S/33/PV.57 Security Council

I call on the representative of NorwilY, who wishes to introduce a draft resolution on the United Nations Trust Fund for South AfricaIA/33/L.10J.

As the General Assembly at its thirty-third session meets once again to consider the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa it must be noted that there has been a great increase in repressive measures in South Africa during the past year.. The torture and deaths of political detainees have con- tinued. Political trials have been staged in remote areas to make legal assistance difficult and to avoid publicity. The forcible expulsion of Africans from their homes, including the jrnminent demolition of the Crossroads community outside Cape Town is yet another tragic testimony to the human suffering endured by the major~ty of the people in South Africa. 3. The United Nations has a clear obligation in accordance with the principles of the Charter to work for the total eradication of the policy of apartheid. Until that objective is achieved, however, the international community is obliged to alleviate to the fullest extent possible the sufferings caused by the inhuman api rtheid policy, and to assist the victims of apartheid. lhis is the principal objective of the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa, which was established by the General Assembly in 1965. 4. As pointed out in the Secretary-General's report [A/ 33/313J, the resources of this Fund are used for grants.to NEW YOlK \lluntary organizations, to Governments of countries re- ceiving refugees from South Mrica, and to other appro- priate bodies, for the following purposes: flfSt, legal assistance to persons persecuted under the repressive and discriminatory legislation of South Africa; secondly, relief to such persons and their dependants; thirdly, education of such persons and th2ir dependants; fourthly, relief to refugees from South Africa; and fifthly, relief and assist· ance to persons persecuted 'tinder repressive and discrim- inatory legislation in Namibia and Southern Rhodesia and to their families. 5. There is evidence of growing international solidarity with the victims of apartheid in that ,contributions to the Trust Fund have increased substantially in recent years. However, the Committee ofTrustees of the Fund stresses in its report [ibid., annexj that larger contributions are necessary for the assistance to the victims of apartheid in order to meet increasing requirements. 6. It is against this background that I have the honQur to introduce draft resolution A/33/L.I0 on behalf of the sponsors. The great number of sponsors also reflects the int~rnatio!1al concern for the plight of the victims of apartheid and the need for increased assistance. The draft r:esolution contains an appeal for generous contributions to the Trust Fund and to the voluntary agencies concerned. The sponsors trust that this appeal will receive a positive response. Furthermore, we believe that the General As- sembly will again demonstrate its solidarity with the victims ofapartheid and adopt the draft resolution unanimously. 7. Having introduced the draft resolution, I would like now to make a statement on behalfof my Government. 8. South Africa's apartheid policies remain the key problem in the region ofsouthern Africa as a whole. For as long as South Africa pursues its- policy of racial discrimi- nation and oppression of its people this region will continue to be a dangerous conflict area. South Africa's policies are therefore a threat to international peace and security. 9. The South African Government's attitude to the problem of Namibia means that South Africa is at presept pursuing a policy ofconfrontation bothat home and abroad. It would be tragic indeed if the historical chance to fmd an internationally-acceptable solution in Namibia as proposed by the five Western countries and endorsed by the,Security Councill should be lost because ofSouth Africa's refusal to co-operate with the United Nations in the matter. 10. Against this background of misleading internal and external policies based on a system of institutionalized 1 See OfflcitJI Records of the Security Council. Thirty-third Year, Supplement for April. May and June 1978. document 8/12636. A/33/PV.S7 12. My delegation feels that pending the adoption of more comprehensive sanctions, there is need to take a detailed look at the impact and feasibility aspects of selected and concrete measures against South Africa, for example, in the fieid of investment and loan policies as well as in regard to supplies of oil, oil products and other strategic com- modities. For our anti-apartheid commitment to be understood in South Africa it must entail making credible threats which are enforceable as a result of the poliUcal process within this Organization. 13. international pressures must be accompanied by action by individual Governments as well. This was the combined approach outlined in the joint Nordic programme of action against South Africa adopted by the Nordic Foreign Ministers in Oslo in March of this year. On the recommendations of a N\>rdic working group for measures against South Africa, Norway, together with the other Nordic countries, is implementing this Programme of Action aimed, inter alia, at the cessation of investment in South Africa. At their recent meeting in September of this year the Nordic Foreign Ministers decided to introduce visa requirements for South African citizens. These new regu- lations 'will come into force on 1 November of this year. The Foreign Ministers also decided to take steps aimed at bringing to an end all sports and cultural contacts with the apartheid regime. The international community should adopt a policy of total disengagement from sports and cultural relations with South Africa. The Norwegian Government. furthermore, is at present considering uni- lateral measures aimed at redirecting Norwegian trade away from South Africa. 14. The Norwegian Government is of the opinion that the time has come for the world community to adopt an international policy of systematic disengagement from South Africa. Such a policy must be firmly based on one fundamental premise: a clear commitment to the total eradication of the apartheid system. We must be careful not to adopt approaches that may seem to correct the most Gbvious outgrowths of apartheid in the short term but which do not hold out any promise of change and of a society based on equality, irrespective of race, colour or creed in the long run. 15. An international policy of systematic disengagement must therefore be a commitment to change. Such a commitment must be translated into concrete and practical action the effects of which should be clearly understood and felt by the South African authorities. An int.ernational policy of systematic disengagement ought to address itself 'to co~crete undertakings within specific and selected areas. A number of such areas ought to lend themselves to detailed analysis, f(\l1owed by the implementation of -carefully worked out measures. 17. For as long as South Africa refuses to become a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons {resolution 2373 (XXII). annex} and has not renounced the acquisition of nuclear weapons the question of nuclear co·operation with South Africa must be classified as a form of co·operation with potential, and eveil likely, military significance. Norway, therefore, as a matter of principle has refused all co·operation with South Africa in the nuclear fi~ld. Nuclear co·operation with South Africa must be viewed with the utmost concern. Reports that South Africa already has nuclear-weapon capability underline this con- cern. The emergence of nudear weapons in South Africa would have wlpredictable consequences for the whole African continent and would -'have to be regarded as an immediate threat to international peace and security. 18. UltL'11ately, an international policy of systematic disengagement will never succeed or be credible unless it extends to the economic sphere. Whereas cessation of all trade is unrealistic in the short run, there are several areas where disengagement should oe made possible either very soon or in the not-too-distant future. 19. Nerway, together with the other Nordic countries, has for some time advocated cessation of further investments in South Africa ~ spelled out in the programme of action adopted by the Nordic Foreign Mini ters in Oslo in March of this year. It would represent a substantial contribution towards demonstrating to the international business com- munity that South Africa under the apart/reidsystem offers no, or very uncert:iin, p(ospects for future economic gains. In the view of the Norwegian delegation, cessation of further investments, in order to be effective, should be combined with restrictions on or cessation of various types of loans. ~ As a first step it. would be desirable to take effective measures to stop fmancialloans to South Africa.. 20. Norway has for its part for the last two years pursued a policy in line with such principles. No licences for the transfer of currency for investments in South Africa are issued any more, nor are any credit guarantees granted for exports. We have also taken steps to stop the promotion of Norwegian exports to South Africa. 22. The international community has a clear moral duty to support those-be it individuals, groups or oroani· zations-who, despite the overwhel~ngodds of a repre~sive society, are working for human dignity in South Africa. The Norwegian Government has for many years actively supported efforts undertaken on a humanitarian basis through a variety of channels to assist the victims of apartheid, including the valuable work done in the humani- tarian field by the liberation movements in South Africa recognized by the Organization of African Unity. 23. The Norwegian Government has recently allocated SUS SOO,OOO in direct assistance for inS to the South African liberation movements, including SUS 200,000 for use by the Botswana Council for Refugees, earmarked for SO.Jth African refugees. In the view of my Government, such huma'llitarian assistance is increasingly needed. The n\:'mber of ,,,,fugees is growing, but the recipient front·line States and odler African States cannot be expected to bear the increasing costs thereof alone. It is therefore our intention to increase further our humanitarian support to the liberation movements in the future. 24. Moreover, just as important as humanitarian support to liberation movements is political and economic support to the front-line States which, together with the liberation movements, bear the brunt of th.e burden in the struggle for freedom in southern Africa. In this connexion the Nor- wegian Government would once again draw attention to the need to prepare a full-fledged programme of assistance to those third countries most adversely affected by various measures against South Africa. It is of major importance that the industrialized countries assist those countries in developing maximum political and economic stability and well-being. The bare existence of politically and econom- ically stable countries on the borders of South Africa will in itself constitute pressure towards change in that country and the abolition ofapartheid. .' 25. It has not been the intention of my delegation to present an exhaustive list of options in terms of disengage. ment. In the view of the Norwegian delegation, however, the International Anti-Apartheid Year offers the world community a timely opportunity to take stock of where we stand and where we should go from here. What is needed is an approach which offers realistic action against ~he apartheid regime. This is rightly a question of political will. But it is also a test of the United Nations as a means of channelling constructively the pressures of a unanimous world opinion. 26. An international policy of systematic disengagement vis-a-vis South Africa is the responsibility of each individual 27. My own delegation, therefore, supports the recom- mendation of the Special Committee against Apartheid that the Centre against Apartheid be strengthened in various ways in order adequately to meet the increasL'1g demands made on it [see A/33/22, paras. 294-298}., . 28. Before concluding, I would like to express the appre- ciation of my delegation to the Chairm2Jl of the Special Committee, Ambassador Harriman, for the dedication with which he has led the -Committee dUring the past year. We should also like to extend our appreciation to the Center against Apartheid for its untiring efforts in international mobilization against apartheid.

