S/33/PV.97 Security Council

In accordance with paragraph 14 of resolution 33/182 A of2l December 1978, we are today reconvening the thirty-third regular session of the General Assembly, solely in order to "consider fully the question of Namibia and the impli- cations of South Africa's' continued defiance of the resolutions of the Assembly and the Security Council". President: Mr. Indalecio LIEVANO (Colombia). 2. Before we begin our deliberations, I believe that the General Assembly would wish me to pay a tribute to the memory of Mr. Jamil Baroody, who died while the As- sembly was in recess. From the earliest days of our Organization he represented Saudi Arabia with special devotion and with a very individual approach to the problems of the international community, its history and its probable development. Yet his long years of diplomatic service did not make him a sceptic, as nearly always happens after Intense and prolonged involvement in inter- national problems. There was in him a kind of essential faith in the goodness of mankind that enabled him to keep intact his faith in the purposes Of'~Charter. Both for our Organization and for the staff of e Secretariat, who had in him their best and most generous hampion, the death of Mr.Baroody leaves a vacuum which . be hard to fill.

In accordance with paragraph 14 of resolution 33/182 A of 21 December 1978, we are today reconvening the thirty-third regular session of the General Assembly, solely in order to "consider fuUy 'i:h~ question of Namibia and the impli- cations of South Africa's· continued defiance of the resolutions of the Assembly and the Security Council". 2. Before we begin our deliberations, I believe that the General Asse:nbly would wish me to pay a tribute to the memory of Mr. Jamil Baroody, who died while the As- sembly was in recess. From the earlie~t days of our Organization he represe'o1ted Saudi kabia with special devotion and with a very individual approach to the problems of the international community, its history and its probable development. Yet his long years ofdiplomatic service did not make him a sceptic, as nearly always happens after intens~ and prolonged involvement in inter- national problems. There was in him a kind of essential faith in the goodness of mankind that enabled him to keep intact his faith 'in the purposes Of'~Charter. Both for our Organization and for the staff of e Secretariat, who had in ium their best and most generous hampion, the death of Mr. Baroody leaves a vacuum which . be hard to fill. 3. Lastly, I should like to thank all the United Nations bodies which continued while we were in recess to seek a just solution to the problem of Namibia. Such a solution, of course, can be found only within the frame of reference established by the General Assembly and the Security Council, and it must clearly be one that will bring Namibia to genuine independence. It mut also be a democratic 3. Lastly, I should like to thank all the United Nations bodies which continued while we were in recess to seek a just solution to the problem of Namibia. Such a solution, of course, can be found only within the frame of reference established by the General Assembly and the Security Council, and it must clearly be one that will bring Namibia to genuine independence. It mut also be a democratic NEW 'YORK

Before taking up our agenda for this morning, I should like to draw the attention of the Assembly to document A/33/551/ Add.3, which contains a letter dated 23 May 1979 addressed to me by the Secretary-General and informing the General Assembly that the Dominican Republic has made the necessary payment to reduce its arrears below the amount specified in Article 19 of the Charter.

Before taking up our agenda for this morning, I should like to draw the attention of the Assembly to document A/33/551/ Add.3, which contains a letter dated 23 May 1979 addressed to me by the Secretary-General and informing the General Assembly that the Dominican Republic has made the necessary payment to reduce its arrears below the amount speCified in Article 19 of the Charter.

During the consultations held in regard to the resumption of the session it had be-n envisaged that the Assembly would meet during five working days and, taking into consideration the fact that 28 May is an official United Nations holiday, would conclude its work on Wednesday, 30 May. However, in view of the large number of speakers already included in the list it now appears that it will not be possible for the Assembly to finish its work on that date. Accordingly, I should like to propose that the closing date of the thirty-third session be set for Friday, 1 June. If I hear no objections, it will be so decided.

During the consultations held in regard to the resumption of the session it had be~n envisaged that the Assembly would meet during five working days and, taking jnto consideration the fact that 28 May is an official United Nations holiday. would conclude its work on Wednesday, 30 May. However, in view of the large number ofspeakers already included in the list it now appears that it will not be possible for the Assembly to finish its work on that date. Accordingly, I should like to propose that the closing date of the thirty-third session be set for Friday, 1 June. If I hear no objections, it will be so decided.

