S/36/PV.25 Security Council

This morning the General Assembly will hear a statement from His Excellency Colonel Seyni Kountche, President of the Supreme Military Council, Head of State of the Republic of the Niger. 2. In the name of the General As~embly, I have the honour to welcome him to the United Nations. 3. PRESIDENT KOUNTCHE (interpretation from French): I come to this rostrum with miXed feelings: first, a sense of deep trust, which makes me see the United Nations as the supreme resort, a very special place where justice and peace reign, an irreplaceable springboard for efforts to bring about concord, understanding and solidarity am0!1g nations. This is a very powerful and sincere feeling, and it is ultimately that feeling which made me leave my distant country, Niger, to come here and speak to the Assembly in this crystal palace in Manhattan. 4. But I have another feeling, less exalted perhaps, because it is more practical, more human, more suited to this fine, distinguished Assembly which is greeting me today. It is a sense of vague dissatisfaction, born of certain demands and well-meaning criticism which make me regret that the United Nations is not always able to match the ideals of its Charter and the immense trust placed in it by most of the countries of the world. 5. I am not here to praise the institution, nor, above all, am I here to add to the concert of, at times, excessive criticism and often unjust accusations, ... Vl{hich in fact reflect only'inner bitterness or even deep disappointment. Niger harbours no bitterness or disappoin~nt to be blamed on the United Nations; quite the contrary. NEW YO.ll 7. At this stage let me say how fortunate I feel to have this opportunity soleinnIy to reaffmn the unconditional devotion of my country to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations-the basis for relations among States-as providing the best way to ensure international peace and security. 8. We are opposed to any violation of the Charter. We condemn any transgression of the fundamental. principles of sovereignty, independence and equality of States, regardless of their territorial dimensions, their geographical location, the level of their development or their political, economic, social or ideologiclrl systems. We proclaim the inviolability of the territorial integrity of States. We recognize the inalienable right to self- determination and independence of peoples under a colonial or racist regime or foreign occupation or domination. We recognize their right to. take action, to struggle and to battle to 2i::hieve the goals to which they aspire as a nation. We promise them our active solidarity. 9. May I say to you, Sir, that we welcome your accession to the presidency of this session of the Assembly in which we see a sign of hope and a symbol: a hope of the irrepressible and enriching aWakening of the third world and a symbol of the restoration of the powers of the voiceless, and dispossessed and the neglected, who are now unanimously determined to secure recognition of their rights. 10. You are a worthy son of the Orient, which is based on faith and a glorious history, endowed with immense resources, but sharinp with Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Pacific only i":nt hopes for a less painful fUture and the terrible suffering of endemic deprivation that is as unjust as it is shocking. 11. I am therefore not surprised that throughout your '-areer,a particularly long and brilliant one, an effort to defend the poor and fight for eqUity among nations has been evident. 12. The General Assembly has wisely placed its fate in your hands and thereby paid you an undying tribute that no speaker at this rostrum can possibly match. I will content myself with encouraging you t"continue to work for peace, justice and equity. May you hold aloft for .Iraq, 13. Mr. von Wechmar was a distinguished President. I address to him our sincere compliments on his tireless efforts during the thirty-fifth session of the General As~mbly to launch the global negotiations, which are so necessary and so urgent and on which the tranquillity of tomorrow~s world may well depend. 14. These are indeed ominous times, marked by increasingly serious inequalities and quite understandable and often legitimate impatience, times marked by discouragement because of unkept promises. The system desired and created by the great Powers of the world persists. Thanks to that system the rich calmly preserve their indivirl'ual and collective well-being, while the economic dependence of the third world increases. Therefore there can be no progress towards the new order so enthusiastically supported here, which is supposed to correct inequalities and redress existing injustices, and ensure steadily accelerating economic and social development for present and future generations. 15. Never, I repeat never, before has there been such a growing gap between the wealthy and those whose only concern is to have enough food merely to survive and to preserve their threatened dignity. 16. The present world economy IS 10 such a state of imbalance that the new criterion for regrouping, for alliance and for division among nations is, in the final analysis, wealth or poverty. Let us not be led astray by ideological differences: everything is now governed :'by these two contrasting realities, which bear dangerously within them the stigma of exploitation and the potential for confrontation. Countries are no longer grouped according to their size, their special abilities, the abilities of their continent or the virtues of their civilization and history. They are now divided simply into rich and poor, the rich systematically dominating the poor and the poor paradoxically having no alternative but to follow in the seductive wake of the rich. 17. This difficult situation results largely from the inability of the existmg international fmancial and economic structures, which were set up nearly 40 years ago, immediately after the Second World War, to adapt to present-day needs. 18. In spite of certain minor changes that have taken place, the principles on which those structures are based essentially favour the dominant economies. Thus, if the countries of the third world have been able to play an increasing part in international trade, the net result for them has not been the means to ensure self-sufficient development. 19. The deterioration in the terms of their trade with the developed countries, which is one of the greatest scandals of our day, has constantly worked towards a reduction in real terms of their return on exports. 21. The system inevitably led to its own disorder and its own crisis. Then the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC] raised the first significant challenge to the established order. 22. That awakening in November 1973 had a considerable impact. That collective action on the part of a group of developing countries, producers of primary products, was strictly in line with the resolutions and the Programme of Action of the fourth Conference of Heads of State and Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Algiers from 5 to 9 September 1973, and clearly reflected the urgent need to establish a new international economic order, which was endorsed several months .later in the Declaration and Programme of Action adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations at the conclusion of its sixth special session, in April 1974, devoted to raw materials and development [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)]. 23. That action revealed, at the same time, the vulnerability of the wealthy countries, the need for a fundamental reorganization of economic relations among the developing countries and the advantage for those countries in working together to establish among themselves a dynamic strategy for economic co-operation. 24. This double phenomenon of the awakening of awareness among the poor and the fragility of the bases of supremacy of the rich is not without certain risks, in so far as it shows a lessening of moderation, willingness to share and generosity. 25. In order to survive, mankind must therefore have the will and the means to prevent the disastrous trends which may arise from the excessive thoughtlessness of the rich and the frustration of the developing countries. 