Almost a year ago to the day, the representative of Finland, speaking from this same rostrum,2 had occasion to express the Finnish Govern- ment's grave concern about the further intensification of repressive measures that had 'been undertaken by the South African Government a few weeks earlier. He was referring to the decision of the South African Government to ban several newspapers and arrest their editors, thus depriving the black :m~ Coloured population of that country of its own remaining opportunity for expressing its ~ews on the inhuman policil~s ofaparthe'id, and to suppress its ago~rlzing cry for the transformation of that society, thrO\\gh pear.eful means, into a pluralistic society based on racial equality. The same C("Acern was expressed by every single delegation which spoke during the thirty-second session of the General Assembly on this question. 30. Disdain was felt by everyone without excepticn and the expression of complete contempt and rejection of the policies of apartheid was unl!J1imous, and the demand for urgent decisive action by the United- Nations compelling. The reaction of the international communh.y, through the United Nations, to the events of last year was not fruitless. For the first time in its history the Organization applied mandatory sanctions against a Member State under Chapter VII of the Charter. In an expression of solidarity with the majority of the South African people, which was acknow- ledged by all members of the Security Council, it was determined that the acquisition by South Africa of arms constitl:ted a threat to the maintenance of international peace and security. 3'1. The Government of Finland considers that decision as a first sedous step towards a situation where the United Nations would at last be in a position to fulfil its responsibility to increase pressure on the South African regime. For its part Finland had for years treated the voluntary arms embargo as a mandatory one as far 3S its own actions were concerned; so had many other States 2 See O/flcitzl Records 0/ the General Assembly, Thirty-second Session, Plenary Meetings, 73rd meeting, paras. 62-82: call~d for. 32. As a consequence, the Nordic Foreign Ministers set up a joint working group to study the possibilities of further measures against South Africa. On the basis of" these investigations and as a first step, they introduced a draft resolution to the thirty-second session of the General Assembly asking the Security Council to take action to prevent new foreign investments to South Africa,3 thus preventing it from further bolstering its economy to withstand possible future sanctions of a broader nature. So far the Council has not taken any action on the said proposal, which was adopted by a near unanimous affirma- tive vote in the Assembly. 33. It is the intention of the Nordic countries to introduce now another proposal c.oncerning discouragement of new investments in and fmancial loans to South Africa.4 The intention is that this draft resolution should be adopted with the largest possible support. 34. Meanwhile, the repression against the black population has increased. The South African penple have decided to stand up against this racist regime, and the regime is responding with new acts of violence. It is quite evident th~~ the way in which the South African Government responds to the situation will affect not only that country or even the African continent, but the international community as a whole. It is t;lear today that if no progress is soon achieved through international efforts, the danger of a full-scale violent conflict in southern Africa will become inevitable. 35. The time for dialogue has long since run out. The international community must now increase its pressure on the Government of South Africa. That pressure can b.e exerted only through an effective international policy of sanctions against South Africa, within the framework of the United Nations. It is, however, not enough for the General Assembly to express itself on tlU~ matter. The authority and binding decisions of the Security Council are impera- tive. The Security Council has already taken a decision on a compulsory arms embargo against South Afri~a. The time is now to broaden those sanctions and make them compre- hensive. The Finnish Government gives its full support to any such measures taken by the Security C::.uncil. 36. The Finnish Government has consistently and actively supported hinii'anitiirian assistance to the victims of apart- heid. We have contributed annually to the various United Nations funds aiding those victims. We ha'le channelled assistance through the Organization of African Unity special fund for the struggle against colonialism and apartheid, and this year we have started to give humani- 3/bill., 'l''hiTty·second Session, Annexes, agenda item 27, docu- ment A/32/L34/Rcv.2. 4 SubSf:quentIy circuiated as document A/33/L32 and Add.I. 37. The Special Committee against Apartheid has for many years been one of the major instruments of the international struggle against avartheid, My delegation would like to commend the COhlmittee and its eminent Chairman on unticing efforts to find new ways throl' jh which to solicit the support of the international community in its struggle against apartheid. We have taken careful note of the report of the Special Committee to th~ thirty-third session of the General Assembly [A/33/22 and CO".}} and find ourselves in broad support of its contents and conclusions. The work of the Special Committee should in our view be vigorously continued. 38. I mentioned a moment ago that the situation inside South Africa is such that we feel it imperative that the Security Council should act effectively on the question of apartheid without further delay. We all know, howev,er, that the matter at stake is broader than that. Apartheid is not merely a grave matter confronting international peace and security. uft without a lasting solution, apartheid affects the capacity of the Organization to act at all in crises of the kind we are facing at present. The principle of collective responsibility is essential to the United Nations. Without it, &e Organization cannot in fact exist. 39. South Africa has, as a Member State, continuously acted contrary to iis obligations under the Charter. It has done so repeatedly with respect to Namibia and Rhodesia. If 2. Member State "1ot only fails·to abide by the rules of the United Nations Charter but even publicly claims not to be bound by the very rules it has accepted by joining the institution, then such a Member State is challenging the entire international community. If t~~e United Nations is to preserve any credibility and continue to function in accordance with its rules, it must d(;al with this question effectively. The Security Council is tht sole organ within the United Nations system which has the necessary means to act effectively. Our view is that the Security Council must not fail to do that now, lest it be faced with the claim that ithas failed the Organization as a whole.