I now call on the Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. th~ sentiments expressed by you, Mr. President, on the tragic loss we have all suffered. Ambassador ~aroody was not only an outstanding diplomat and statesman; he was, above all, a great human being endowed with outstanding knowledge and experience of the working of the United Nations. He was in many ways a true embodiment of what our Organization stands for. All of us are the poorer because of. his untimely passing, and we shall greatly miss him. 35. For the second time in 13 mo Assembly is meeting specifically to cons Namibia. This resumed session comes at at a time when the efforts of the intern to bring about genuine independence fo to be obstructed by the intransigen 35. For the second time in 13 months the General Assembly is meeting specifically to consider the question of Namibia. This resumed session comes at a moment of crisis, at a time when the efforts of the international community to bring about genuine independence for Namibia continue to be obstructed by the intransigent attitudes of the 36. As the United Nations body entrusted with the task of ensuring the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)}, it has been the Special Committee's consistent position that, given the refusal of the South African authorities to comply with the demands of the international community with respect to Namibia, given their continued resort to force to perpetuate their illegal domination of the Territory, and given their repeated acts of aggression against their neighbours, the full and effective application of measures under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter will be the key to the speedy restoration of peace, justice and freedom to the people of the Territory. The validity of this position of the Com- mittee, which is based on its conviction that the United Nations is in duty bound to do everything possible to' terminate South Africa's illegal occupation, has, I trust, been amply demonstrated. Indeed, the well-known develop- ments of the last 12 months or so in respect of Namibia, characterized by South Africa's devious and dilatory tactics and by its obdurate stonewalling, have given eloquent proof of what is to be expected when dealing with aGovernment that has not the slightest intention of heeding any resolution, decision, recommendation or other measure of the world body. As has been shown beyond the shadow of a doubt, the South African authorities are detennined to perpetuate their stranglehold over the Territory, and at all costs to block the transfer of powers to the people of Namibia. 37. There is indeed absolutely nothing new in South Africa's defiant attitude towards the United Nations or in its contemptuous disregard of world public opinion. Not once in the 30 years of the history of the dispute over the Territory has South Africa shown any respect for the authority of the world Organization; not once has its attitude been one of co-operation or conciliation; rather, it has been a history of inflexibility and confrontation, of broken promises, false assurances and outright duplicity. The developments of the last 12 months come merely as a confirmation of what we already know-tl-,t is, that there is no real prospect that South Africa will ever willingly accede to the genuine aspirations of the people of Namibia to true independence and liberation. 37. There is indeed absolutely nothing new in South Africa's defiant attitude towards the United Nations or in its contemptuous disregard of world public opinion. Not once in the 30 years of the history of the dispute over the Territory has South Africa shown any respect for the authority of the world Organization; not once has its attitude been one of co-operation or conciliation; rather, it has been a hisi.ory of inflexibility and confrontation, of broken promises, false assurances and outright duplicity. The developments of the last 12 months come merely as a confirmation of what we already know-tr·~t is, that there is no real prospect that South Africa will ever willingly accede to the genuine aspirations of the people of Namibia to true independence and liberation. 38. It is unnecessary to recapitulate in detail the nature of these developments. Suffice it to say that the apartheid regime has with deliberation and calculated cunning ex- ploited the efforts to achieve a negotiated withdrawal of South Africa's illegal occupation in order to consolidate its domination over Namibia and bolster its puppets. Conse- quently, we have all been witness to South Africa's dilatory manoeuvres-its pretending to negotiate, on the one hand, while on the other hand it adopts measures calculated to defeat the very essence of the negotiations. Such measures: 38. It is unnecessary to recapitulate in detail the nature of these developments. Suffice it to say that the apartheid regime has with deliberation and calculated cunning ex- ploited the efforts to achieve a negotiated withdrawal of South Africa's illegal occupation in order to consolidate its domination over Namibia and bolster its puppets. Conse- quently, we have all been witness to South Africa's dilatory manoeuvres-its pretending to negotiate, on the one hand, while on the other hand it adopts measures calculated to defeat the very essence of the negotiations. Such measures 39. To put it mildly, South Africa's actions during this period have been those of an unrepentant aggressor defying the international community at will and with calculated cynicism. To crown it all, after a series oftalks culminating in the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), and subsequent to the presentation of the Secretary- General's plan,l the apartheid regime has now chosen to show its contempt for the United Nations-and, as indeed one may venture to suggest, for those Western Governments that undertook the initiative that culminated in the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978)-by proceeding with the creation of the so-called National Assembly, thus taking yet another step towards its own internal settlement, a sort of unilateral declaration of independence for Namibia ala Pretoria. In sum, the South African regime has used the negotiations merely as another platform to demonstrate their defiance of and to affront the international community while carrying on with their obnoxious measures to consolidate their occupation in Namibia. Put differently, as far as South Africa's actions in Namibia are concerned, it has been "business as usual": more ruthless repression of the Namibian patriots, the continued plunder of the Territory's natural resources, the escalated militarization of the Territory, and its use as a spring-board for aggression against independent African States, while at the same time South Africa continues the grand conspiracy to transform Namibia into another ban- tustan with the Turnhalle clique at its nominal helm. 40. It is against this background of intransigence and arrogance, and also against the background of increasing violence in and around the international Territory, that we in the United Nations must view the present crisis. If we are not to compromise our fundamental principles and under- mine the obligation we have accepted as a sacred trust, it is imperative that the United Nations reassert its authority by ensuring that the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council are strictly implemented without further delay. In this regard, the only course of action commensurate with the present situation is for this As- sembly to recommend, and for the Security Council to consider adopting as a measure of urgency, a comprehensive programme of economic sanctions which will signify to South Africa that its stalling tactics and manoeuvres will no longer be tolerated. Equally important at this juncture is the need for all concerned to provide all possible assistance to the people of Namibia under the leadership of their national liberation movement, SWAPO, in this, the most crucial stage of their gallant struggle for the restoration of their rights. That the course of action which will be taken in this regard at the present session willhave far-reaching consequences for the people of the Territory as well as for the peace and security of the whole region is clearly self-evident. ' . 40. It is against this background of intransigence and arrogance, and also against the background of increasing violence in and around the international Territory, that we in the United Nations must view the present crisis. If we are not to compromise our fundamental principles and under- mine the obligation we have accepted as a sacred trust, it is imperative that the United Nations reassert its authority by ensuring that the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council are strictly implemented without further delay. In this regard, the only course of action commensurate with the present situation is for this As- sembly to recommend, and for the Security Council to consider adopting as a measure of urgency, a comprehensive programme of economic sanctions which will signify to South Africa that its stalling tactics and manoeuvres will no longer be tolerated. Equally important at this juncture is the need for all concerned to provide all possible assistance to the people of Namibia under the leadership of their national liberation movement, SWAPO, in this, the most crucial stage of their gallant struggle for the restoration of their rights. That the course of action which will be taken in this regard at the present session will have far-reaching consequences for the people of the Territory as well as for the peace and security of the whole region is clearly self-evident. ' . 42. Before concluding my statement, ! should like, on behalf of the Special Committee, to acknowledge with appreciation the important work carried out by the United Nations Council for Namibia, under the outstanding leader- ship of Ambassador Lusaka of Zambia, in the discharge of the mandate entrusted to it. The role of the Council as the legal Administering Authority for Namibia until its inde- pendence cannot be overemphasized. At the present stage of the struggle of the Namibian people it is essential that the Council be given the utmost co-operation by all Member States so that it can continue to discharge its responsibilities with even greater effectiveness. 42. Before concluding my statement, ! should like, on behalf of the Special Committee, to acknowledge with appreciation the important work carried out by the United Nations Council for Namibia, under the outstanding leader- ship of Ambassador Lusaka of Zambia, in the discharge of the mandate entrusted to it. The role of the Council as the legal Administering Authority for Namibia until its inde- pendence cannot be overemphasized. At the present stage of the struggle of the Namibian people it is essential that the Council be given the utmost co-operation by all Member States so that it can continue to discharge its responsibilities with even greater effectiveness. 43. Speaking from the General Assembly rostrum in April last year,2 I observed that the liberation of Namibia would not be achieved merely by appealing to the South African Government, nor would that Government be induced to change its policies by the application of half-hearted measures. That view, I submit, remains as valid today as it was a year ago. We, the members of the international community, have the means to solve the problem created by the illegal South Africanauthorities occupying Namibia. All that is required of us is that we summon the will to address ourselves squarely to the problem and that we persevere in the only course open to us-that of support for the people whose future we have taken in our hands and whose cause we would betray should we further hesitate in bringing full and effective force to bear on the oppressors. 43. Speaking from the General Assembly rostrum in April last year,2 I observed that the liberation of Namibia would not be achieved merely by appealing to the South Mrican Government, nor would that Government be induced to change its policies by the application of half-hearted measures. That view, I submit, remains as valid today as it was a year ago. We, the members of the international community, have the means to solve the problem created by the illegal South Mrican authorities occupying Namibia. All that is required of us is that we summon the will to address ourselves squarely to the problem and that we persevere in the only course open to us-that of support for the people whose future we have taken in our hands and whose cause we would betray should we further hesitate in bringing full and effective force to bear on the oppressors. 44. As we observe this year's Week of Solidarity with the Colonial Peoples of Southern Africa Fighting for Freedom, Independence and Equal Rights during the current week, let us rededicate ourselves to the objectives of the Declara- tion and the Charter of the United Nations and redouble our efforts in support of the people of Namibia for the achievement of their long-awaited liberation. 45. Mr. President, I should like on behalf of the Special Committee to reiterate our satisfaction and confidence that, under your acknowledged leadership and guidance and 44. As we observe this year's Week of Solidarity with the Colonial Peoples of Southern Mrica Fighting for Freedom, Independence and Equal Rights dUring the current week, let us rededicate ourselves to the objectivee of the Declara- tion and the Charter of the United Nations and redouble our efforts in support of the people of Namibia for the achievement of their long-awaited liberation. 45. Mr. President, I should like on behalf of the Special Committee to reiterate our satisfaction and confidence that, under your acknowledged leadership and guidance and 47. The PRESIDENT (interpretatio fore calling on the next speaker, I that the list of speakers in the debate b 24 May, at 6 p.m. If there is no o decided. 46. I should like to pay a particular tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless search for a satisfactory solution of the problem of Namibia. I am confident that we shall continue to have the benefit of his experience and dedication in whatever further efforts may be made to bring this vexing problem to a just solution. 48. The PRESIDENT (interpretati should like to request those delega submit draft resolutions to do so as s particularly important inasmuch as adequate consideration of any admin implications which might arise out lutions. I would, therefore, suggest submitted no later than Tuesday, 29 M

Be- fore calling on the next speaker, I should like to propose that the list of speakers in the debate be closed on Thursday, 24 May, at 6 p.m. If there is no objection, it will be so decided. 49. Pursuant to General Assembly now call on the President of SWAPO.

I should like to request those delegations which intend to submit draft resolutions to do so as soon as possible. This is particularly important inasmuch as it would give time for adequate consideration of any administrative and financial implications which might arise out of those draft reso- lutions. I would, therefore, suggest that any proposal be submitted no later than Tuesday, 29 May.