26. Because of the unproductive waste of immense resources in the arms build-up, the developing countries cannot attain the quite modest levels of official assistance set by the United Nations. 27. Their debts have, as a result, only increased. In 1970 their debt amounted to $74 billion and debt servicing amounted· to $9 billion. By 1980, that is, in th~ 10 years corresponding, paradoxically, to the pompously named "Development Decade", their debt had increased to $456 billion and the cost of debt servicing had increased to $91 billion. 28. Even food assistance-the urgency and humanitarian nature of which is emphasized every day by the extension of critical zones of malnutrition-at times seems to ~ .losing its ability to attract support. 30. As regards the North, the response to these questions is to be found, in my view, in the courageous admission that yesterday's privileges are already endangered and will be even more endangered if attempts are made to perpetuate them without recognizing their anachronistic and ,excessive nature. 31. As regards the South, it is possible for those countries to play a more active, effective and better integrated role in the affairs of the world, particularly in the areas of the processing, marketing and distribution of raw materials. All this should be done in a spirit of harmony and co-operation with the advanced countries an~ in an effort to bring about equitable and sincere complementarlty. 32. We shall spare the world from a very damaging economic confrontation only if together we overhaul North-South relations and work together f9r a more unified approach to the development of the world and for the well-being of mankind. I am sure that I shall surprise no one when I say that the unfairness, the irrational and fraudulent distribution of the resources of the world, the deprivation of all kinds and the various types of suffering and hardship caused by the economic deficiencies to which I have referred are extremely dehumanizing and dangerous, and must be ended. 33. In the new economic order which must be brought about, the North must make it possible for the South to grow and prosper and play a full role in the international economic system. 34. The main routes to this beneficial development have already been perceived, cleared and marked out. I shall limit myself to indicating the indispensable areas in which action is urgently necessary. 35. The North must give up at once all idea of a club system and all persecution complexes and rapidly agree to a certain number of major reforms in regard to the structures of the existing international economic system. I am thinking here in terms of changing the balance of world trade; the stabilization of prices, particularly of raw materials, on which the developing countries are so dependent; and courageous monetary reform. But the North must also get us:d to the idea that since industrialization is an inevitable stage of development and our countries will have need of access to markets as well as of investments and will inevitably turn to the North for the outlets which are necessary for the. future expansion of their industrial production. We mean }:\y that that the protectionist policies of the developed coun~es must be reconsidered 'and ended and must be replaced .l'!y internal changes actively directed towards wisely-chosen specialization, towards rais~ng the purchasing pOwer of their citizens and eliminating unemployment and inflation. 37. The North must then, or rather at the same time, ~t in motion a vast programme of transfer of resources to the South to increase investments, speed up production and the processing of goods, transfer technology and promote and guarantee growth. It must commit itself to a speedy implementation of the conclusions of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held re- cently in Paris, I which has just accorded timely recogni- tion to the special problems of the least developedcoun- tries. Thus it must actively concern itself with ,the fact that the current economic and monetary situation is put- ting these countries in a clearly disastrous impasse, which calls for a rescue operation of solidarity, which will nec- essarily involve making special financial facilities avail- able to them. In addition to the creation of a system to stabilize the prices of their raw materials these countries must have priority benefit of structures to help offset high interest rates, which are aimed at prolonging their re- course to profitable borrowing. Furthermore, if there is no pure and simple cancellation of certain of their debts con- tracted for development purposes, they must be granted a moratorium that takes into aCCOlhl: periods of crisis such as the present one. 38. The North must al~~ insist that the Governments of that group of countries which have not yet attained the goal of 0.7 per cent of their gross national product make the necessary political effort in order speedily to reach this level of official development assistance, so that at the end of this century at the latest the rate can reach approx- imately 1 per cent. In this connection I believe I should warn against theoreticians who advocate that the North need only actively promote its own development and the South's will follow in its wake. In my view, these the- oreticians are preaching an outmoded and erroneous the- sis, which even smacks of a certain revival of paternalism Gtat can no longer be accepted'in good conscience by the South. If the South's development is to be viable and har- monious it must be endogenous in nature, respecting the views and the values of the South and making use as much as possible of the people and the reSOurces of the South. Relations with the North will be meanmgful, wit- ful and equitable only if this is done. Of course, this pre- supposes that the developing countries will make a de- cisive contribution by implementing judicious horizontal co-operation among themselves. In this regard the Lagos Plan of Ai::tion,2 for example, constitutes a good s~g­ point for the States of the Organization of African Unity [lM.U].But that also presupposes that intemationalaction will be able to play a truly worthWhile role within the' i', 40. Finally,:he North must support and contribute ma~ sively to the World Food Programme, in particular by vigorously supporting the implementation of the pro- grammes of FAO and especially the Plan of Action on World Food Security. Those parts of the Brandt report3 advocating ~ especially urgent aid programme of $4 bil- lion a year and long·term measures to help the poorest countries to break out of the cycle of famine and hunger must be viewed by the developed countries with goodwill and acted upon s~dily. And here I should like to en- courage the World "Bank and the IMF to persevere in the ,new directions they have mapped out; namely, for the World Bank, t.'te liberalization of its operations in order to contribute to the anti-poverty programme dealing, in par- ticular, with agriculture and rural development; and, for the IMF, the decision to consider with interest the reports supporting the prolongation of its finanCial assistance to member States with low incomes whenever these coun- tries, as is often the case, suffer from the consequences of poor harvests or have to deal with a substantial in- crease in world prices of foodstuffs. 41. These are a few thoughts which, were they to be further developed and applied, would perhaps make it possible to improve North-South relations and make them more healthy, thus opening up, at a timely moment for our planet, opportunities for harmonious and balanced economic evolution in which all mankind would be able te live and flourish in renewed hope of increased well- being, which is so necessary if its great yearning for hap- piness and dignity is to be satisfied. 