and of the international community in general. 178. We are confident that the Security Council will be able to discharge its responsibilities and that its permanent members who have played an active role in negotiating the settlement plan will not fail in what is the duty of all the members of the international community. 180. In any event, as in the past Tunisia will continue to give its full support for the freedom and independence of Namibia and to reaffirm its complete solidarity with SWAPO, the authentic representative of the- Namibian people. 179. In conclusion, it would be regrettable, even dangerous, if the trust which the Namibian people have placed in the United Nations were betrayed. The failure of the negotiated settlement plan would be fraught with consequences not only for Namibia but also for all Africa and would seriously diminish ·the confidence of oppressed peoples in the peace initiatives of certain countries in particular and of the international community in general.
It is a matter of utmost concern to the Norwegian Government that the efforts to achieve a negotiated and peaceful settlement in Namibia have reached a critical impasse. The complex diplomatic undertaking by the five Western countries over the past two years has dramatically narrowed what seemed like in- surmountable differences of opinion between SWAPO and South Africa as regards the road to independence for Namibia. As a result, the Secretary-General, in accordance with the mandate given him by the Security Council, has proposed in various reports how the implementation ofthe settlement plan should be proceeded with in order to provide for free and fair elections under United Nations supervision and control. 180. In any event, as in the past Tunisia will continue to give its fuU' support for the freedom and independence of Namibia and to reaffirm its complete solidarity with SWAPO, the authentic representative of the- Nanuoian people.
It is a matter of utmost concern to the Norwegian Government that the efforts to achieve a negotiated and peaceful settlement in Namibia have reached a critical impasse. The complex diplomatic undertaking by the five Western countries over the past two years has dramatically narrowed what seemed like in- surmountable differences of opinion between SWAPO and South Africa as regards the road to independence for Namibia. As a result. the Secretary-General, in accordance with the mandate given him by the Security Council, has proposed in various reports how the implementation ofthe settlement plan should be proceeded with in order to provide for free and fair elections under United Nations supervision and control. 182. It is our understanding that the implementation plans presented by the Secretary-General have been accepted by 183. South Africa. on the other hand. continues to raise questions which in. fact amount to obstructing the imple- mentation of the United Nations plan for Namibia. and continues to proceed towards the implementation of an internal settlement in Namibia. in contravention of the letter .md spirit of the Western negotiating efforts and the United Nations plan. The latest example is the establish- ment of a national assembly inside Namibia. 185. Furthermore, it is also a matter of the utmost concern that South Africa continues its armed aggression against neighbounng countries. This practice cannot be condoned by the international community. 184. Another move by the South Mrican authorities which gives reason for considerable concern and further complicates the possibility of a negotiated settlement is the recent wave of arrests and detentions of SWAPO officials and supporters. We demand their immediate and un- conditional release. 186. The policies of the South African Government in Namibia, and indeed in southern Africa as a whole, seriously threaten the peace and stability of the region and raise the prospect of future : .gional wars. These would entail increased suffering for the peoples and countries of the region and a potential internationalization of the problems facing that part of Africa. 185. Furthermore. it is also a matter of the utmost concern that South Africa continues its armed aggression against neighbouring countries. This practice cannot be condoned by the h"lternational community. 187. The South African Government seems to believe that a policy of international confrontation will not prove damaging to South Africa's interests. It would be a very serious mistake for South African leaders to believe that confrontation policies would eventually produce a com- munity of interest among South Africa and Western countries. 186. The policies of the South African Government in Namibia. and indeed in southern Africa as a whole. seriously threaten the peace and stability of the region and raise the prospect of future : .gional wars. These would entail increased suffering for the peoples and ,countries of the region and a potential internationalization of the problems facing that part of Africa. 187. The South African Government seems to believe that a policy of international confrontation will not prove damaging to South Africa's interests. It would be a very serious mistake for South African leaders to believe that confrontation policies would eventually produce a com- mUPity of mterest among South Africa and Western countries. 190. The Norwegian Government t renewed and concerted international e without further delay with a view to deadlock in order to find a peaceful sol with Security Council resolution 435 allow for the emplacement of the U sition Assistance Group in Namibia at a 189. At present we see no realistic way of achieving such Cl settlement except through continued and intensified negotiating efforts. If necessary, such efforts must be accompanied by demonstrated willingness to apply the forms of peaceful pressure available to the international community. 191. Should South Africa continue to to the international demand for a nego proposed by the fiveWestern countries Security Council, such defiance will c international peace and security. Such result in the adoption of internatio Chapter VII of the United Nations C Nations has a special responsibility fo have no choice but to implement a po disengagement against South Africa unt its illegal occupation of Namibia and elections under United Nations supervis 190. The Norwegian Government therefore urges that renewed and concerted international efforts be under' -en without further delay with a view to breaking the pre~ ;nt deadlock in order to find a peaceful solution. in accordance with Security Council resolutioIl 435 (1978). which will allow for the emplacement of the Up.ited Nations Tran- sition Assistance Group in Namibia at an e{\rIy date. 191. Should South Africa continue to respond negatively to the international demand for a negotiated settlement, as proposed by the five Western countries and endorsed by the Security Council. such defiance will constitute a threat to international peace and security. Such a development must result in the adoption of international measures under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. The United Nations has a special responsibility for Namibia and will have no choice but to implement a policy of international disengagement against South Africa until South Africa ends its illegal oecupation of Namibia and allows free and fair elections under United Nations supervision and control. The meetingrose at 6.25 The meeting rose at 6.25 p.m