To say, at this stage, that the critical and deteriorating is an und throughout Namibia there is current of war, more bloody than ever befo consequences not only for our peopl for the rest of southern Africa, for indeed for the world at large. 49. Pursuant to General Assembly resolution 31/152 I now call on the President of SWAPO. 51. Today more than nine month held the first meeting in its thirty question of Namibia [52nd meetin ever-escalating massive military and and deployment by the illegal Pr reached alarming proportions. Durin since the Kassinga massacre, more li been destroyed as a result of the c junta to utilize brute force and the innocent and defenceless Namibian the aged.

To say, at this stage, that the situation in Namibia is critical and deteriorating is an understatement. Actually, throughout Namibia there is currently an ominous spectre of war, more bloody than ever before and bearing ghastly consequences not only for our people and country but also for the rest of southern Africa, for Africa as a whole, and indeed for the world at large. 51. Today more than nine JIl'onths after this Assembly held the first meeting in its thirty-third session on the question of Namibia [52nd meeting], the aggressive and 52. Inside Namibia the Fascist Bot need to resort to the most viciou escalated violence against SWAPO suspected of or entrapped into b supporters of SWAPO. ever-esc~ating massive military and paramilitary build-up and deployment by the illegal Pretoria junta has now reached alarming proportions. During the last 12 months, since the Kassinga massacre, more lives and property have been destroyed as a result of the colonial policy of that junta to utilize brute force and the method of overkill of innocent and defenceless Namibian children, women and the aged. 53. At the same time, throughout always, the racist Pretoria junta has m 52. Inside Namibia the Fascist Botha regime has felt the need to resort to the most vicious and brutal acts of escalated violence against SWAPO and those Namibians suspected of or entrapped into being collaborators or supporters of SWAPO. 53. At the same time, throughout the last 12 months, as always, the racist Pretoria junta has maintained a belligerent 54. The Boor regime _has, true to type, remained ever intransigent and its leaders and spokesmen have continued to be callous warmongers who will stop at nothing to perpetuate their colcnial occupation and racist domination over Namibia and further imperialist expansion in the region. .,5. Every day the minority white racist rulers in southern Africa talk and act with such clarity and determination that it is unmistakably clear that their interests are alien to Africa and that there is no basis for cohabitation, accom- modation or reconciliation between them and us. Clearly, the conflict is one in which the fundamental question of survival contains inherently antagonistic elements. On the one hand the racist ruling cliques in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa believe and have convinced themselves that the only way for them to survive in the "hostile" sea of the black masses is to monopolize power and perpetuate dominance. That has been their policy and practice since the colonization of our countries began. 56. On the other hand, the African majority, the in- digenous people, seriously and legitimately believe and are convinced that the only way to redeem their own history, which has been so' negated and falsified, is to reassert their human dignity and reclaim their rights of ownership and control over their land and its resources. To achieve those ends we are waging a multidimensional struggle, with armed struggle as the principal instrument, for the singular purpose of seizing power, thus eliminating the scourge of colonial dominance .and eradicating the cancer of racial injustice, which has for so long prevented the Africans from enjoying the full range of their fundamental rights, the foremost of which is the right to self-determination. 56. On the other hand, the African majority, the in- digenous people, seriously and legitimately believe and are convinced that the only way to redeem their own history, which has been so' negated and falsified, is to reassert their hqman dignity and reclaim their rights of ownership and control over their land and its resources. To achieve those ends we are waging a multidimensional struggle, with armed struggle as the principal instrument, for the singular purpose of seizing power, thus eliminating the scourge of colonial dominance .and eradicating the cancer of racial injustice, which has for so long prevented the Africans fro~ enjoying the full range of their fundamental rights, the foremost of which is the right to self-determination. 57. This Assembly, the Security Council, the International Court of Justice and the rest of the international com- munity have repeatedly condemned the Pretoria junta for its atrocities against and repression of the Namibian people. Actually, the international community, led by the General Assembly, has since 1966 been demanding the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the racist South African colonial administration from Namibia so that our country may accede to independence and social liberation. The regime, as has been amply documented by us and by the United Nations since the termination of its Mandate over Namibia, has remained obstinate, intransigent and defiant, both with regard to the demands of the United Nations and in the face of the expressed opposition of the Namibian patriots under the leadership of SWAPO. 57. This Assembly, the Security Council, the International Court of Justice and the rest of the international com- munity have repeatedly condemned the Pretoria junta for its atrocities against and repression of the Namibim people. Actually, the international community, led by the General Assembly, has since 1966 been demanding the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the racist South African colonial administration from Namibia so that our country may accede to independence and social liberation. The regime, as has been amply documented by us and by the United Nations since the termination of its Mandate over Namibia, has remained obstinate, intransigent and defiant, both with regard to the demands of the United Nations and in the face of the expressed opposition of the Namibian patriots under tJ.'le leadership of SWAPO. 58. Consequently, the challenge being posed today by the continued intransigence and aggression of the Pretoria junta is not only against the valiant fighters of the Namibian revolution but also against the United Nations itself, in contravention of its Charter and the noble principles upon which it is founded. 59. It is in this context that I should like to express, on behalf of the SWAPO delegation, our appreciation and 58. Consequently, the challenge being posed today by the continued intransigence and aggression of the Pretoria junta is not only against the valiant fighters of the Namibian revolution but also against the United Nations itself, in contravention of its Charter and the noble principles upon which it is founded. 61. In this vein, I should like most sincerely to thank the President personally and the other representatives for having accorded us this opportunity once again, pursuant to the relevant resolution of the Assembly, to present our views on the question ofNamibia. 60. I should also like to express our thanks and apprecia- tion to the United Nations Secretary-General for his. faithful efforts in implementing the Unitt,'d Nations resolu- tions on Namibia. 62. The demands of the oppressed Namibians for libera- tion and the continued commitment of the United Nations to ensure'the decolonization of all the oppressed and colonized peoples and countries everywhere have cast us all in the position of allies and partners in a common struggle against a common foe-the colonial and illegal regime of racist South Africa in Namibia. 61. In this vein, I should li~e most sincerely to thank the President personally and the other representatives for having accorded us this OpportlLttity once again, pursuant to the relevant resolution of the Assembly, to present our views on the question ofNamibia. 