42. The creation of such a climate, marked by sustained efforts to ensure equity, active solidarity, international mutual assistance and generosity, would also have the great advantage of bringing about the conditions for an economic detente capable of preventing in future such crises as the energy crisis, which would only be new con- sequences of the weariness of the poor in the face of un- ceasing exploitation by the rich. After all, nQ one is any longer questioning the reiationship between present en- ergy problems-specifically oil supplies-and general questions of sttucturcU change in the world economy. Any realistic strategy aimed at making the dialogue between petroleum producers arid industrialiZed countries prodUC- tive will necessarily involve deve~opment problems. I fear that the same will soon be trUe of other export products. o· ~---------_ --------- 44. I do not wish any longer to convey the impression that I have come to this rostrum solely to discuss eco- nomic problems. Unfortunately, there are other subjects, other threats, other forms of discord which are disrupting the world every day and on which I must dwell on such an occasion. My country, which will soon be concluding its two-year term on the Security Council, has had ade- quate time, on many occasions to state its position °on most of the situations disturbing the conscience of nations and seriously threatening the peace and security of the peoples of the VJorld. 45. I must, however, recall Niger's grave concern over the arrogance and terrorism of Israel in the Middle Ea.st and the incredible stubbornness, the constantly defiant at- titude and the stalling tactics of South Africa, which con- tinues illegally to maintain Namibia under its colonialist and racist boot and to oppress its own black majority un- der the inhuman laws of its contemptible policy of apartheid. But, in doing sO,:':'I shall not engage in unnec- essary lamentations, for those two countries have heard so many pleas, reproaches and condemnations that they have become immune to them and no longer respond to the injunctions of the world except by over-reaction or scorn. 46. Let Israel merely know that its tranquillity, develop- ment, survival cannot be found in military power or in war, but ina peaceful and rapid settlement of the Palesti- nian problem. Its stubborn desire to pursue its policy of aggression, expansion, confiscation and frantic judaization of the Arab territories that it has occupied since 1967 will probably do less for its future than would a courageous willingness to co-operate with the international commu- nity in order to reach agreement on the ways and means of· bringing about a just and lasting solution to that sad problem, which is eminently political and human. It must in any case realize, having lived through the recent suffer- ing of its own people under nazism, that neither pogroms, nor brutal oppression, nor blind persecution will defeat a people whose selflessness and collective determination are ennobled every day by each new fallen martyr in its ranks. The Palestinian people is entitled to a land, a home, a' country. As for the Arab States of the area, no one can reasonably wish to destroy them or humiliate them to the point of inducing them to renounce their duty to help their Palestinian brothers to· win back their inalien- able rights and their dignity. Finally, Jerusalem must be allowed to enjoy international status, for that status alone is compatible with its prestige as the city of three re- ligions. 47. The case of South Africa is more troubling in an- other way. After 15 years of open rebellion against the United Nations and the international community, it , 48. But the truth of the matter is that South Africa holds extremely valuable aces that are given, alas, enormous weight by its vast riches-cards that the OAU and the international community together will probably not be able to trump by a mere flood of speeches and resolu- tions. The support that it is able to line up in this hall alone gives it peace of mind while it embarrasses us, for its partners are essential and precious to us as well; they have long proved that they know how to defend the free- dom of peoples and respect the dignity of races. 49. Let us none the less repeat to South Africa and to its partners and allies that the Namibian problem has gone on long enough, that the Namibian people and their sole representative the South West Africa People's Organiza- tion [SWAPO] have, suffered enough, that the front-line States hav,~ paid enough, and that the patience of Africa and of an peoples that love justice and freedom has limits and has now reached the breaking-point. The indepen- dence of Namibia must be speedily won and proclaimed if we wish to spare Africa and the rest of the world an increase in unnecessary tension that will only lead us to upheavals with irreparable consequences. Security Coun- cil resolution 435 (1978) remains a suitable basis for that task and one that, logically, must not be discarded. We would ask the contact group of Western States, which have assumed de facto responsibility for that task, to bear that point firmly in mind and to act swiftly to ensure that Namibia is present soon at this prestigious gathering of sovereign and free nations, the General Assembly of the United Nations. 50. But the' problem of South Africa will not then auto- matically be settled, for that country is still the embodi- ' ment of racism, intolerance and humiliation. The apartheid which rages there is an inhuman practice. No man, no State, no people can rest peacefully as long as that country continues to mete out-and with constantly redoubled. force-the brutality, the persecution, the tor- ture, the humiliation, the arbitrary imprisonment and the banishment so long the lot of the black South African majority which pays thus, with courage and self-sacrifice, for its only crime-'that of being black and of wishing to be a living and important part of mankind. 51. How often has it been proclaimed from this rostrum that apartheid must disappear? How many resolutions have been adopted here, and elsewhere in the world, con- demning South Africa for that shameful policy and even imposing sanctions on it? But if apartheid, alas, con- tinues, it is because once again the weightapd influence of the Western partners have not been brougfIt to bear sufficiently on the problem. That is why I turn towards them and say solemnly to them once again that itpartheid isa serious threat to peace, that apartheid is a grave de- fiance of all mankind, and that any search, for world 53. I would not be so imprudent as to conclude this statement without referring to human rights, to the rights of the peoples of the world and to the canons of democ- racy. I simply wish to say that for us in the Niger, man is priceless. That is why our intelligence and our actions are devoted to the search for the well-being of the people of the Niger. 54. We are aware that our small, but worthy, population belongs to the group of economically weak countries. We are the proud inhabitants of a very harsh and unyielding land, which is both a stimulus and a hardship. That is why we are all committed, as a matter of urgency, to the building of our nation, and we have little time for ques- tions of prestige, nor do we indulge in over-hasty actions. 55. To feed the people of the Niger, to house them, to educate them, to take care of them, to clothe them, so that they can worthily be present at the gathering of the nations-that for the moment is our only programme and our only pretention. But probably only those who, like us, have suffered thirst, ignorance, sickness am,-, hunger can understand the appropriateness of those choic~; only those who have been exposed to want or have beeuthe victim of humiliation will be able to understand why. we wish to struggle to be self-sufficient in food, to free our- selves of hardships caused by the unpredictability of the weather and to build a society marked by development. 56. Those, then, are the main goals of our struggle, the reasons for our mobilization and the motives of our hopes. It is true that we still have great difficulty in providing subsistence from our soil, because it is poor and infertile. It is difficult indeed for us to cope with the world economic environment, which demands far differ- ent means than our present rustic and pitiful capabilities. But we, as a nation, have enough endurance to continue the struggle, enough faith to continue. the work and enough humility to recognize our weaknesses and to seek the co-operation of the world. 