The situation resulting from the policy of apartheid in South Africa has grown more serious than ever. Tension inside and outside that troubled nation has considerably increased and th~ perils implicit in a prolongation of that state of affairs have reached an alarming stage. .' 41. Inside South Africa we still witness the wave of repression against those who claim their fundamental rights and freedoms in opposition ~ to the Government's policy. Forced transfers, evictions, incr~ased control of the popu- lation by the police add to the frustration of more and more strata of South Mrican society and augment the number of those who are convinced of the injustice and untenability of the" system of apartheid and voice their concern in South Africa itself. I should like, in this connexion, to commend the United Nations on the decision to present a United Nations Human Rights Prize to 43. AB the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs stated in addressing the thirty-third session of the General ABsembly {12th meeting], we regard the apartheid system as a profound violation of the basic principles of human rights, a violation of all ideas of personal freedom and the rights to respect and dignity, in which my country believes. Do I have to refer to the whole ~atalogue of mistreatment of political prisoners, to the death of Steven Biko, to the life sentence against Nelson Mimdela? These events have shocked public opinion all over the world and can never be forgotten. It is our firm conviction that apartheid is morally unjustified and incompatible with the most fundamental human rights and does not provide the basis of a viable society. 44. Again, it seems unnecessary to explain in depth all the political aspects which are attached to the apartheid concept, which has severely endangered the endeavours to bring about peaceful change in Namibia and Southern Rhodesia, where we had nurtured hopes that the transition to majority rule by peaceful and democratic means would stabilize the political situation in southern Africa as a whole. Instead, the world is faced with alanning news of troop concentrations, of a steady increase in refugees. If all these initiatives are reaUy doomed to fmal failure, the danger of a racial war in southern Africa seems more imminent than ever. 45. Speaking of the economic aspects, we are all aware that millions of Africans have by the labour of their hands created the wealth of that cOlmtry, from ~he enjoyment of the fruits of which they have been exciuded; wealth that has enabled the South African Government to ridicule the possibility of sanctions as indicated mSecurity Council resolution 439 (1978). The outside world, however, is becoming increasingly reluctant to invest in South Africa or to provide ioans, and we have seen that, for instance, a number of American universmes have already withdrawn investments from that troubled country. That will add economic isolation to the political isolation into which the leadership of South Africa has led its peopie. On the other side we see the desperate economic" struggle of the front-line States which, with their active support and their contribution to a fmal peaceful solution to all the problems existing in southern Africa, fmd themselves in the most precarious position. 46. To my country it seems highly important to assist the people of the African front-line States in their economic difficulties arising from their unconditional adherence to resolutions adopted by various bodies of the United Nations and from the heavy burden resulting from their generous help to all the refugees. In this contextJ wo~ld mention that, apart from any bilateral assistance, Austria has always supported the various programmes trle United Nations has established for the support of the victims of 47. Over the last year, International Anti·Apartheid Year, international support for the struggle of the South Africans against apartheid has broadened and intensified.. Under- standing and active solidarity have been amply demon- strated, reflecting the broad consensus of the world community on this issue. Support for the just struggle of the opponents ofapartheid has also been forthcoming from individual States and international governmental and non- governmental organizations, and is stronger than ever. Still, the United Nations continues to play the key role in our common efforts to bring about rapid and peaceful change by maintaining the necessary pressure on the South African regime and by supporting the forces instrumental in such change. 48. Let me at this point commend the Special Commitiee against Apartheid, under the distinguished chainnanship of Ambassador Leslie Harriman, for its untiring efforts in tl~e struggle against apartheid and the very creditable way in which that Committee deals with a heavy workload, which has been further increased by International Anti-A.partheid Year. 49. Of the various projects carried out in the course of the year I wish to touch briefly on three Austrian ones. In the Austrian high schools a poster com~tition on the topic "Iustice in South Africa" was organized in accordance with our conviction that a change in patterns of thinking can best be realized through education. Secondly, the Austrian Anti-Apartheid Movement organized in September 1978 a seminar in which a represent~tL!e of the Special Committee participated. Thirdly l in Iun.; 1978 what we5 called the "Congress of Dialogue: Western Europe-Black Africa" took place in Austria, with 88 participants from African countries and 100 from European countries. The Congress discussed in multidis:;i?linary form relations and inter- dependencies of a PlJ1i~c 'I, economic and cultuml nature between the two continents. SO. In concluding these remarks I wish to reiterate the conviction that the pressure on the South African rulers from inside and outside must be maitttained and intensified. At the beginning of this year we had the opportunity of hearing Mr. Donald Woods, the South African journalist- himself a victim of the apartheid system who had to leave his country-address the Security Council and the Special Committee. Let me quote what Donald Woods wrote in a recently published article, namely: "What the West is really saying to Pretoria, what Africa is saying to Pretoria, and what most South Africans are saying to Pretoria is: talk to your own people. Negotiate with the real leaders chosen by your country's blacks. Determine your own future by peaceful negotiation with your own ~lack majority. If you begin to do this, and stop imprisoning them, banning them, detaining them and killing them, there will be no more talk of sanctions, ostracism and pressure."

The Brazilian delegation could not fail to participate in the present debate in order to add its voice to the unanimous condemnation by the inter· national community of the abhorrent policies ofapartheid. 53. The unfortunate longevity of apartheid items on our agenda has given my delegation ample opportunity over the years to expound its views on all aspects ofapartheid. The finn condemnation of South Africa's racial policy has been and remains an unchangeable tenet of Brazil's foreign policy. The annual debate on these items by the General Assembly, although it may seem to some extent repetitious, perfonns a very useful function~that of dramaticaUy reiterating the unbending will of Member States to find solutions to the problems posed by apartheid. 54. Despite all our effclrts the system of apartheid continues to be imposed upon the people of South Africa as an instrument of domination and exploitation of the non-white majority, and its extraordinary and detailed inhumanity remains unequalled in present times. 55. The universal condemnation of the practices of sepa- rate development has not yet brought about the radical changes demanded by the international community. To the increasing concern over the dangers to international peace and securit~· implied by aparth-eid. no positive response whatsoever has been evidenced by the South African Govemm~nt, which remains defiantly deaf to the inter- national clamour. 56. South Africa, by its intransigence, has brought upon itself the deserved condemnation of the community of nations. Its persistent negative postures lessen our expecta- tions of witnessing a peaceful reversal of the policies of apartheid. Not surprising!y, recent events have shown that the exssperation of those who no longer have the patience to awai~ peaceful change is rapidly increasing. It is indeed the dignity of the South African people that is at stake. Nevertheless, the United Nations must persevere in its efforts. This is an inescapable commitment which we, as Member States of an Organization devoted to peace and freedom, have accepted. 57. We are all aware that the problem of apartheid must be solved without further delay and that the international communityhas the moral and political duty to accelerate its extinction. This is an objective the Assembly cannot lose sight of, whatever disappointments it has had in the past. 58. Let me take this opportunity to reaffIrm once again the Brazilian Govemment's commitment to the struggle .againstopartheid. Among other measures, Brazil has severed at sports links with South Africa. My Government has JCC;e;D:tl.y, indeed, deniede'dtry visas to BrazU for members .tJf a projected South African raft expedition from Walvis Bay to Rio·dt Janeiro. Th.at action was duly communicated 10 the S;pecialCommittee against Apartheid and to the lJ.aiJted Jlotations Council for Namibia, as reflected in CL note 60. The Brazilian Government has also extended adequate financial support to different funds aimed at helping the people subject to the apartheid regime, including the United Nations Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid. 61. At the recent special meeting of the General Assembly to observe International Anti·Apartheid Year [30th meet· ing) reference was made to a message addressed to Ambassador Leslie Harriman, to whom we pay a tribute for his guidance of the Special Committee against Apartheid. by Mr. Antonio F. Azeredo da Silveira, Minister for Ex- ternal Relations of Brl!zil. I should like to concl!!d~ by quoting a passage from my Minister's message which summarizes Brazil's stand cn this question: "Brazil, as a country where the harmony and the association among all laces are inherent to its historical and cultural fonnation, has endeavoured to participate in the different activities which have marked the Inter- lvtional Anti-Apartheid Year. I believe that the generous purposes and objectives which informed the implemen- t~tion of the International Anti_~,parth("id Year have been entirely fulfilled. Its re3ults have already been perceived and will represent an additional encouragement for actions, by the international"community, in favour ofthe elimination of all racial inequalities. Faithful to its own principles, Brazil will continue to lend its unmistakable support to all measures designed to achieve equality and, in so doing, to consolidate international peace and security." 62. Miss KONIE (Zambia): The d~legation of Zambia is honoured to participate in this important debate concern· ing policies ofapartheid in South Africa. 63. My delegation.would like to express to the Rapporteur of the Special Committee against Apartheid its appreciation of his able introduction of the 813DUal report of the Special Committee against AptD1heid [A/33/22 and Co".l] and the special report on oll sanctions against South Africa [A/33/22jAdd.l}. Those reports contain-useful conclusions and recommendations .which should guide the international community in the intensification of concerted and effective action against apartheid. 