63. That regime does not care about the political rights or fundamental economic demands of the oppressed Na- mibians. It does not pay any serious attention to the directives, whether as appeals or threats; it does not understand the language of reason and logic; it does not believe in peaceful or negotiated solutions; and it is incapable of accepting the principle of racial equality. It believes in and understands only the language of violence and brute force as a way to deal with political or social problems. That is the Boer mentality, well known to all those who have had any dealings with it. 62. The demands of the oppressed Namibians for libera- tion and the continued commitment of the United Nations to ensure'the decolonization of all the oppressed and colonized peoples a..lld countries eVl:rywhere have cast us all in the position of allies and partners in a common struggle against a COW.ffion foe-the colonial and illegal regime of racist South Africa in Namibia. 63. That regime does not care about the political rights or fundamental economic demands of the oppressed Na- mibians. It does not pay any serious attention to the directives, whether as appeals or threats; it does not understand the language of reason and logic; it does not believe in peaceful or negotiated solutions; and it is incapable of accepting the principle of racial equality. It believes in and understands only the language of violence and brute force as a way to deal with political or social problems. That is the Boer mentality, well known to all those who have had any dealings with it. 64. The choice before this Assembly and the rest of the international community is whether this Fascist group of today's "Hitlers" in southern Africa will be allowed to plunge the whole world into a holocaust, or whether will they be stopped and told in clear and straightforward language that enough is enough. We say they must be stopped. They must be isolated and punished with severe economic sanctions. That is the action that this Assembly is called upon to undertake. Just as most of the world stood up in unity and opposed nazism during the Second World War, so must the world now rise up against the Boer fascism and menace in southern Africa, All means necessary were used to defeat Hitler; the same must be done against the Boer fanatics. 64. The choice before this Assembly and the rest of the international community is whether this Fascist group of today's "Hitlers" in southern Africa will be allowed to plunge the whole world into a holocaust, or whether will they be stopped and told in clear and straightforward language that enough is enough. We say they must be stopped. They must be isolated and punished with severe economic sanctions. That is the action that this Assembly is called upon to undertake. Just as most of the world stood up in unity and opposed nazism during the Second World War, so must the world now rise up against the Boer fascism and menace in southern Africa. All means necessary were used to defeat Hitler; the same must be done against the Boer fanatics. 65. This resumed session should seriously address Itself to the prevailing situation in Namibia, which constitutes a threat to peace and security. 66. During the five-month period since the thirty-third session was first suspended the Fascist junta has escalated acts of violence, deceitful manoeuvres, uniItateral actions, sinister schemes, political terror and, above all, military build-Up, armed attacks and acts of aggression inside and outside Namibia. 65. This resumed session should seriously address itSelf to the prevailing situation in Namibia, whic;h constitutes a threat to peace and security. 66. During the five-month period since the thirty-third session was first suspended the Fascist junta has escalated acts of violence, deceitful manoeuvres, uniltateral actions, sinister schemes, political terror and, above all, military build-Up, armed attacks and acts of aggression inside and outside Namibia. 68. TIlls latest military build-up has increased the number of enemy troops in our country to well over 75,000 combat troops and military personnel. This ~eans th~t for.every 10 Namibians there is one Fascist soldier holding his deadly bayonet over their heads. "Several thousand men from South Africa's standby Citizen Force have been called on for border service in recent weeks. Observers in Windhook estimate that the latest reinforcements total some 4,000 to 5,000 men, as weil as large numbers of armoured vehicles." 69. This build-up, coupled with the introducti?n ~f ne~ military hardware, is a pointer to the FaSCIst Junta s reactionary efforts to perpetuate its colonial domination and imperialist expansion in the region. This development must be seen in the light of the existing Fascist law under which the regime arrogated to itself the right to attack and occupy any African State south of the Equator. 68. This latest military build-up has increased the number of enemy troops in our country to well over 75,000 combat troops and military personnel. This means that for every 10 Namibians there is one Fascist soldier holding his deadly bayonet over their heads. 70. Only two days ago, the Fascist regime's armed forces, backed by Mirage fighter bombers, armoured cars and helicopters, invaded the Kwando-Kubango Province of.the People's Republic of Angola, causing loss of innocen~ lives and destruction of valuable property. The same consistent and sustained armed attacks and military provocations are being committed daily by the same Fascist occupationist force in Namibia against the Republic of Zambia. 69. This build-Up, coupled with the introduction of new military hardware, is a pointer to the Fascist junta's reactionary efforts to perpetuate its colonial domination and imperialist expansion in the region. This development must be seen in the light of the existing Fascist law under which the regime arrogated to itself the right to attack and occupy any African State south of the Equator. 71. In Namibia itself the Fascist occupationist troops and Gestapo police continue to perpetrate br~t~ a~t~.of generalized terror and torture against the Namibian CIVIlIan population. These include planting of mines on roads leading to churches, wells, community centres, schools and other public places. 70. Only two days ago, the Fascist regime's armed forces, backed by Mirage fighter bombers, armoured cars and helicopters, invaded the Kwando-Kubango Province of the People's Republic of Angola, causing loss of innocen~lives and destruction of valuable property. The same conSIstent and sustained armed attacks and military provocations are being committed daily by the same Fascist occupationist force in Namibia against the Republic of Zambia. 72. Furthermore, the same Fascist forces continue to carry out inhuman acts such as incarc~ration and tortur~ in concentration camps at Ogongo, Manental, Runtu, Wmd- hook, Ngwezi and other torture centres all over Namibia. 71. In Namibia itself the Fascist occupatiomst troops and Gestapo police continue to perpetrate brutal acts of generalized terror and torture against the Namibian civilian populatior.. These include planting of mines on roads leading to churches, wells, community centres, schools and other public places. 73. These numerous and pervasive acts of military terror are buttressed by a chain of repressive proclamations being enacted by the bellicose colonial agent in Namibia, M. T. Steyn who has proven himself, since his illegal , . th "tal" installation more as an executioner an a neu r administrator, Latest in the series of these Draconian proclamations is the one imposing martial law and the state of emergency on two thirds of Namibian territory. Under this martial law trigger-happy troops and police of the Fascist regime are empowered to shoot and kill Namibian patriots indiscriminately for political reasons. 72. Furthermore, the same Fascist forces continue to carry out inhuman acts such as incarc~ration and tortur~ in concentration camps at Ogongo, Manental, Runtu, Wmd- hook, Ngwezi and other torture centres all over Namibia. 