57. Who more than we could wish for peace and inter- nal concord.. in order to build and grow? We wish for" peace and international harmony so that we may assist' 59. We are grateful to the United Nations for everything it has done to maintain the unity and cohesiveness of the world; to bring about and protect the freedom and dignity of peoples; to foster the weU·being of man and the devel- opment of mankind. Thanks to its vitality and its high prestige, the Organization has done well. But it can do more, pro~ided we give it the necessary means and, at the same tIme, scrupulously respect the provisions of the Charter to which we, as free and independent nations, subscribe in the interests of their inalienable sovereignty. 60. I wish to end on this exhortation for, together with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Charter of the United Nations is certainly the fmest, the most no- ble and the most relevant document that mankind has ever adopted. It is by honoringit, therefore, that you will give supreme substance and active weight to your work. 61. Words fail me here as I try to convey our gratitude· to and our admiration of all those men and women of all races from all continents who have chosen the United Nations as their country and who are attempting to come to grips with harsh present realities in an effort to prevent our species from sweeping away the world by its own excesses. In the vanguard of those men and women we fmd, of course, the familiar figure of the Secretary-Gen- eral, whose devotion to the cause of the Organization is undeniably beyond praise. A vigilant servant of the Char- ter and a tireless pilgrim of peace, he has regularly dem- onstrated his practical knoWledge and his exemplary te- n~city. Thanks to his diplomatic talent, his dynamism and hIS ardent devotion, he has raised the United Nations to the ?i~~est peaks, where it has found trust, prestige and credIbIlIty. On behalf of the Niger, I wish to congratulate and thank him. ..

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Presi- dent. of the Supreme Military Council and Head of State of the Republic of the Niger for the important statement he has just made. .

Mr. President, my delegation is pleased indeed to see someone of your unquestioned competence and wide experience in the President's chair, and we are confident that we can depend on your skill and wisdom to help us through the session ahead. 64. My delegation also welcomes this opportunity to ex- tend our thanks, through you, .~ your predecessor, Mr; Riidigt!f von Wechmar of the. federal RepUblic of.Ger- many. We were extremel.y. fortunate to be guided by his 65~ The Secretary-General has again worked tirelessly over the past year, and we should like to pay a tribute to his ceaseless devotion to duty and his determined efforts in the cause of peace. . 66.. We are delighted to welcome the two new Mem- bers, Belize and Vanuatu. Both countries are fellow mem- bers of the Commonwealth, and we look forward to work- ing with them in this forum also. Of course, Vanuatu's membership has special meaning for us, as we ot the re: gion felt strongly for Vanuatu during its sometimes trou-' bled path to independence. We are especially proud to see how, with patience and perseverence, its people have found their rightful place in the international community. We know that the contributions that both those countries will make will, like their actions throughout their inde- pendence struggles, be the sort of fair-minded and care- fully considered contributions that can only benefit the Organization. The admission to the United Nations of two small developing countries, which have the obvious eco- nomic weaknesses that many of us face but also a fierce determination to be their own· people and to grapple for themselves with the problems of the future, is a further ~anifestation of the triump}1 of the human spirit and a tribute to the enlightened international community that has fashioned the climate for it to become a reality. Justly, like all of us, they are justly and rightfully proud of their nationhood and political independence. But they, ~d many of us like th~m-more so perhaps than others ~n the world community-will feel more keenly the real- Ity t~at we cannot exist as nations without each other. The fact IS that not even the large and resource-rich countries can go it alone today and still maintain for very long what they now enjoy. 67. Perhaps in the past we in Samoa, removed from much of the turmoil and strife in the world, have viewed events from afar with a certain detachment, secure in our remoteness and the peacefulness of our region. But those days have gone. The world grows ever smaller, and all of us-even the most geographically remote-in some way feel the effects of events elsewhere and the actions of oth- ers around the world. The reality of interdependence in the world today demands genuine and urgent efforts on the part of all to recognize and to understand the prob- !ems and difficulties of others around the globe. Nowhere IS that more true than in the economic sphere, and the sooner all countries, even the most seemingly self-suffi- cient and economically well-off, realize that the sooner . , we can begin the fight to ensure that the world as we know it will survive. 68. We cannot continue to go our separate ways. No one country can· be so self-centred as to insist that things be done its\ way and only its way, regardless of the views or the situation of the rest of the world. Such attitudes are, to say the least, not helpful in the world of today. We JIlust work together on practical measures to solve prob- 70. But however helpful those concessions may be, in the larger scheme of the w~rld economy they are piece- meal measures. Other economic realities are fast over- whelming us, leaving the weaker economies, and es- pecially the very vulnerable among them, like the least developed countries, the landlocked and the small island countries, in increasingly desperate situations. The plight of these countries is well known. They have the weakest economies in a world economic system which seems un- cannily to ensure their perpetual disadvantage. In many cases they depend on a narrow range of prod\lcts whose prices not only fluctuate wildly but slide backwards quite relentlessly relative to the prices of manufactured goods and other necessary imports. Sadly, this seems to have become the heritage of primary producers in the world market. Some of our countries are now facing chronic balance of payments problems which will surely undo the development efforts of the past and possibly even threaten political stability. 71. The United Nations Conference on the Least Devel- oped Countries held in Paris last September attempted to focus on measures to launch the least developed countries on the path of sustained growth. Although the Conference could not be described as a resounding success, weap- plaud the encouraging attitudes and efforts of some of the developed countries at that Conference. The implementa- tion of measures identified at that Conference holds out the only hope for the revitalization of the economies of the least developed countries. None of those measures, however, can be of lasting benefit to the least developed countries, or to anyone else, if they are not accompanied by international willingness to fashion a more just basis for· international economic relati Jns. We like to think that such an ende·avour is not beyond the spirit of co-operation or the courage of.a world that has grown so intricately interdependent. We very much hope that the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development at Cancun will provide the impetus necessary for the resumption of meaningful global negotiations on economic issues. 