64. I ~ould also like to.take this opportunity to com- mend my colleague, Ambassador Harriman of Nigeria. for his leadership of the Special Committee against Apartheid. 65. For us in Zambia the struggle against apartheid has long been one of. our m&jor preoccupations. Prior to the attainment of our political independence, we experienced racial discrimination; we suffered from its inherent humili· ation; indeed, our struggle for independence Was greatly inspired by our fervent desire to fight and wipe out racial 67. The real meaning and undeplying purpose ofapartheid were eloquently expressed by none other than tJ'Ie late Verwoerd, then Prime Minister of South Africa, who stated before the House of Assembly in January 1963: "We want to keep South Africa white .•. Keeping it white can only mean one thing, namely, white domi- nation; not leadership, not guidance but control, su- premacy." 68. Within this context, the racist Pretoria regime has since 1948 implemented its policies of apartheid and racial discrimination with consistency and maximum ruthlessness. The international community has witnessed a deteri'rnned and systematic effort to ensure, first, that the whites in South Africa remain in complete control of both Govern- ment and the decision-making apparatus; secondly, that the white areas of South Africa, which include all the major' cities and towns, mining areas and most of the best land, will continue to be assured of the cheap subordinate African labour which they require; and thirdly, that to the fullest extent possible, without seriously jeopardizing that continued supply of black labour, the races ofSQuth Africa will be separated physically, socially and geographically. 69. Thus, apartheid is a policy of domination of the black majority by a white minority. This, in a nutshell, is the essence of apartheid and this is the system which the collaborators with the racist Pretoria regime, in particular certain influential States, are consciously sustaining and strengthening. They remain responsible for the conse- quences of the diabolical system ofapartheid. . 70. This policy has been pursued relentlessly and has been exported to the international Territory of Namibia and to Southern Rhodesia. By so acting, South Africa hopes to insulate itself. through the extension of its borders to satellite territories, thus keeping at bay the ever-growing tide of independence. This has become particularly essential for South Africa since the crumbling of the former Portuguese empire. South Africa's defence system has therefore effectively been extended, through annexation, to Southern Rhodesia, and, through occupation, to Namibia. This is a frantic attempt by South Africa to establish a system of self-protection against the nationalist liberation 72. The intensification by South Africa of its oppression of the struggling masses in Namibia and South Africa will not postpone indefinitely th~ attainment of independence. The Pretoria regime will never be able to neutralize the liberation struggle. The existence of the most notorious arr..ii brutal legislation as well as itl) vast military capability will not suffice to stifle the yearning for majority rule. Likewise, South Africd~s persistent acts of aggression against neighbOUring independent States, in particular Angola a.-Id Zambia, will not cow us or weaken our determination to lend continued support as reliable rear bases for the liberation struggle until final victory. 73. The grim reality is that South Afric~ continues to be entrenched in its apartheid policies. It remains determined to resist ~hange, contrary to the mischievous propaganda of certain ifi'e~ponsible representatives of the Western news media which present an erroneous picture of the internal situaticm in South Africa. South Africa has no dewe to undertake, or even to contemplate undertaking, meaningful changes or reforms in its political system. In its ~ew, any significant political reforms would be sacrilegious and detrimental to the maintenance of white domination and privileges. The international community must not be deluded by propaganda arising from certain "cosmetic" and simulated manoeuvres in South Africa. The change, for example, from Vorster to Botha is no real change. That must be obvious to all. 74. What is required in South Africa is the complete eradication of the apartheid system and the introduction of basic political change. The Sout..1} African liberation move- ment, as represented by the African National Council of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania have long championed the stnJggle to that end. However, the effectiveness of the efforts ofthe struggling masses and the liberation movements of South Africa has been ad- versely affected by the lack of commitment to the struggle for freedom, particularly by certain influential Western Member States and their transnational corporations. 75. All too often one hears arguments to the effect that Western economic interests and the activities of trans- national corporations have a liberalizing influence on South Africa. On the contrary, however, there is mounting evidence that that is not the case. It is the submission ofmy delegation that increased investment in South Africa amounts to investment in oppression. Further, the authen- tic representatives ofthe oppressed and exploited masses of 76. We are familiar with the true motives. Those Western States and their transnational corporations have demon- strated their lack of willingneF::: to deal a decisive blow against t~ racist minority regimes in southern Africa for fear tha.t such action might jeopardize their strategic, commercial and investment interests. In addition, and perhaps more significantly, those Western countries are unwilling to rupture their ties of affmity with iheir kith and kin in the territories still under white minority domination. in brief, the attitude so far shown by the Governments of certain Member States towards the liberation stmggle in South Africa runs counter to the very ideals which those States have long championed, and in certain instances contradicts their historical experience. It is indeed tragic, if not downright criminal, that influential Member States of this world body which are in a position to resolve the conflict in southern Africa should permit narrow and short-term interests to cloud thoir perception of the long.term benefits which could derive from a durable solution of the problem of South Africa. 77. Apartheid remains a citadel as the political situation deteriorates in southern Africa, continuing to pose a grave threat to international peace and security. It remains the duty of all of us to align ourselves with the oppressed people Qf South Africa in their just and legitimate struggle for self-determination and independence. 78. In the prevailing circumstances, the Security Council in particular should adopt effective measures to deal with the challenge posed by the inhuman policies of apartheid and institutionalized racism in South Africa. Only by so doing will the Security Council live up to its solemn' responsibilities, assigned to it under the Charter of the Unite~ Nations. 79. I wish to pledge Zambia's continued commitment and support to the liberation struggle in southern Afrba. As in the past, Zambia will not be found wanting in the provision of necessary support to the oppressed people of 'South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe in fulftlment of the lofty principles and noble goals enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.

The Assembly's debate on apartheid this year is taking place against an ominous background-the increasing threat of widespread armed conflict in the whole region ofsouthern Africa. That threat has its roots in the apartheid system in South Africa. Not only does apartheid create an increasingly dangerous situation in the Republic itself; it also causes instability and insecurity in the area as a whole. That is so because the white r6g!me in South Africa feels forced to extend its .influence and dominance to neighbouring countries also, in Older to secure the continued existence of tl[JllTtheid in 81. The unstable situation in southern Africa has un- fortunately already developed in such a way as to prompt outside Powers to establish a military or paumilitary presence in the region. We cannot exclude the possibility that southern Africa may become an area of d~rect confrontation also between non-African Powers. Apartheid is the major underlying factor in fomenting this situation. I want to reiterate that we consider that the situation in South Africa is a threat to international peace and security. South Africa's potential as a nuclear Power makes the situation particularly perI;ous. 82. In the first place, however, apartheid is a threat to South Africa itself. A system so I;)ntirely based fln injustice and inequality holdr within itself the indomitable forces of its own destruction. By using all the sjnister instruments of apartheid, the white rulers have so far managed to keep these forces in check. But in a somewhat longer perspectivr- it is evident that it will be impossible for them to withstand the pressure originating from the claim for freedom of 2S million citizens, and even less to control their accumulated anger, frustration and desperation. A system which from its start was totally false and evil can only decay and die, or end in an explosion. The white rulers so far have shown no inclination to let the system die. Therefore, the explosion seems inevitable unless the course-is changed. 83. For years, the South African Government made great efforts to produce a picture of South Afri-:a as a paradise on earth, where the white man enjoyed a life full of privileges, where foreign companies could obtain high returns on their investments, and where the extraction of valuable minerals caused few problems and limited costs. But the South African Government consistently omitted to show the other side of the coin, and neglected to describe the fate of all those millions of South Africans exploited and oppiessed to create the so-called paradise. 84. In a country prodigiously endowed with natural resources, the majority of the pe"ople continue to live and serve as nothing but a huge and cheap reservoir of labour. Facts about the Government's treatment of the non-white population continue to fill us with indignation. The Africans are being uprooted from the areas where they have been living for generations, and forced to move to some place where their labour is needed; or, being considered unproductive, they are deported from places of work to areas where they lack cpportunities to eam their living. The number of such forced removals has reached gigantic- proportions. According to officiai figures recently collected by the Black Sash Organization over 2 million persons have been subjected to forced removals under apartheid laws since 1960, and estimates indicate that close to another 2'million are still to be removed. The personal tragedies are beyond comprehension. Family life is shattered; men and women lose their jobs and their few 1;;3longings; education is disrupted for the children. Through efforts by the 86. Of course, Crossroads is only one tragic e?Carnple of forcea removals. Under the bantustan programme, thousands and thousands of long-established African farmers are being forcibly u]?rooted and taken on govern- ment triJcks, together with their possessions, to arid and thorny areas or swampy, uninhabitable wasteiandsin bantustans far away from their native homes. Left on the bare veld, they have to make do with whatever means they can fmd. Some years ago, the horrendous conditions in some of the most notorious of those camps were exposed in the press-Dimbaze, Umehill and &tinkwater. Previous' reports had carried accounts of the lack in these settlement areas ofhousing, water supplies, work, toilet facilities, good food supplies or social amenities-a situation causing malnutrition, sickness and death among the populations that had been removed to the camps. Recent follow-up studies from one of these camps, Limehill, disclose that the camps are still being used as "dumping grounds" for mothers, children and ihe old, with 96 per cent of all male workers absent on labour contracts. Social and medical conditions are incredible, almost indescrib~ble; they are an overwhelming testimony to the inhumanity and tyranny of the regime. 