73. These numerous and pervasive acts of military terror are buttressed by a chain of repressive proclamations being enacted by the bellicose colonial agent in Namibia, M. T. Steyn, who has proven himself, since his illegal installation, more as an executioner than a "neutral" administrator. Latest in the series of these Draconian proclamations is the one imposing martial law and the state of emergency on t}Vo thirds of Namibian territory. Under this martial law trigget-happy troops and police of the Fascist regime are empowered to shoot and kill Namibian patriots indiscriminately for political reasons. 74. On 27 Aprll1979, Steyn, in cahoots with racist settler Dirk Mudge and their tribal quislings, masterminded the arrest, detention and torture of SWAPO leaders and members throughout Namibia. So far, about 100 have been 74. On 27 Apri11979, Steyn, in cahoots with racist settler Dirk Mudge and their tribal quislings, masterminded the arrest, detention and torture of SWAPO leaders and members throughout Namibia. So far, about 100 have been 75. To maintain this state of discord and violence, the Pretoria Fascist junta has organized gangs of neo-Nazi elements, such as the so-called White Resistance Movement, which is on a terroristic -rampage against the Namibian patriots, particularly in the urban areas. 76. The primary target of the Fascist junta's actions, schemes and machinations is SWAPO, the vanguard of the Namibian revolution. The objective is to undermine and destroy SWAPO in order to pave the way for a neo-colonial solution in Namibia. In this regard, the regime has spent large sums out of "slush funds" on an anti-SWAPO campaign of bad information, misinformation, character assassination, blackmail, infiltration and general destabiliza- tion. 77. When the Assembly recesse tations ana lingering hopes that a found to the Namibian problem vised and controlled by the Un SWAPO had done everything to this objective. It is on record tha concessions, proposed a cease enemy, and offered to co-opera the United Nations plan on Nam 77. When the Assembly recessed, there were some expec- . tations ana lingering hopes that a political solution could be found to the Namibian problem through elections super- vised and controlled by the United Nations. Throughout, SWAPO had done everything to facilitate the realization of this objective. It is on record that SWAPO made substantial concessions, proposed a cease-fire agreement with the enemy, and offered to co-operate in the implementation of the United Nations plan on Namibia. 78. On the other hand, racist S engaged in obstructionist actions sabotage the process. Racist So bad faith have been exemplified ment of its colonial agent, Steyn Namibian refugees, the sham De tion of the so-called Constituen installation of an illegal Natio government". In other words, w unilateral declaration of indepe This is a serious challenge to th and credibility of the United Nat 78. On the other hand, racist South Africa has throughout engaged in obstructionist actions and fraudulent schemes to sabotage the process. Racist South Africa's duplicity and bad faith have been exemplified by the unilateral appoint- ment of its colonial agent, Steyn; the Kassinga massacre ~f Namibian refugees, the sham December elections, the crea- tion of the so-called Constituent Assembly, and now the installation of an illegal National Assembly or "interim government". In other words, we have a Rhodesian-type of unilateral declaration of independence in Namibia today. This is a serious challenge to the authority, responsibility and credibility of the United Nations. 79. Much as it is a challenge general, it is a direct challenge to started the diplomatic initiative mentors, supporters and protect defiant regime. Now, will they convictions to lead, or, at least, the form of economic sanctions the Pretoria junta? Or will th hypocritical pretense and hide as the statement that "the late end to international negotiatio pendence". 79. Much as it is a challenge to the United Nations in general, it is a direct chailenge to the Western Powers which started the diplomatic initiative on Namibia; they are the mentors, supporters and protectors of this intransigent and defiant regime. Now, will they show the courage of their convictions to lead, or, at least, support punitive action in the form of economic sanctions and an oil embargo against the Pretoria junta? Or will they, once agaiiI, engage in hypocritical pretense and hide behind such verbal rubbish as the statement that "the latest move does not mean lUi end to international negotiations on the territory's inde- pendence". 80. Obviously, as things stand n not been, and is not, interested i Namibian problem. Hence the escalated violence, political repre both within and outside Namibia 81. Therefore, what is called national community against the 80. Obviously, as things stand now, racist South Africa has not been, and is not, interested in a political solution of the Namibian problem. Hence the massive military build-Up, escalated violence, political repression and naked aggression both within and outside Namibia. 81. Therefore, what is called for is action by the inter- national community against the Fascist regime. 83. These are measures which the present situation in Namibia calls for. It is our sincere hope that this Assembly and the Security Council willadopt them. 84. Before I conclude, I should like to refer to the dangerous precedent being set in Zimbabwe. The bogus elections recently held in Zimbabwe through which the rebel lan Smith is attempting to perpetuate his colonial control were neither fair, free or democratic. They are null and void and must be rejected. 83. These are measures which the present situation in Namibia calls for. It is our sincere hope that this Assembly and the Security Council will adopt them. 85. Both Namibia and Zimbabwe are being used as trade-offs by the minority racist regimes and the imperialist Powers and their business interests in southern Africa to impose neo-colonialist so-called moderate regimes in southern Africa as vehicles for the continued exploitation of the African masses. SWAPO condemns these intrigues and manoeuvres and urges the international community to render increased and sustained support and assistance to our comrades-in-arms of the Patriotic Front. 84. Before I conclude, I should like to refer to L..1.e dangerous precedent being set in Zimbabwe. The bogus elections recently held in Zimbabwe through which the rebel lan Smith is attempting to perpetuate his colonial control were neitheI fair, free or democratic. They are null and void and must be rejected. 85. Both Namibia and Zimbabwe are being used as trade-offs by the minority racist regimes and the imperialist Powers and their business interests in southern Africa to impose neo-colonialist so-called moderate regimes in southern Africa as vehicles for the continued exploitation of the African masses. SWAPO condemns these intrigues and manoeuvres and urges the international community to render increased and sustained support and assistance to our comrades·in-arms ofthe Patriotic Front. 89. Mr. SAHLOUL (Sudan) (interpretation from Arabic When my delegation took part in the debate on Namibia this session-to be exact, on the morning of 7 Decemb (73rd meeting) -it drew the attention of the internation community to the deterioration of the situation in Namib in light of the frauds, intrigues and plots undertaken by th racist Government of South Africa, and we attempted deduce their results and consequences. At that time wesa that the international community could never place i trust, no matter how minimally, in the racist regime Pretoria for the fundamental and simple reason that th regime has accustomed us always to its defiance of a resolutions of the international community, whether the be of the General Assembly or the Security Council. A that time we clearly indicated that the protectors of th racist regime of Pretoria were conducting unilateral ele tions in Namibia in order to establish a puppet regim similar to that created in Zimbabwe by means of bantustan ization so as to launch a seriesofpuppet regimes and buil a cordon sanitaire around South Africa and erect a walls as to hinder the rising of those who struggle with the brothers, the freedom fighters, in other parts of the Africa continent. 87. The struggle continues and victory is certain.