72. The law of the sea is another area in which the ab- solute necessity of mutual co-operation is illustrated. We are a global community, and in such a community the collective interest must be paramount. Ma~of us are heavily reliant on the sea for resources. We beg{U1 the law of the sea negotiations many years ago on the'voble as- sumption that a fair sharing of the sea's resources was possible and it seemed that, at long last, a convention that would prOVide as equitable a settlement as possible was 73. As in the economic area, where the sharing of re- sources and the exchange of goodwill have become funda- mental necessities, so in the political sphere we must share in the search for solutions. The United Nations must provide the main.impetus towards such solutions. 74. In Namibia, South Africa must surely soon bow to the inevitable and abandon its posture of arrogant dis- regard for the world's opinion. We sincerely hope that common sense will prevail, for obviously South Africa cannot hold on to Namibia indefinitely, nor can 11 system that provokes world-wide horror continue without even- tual bloody consequences. We deplore South Africa's stubborn refusal to abolish apartheid, and we feel its re- cent incursion into Angola it be an insult added to injury, for which South Africa must eventually pay. We look to a solution of the Namibian question based on Security Council resolution 435 (1978), and we urge the five West- ern countries to intensify their efforts to bring freedom to Namibia. 75. In the Middle East, the guidelines contained in United Nations resolutions are also clear. We believe in Israel's right to exist. We also believe in the right of the Palestinians to self-determination and a State of their own, should this be their wish. It is clear that all those in- volved must talk. Soliloquies and endless polemical slanging matches are non-productive, whereas dialogue can produce genuine communication and perhaps bring new perspectives to bear on the situation. Israel's recent actions, however, have not been conducive to dialogue and have certainly not led to an improved general atmo- sphere, which might make eventual consultations possi- ble. The policies of continuing settlements, altering the status of Jerusalem and the recent bombing of the Iraqi nuclear plant are deplorable acts. 76. In Lebanon, cease-fire after cease-fire has given way to hatred and violence. Innocent civilians have suf- fered. In addition the United Nations peace-keeping forces have sustained many casualties. This senseless vio- lence must cease. My delegation earnestly hopes that the present cease-fire will be the last, but this can only hap- pen if those who use the situation in Lebanon to further their own ends refrain from so doing. UNIFIL must be allowed to do its job. 77. The situation in Afghanistan remains one of critical concem to the international community. The increase in foreign troops in Afghanistan during the past year and the growing number of refugees in Pe1kistan make the need to 78. We are disturbed to see that fighting continues be- tween Iraq and Iran, two Islamic neighbours with much in commo'n. Their quarrel must surely lend itself to a solu- tion through discussion and negotiation rather than blood- shed and destruction. Surely, tro, they are making unus- able some of the very facilities over which they are in disagreement. 79. In Cyprus, as well, continued dialogue is the pre- ferred path towards a solution, and we commend the Sec- retary-General'sxefforts to keep the intercommunal talks alive. We are encouraged that the prospects for progress in those talks appear brighter. 80. The tragedy of a people bitterly divided against it- self remains unsolved in the Korean peninsula. We hope that the Koreans can 'begin to bring peace to their land through discussion and mutual accommodation. 81. On the Kampuchean situation, my delegation sup- ports the initiatives taken by the countries of the Associa- tion of South-East Asian Nations to bring this matter to resolution. We feel that the proposals contained in the declaration of the recent International Conference on Kampuchea suggest a useful framework for negotiation towards a settlement which would: guarantee the Kampu- chean people the right to select a government of their own choice, free ,from any intimidation, and allow the safe re- turn of all refugees who wish to return. We sincerely. hope that all parties to the conflict will eventually come to the negotiating table to restore stability to the South- East Asian region. We continue to be gravely concerned for the Kampuchean people, who have suffered so griev- ously in the past at the bloody hands of Pol Pot and his' henchmen and who now labour under foreign domination. We earnestly hope that they may fmallyachieve a life free from fear, famine and fighting which have plagued them for so long. 82. We are pleased to see progress in one trouble spot of the world: Western Sahara. There, dialogue has brought results, and at the last session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, decisions were taken that provide for a ref- erendum that will enable the people of Western Sahara to determine the~r own future [see A1361534, annex II, AHGI Res. 103 (XV/lI)]. We are encouraged by this move to- wards a peaceful settlement. 83. All our efforts to improve our world by sharing those things that better our conditions-whether they be our wealth, our resources, our cultures, or our solutions to political problems-will be empty of meaning if na- , tions continue to share in the inexplicable desire to in- crease military establishments and armaments. Tension between the super-Powers has increased as they continue their race to' produce super-weapotls. Indeed; one such weapon is said·to be so· superior.and so refined that it can 88. In extending to you our warm and fraternal congrat- ulations, the Thnisian delegation wishes to assure you that it will spare no effort to give you its full support and wholehearted co-operation as you discharge your impor- tant and ardu.ous responsibilities. We shall do this all the more enthusiastically because you represent a fraternal Arab country, Iraq, with which Thnisia maintains the closest and most fruitful of relations both bilaterally and _--~ 85. When priorities in the world are that askew, our chances for ultimate survival seem dimmer and dimmer. But it is of little help to sink into the slough of despair. We must instead concentrate on possible measures that, however slowly, can start us on the road back to sanity. Such measures include the strengthening of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [General As- sembly resolution 2373 (XXII)] to prevent the further spread of nuclear arms; the conclusion of a .chemical weapons convention; security:guarantees. for non-nuclear States; the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones; and, something of particular importance to the countries of the Pacific region, a comprehensive test-ban treaty so that all nuclear testing in any environment is stopped. Testing in the Pacific Ocean and the possibility of nuclear waste being dumped in our Ocean or any other have caused us great concern, both for the health of our peoples and for the purity of our environment. We wish those activities to cease. 86. If we can make progress on any of these matters at the coming special session of the General Assembly de- voted to disarmament we shall have taken a satisfying step towards the preservation of our world, 87. Mr. cAip ESSEBSI (Thnisia) (interpretation from French): Sir, your assumption of the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is, for Thnisia, a source of satisfaction as well as proof of esteem and confidence: esteem for your qualities as a statesman and an experienced diplomat, and confidence in your abil- ity to conduct successfuHy the work of this session, the importance of which, owing to the particularly delicate world situation, calls for all the wisdom and courage of which we know you to. be capable. 90. My delegation also wishes to pay the same wann and sincere tribute to the Secretary-General for the re- markable work, praiseworthy from all standpoints, that he has carried out in his 10 years of service to the United Nations in defence of the principles of our Charter. 91. At the Security Council meetings of 8 Jult and 23 September 1981, the Thnisian delegation expressed its great pleasure at welcoming Vanuatu and Belize to the Organization. We are pleased today to see them occupy- ing their rightful seats in the Assembly. We wish to take this opportunity OH~' again to bid our two new Member States a very warm welcome and to renew our wann con- gratulations to their respective delegations and' assure them of our full co-operation.. 