87. I could quote innumerable facts and figures describing the horrifying truth about the bantustan programme and the forced removals, but that is still only one aspect of the apartheid system. Apartheid is present everywhere in South African society, and the non-white population has to endure and obey racial laws and regulations that fetter its life from the cradle to the grave. Whatever area of society we enter we meet a system where work, education.. health and social facilities and all functions are strictly based on the colour of the skin, and where the non-white citizens are systematically being discriminated against. Every attempt 88. To maintain this system the white minority regime has had t;(; develop a very strong police and military apparatus. As the internal and external opposition to apartheid increases, this apparatus is likely to grow in strength. But continued suppression GilD only breed more violence and lead to more frustration and hate in the relations between the races. The regime will fmd that the system that was created to protect its'minority will in the end become its greatest enemy. The greatest loser will be the white population, That is the inevitable outcome of a conflict between a minority fixed in its obsession to ret~"l its privileges at ~ costs, and a majority convinced and determined to win its freedom and its human dignity. Thus in the end apartheid will crumble aild disappear. 89. The Africans know that the heavy burden of the struggle against apartheid basic!illy will have to rest upon their own shoulders. But they also know that the role of the world community is of ci'\lcial importance to their struggle. For us in the world cOffil'"Ilunity it is therefore impe'rative mat we ask ourselves what our roles should be in this process. Our' concern does not stem only fmm our solidarity with the oppressed;. H is also in the intered of all countries to contribute to the maintenance of pe~,ce and security in southern Africa. If we allow one foolhardy regime to start a brush fire, that fire may spread until we have it on our own doorstep, whether we be Europeans, Asians or from any other continent. No Government today can afford to sit idly by and hope that it will not happen. 90. Events in southern Africa during the past few y~ars have brought world opinion to even greater awareness of the dangers caused by apartheid and by South Africa's efforts to maintain that system at all costs. As a conse- Q1;1ence we have witnessed a mounting pressure against apartheid, a ]?ressure apparent during this year's apartheid debate and also in other deliberations in and outside the United Nations. South Africa's influence in the conflict in Southern Rhodesia and its dilatory and devious tactics to retain'its dominance over NlUJ'jbia are too obvious to be elaborated upon in this context. 91. In some respects this concern by the world com- munity has been coupled with actual steps te increase the international pressure on South Africa to impress upon it that fundamental changes must be undertaken to avoid disaster. 92. Thus, the increasing threat to international peace and security caUsed by South Africa's military build-up spurred the Security Council to adopt its resolution 418 (1977), by which a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa was unanimously decided upon. This was an important break- through. It was the first time that all the members of the . 93. First, the decision by the Security Council on a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa was an important step, but it was not -enough. South Africa is making far-reaching efforts to achieve a high degree of self-sufficiency in its arms production. However, this capacity for domestic military production-which, of course, can also be increased by conversion of its civilian industrial potential-is very muell dependent on and enhanced by th,. inflow of foreign capital to South Africa in the form of new investments, whether they be channelled directly to de- fence-related industries or used to prop up the South African economy in general. The cessation of further foreign investments and fmancial loans would therefore be an effective complement to the arms embargo. 94. Secondly, measures to curb the flow of capital to South Africa would also have an impact on the South Mrican economy in generJI They would, in other words, hit the most sensitive nerve in the South African society and therefore would have to be taken seriously by thos~ who are responsible for the economic stabilit~ and welfare of the country. 95. Thirdly, the psychological impact of such a cut-off of new investments would probably be as important. So far, the white establishment in South Africa has felt that it is part and parcel of the Western political and economic world and linked to it through heaw flows of trade, investments and loans and all kinds of bUSL.l1ess contacts. This economic interdependence has always made the leaders in Pretoria feel convinced that they could continue as before, since the important Western countries are not expected to endanger their economic interests in South Africa. The impressions gained from the Pretoria talks on Namibia recently might once again have strengthened that conviction. The lack of decisive action by the Western world so far, therefcrp" has no doubt helped the South Mrican regime in its effcrts to ~~ an aura of respectability and legitimacy. That UDjustified romplacency would most likely be shaken ifthe Western countries were to demonstrate that they were prepared to sacrifice some of those short-term economic interests. 97. Fift~y, a resolution by the Security Council on investment would undoubtedly also be encouragement for those people who are now bearing the brunt of the oppressive system. It is sometimes argued that it would be the African population that' would suffer most if inter- national economic measures 'were directed against South Africa. But, as the leaders of the South Africa natio!lalist organizations often point out, the majority of the people are no strangers to economic suffering. Temporary addi- tional burde~s in that respect are to be preferred, they say, to permaneLt suffering and degradation ~nder the apartheid system. Such measures would be the clearest message to them that their struggle for ajust mid humane South Afrk.! is not being carried on in isolation and that their important internal efforts to change the apartheid society are sup- ported by effective actions by the outside world to achie'i'e that goal. 98. I have chosen to elabc.'ate on this item at some length in view of the decision of the Nordic Governments in March of this year to work for a programme ofjoint action against apartheid in South Africa and to se~k the widest possible support for such efforts in the United N!:ltions. The cessation of investments was regarded as one of the most import~t steps that could be ·taken against South Africa at this stage. Only sanctions decided on by the Security Council can be really effective. 99. However, lacking such decisions and in view of the unique and grave situation prevailing in South Africa, we must now be prepared to consider also ullilateral measures. In August of this year the Committee which had been appointee by th(; Swedish Government in June 1977 to carry out an inquiry into prohibitive measures to be instituted by Sweden against capital export to South Africa and Namibia in conjunction with Swedish company invest- ments there, published it; report. In short, the Committee recoJ:llmended a prohibiflon of further investment in South Africa and Namibia and of capital exports to this end. On the basis of these recommendations the Swedish Govern- ment will make proposals to Parliamerit for deliberation and decisions. Let me add in this context that, as part of the Nordic programme against apartheid, Sweden intro· duced visa requirerr.~ilts for South African citizens as from 1 November 1978. 102. Along with a number of other countries, my Govern- ment has for many years contributed to various United Nations and other programmes in this field, such as the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa and the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa. As Chairman of the Trust Fund for South Africa, I wish to emphasize particularly the need for concrete and increased assistance to the oppressed peoples of southern Africa as reflected in the resolution regarding the Trust Fund [resolution 32/105 AJ. 103. Sweden also gives fmancial aid to the African National Congress of South Africa for its civil activities in favour of the increasing number of South African refugees. Our contribution to the African National Congress this year was 12 million Swedish crowns. But more has to be done, for instance in the field of legal aid and educational assistance, to meet the needs both of the refugees from South Africa and of those still under the oppressive regime. Therefore the international community should give its full support to these programmes. They will not ~liminate apartheid, but they are an important complement to our efforts towards that end. As Governments, organizations and individuals, we share a responsibility fo~ moulding world opinion against apartheid, and for its eradication. 104. Mr. VO A..~H TUAN (Viet Nam) (interpretation from French): For over 30 years now the abolition of apartheid has been one of the major concerns of the Un!tp.d Nations and of the international c(',mrnunity, bec~use apartheid, that monstrous violation of fundamental human rights of which an entire people is the victim, is an insult to human dignity and a threat to international peace and security. 105. Our Organization, in describing apartheid as a crime against mankind, has redoubled its efforts to compel South Africa to abandon that odious policy and to conform to the will of mankind as a whole. But that anachronistic regime, turning a deaf ear and obstinately pursuing its criminal policy, has gone so far as to declare that its racial pollcy is essentially a matter within its national competence and that the United Nations is not entitled to consider the matter. Following this, there has been a considerable intensification of the policy of the brutal domination of the majority of the people by a minority of racists. The inhuman character of this policy has no equivalent in recent history. Millions . 106. The policy of bantustanization is another aspect of apartheid which has brought immense suffering to the peoples of South Africa. Indeed, millions of people have been uprooted from their houses and land and sent to arid regions, placed in what are called "bantustans", wmch in fact' are reservoirs of cheap labour for the racist and imperialist monopolies, strategic villages and buffer zones against the struggle for liberation, which has developed in many areas of the country. The international community has strongly condemned and rejected the proclamation of the so-called "independence of Transkei" and of all other bantustans, calling it an attempt to destroy the territorial integrity ef the country, perpetuate racist and colonialist domination and deprive the African and non-white popula- tion of their inalienable right to be masters of their own country and of their destiny. 