I now call on the representative of the Sudan, who will speak on behalfof the Organization of Mrican Unity.

When my delegation took part in the debate on Namibia at this session-to be exact, on the morning of 7 December (73rd meeting)-it drew the attention of the international community to the deterioration of the situation in Namibia in light of the frauds, intrigues and plots undertaken by the racist Government of South Africa, and we attempted to deduce their results and consequences. At that time we said that the international community could never place its trust, no matter how minimally, in the racist regime of Pretoria for the fundamental and simple reason that that regime has accustomed us always to its defiance of all resolutions of the international community, whether tliey be of the General Assembly or the Security Council. At that time we clearly indicated that the protectors of the racist regime of Pretoria were conducting unilateral elec- tions in Namibia in order to establish a puppet regime similar to that created in Zimbabwe by means of bantustan- ization so as to launch a series of puppet regimes and build a cordon sanitaire around South Africa and erect a wall so as to hinder the rising of those who struggle with their brothers, the freedom fighters, in other parts of the African continent. 1 90. We also explained that, in carrying out such policie the racist junta of South Africa was determined to place th international community in a situation of fait accompl which would enable the Pretoria Government to devot itself entirely to colonizing and dominating the southern part of the continent through its agents who pretend to represent blacks but are unwittingly fully engaged in implementing racist objectives and plans, which involv violations and deprivations of the most elementary human rights, and an enslavement of man by man unparalleled in modem history. 90. We also explained that, in carrying out such policies, the racist junta of South Africa was determined to place the international community in a situation of fait accompli, which would enable the Pretoria Government to devote itself entirely to colonizing and dominating the southern part of the continent through its agents who pretend to represent blacks but are unwittingly fully engaged in implementing racist objectives and plans, which involve violations and deprivations of the most elementary human rights, and an enslavement of man by man unparalleled in modern history. 91. Recent developments in South Africa have confmned our fears and those of all African representatives, becaus everyone knows now that the Pretoria Government is stil carrying out its plans in defiance of all the efforts of the international community to bring about peaceful and acceptable solutions. The situation became even worse when the Government of South Africa carried out unilat eral elections in Namibia, following which legislative and executive bodies willbe established,and the Government of South Africa will try to win international recognition of the powers that emerged from these puppet bodies on the pretext that the Namibians, victims of deceit, have voted and elected their legitimate representatives freely and 91. Recent developments in South Africa have confmned our fears and those of all African representatives, because everyone knows now that the Pretoria Government is still carrying out its plans in defiance of all the efforts of the international community to bring about peaceful and acceptable solutions. The situation became even worse when the Government of South Africa carried out unilat- eral elections in Namibia, following which legislative and executive bodies will be established,and the Government of South Africa will try to win international recognition of the powers that emerged from these puppet bodies on the pretext that the Namibians, victims of deceit, have voted and elected their legitimate representatives freely and 92. While all the circumstances surrounding these elections in Namibia and Zimbabwe, require no attention-or com- ment from us, what is certainly distressing is that some people are calling for the recognition of the results of these elections, or at least for an acknowledgement of their positive aspects. What positive aspects can there be in elections carried out under the control of regimes that we all know to be parties to the disputes in Namibia and Zimbabwe? What positive aspects can we find ir. elections in which voters were led like a herd of sheep with strict orders to vote in favour of certain groups? What positive aspects can there be in elections in which foreigners and children took part and in which the enlightened majority were prevented from taking part? All those calling for recognition of those elections in Namibia and Zimbabwe are very well aware that this is an unprecedented farce. Their voices are raised only in defence of their own narrow interests. They have always disregarded the policies of violence, repression, genocide and massacre carried out by the racist regime of Pretoria against innocent people in South Mrica. They are the same people who still see South Africa as a bastion of freedom, democracy and the free world in the Mrican continent, forgetting that freedom has never meant slavery or that democracy has never meant the segregation of apartheid, or that the free world is not a world that forgets repression or ignores exploitation and slavery, if its interests so require. 95. That is why the question ofcolonialism is still for us a burning issue which has its own logic and which draws its existence from the most odious forms of exploitation and slavery, because the apartheid regime is only the up-to-cate version of a community dominated by a minority of fore:gn whites whose work is done by a majority of Afri,;ans reduced to the status of slaves. We find little difference between the treatment meted out in cotton and sugar plantations a century and a half ago in the Western Hemisphere and what is happening now in the gold and diamond mines of th~ African plateau. If black slavery aroused the international conscience in the nineteenth century to the point where it was eradicatd, we now call for the international community to take inspiration from that nineteenth-century philosophy and to strive also to eliminate the apartheid community, so that the African man can take his place in the sun and hold his head high with pride, just like his brothers throughout the African continent. 93. It is our duty to silence those voices once and for all. The international community, represented by the Secre- tary-General of the United Nations and the five Western Powers, whose efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement in the region we have praised, now more than ever before have the responsibility to take every possible action to prevent the situation in South Africa from deteriorating. We must prevent that Government from carrying out its despicable plans in South Africa. The facts are clear now, and all the testimony, proof and indications show that Pretoria is continuing to pursue a well established plan. All that long series of manoeuvres is designed only to gain time in order to falsify and take the heat out of the situation which, however, cannot be improved unless we take the very drastic measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter, and execute them vigorously and unless there is a whole-hearted international commitment against South Africa. Recently we learned that' Pretoria is trying to stabilize the situation in Namibia in accordance with its original plans, which are in keeping with its objectives: to establish a cordon sanitaire of weak States which would be effectively governed from Pretoria and to transform the fraudulent Constituent Assembly resulting from the recent elections into a legislative assembly, which will form a fictitious government which would declare sham indepen- dence for the region. 93. It is our duty to silence those voices once and for all. The international community, represented by the Secre- tary-General of the United Nations and the five Western Powers, whose efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement in the region we have praised, now more than ever before have the responsibility to take every possible action to prevent the situation in South Mrica from deteriorating. We must prevent that Government from carrying out its despicable plans in South Africa. The facts are clear now, and all the testimony, proof and indications show that Pretoria is continuing to pursue a well established plan. All that long series of manoeuvres is designed only to gain time in order to falsify and take the heat out of the situation which, however, cannot be improved unless we take the very drastic measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter, and execute them vigorously and unless there is a whole-hearted international commitment against South Mrica. Recently we learned that' Pretoria is trying to stabilize the situation in Namipia in accordance with its original plans, which are in keeping with its objectives: to establish a cordon sanitaire of weak States whi;;h would be effectively governed from Pretoria and to transform the fraudulent Constituent Assembly resulting from the recent elections into a legislative assembly, which will form a fictitious government which would declare sham indepen- dence for the region. 98. We also condemn the arbitrary measures taken by the Pretoria authorities just before the resumption of this session when they arrested the SWAPO leaders in the region, and we wish to warn the South African authorities not to do anything whatsoever to harm those whom they have arrested, for this will provoke, not a mere protest from Mrica nor an appeal to the world conscience, but an Mrican reply commensurate with the events. That is why Mrica insists that these meetings culminate in decisive and effective measures taking due account of the United Nations Charter and in conformity with the commitments undertaken by the international community to bring about genuine independence in Namibia under United Nations control. This attitude by the United Nations should be accompanied by a clear and strong condemnation of the racist regime in Pretoria for having disregarded the resolu- tions of the international Organization and for attempting 94. The same reports tell us that the Constituent Assem- bly, at the orders of Pretoria, is trying to outlaw SWAPO, in order to bring about its dissolution beginning with its isolation in the international community, which now recognizes it and supports it. In our statement to the ,...~. _~~"",~~~~~~..."~~~_,..,#""",, €"" _ 94. The same reports tell us that the Constituent Assem- bly, at the orders of Pretoria, is trying to outlaw SWAPO, in order to bring about its dissolution beginning with its isolation in the international community, which now recognizes it and supports it. In our statement to the 96. We, as the African communi our wish to see peace in the reg affirmed to the five Western Pow of a peaceful settlement and that interfere with negotiations which peaceful settlement and the estab dent State in Namibia under the only legitimate organization rec Nations. 96. We, as the African community, have always expressed our wish to see peace in the region and we have always affirmed to the five Western Powers that we were in favour of a peaceful settlement and that we deplored all efforts to interfere with negotiations which might bring about such a peaceful settlement and the establishment of an indepen- dent StaLe in Namibia under the control of SWAPO as the only legitimate (lr~anization recognized by the United Nations. 97. At the same time, we shall based on fait accompli which the attempting to impose upon us. We constantly condemn the refusal of Security Council resolutions 385 which lay the foundations for fre Namibia under United Nations con 98. We also condemn the arbitra Pretoria authorities just before session when they arrested the region, and we wish to warn the not to do anything whatsoever to have arrested, for this will provoke Africa nor an appeal to the w African reply commensurate with Africa insists that these meetings effective measures taking due Nations Charter and in conformit undertaken by the international c genuine independence in Namib control. This attitude by the U accompanied by a clear and stro racist regime in Pretoria for havin tions of the international Organiz 97. At the same time, we shall never agree to the policy based on fait accompli which the Pretoria Government is attempting to impose upon us. We, the African community, constantly condemn the refusal of South Africa to abide by Security Council resolutions 385 (l976) and 435 (1978), which lay the fOuildations for free and regular elections in Namibia under United Nations control. 99. The international Organization must make 'strong representations to the Govemm~nt of South Africa con-' cerning the immediate release of the SWAPO militants it has arrested, and Vie call upon the Security Council to..meet immediately after this resumed session of the General Assembly to consider the question of the hpposition of sanctions on the racist regime in Pretoria in'accordance' with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, for having tried to prevent the birth of a new, free State in Namibia, and for having established in the region a regime in its pay which is linked to the interests of the white minority .arid the other interests that support it. That is the very least the international community can do if it wants to preserve the prestige and authority of th~ United Nations and its ability to settle international disputes in accordance ,with the' Charter of the United Nations. 100. Mr. BONILLA-ARAGON (Colombia) {interpretation. from Spanish): The delegation of Colombia wishes to express to the United Nations Council for NaJTIJbia its appreciation of the work the Council has done as summed up in its report [A/33/24]. The Council has effectively fulfilled the mandate. of the General Assembly. In pattic- ular, it has ably represented the people of Namibia at numerous international gatherings and has continued its delicate task of planning for the future and training the future administrative leaders of the country so that when it becomes completely and truly independent its inhabitants will be able to assume full control of its political and economic destiny. 0