92. I should also like to address Thnisia's greetings to all the peop.les of the world represented here, and to re- affmn my country's determination to continue to spare no effort in the fulfilment of the principles underlying the Organization. 93. Suffice it for me to mention here the vigorous and resolute action of the Government of President Bourguiba to promote the betterment of the individual, to establish true democracy in my country with due expression of p0- litical freedom, social justice and economic progress, and, externally, to promote with friendly and fraternal countries, in the framework of the broadest co-operation, action based &n understanding and dialogue. 94. Those principles, to the implementation of which the Thnisia of President Bourguiba is resolutely commit- ted, do not appear, unfortunately, to have been strictly applied everywhere in international relations. 95. In the year that has passed since the last session of the Assembly, we have seen no notable progress in the development of the international situation. In fact, the tensions that confronted us are now more disturbing and more dangerous, and the problems we have tried to tackle remain unresolved and have become even more complex. 96. The Security Council, the supreme organ of the Organization, has certainly deliberated, practically throughout the year, on all the grave questions which rep- resented a threat to international peace and security. We cannot but note, however, that the results of,those deliber- ations have' often led to disappointment an$i have in- creased the frustration of those who have ad~ them- selves to this supreme body, confident of their rights and motivated'only by their faith in the principles of the Char- ter. 98. Hence the particular importance we attach to the de- liberations of this session of the General Assembly, of which it is the imperative duty to change the dangerous course taken hitherto by events, to reconcile men with principles and the ideals of peace and progress, and' to arouse new hope for the good of the whole of mankind. 99. More than 21 years after the adoption by the Organ- ization of resolution 1514 (XV) containing the Declara- tion on the Granting of Independence to ~olonial Coun- tries and Peoples, at a time when we are already within sight of the end of the century, we must put an end firmly and with determination to the anachronistic, intolerable situation which still prevails in Palestine and in Namibia. We cannot disregard the valiant struggle being waged by the peoples of Palestine and Namibia under the leadership of their legitimate representatives~ the Palestine Liberation Organ~zation [PW] and the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], and fail to recognize·theirinalien- able rights to freedom, justice, self-determination and in- dependence. 100. It is high time to put an end to the inadmissible attitude of provocation and defiance in which, in total equanimity, I would stress, t~eJ regimes of Tel Aviv and Pretoria are engaging. These two regimes of oppression, racism and zionism, no' doubt exchanging the best-tried recipes, are oppressing ever more ferociously with each passing day the peoples of Namibia, South Africa and Palestine and vying with each other in acts of aggression against the peoples of southern Africa and the Middle East-flagrant acts of aggression, repeatr.;d acts ofaggres- sion, but always with impunity, unfortunately. The field of these acts of aggression is becoming ever broader and is extending to Angola, Mozambique, Lebanon or Iraq, sovereign Member States of the community of nations. 101. And here we have the two of them, priding them- selves on acting as spearheads of some kind of defence strategy for an order or civilization to which they have no claim to belong. 102. But apart from that aspect, the situation in the Middle East and in southern Africa today contains more than ever before risks of explosion and conflict which threatens the balance in the world. 103. In the Middle East military operations conducted by the Israeli army against the Palestinians and against the people of Lebanon have created one of the most dan- gerous situations that have existed since 1973. Those who thought that the Camp Davidagreements would have the effect of providing mom~nnun for the peace process in the area today have had to face the facts. We cannot but note that those agreements have been exploited by Tel Aviv in order freely to conduct its strategy aimed at elim- inating the Palestinians. Since that time, the war waged against the Palestinians has assumed impressive dimen- 105. Thnisia, which supports unreservedly the just cause of the Pcilestinian people, ~affirms its conviction that there can be no lasting peace in the Middle East without a comprehensiVe settlement which would take account first of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the establishment-under the aegis of its sole legitimate representative, the PLO-of an inde- pendent state, and of the withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied Arab territories, including Al-Quds. 106. Israel, using the pretext of security, wishes both to ensure its own military supremacy in the area and to an- nex Arab territories. It is precisely this expansionist pol- icy that is today the main cause of insecurity and that almost led to a new war in the Middle East following the ,affair of the Syrian missiles-which were, incidentally, purely defensive devices. 107. Security is an urgent need for all the peoples of the area. It is imperative for their stability and their de- velopment. Thus, it cannot be seen in terms of the milj- tary supremacy of one State over all the others, which would push the latter into intense re-armament and into various alliances in order to oppose the hegemony of that State, its adventurist policy and its irresponsibility-the dangers of which we see in Lebanon, and of which the raid on the nuclear plant at Tamuz is the most illuminat- iqg example. 108. This premeditated act of war, unanimously con- demned by the int~rnational community, const~tutes a dangerous precedent which jeopardizes not only the IAEA system of guarantees, but..also the rules of international conduct which govern the civilized world. 109. Peace in the Middle East is a vital necessity for an the peoples of the region. Several Arab countries have made concrete and positive proposals for the establish- ment of a just and lasting peace, based on consensus but rejecting expansionism, exclusivity and domination. It is urgent to begin without delay the exploration of new ave- nues to break the deadlock in the situation and embark on :l process of true peace in that very sensitive pait of the world. 118. How much longer must we tolerate interference in the internal affairs of States and the presence in indepen- dent territories offoreign troops, the deployment of which prevents those peoples from freely choosing the form and system of their government? How long are we going to tolerate the massive and flagrant foreign military presence in Afghanistan and Kampuchea? , .- 110. That process should first, if it is not to fail, in- volve the PLO in all stages of negotiations. The PLO, which has constantly given proof of its realism, its sense of responsibility and its capacity" to honour its commit- ments, has today come to be the only negotiating partner 112. After the failure of the Geneva Conference owing to the recalcitrance and provocative attitude of South Af- rica, the debate in the Security Council in April 1981 and that at the eighth emergency special session of the Gen- eral Assembly last September have revealed the limits that we could reasonably impose on the legendary patience of Africa, and of the Namibian people and its authentic rep- resentative, SWAPO. 113. The keen sense of realism and responsibility dis- played by SWAPO in its struggle for the recognition of its right to self-determination and independence is matched only by its determination to bring about the independence of its people by means of negotiation and dialogue, or by any other means. 