107. On the external level, the apartheid regime ofSouth Africa, the last bastion of colonialism in Africa, is used by imperialism to put an end to the liberation movements of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe, to carry out armed aggression against neighbouring independent countries in order to prevent the front-line countries from giving their support to the freedom fighters of the South West Africa People's Organization and the Patriotic Front. 108. Why has the Pretoria regime been able to act as it has until now? Why does it dare to defy all the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council? Why has it not yet bowed to the will of the international com- munity? It is no secret from anyone that there is collusion between certain countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and several international monopolies and the apartheid regime. In fact, it was imperialism that established that regime and that tries to consolidate it economically andmilitarily and uses it as a regional policeman to oppress and exploit the population of the country and to defend the economic, political and military interests of certain Western Powers. It is those same Powers which have prevented our Organization, by all possible means, from taking the necessary measures, in conformity with the Charter, effectively to help the South African People to put an end to those conditions of slavery and humiliation, which have already lasted far too long. The General Assembly will recall the triple veto of the Western countries permanent members ef the Security Council, as a result of which the Security Council was unable to impose mandatory economic sanctions, and in particular an oil embargo, against South Africa. 109. In its report [A/33/22 and Co".l}, the Special Committee notes that during the past year the economic 110. While South Africa's Western partners have sought pretexts to camouflage their flagrant violation of the arms embargo and oppose a possible embargo on oil for South Africa, Mr. Botha, for his part, has been more frank; on 19 November last, he stated outright that: "If an arms embargo is not feasible, I do not think an oil embargo is feasible either." The press saw in this cynical statement by Mr. Botha an admission hy South Africa that it continues to receive arms from overseas, despite the mandatory embargo' imposed on it by the Security Council last year. 111. In the light of what I 'have just said, it is easy to understand the real meaning of the statements- accompanied by noisy propaganda-of certain Western Powers, the traditional partners of Pretoria, on their commitment to defend human rights in South Africa, their call for the elimination of apartheid, their efforts to influence the racists and persuade them to heed the voice of reason and change their policy, and so on. In my delegation's opinion, these are only clever manoeuvres aimed at sowing confusion in international public opinion, appeasing the indignation of progressive mankind, bringing the apartheid regime out of its total isolation and imposing a neo-colonial solution to the problems of southern Africa-a solution that would destroy the fruits of the long and continuous struggle for liberation by the' peoples of the region and that would safeguard the interests of imperial- ism, racism and the large monopolies. 112. We are convinced that, as it examines the question of apartheid midway through the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discriinination, and during this International Anti-Apartheid Year, the General Assembly must bear in mind the dangerous aggravation of the situation in southern Africa as a whole because of t.lte intransigent policy of the Pretoria regime and the compli- city of certain States Members of the United Nations. • 113. Faced with that situation, the international com- munity must urg(;ntly take all the necessary measures, in conformity with the Charter, to implement the resolutions and programmes of action of the United Nations on this matter. The South African people are now waging a heroic and very difficult struggle to ensure the exercise of their right to live in freedom and dignity. It is therefore our duty to reaffirm the legitimacy. of their struggle by every means at their disposal, including armed struggle, and to increase our moral, material and diplomatic support for their national liberation movement. 114. The experience of the more than one quarter of a century that has now elapsed proves that the international community's struggle to abolish apartheid cannot be 115. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, true to its policy of active support for the national liberation movements, pays a tribute to the South African people for the heroic s~ruggle it is waging, under the leadership of its national liberation movement, to abolish colonialism, racism and apartheid, so that all the people of SOl'th Africa, without any distinction as to race and religion, may be able to exercise freely their right to self-determination and inde- pendence. We express once again the indestructible solidar- ity and support of the people and Government ofViet Nam for the patriotic cause of the oppressed people of South Africa. We are firmly convinced that the South African people, as well as the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe, persevering in their just stmggle and benefiting from the ever-increasing approval and support of progressive man- kind as a whole, will gain their fmal victory.

The delegation of Spain expresses particular appreciation for the two reports submitted to the Assembly on Tuesday hut by, respectively; the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/33/22 and Co".1] and the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports [A/33/36]. 117. I believe that these two valuable documents express the deep, continuous and repeated concern of the inter- national community over one of the most painful and . alarming phenomena of our times. 118. A 'detailed examination of·the two reports and the judgements ,they contain, the data that have been gathered and the measures which, with the characteristic insistence of the United Nations, have been adopted during the past year are sufficient proof of the seriousness of the item we are now discussing and of the importance of being able to reach as soon as possible a thorough and comprehensive solution to the problem ofapartheid. • • ;> 119. Not too many years ago there began to emerge in this General Assembly a series of positions which led to a general philosophy on decolonization, on the freedom of man and on his most essential values as a member of the national community as well as in universal society. So, just - as the very strength of the positions and movements against colonialism brought about the progressive elimination of that scourge of world society, it is to be expected that the continuous affirmation" of the evils entailed in racial discrimination, made specific in the unnatural practices of apartheid, which run counter to nature, will lead to the day when the conviction, the strength of public opinion, the weight of international morality and common sense will 120. That is the only hope for the future of the international community. Any contrary attitude is rejected by my delegation most vehemently because of its lack of realism and because of the tradition of the Spanish people. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Spain stat-:;d during the general debate at this thirty-third session of the General Assembly that: "The Spanish Government is fmnlyopposed to any kind of racial discrimination wherever it may be found. Therefore we condemn and reject apartheid and the policY of racial segregataon, which, far from being a way of solving problems, is merely a stratagem for maintaining the unjust discrimination which apar;theid involves, and which implies complete contempt for the indisputable postulate of absolute equality among men." [16th meet- ing, para. 23./ 121. For all those reasons my delegation believes that only measures of international mobilization which bring about a real awareness of the danger Cdld the obstacles apartheid poses to international coexistence would make those who practise apartheid understand that their position is mis- taken and dangerous. Only recognition and admission of the principle of the equality of human beings can provide the roots and the coheSiveness of an international society that wishes to be just and is today attempting to face up to the challenge of development and the other global problems of this last quarter of the twentieth century. 122. Those who defend the policy of apartheid must be able to reflect upon such important questions as the unjust international economic order, over-population, the deterio- ration of the environment, and limited growth-problems that ?ffect us all and will affect us even more, no doubt, in the near tuture. But those very advocates ofapartheid must also understand that neither our international society nor our States will be able to respond to the major challenges of the world today unless it is conceded in advance that human beings are equal and must be treaterl as such irrespective of ethnic or racial origins. 123. But concurrent with such a movement of public opinion there must be co-ordinated action against the policies of apartheid. My delegation th~refore again states its desire to support a draft resolution that would render effective the struggle against what the Security Council and the General Assembly have called a crime against thr dignity of mankind. 124. In conclusion, I wish to express the hope of the delegation of Spain with regard to this complex and difficult situation. This hope stems from our own history and our own experience. Spain understood the equality of human beings and when it mixed with all the races of this continent, of the Philippines and of other areas, it created a vast community of races and culture. 125. Therefore Spain places its hope in the progressive course of history. It is necessary for those who practise the 127. Today we categorically reaffmn that position, which is consistent with the line followed by Argentina since its very birth as an independent State. 128. Indeed, my country has always repudiated racial discrimination and maintained that racism is, regardless of the justification given for it, contrary to man's nature and an insult to the conscience of mankind. It could not be otherwise since Argentina is a country the population of which has various origins and belongs to different religions and races. Those who have visited my country have witnessed our pluralistic society, in which there is no racial discrimination of any kind. . 129. For those reasons, in the specific field of apartheid my country has voted in favour of and complied with the various substantive resolutions of United Nations bodies, decisions that express with absolute clarity the opinion of the international community on the untenable theoretical foundations of apartheid and the practical manifestations of that horrendous policY. 130. In particular, one of those decisions-resolution 418 (1977) of the Security Council-includes factors of truly historic significance. In fact, the adoption of that resolution did not merely represent the first time that positive ::..aIlctions had been applied against a Member State; it was also the fust truly tangible punitive action taken against South Africa in one of the areas in which concerted action by the international community could be decisive. 