The delegation of Co!ombia wishes to express to the United Nations Council for NalT'Jbia its appreciation of the work the Council has done as summed up in its report [A/33/24]. The Council has effectively fulfilled the mandate. of the General Assembly. In pattic- ular, it has ably represented the people of Namibia at numerous international gatherings and has continued its delicate task of planning for the future and training the future administrative leaders of the country so that when it becomes completely and truly independent its inhabitants will be able to assume full control of its political and economic destiny. . 101. My delegation wishes to reiterate what it has so often said both here and in other forums-namely, that we support the policy of decolonization and the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination. By fighting hero- ically over the years, Namibia has shown an unswerving determination to become an independent nation. But that independence must arise from the will of the people and must not be imposed by foreign Powers or Governments. Moreover, when the painful process of the accession to independence of Namibia reaches its normal culmination with the installation of a popular and freely chosen government, the task ofthe United Nations must be limited to protecting the new nation from external dangers while leaving the political decisions which will express the historic identity of the country in the hands ofits inhabitants. The freedom and independence of peoples can only be won by the peoples themselves, and it would be foolhardy to believe tha: unpopular legal standards can be imposed upon them from outside. The history of the world and the history of our Organization are full of examples of the invariable failure of foreign encroachments based on geo- political strategies or economic interests. Policies of that kind have created whole regions of instability which have become sources of conflict and a constant threat to international peace and security. 101. My delegation wishes to reiterate what it has so often said both here and in other forums-namely, that we support the policy of decolonization and the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination. By fighting hero- ically over t..lIe years, Namibia has shown an unswerving determination to become an independent nation. But that independence must arise from the will of the people and must not be imposed by foreign Powers or Governments. Moreover, when the painful process of the accession to independence of Namibia reaches its normal culmination with the installation of a popular and freely chosen government, the task ofthe United Nations must be limited to protecting the new nation from external dangers while leaving the political decisions which will express the historic identity of the country in the hands ofits inhabitants. The freedom and independence of peoples can only be won by the peoples themselves, and it would be foolhardy to believe tha~ unpopular legal standards can be imposed upon them from outside. The history of the -.iv'orld and the history of our Organization are full of examples of the invariable failure of foreign encroachments based on geo- political strategies or economic interests. Policies of th.:t kind have created whole regions of instability which have become sources of conflict and a constant threat to international peace and security. ,...~~~~~,.~~~......_-~------------------_ 102. My delegation also wishes to reaffirm its conviction that the inhabitants of Namibia are the sole owners of the th~ United.Nations in m~y ~ocumen~s. 104. My delegation also wishes expressly to condemn the ·0 policy of apartheid which has been imposed by the Government of South Africa on the inhabitants of Namibia. We consider that policy, with the consequent prevention of "the free movement of people throughout their own ° territory, discrimination in education and the exploitation of native labour by paying miserably low wages, to be a disgrace to· mankind. The occupation of Namibia by the Pretoria Government and the practice of apartheid against its inhabitants represents arrogant defiance of the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declara- tion of Human.Rights. 104. My delegation also wishes expressly to condemn the "policy of apartheid which has been imposed by the Government of South Africa on the inhabitants of Namibia. We consider that policy, with the consequ~nt prevention of 'the free movement of people throughout their own , territory, discrimination in educCltion and the exploitation of native labour by p'!-ying miserably low wages, to be a disgrace to· mankind. The occupation of Namibia by the Pretoria Government and the practice of apartheid against its inhabitants represents arrogant defiance of the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declara- tion of H:Jman. Rights. 105. Finally, my delegation wishes to reaffirm its devotion to the Namibian cause, which we consider to be a vital undertaking of the United Nations. We believe that that undertaking will be successful only when Namibia becomes truly independent-that is to say, when the nation has chosen the government it wants and when the inhabitants have made that choice freely and without foreign inter- ference. Only then will the United Nations be able to consider that it has fulfilled for a people, that ofNamibia, one of the tasks for which it was created, that of givingall men the chance to live in accordance with their own political destiny and under the institutions and leaders which they have freely chosen. 105. Finally, my delegation wishes to reaffirm its ::levotion to the Namibian cause, which we consider to be a vital undertaking of the United Nations. We believe that that undertaking will be successful only when Namibia becomes truly independent-that is to say, when the nation has chosen the government it wants and when the inhabitants have made that choice freely and without foreign mter- ference. Only then will the United Nations be able to consider that it has fulfIlled for a people, that -ofNamibia, one of the tasks for which it was created, that of giving all men the chance to live in accordance with their own political destiny and under the institutions and leaders which they have freely chosen.

The resumed session of the General Assembly as the first action ofinternational solidarity within the framework of the International Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia, proclaimed symbolically on 4 May 1979, the anniversary of the massacre of innocent victims in the SWAPO camp of Kassinga, is taking place at an exceptionally complex, and I could even say without exaggerating, crucial moment in the development of the situation ut southern Africa. Owing to intensified internal repression and outside aggression }.ia.C- tised by the racist regimes, this region has been turned into one of the most dangerous focuses of crisis directly threatening peace not only in Africa but also in the world at large.