114. In accordance with the resolution adopted by the eighth emergency special session of the General Assem- bly [resolution E8-8/2], Tunisia is firmly in favour of the immediate, unconditional and unreserved application, without reservation or modification, of the plan advocated in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), and reaffirmed by the United Nations as a whole, to put an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia and to bring that Territory to independence. 115. In so doing, we shall have made our deeds match our words and our principles match the facts. 116. Tunisia cannot conceal its surprise at the tolerant attitude which, in the name of a solidarity of principle, has been taken by the Western world towards South Af- rica and Israel about their violations of the principles of the Charter and their defiance of the United Nations. It is by its contribution to the fulfilment of the legitimate aspi- rations of the oppressed peoples in Namibia and Palestine that the Western world will give convincing proof of the sincerity of its support for just causes and will demon- strate its genuine interest in Africa and the Arab world. 117. How much longer are we going to tolerate the peo- ple of South Africa being subjected to inhuman and bar- barous laws, racist and segregationist laws which are en- forced by the apartheid regime with impunity and with the toleration of others? 120. Will the repeated appeals, made particularly by the Islamic countries, c~ling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan ever be het:ded? 121. Will the appeals endorsed by :he international Conference on Kampuchea, held last July, make it pugsi- hIe to restore dialogue so that the people·of Kampuchea will be allowed to know peace and prosperity? 122. Will the appeals of South Korea for dialogue and work towards under~tanding with North Korea be heeded and will they enable us to see the people of Korea making an effective contribution to the work of the Organization, whether that be through a single representation or, if not, separate representations, on the basis of existing prece- dents? 123. When will we see the efforts of the Secretary-Gen- eral, those of the Organization of the Islamic Conference or the non-aligned movement-which this year is cel~­ brating its twentieth anniversary and of which'Tunisia is . honoured to be one of the founder members-succeed in putting an end to the war that still continues in the Mid- dle East between two fraternal and neighbouring coun- tries, Iraq and Iran, which are surely meant to live in peace and co--operation? We have pointed out that one of the parties, iraq, has made peace offers and appeals for negotiation. Will it be possible to take this opportunity to embark on a process that will permit a settlement of tllis distressing conflict? Will the parties involved resolve to give up a sterile struggle which can only prolong un- necessarily the suffering and devastation of the region and make even more remote the prospects of restoring peace and stability in the area? 124. Courage and heroism certainly have their merits. So have diplomacy and wisdom, and their merits are far superior in most cases. As evidence of this I shall give an example very close to my own country, that of Western Sahara, which after a.long period of tension and conflict has, thanks to the· clearsightedness and courage of the Maghreb leaders, under the auspices of the OAU and within the framework of African wisdom, just taken a de- cisive step towards the establishment of peace and sta- bility. 125. It is time for relations between States, whether they be large or small, to be based on mutual respect, and for differences in social or economic systems not to be allowed to be a source of conflict. It is time for every State to be able to organize its national structures in terms of its own realities and to define freely its policies, with- out having to fear encountering the interference of other States. This is what has come to be known as peaceful coexistence, which should have led to authenlic detente; but, I am afraid, this is something which todaywe have ;:ome to see as belonging to the past. The hardening of )()sitions to which we are now witness in international -elations seems destined to bring about a re-emergence in oeg{)ti~tions, for eliminating the causes of mistrust that underlie the arms race is today more necessary than eVt:r. The second special session of the General Assembly (le- voted to disarmament, scheduled for next spring, 'Nill give us an excellent opportunity, one which we must not fail to seize, because without any doubt peace is man- kind's most precious asset. 126. Major questions which have aroused the interest and hopes of the international community, which were on the point of being resolved and which. have been the sub- ject of long and arduous deliberations at regular sessions of the General Assembly, at special sessions and at ad hoc intemational conferences have come up against an obstructive attitude', which in its turn has given rise to questioning and concern. 127. Such questioning and concern have arisen with re- gard to the fulfilment of the international desire to define the law, such as the law of the sea and the laws determin- ing No.th-South co-operation, upon which depends to such a large extent the future of the whole international community. 128. The world economic situation continues to give the international community grounds for grave concern. Noth- ing, indeed, in the past year has happened to modify in any way the alarming trends which we have constantly deplored for many years. Some of those trends have even been aggravated. The developed countries continue to struggle with their own structural and economic problems. Inflationary tension in some of those countries, the eco- nomic slowdown in others, the ever more visible dif- ferences in the perceptior. of the scope of these two phe- nomena and the solution which should be applied to them have brought those countries to an almost chaotic state, frequently as a result of contradictory economic policies. The problem of interest rates, the fluctuation in foreign exchange rates, the rise of protectionism, the persistence and, in certain cases the exacerbation of high rates of un- employment, are all negative results of these' policies. 129. Of course, the developing countries suffer the cumulative consequences of these policies, which are re- flected particularly in their bal~ces of trade, which for the most part are becoming increasingly unbalanced, and in the level of their indebtedness, often verging on the intolerable. Payment difficulties created in this way are accentuated even more by the reduction of public bilateral aid from certain developed countries, and by no means the least important countries, as well as by the many re- strictions facing multilateral financing and technical as- sistance institution.s, including the World Bank and UNDP, in adequately replenishing their resources. This 130. u:rhe third world countries in general recognize the increasingly tangible fact of the interdependence of coun- tries and economic problems, but it is not at all realistic to ask them to wait patiently for a solution of the chronic problems of the industrialized countries before they can ~evel\1p their own economies. 131. With a view to the establishment of international economic relations on solid and equitable foundations in the interests ot' a.~~j obe parties concerned, the third world has for many years now been proposing the fundamental restmcturing of these relations by the· establishment of a new international economic order. This objective, in spite of the difficulties it has encountered, remains more valid th.an ever, because it is the only one which could promote a .balanced and hannonious development of the world economy by reducing the ever-widening economic gap be- tween rich and poor countries. 