131. The adoption of resolution 418 (1977), which we fully accept, has furthermore sho·.yn the will of those countries from which South Africa has traditionally sought, and at times found, backing for OJ: consideration of its policies to translate into terms of its practical consequences the mounting pressure they have been exerting on Pretoria. This attitude of States whose contribution is indispensable to the rapid elimination of apartheid emphasizes the clear incompatibility between the values to which South Africa claims to adhere and the polic:y ofapartheid. 132. We should also recall that Argentina took part in the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, and that, 'together with 111 other Governments, it contributed to the adoption by consensus of a DeclarationS the importance of which need not be emphasized., 133. J now refer to the situation obtail,ing in South Africa. ;irst, my country cannot but express its deep regret and concern at the continued intransigence we have S See Report of the World Conference for Action agaihst Apartheid, IAgos. 22-26 August 1977 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2 and cor.rigendum), chap. X. 134. We have often heard white South African leaders complain that while the policy of apartheid is llubject~d to attack the equally or more condemnable policies existing in other societies are disregarded. Without denying that racism and discrimination are not exclusive to South Africa, we must once again mention that in the civilized modem world there are no other examples of racial discrimination being official State policy and being institutionalized in law. 135. On the other hand, we must say that the high level of economic growth and wealth attained by South Africa places upon its Government social responsibilities that cannot be the same as those of other States in which the degree of development is considerably lower. It is but logical to ask more of South Africa than of others in that regard. 136. I have said that South Africa must bring its social achievements into line with the very high material levels enjoyed by part of its population. In this connexion I wish to add two important remarks. First, because it would obviously be inappropriate, we would not attempt any criticism here of the internal structure.ofthat country were it not for the underpinning of apartheid. Secondly, we understand that the elimination of apartheid would not necessarily mean the destruction of the material progress achieved in South Africa. In this respect I think we agree with a good number of countries represented here. Further- more, I think we are also in aBreement w~th th~m that the most desirable solution would be one which, without sacrificing life or property, would allow for the rapid transition a\\ Ay from the backward situation pertaining at present towards one b&Sed: on the absence of racial discrimination. 137. The Government of Argentina, therefore, wishes to repeat that in its view the peaceful and concerted course of action must continue to be the first optio~ in soMng the problem in South Africa. It is true that the hour is late and that insistence on maintaining the apartheid regime does , not contribute to bringing about favourable conditions for that type. of outcome. But it is also obvious that th~ situation in southern Africa, which Argentina views with understandable concern given the geographical area in which it is developing, is sufficiently serious and so compromises international peace and security, that we must avoid any course of action which could increase tension. 138. Consequently, we must once again appeal to the parties. We must appeal to the Government of South Africa rapidly to adopt, if not on the basis of conviction, at least on the basis o{ fundamental political realism, all the necessary measures in order fmally to elimbate apartheid and thus avoid worsening a conflict whose consequence would be incalculable. We must issue an appeal to the leaders of the African majority so that, acting with the same exemplary perseverance and restraint which they have . . 139. We wish to express our appreciation and recognition of the important task. which is being fulfilled by United Nations bodies devoted to the struggle against apartheid. 140. In this connexion, we wish to express our satisfaction at the efforts made by the Special Committee against Apartheid, which, under the chairmanship of Mr. Harriman and with the stalwart support of each of its members, has made a significant contribution to the attainment of its goal. That, together with the positive spirit in which the Committee devoted itself to an analysis of the various questions before it, leads us to repeat our confidence in its work. 141. My Government and delegation also express apprecia- tion of the work done by the Centre against Apartheid. 142. Finally, we should like to take advantage of this opportll..l'!ity to convey to Africa and its leaders, some of whom are present in this hall, our message of solidarity with them in the just struggle for a better world, a world more in keeping with the principles of brotherhood and justice reflected in the United Nations Charter. 143. Argentina places complete faith in Africa and its leaders. Thus, it not only has contributed and will continue to contribute as far as possible to the funds created by this Organization to train and educate new generations of Africans in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa, but will also continue to give special attention to the legitimate claims which its leaders have brought to this Organization for our consideration.

It was more than three decades ago that the General Assembly first censured South Africa for its policies of racial discrimi- nation. Since then, the violations of-national and human rights by the apartheid regime of South Africa have become more persistent and systematic in spite of the numerous resolutions and decisions of the Assembly and the Security Council which have sought to put an end to the inhuman practice ofapartheid. 145. The situation in South Africa today constitutes a challenge, not only to the authority and prestige of the United Nations itself, but to the conscieftce 'of mankind, which ought nolonger tQ tolerate the brutal and dehuman- izing effects of the system of apartheid. The international community cannot afford to stand impotent and helpless before the defiance of a racist minority regime which continues to concentrate all economic and political power in its own hands, while denying to its vast black majority. the enjoyment of those fundamental and inalienable rigHts and freedoms with which all individuals are endowed, irrespective of race, colour, class or creed. 146. Despite the efforts of the overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations to eradicate the scourge of apartheid from the body politic of South Africa, the fact remains that the apartheid regime continues to grow stronger even as its repressive measures against its 147. The London weekly magazine The Economist, in a recent ~eport entitled "South Africa-Booming Exports", had thiS to say about trade and investment by certain Western States and others: "South Africa's foreign trade is running at record levels, and, despite the threat of sanctions and political chaos in the region, overseas investors appear less nervous than they were a year ago." The report continued: "Although sales to Britain (still tlie biggest market for South African goods) are slightly down, exports to all other major trading partners have soared: to Japan by 15 per cent, West Germany by 46 per cent, France by 52 per cent and America by an astonishing 64 per cent." With regard to sales to South Africa, the report had this to say: "British sales to South Africa are up almost a quarter this year, and the 18 trade missions due in 1979 (compared with 14 this year) will be aiming to push sales higher. Imports from West Germany and Japan have risen by one third, while French ftrms have fattened their lists by nearly two thirds." So far as direct investment in South Africa is concerned, The Economist said: "According to the World Bank, South African bor- rowers raised $206 million on international bond markets in the first half of 1978, compared with only $84.5 million in 1976 and 523.9 million last year. Even this figure is probably an underestimate. since· several private placements have not been publicized ... At least one seven-year loan has been arranged, probably by one of the West German or Swiss banks which have been the source of almost all South Africa's foreign borrowings this year." In a reference to transnationals the"report stated: "There are probably more forei~ controlled companies in South Africa now than two or three years ago. Souih Africa!l trade officials reckon about 10 more American firms are doing business in South Africa than a year ago." 148. It has been argued that foreign investment in South . Africa provides employment opportunities and advance- ment for blacks in spite of the constraints of the apartheid system, and moreover that transnational corporations can act as agents for reform within the system. A recent report by the Centre on Transnational Corporations on the activities of transnational corporations in southern. Africa6 6 See ActiVities ofTranslUltiolUll Corporations in Southern Africa: Impact on Filfll1JciDl and Socilll Structures (United Nations pl:bli- cation, Sales No. E.78.II.A.6). 149. So long as this collaboration persists. so long will the racists openly defy the collective will of the international community and continue to repress, through Draconian legislative and other equally reprehensible methods such as torture, bannings. bantustanization and political assas- sinations, the legitimate aspirations of the peoples ofSouth Africa and deny them their full and equal participation in all spheres of activity. My Government therefore Sl!PpOrts the demand for the imposition of sanctions ~ 68inst the South African regime, particularly in respect of the provision of petroleum and petroleum products and the z.vailability of loans and export credit financing. My Government would urge all States to take the necessary legal measures to implement all General Assembly and Security Council resolutions so as to bring about the total isolation of the racist regime in the economic, trade and financial fields and thus force it to dismantle the obnoxious politicaiand economic structure ofapartheid. 150. Particular attention needs to be paid to the nuclear developments in South Africa so as to ensure that that country does not devr~op a nuclear-weapon capacity, which would violate the aspirations of the African peoples for a denuclearized zone for Africa and further strengthen that regime's aggressive policies against neighbouring African States. My Government resolutely condemns the open violation of the territorial integrity of Angola and deeply regrets the loss of life occasioned by that wanton act of aggression. 151. Trinidad and Tobago continues to support the efforts of the United Nations to eradicate the evil ofaptlttheid. We have made a contribution to the Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid. so as to strengthen the ability of the United Nations to counter the dis,semination of pernicious information by the racist regime. We also continue to support financially the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa so that some measure of legal protection can be afforded to persons charged with violations of the repressive legislative enactments of the regime, as well as to persons struggling to free their fellow citizens from 'the slavery that is apartheid. 