The resumed session of the General Assembly as the first action ofinternational solidarity within the framework of the International Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia, proclaimed symbolically on 4 May 1979, the anniversary of the massacre of innocent victims in the SWAPO camp of Kassinga, is taking place at an exceptionally complex, and I could even say without exaggerating, crucial moment in the development of the situation ut southern Africa. Owing to intensified internal repression and outside a~ession }-ia.c- tised by the racist regimes, this region has been turned into one of the most dangerous focuses of crisi~ directly threatening peace not only in Mrica but also in the world at large. 107. The peoples ofNamibia and Zimbabwe are prevented from realizing their human rights and freedom. TIle racist 108. The most recent developments in Namibia have rendered the whole complex of southern Africa even more acute. The recent decision of the South African racist regime to convene a so-called "National Assembly" clearly shows that South Africa has decided mevocably to impose a puppet regime in order to prolong its neo-colonialist subjugation and exploitation, while endeavouring to cover the unilateral proclamation of independence with a cloak of legality. This is the real substance of "internal solutions," which are aimed at perpetuating racist domination. The racists are now pushing their plans still further. They want to transform the whole of southern Mrica into a colonial and racist stronghold consisting of Namibia and Southern Rhodesia which would be transformed into "bantustans". In this connexion, the South African ·Ilcist regime counts on the assistance and understanding of various monopolistic circles and corporations in the West, which are striving to preserve their vast economic interests. 109. As a result of all this, the world public is becoming increasingly conscious of the absolute necessity definitively to settle scores with the protagonists of racism and racial discrimination, apartheid, colonialism and nee-colonialism, which pose a direct threat to ir-ternational peace and , security. The problem of Namibia has been one of the top priority issues on the agenda of the world Organization ever since the historical session of the General Assembly in 1966, when Namibia was proclaimed a Territory under the exclusive Mandate of the United Nations and when the racist rulers were deprived of the right to continue to administer it. This is best illustrated by the holding of many international conferences and gatherings devoted to this problem with a view to fmding a durable solution on the basis of the unconditional withdrawal of the South African racist regime from the Territory, the realization of the right of the Namibian people to self-determination and the cnsurance of the territorial integrity of Namibia. All actions designed to reach this goal have gained wide international support, no matter whether they have taken the form of a search for a peaceful settlement through the mediation of the United Nations or that of political, moral and material support to the liberation struggle waged by the people of Namibia by all available means under the leadership of SWAPO. The ninth special session of the Oeneral Assembly, held on Namibia, made an all-round assessment and analysis of the situation, calling upon all States to take resolute action, including the imposition ofsanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter, so as to ensure the complete and unconditional withdrawal of South Africa from Namibia. 109. As a result of all this, the world public is becoming increasingly conscious of the absolute necessity definitively to settle scores with the protagonists of racism and racial discrimination, apartheid, colonialism and neo-colonialism, w-tUch pose a direct threat to iI'ternational peace and security. The problem of Namibia has been one of the top priority issues on the agenda of the world Organization ever silce the historical session of the General Assembly in 1966, when Namibia was proclaimed a Territory under the exclusive Mandate of the United Nations and when the racist rulers were deprived of the right to continue to administer it. This is best illustrated by the holding of many international conferences and gatherings devoted to this problem with a view to fmding a durable solution on the basis of the unconditional withdrawal of the South African racist regime from the Territory, the realjzation of the right of the Namibian people to self-determination and the cnsurance of the territorial integrity of Namibia. All actions desig.qed to reach this goal have gained wide international support, no matter whether they have taken the form of a search for a peaceful settlement through the mediation of the United Nations or that of political, moral and material support to the liberation struggle waged by the people of Namibia by all available means under the leadership of SWAPO. The ninth special session of the {:feneral Assembly, held on Namibia, made an all-round assessment and analysis of the situation, calling upon all States to take resolute action, including the imposition ofsanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter, so as to ensure the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Soutn Africa from Namibia. 110. The non-aligned movement has within the framework of its fundamental objective, the elimination of colonialism throughout the world, focused its attention on the libera- tion of Namibia. Last year's Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries in Belgrade expressed its full solidarity with the struggle of the people of Namibia for independence [see A!33!206, annex I, paras. 102-108}, which was confirmed subsequently at the 110. The non-aligned movement has within the framework of its fundamental objective, the elimination of colonialism throughout the world, focused its attention on the libera- tion of Namibia. Last year's Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries in Belgrade expressed its full solidarity with the struggle of the people of Namibia for independence [see A/33/206, annex I, paras. 102-108/, which was confirmed subsequently at the 111. South Africa's racist regime has definitively rejected the plan of the United Nations which provided a basis for a peaceful solution to the problem.and announced a policy of fait accompli to which the. United Nations must react resolutely in order to prevent racist oppression from being legalized and to contribute to the liberation of Namibia and Zimbabwe. This is the duty of the world Organization not only under the Charter, but also by virtue ofits immediate responsibility resulting from the mandate. 112. At the present stage it is necessary actions, primarily to render support t liberation struggle of the people of Nam SWAPO, its sole legitimate representat Nations must lend full support to the Cou and enable it to discharge and fulfil its fun of the world Organization must be clear cally aimed at an urgent and uncondition the inalienable rights of the Namibian peo independence of Namibia, including Walvi condemning the South African racist reg occupation of the Territory of Namibia a waged against the people of Namibia; a terrorist acts of aggression perpetrated ag and sovereign African countries; at checki expansion and policy of apartheid and a insolent attempts, in defiance of conde entire international community, to subje Namibia and to perpetuate colonial and and exploitation of the Territory by im internal settlements. It is imperative in Yugoslav delegation for the United N influence on all States to refrain from co-operating with the illegal "National A any other regime established by South A the decisions of the United Nations, and the South African racist regime in any w priority is to implement the measure provided for under Chapter VII of the Cha 112. At the present stage it is necessary to take concrete actions, primarily to render support to the legitimate liberation struggle of the people of Namibia headed by SWAPO, its sole legitimate representative. The United Nations must lend full support to the Council for Namibia and enable it to discharge and fulfIl its function. The acH~n of the world Organization must be clearly and unequivo- cally aimed at an urgent and unconditional realization of the inalienable rights of the Namibian people and national independence of Namibia, including Walvis Bay; at strongly condemning the South African racist regime for its illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia and repressive war waged against the people of Namibia; at preventing the terrorist acts of aggression perpetrated against independent and sovereign African countries; at checking South Africa's expansion and policy of apartheid and at denouncing its insolent attempts, in defiance of condemnation by the entire international community, to subject the people of Namibia and to perpetuate colonial and racist occupation and exploitation of the Territory by imposing so-called internal settlements. It is imperative in the view of the Yuguslav delegation for the United Nations to exert 113. At its recent plenary session in Bel Committee on the Situation with regard to tion of the Declaration on the Granting of Colonial Countries and Peoples conside ments in Zimbabwe and Namibia. That bo assessed the most recent developments in with a particular sense of responsibility, a international community to mobilize f support to the liberation movements of t isolating the racist regimes. influenc~ on all States to refrain from recognizing and co-operating with the illegal "National Assembly" or with any other regime established by South Africa contr~~ to the decisions of the United Nations, and to refuse to assist the South African racist regime in any way. The highest priority is to implement the measures and sanctions provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter. 113. At its recent plenary session in Belgrade, the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementa- tion of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples considered the develop- ments in Zimbabwe and Namibia. That body examined and assessed the most recent developments in southern Africa with a particular sense of responsibility, and ...alled on the international community to mobilize further in giving support to the liberation movemellts of this region and in isolating the racist regimes. 114. Yugoslavia deems it its obligation, a of the United Nations as well, to work liquidation of colonial and racist rule. i 15. We feel the international commu bound to give all possible assistance to movements and peoples of southept Africa for national liberation and independence. are lending, and will continue to len diplomatic support and material assistance sole legitimate representative of the people 114. Yugoslavia deems it its obligation, and the obligation of the United Nations as well, to work actively for the liquidation of colonial and racist rule. US. We feel the international community is in duty bound to give all possible assistance to the liberation movements and peoples of southe,rn Africa who are fighting for national liberation and independence. To this end we are lending, and will continue to lend, political and diplomatic ~upport and material assistance to SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the people of Namibia. "It is with the United Nations that the responsibility rests for the liquidation of colonialism in all parts of the world, irrespective ofthe size of the Territory involved or the number of people oppressed by it. "The attention of the international community is justifiably focused nowadays on the acute crisis in southern Mrica. The United Nations, the non-aligned countries and all other peace-loving and freedom-loving countries, as well as all progressive forces in the world, should render full support and assistance to the peoples and liberation movements in southern Mrica fighting for their freedom. The eradication of coloniali~mis not only a matter for the conscience of mankind but is also a prerequisite for the relaxation of tension in the world, for the strengthening ofrelations ofequality among countries and for the safeguarding of peace in the world."3 120. To conclude, everything that has been hfii"9Cning in Namibia, and what we are discussing today, has been clear for a long time and has been discussed repeatedly. The occupation of Namibia was proclaimed illegal; racism and apartheid were proclaimed to be a crime; the inaliel'ao:e right of the Namibian people to self-determination, national independence and territorial integrity was recognized; SWAPO was recognized as the sole authentic repre~ntatiYe of the Namibian people; the United Nations has its own plan for a peaceful solution; and so on and so on. Therefore it only remains to implement all this. There lies the special responsibility of the United Nations and all of us individ- ually, particularly those Western countries which maintain close economic, political and military ties with South Mrica and which, by their i~fluencc and pressure, can restrain the racist regime. Actually in the present situation a passive attitude borders on complicity, which brings into question the value of every action, even when it is well-intentioned. 117. The Yugoslav delegation considers the time has come to prevent once and for all the manoeuvres of South Mrica aimed at circumventing the clear decisions of the United Nations and resolutions of the Security Council, in partic- ular resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978). 118. At this stage it is'imperative for the United Nations, and the Security Council in particular, to take concrete measures and actions. The implementation of Chapter VII of the Charter, and the imposition of mandatory economic sanctions, including an oil embargo, are the first measures the Security Council should take a~\'1st the South African racist regime. 117. The Yugoslav delegation considers the time has come to prevent once and for all the manoeuvres of South Mrica aimed at circll..'11venting the clear decisions of the United Nations and resolutions of the Security ~ouncil, in partic- ular resolutions 385 (1916), 431 (1978), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978). 3 See document A/AC.I09/pV.1138, p. 3. 118. At this stage it is'imperative for the United Nations, and the Security Council in ·particular, to take concrete measures and actions. The implementation of Chapter VII of the Charter, and the imposition of mandatory economic sanctions, including an oil embargo, are the first meas~res the Security Council should take a~\'1st the South Afncan racist regime. 121. We consider developments have reached a phase when we cannot wait any longer without running the risk of being confronted tomorrow with a situation we shall not be able to control, a situation fraught with the danger ofa further broadening of the conflict. 3 See document A/AC.109/pV.1138, p. 3. 121. We consider developments have reached a phase when we cannot wait any longer without running the risk of being confronted tomorrow with a situation we shall not be able to control, a situation fraught with the danger ofa further broadening of the conflict. The meeting rose at 1.05 p.m.