152. The international community and the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid. of which Trinidad and Tobago is a member, must redouble their efforts so as to focus the attention of sympathetic sectors in all countries on the degrading and inhumane treatment to which the people of South Africa are still subjected. Those Governments that have not yet done so must be urged to take steps to ensure the fU~ implementation ~f all resolutions relating' to apartheid. If that were done. the annual general meetings ()f transnationai corporations having ties with the South African economy would be forced to deal with the issue of collaboration with the,South African regime and to face the 153. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago will con- tinue to observe strictly the relevant resolutions of tlie General Assembly and the Security Council and to call for stronger measures, under Chapter VII of the Charter, to be imposed on South Africa, since the Government of that country has repeatedly shown its total indifterence to the appeals of the majority of the people of South Africa to be set free from the indignity and oppression ofapartheid. No effort should be too great to rid the international com- munity of this universally condemned regime. It must be recognized, however, that in the fmal analysjs it will be only through the just struggle of the people and their national liberation movement, together with the deter- mined and collective effprts of each and every Member State, that injustice and that most obnoxious form of racial discrimination that is called apartheid can speedily be brought to an end. 157. Wa are actively interested in the development of the situation in South Africa. We have witnessed the massacres perpetrated by the racist minority and our interest, therefore, cannot simply be expressed verbally in the articulation of our views when speaking of the racist policies pursued by the white minority. We must move beyond that and engage in a gigantic effort of the international community to impose sanctions of dissuasion and also to undertake political and diplomatic measures against South Africa to force it to give up its apartheid policies, which are aimed at perpetuating its inhuman domination. 158. It is a fact that the very existence of the racist regime could not be much prolonged without the total support which it receives from the colonialist and imperialist countries. It is evident to all that those countries which oppose United Nations resolutions are the same as those that offer active support to the South African regime, thus enabling it to survive and continue its racist policies. Any help given to the racist regime is support for the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination.~ It is not strange to fmd those same countries that help South Africa themselves benefit from their investments, because they derive con- siderable profit from those investments as a result of the use of tile indigenous labour, which is in fact forced labour. We are aware of the fact that the tranSnational corporations have adopted practices which are in direct contradiction to the aspirations and interests of the countries in which they operate, and which favour their private mterests in com- .plete disregard of th~ legitimate aspirations of the indige- nous peo~le, who demand the right. to live with dignity. 154. Mr. AL·ALI (Iraq) (interpretation from Arabic): First of all I should like to pay a tribute, on behalf of my country, lio the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who is trying to promote the efficiency of this Organization and in so doing endeavouring to reinforce international peace and security. I should like also to thank the members of the Special Committee against Apartheid for the efforts they are exerting in order to make us fully aware of the grave dangers involved in apartheid, not only for South Africa but for the whole of the continent. 155. The United Nations has always taken the keenest interest in the apartheid policies practised by the Govern- ment of South Africa and has on ~any occasions expressed its concern over-in fact, its rejection of-those policies. The General Assembly has condemned the policy of apartheid as a flagrant violation of the provisions of the United Nations Charter and as a crime against humanity. It has also reiterated that it considers the struggle of the South African people a legitimate struggle, aimed at putting an end to the Golonialist policy by any available means, in order to achieve government by the majority. The United Nations has also denounced the economic and military co-operation which exists between the racist regime and other countries, because that policy assists the authorities in Pretoria and encourages them to continue their inhuman practices. Despite all the positions taken and the very clear resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council, we see the Pretoria regime continuing to challenge the will of the nations assembled here. The same can be said of the Zionist racist regime in occupied Palestine. We see the frustrations of. the peoples of southern Afrfca and the terror which is inflicted upon them. We see also the imprisonment or detention of so many patriots and black leaders who have been struggling for the indepen- dence of their country. 159. I would mention the link existing between the two racist entities in South Africa and in occupied Palestine. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid confirms the fact that there is political, military, economic and nuclear co-operation between the Pretoria regime and the Zionist entity. At the nuclear level also· there is co-operation which den:t0nstrates the very nature of the two racist regimes: In fact, the racist regime is an extension of the colonialist theory of implantation. This explains the link which exists between the two regimes, because they are very similar. This co-operation has been denounced repeatedly by'the General Assembly. I will only mention the position taken by the Special Committee against • Apartheid as reflected in its special report on recent developments in the relations between Israel and South Africa, in which it deno~nces and condemns uneqUivocally the co-operation which exists in so many fields. The report states clearly: 156. The intransigent position of the South African Government and the continuance of its racist policies, in "The three top companies in their field-Tadiran, Elvit and Israel Aviation Industries-were selling South Africa a The report then mentions the fact that the Committee noted with concern "... that Israel is becoming a 'bridge-head' for South African goods in the European Economic Community. The development of collaboration between Israel and South Africa in military, political, economic, cultural and scientific fields indicates clearly the disregard of the Israeli Government for the repeated resolutions of the United Nations. Such collaboration constitutes an act of hostility against the aspirations of the oppressed people ')f South Africa." [Ibid., para. 45.J 160. The grim legacy of tyranny continues to exist in South Africa. The international community must exert every effort to put an end to the violence perpetrated by the white minority. It is also necessary to recognize that the continuance of the armed struggle in South Africa is an inalienable right of the people, recognized by the inter- national community and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. If this situation is perpetuated it will constitute a definite threat to international peace and sec1Jfity. In this regard, my country is proud to reaffirm its solidarity with the African people in their heroic and legitimate struggle to achieve independence. 161. From the point of view of chronology we are being cynical if in the United Nations we celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of the Declaration of Human Rights while at the same time we are witnessing the practices of the coloniaIist and racist regimes, which have reduced the indigenous .population of South Africa to slavery while completely disregarding the resolutions, the humanitarian proclamations and the will of the Un:ted Nations.

New Zealand is deeply concerned that the Government of South Africa refuses to heed the demand of the international·community that apartheid be abandoned and that the majority of the people of South Africa be set free from their bondage. The apartheid system is abhorrent; it flies in the face of all that is right and just. Apartheid imposes economic bondage upon millions of people for the benefit of a minority. It deprives those people of human rights, of political freedom and of dignity and respect. Apartheid destroys relationships between people, alienating them from one another. It seeks ~o make a virtue of discrimination through a perverted racial ideology which dermes people as inferior or superior according to the colour of their skin. Such a system is monumentally stupid. Tragically, it is a good deal more than that: it is cruel, oppressive and unjust. 163. There is no question that apartheid is doomed. As the New Zealand Prime Minister said in the general debate a few weeks ago: "'It seeks to impose what cannot be imposed, to deprive people of rights and freedoms that cannot be denied." [7th meeting, para. 46.J in~ransigence of the Government which upholds the system ofapartheid must be overcome. 165. The international community has powerful weapons at its disposal and the pressure for change from both within and without, must sooner or later becomt! irresistible. We achieved a great m,.easure of unanimity in the Lagos Declaration. My country subscribed to that Declaration without reservation. Intemttional Anti-Apartheid Year, now under way, has stimulated world-wide awareness of the evil of apartheid. We commend the Special Committee against Apartheid for its initiative and action in this fieid. It is essential that the opposition of world public opinion to apartheid be heard loud and clear in Cape Town and Pretoria. It is there that the choice must be made plain to the white minority. They face both the condemnation of history for their unjust and racist policies and the destruc- tion of all that they ~re trying to protect. They must break free from that narrow and demeaning view which seeks to defme human beings according to the colour of their skin. They must accept the full diversity of human beings as a source of strength and enrichment. Simple justice and human dignity demand this. 166. My delegation has long supported the strategy which the international community has adopted in the struggle against apartheid. We are, as my Prime Minister said, "utterly opposed to apartheid" [ibid.]. We have sought to express this in many practical ways~ by a refusal to enter into diplomatic relations with South Mrica; by supporting various funds aimed at helping the victims ofapartheid; by supporting initiatives calling for the ending of all new investment in South Mrica; by actively discouraging sport- ing contacts; by observing scrupulously a voluntary arms embargo (lnd later the mandatory arms embargo imposed by t~e Security Council; and by acknowledging furtherour readim.lss to support other mandatory measures should the Council decide to impose them. 167. I said earlier that we believe that pressure from the international community for the abandonment ofapartheid will prove irresistible. We ll..!e ready to support the .heightening of such. pressure if the international community can attain consensus on new strategies to achieve a peaceful solution. Apartheid must be dismantled. The doorways to freedom, justice and equality must be thrown open. People, everywhere, have the same simple but profound right to live in human dignity. The meeting rose'at 1.20 p.m.