132. The project of launching global negotiations ob- viously stems from the same line of thought. These nego- .tiations should not, of course, reduce to nothing the achievements, h~'ever limited they may be, obtained through efforts undertaken for so many years now in vari- ous international forums, and most recently at the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, which has just been held at Nairobi and at t~e United Nations Confere~~ce on the Least Developed Cotin- trit:s, just held at Paris. But we should also try to fill gaps and go forward, bearing in mind both the short-term and long-term interests of the international community as a whole and the developing countries in particular. 133. Is there any need to stress that development de- pends to a large measure on science and technology? This aspect was dealt with at the United Nations Conference on Scienc~ an~ Technology for Development, held at Vienna from 20 to 31 August 1979, at which a Pro- gramme of Action was drawn Up.6 The results, however, remahl very limited, hence the need for strengthening the scientific and technological capacity within the develop- ing countries because without that the transfer of tech- nology te. mose countries can constitute only a very un- certain contribution to the work of development. This approach calls for increasing internal effort on the part of the developing countries, greater horizontal co-operation among them and a more determined contribution from the rest of the international community. 134. Aware of this need, Cl number of countries, includ- ing Thnisia, have embarked on consultations in order to educate all the parties concerned as to their role in this matter. We believe that this initiative is a useful supple- ment to the action undertaken in the United Nations. Suc- cess in this can only ,have a ,positive effect on efforts .which will be undertaken at this session of the General 142. It is indeed dangerous to allow the spiral of tension to go on increa~ing. The peoples of the third world are refusing' to, ,remain pawns in the game of great-Power ri- valry, in markets for raw materials and in outlets for man- ufacturel;l products. They are determined to achieve their status as fully-fledged partners in the concert of nations. ~---""----_ 136. The deadlock in the process of launching global negotiations and the delay in concluding the work of the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea are particularly worrying and disturbing. 137. We venture to hope that those responsible for this sitGation will soon be able to conclude the period of re- flection which they have allowed themselves and share once again the g~neral will to conclude work on the draft convention on the law of the sea and to embark on global negotiations. 138. In this respect, we ~ glad to see this general con- sensus strengthened by the 0~1) and unreserved support which we have noted in the statement to the Assembly by the representative of France [9th meeting] and also by the particularly encouraging and positive change .of attitude on the part of the Federal Republic of Germany. 139. The International Meeting. on Co-operation and Development, which is to be held at Cancun in the next few days, will give us an opportunity to see whether our hopes are well founded and whether the wish of those who want'to make progress will prevail, so as to provide genuine momentum for global negotiations, the iUltural forum for which obviously remains the United Nations. The concerted action of all States Members of the Organ- ization in order to provide further momentum for the North-South dialogue is necessary not only for economic reasons but also-and above all-for pre-eminently polit- ical reasons. 140. The stakes are high and far transcend the immedi- ate interests of any of the partners in this common enter- prise. I.hope we can all realize this. 141. There is nothing about the internat.;onal situation to encourage optimism. However, we must not allow our- selves to fall prey to doubt, resignation or despair. 144. Prince AL-FAISAL (Saudi Arabia) (interpretation from Arabic): I wish at the outset to extend to you, Siri our sincere congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. You are renowned for your experience and competence and for the distinguished manner in which you represent your country. Your election to this high office is a token of the great esteem in which your country, Iraq, is held and Qf its constructive role in international affairs. We are confi- dent that this role will ,contribute to the realization of world.progress towards a brighter and more promising fu- ture. 145. In this connection I wish to extend my best wishes to the President of the previous session of the Assembly, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, and to commend him for his ability and wisdom. He conducted the proceedings of the Assembly with a competence that earned him our appre- ciation and gratitude. 146. I also wish t9 extend my sincere thanks and appre- ciation to the Secretary-General for the genuine'efforts he is exerting in his constant endeavour to solve international problems and to maintain the principles which form the basis of the Organizatuon. 147. I also wish to join the other heads of delegation in welcoming Vanuatu and Belize as new Members of the United Nations. I am certain that they will contribute with other Member States to the realization of the noble objec- tives of the Organization. 148. Relations among States should not be based on submission and surrender; nor should they depend on power, domination and control. They must be based on solid principles and objective values, inspired by mutual interests and built on solid foundations of equality and justice. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has laid down solid foundations for its relations with other countries which hrook no compromise. These foundation8 are not sUbject to any concessions. They are based on respect for the principle of national sovereignty and absolute rejection of any attempts to compromise it. They are based on equal relations with others and rejection of attempts at inter- ference in their internal affairs. The Kingdom, like the rest of the international community, fonnulates its interna- tional positions and establishes its foreign relaticns on the basis of its international commitments and its ties with international organizations and bodies. 149. My country was one of the original signatories of the San Francisco Charter, which gave birth to the United Nations. Ever since, my country's faith in the importance of the Organization and in the basic objectives of the Charter has not been shaken. I do not intend'at this stage to discuss at lenrth the accomplishments of 'the United Nations or its achievements in various fields. we. all en- dorse these efforts and believe in their importance and necessity. Our contribution isgovemed by our:Capabilities and our means. However,· it would be unrealistic to state 151. Once more the resort to force in international af- fairs is taking precedence in contemporary international life. 152. The gap between rich and poor countries has grown wider, and we are witnessing an increase in vio- lations by the big Powers of the sovereignty of small States. 153. The aggressive and increasingly dangerous prac- tices of certain States have continued. 154. The legitimate righf', of peoples to self-determina- tion have been compromised. 155. The continuation of these conditions and their negative effect on international relations calls for an inten- sification of efforts to put an end to such defiance and for the search for such means as would secure the needs of the international community and protect the interests of all peoples and nations. If there is to be any hope of overcoming these conditions or finding a course which would enable the peoples of the world to realize their as- pirations for peace and prosperity, the United Nations must be able to protect its main objectiyes as manifested in the Charter. 156. The prestige of the Organization, which embodies tile hopes and aspirations of nations for peace, will re- main in jeopardy if it continues to be satisfied with the adoption of resolutions and recommendatioris on matters of which it is seized. The ability of the United Nations to sei'Ve as a reliable safety valve for the maintenance of internatioqal peace and security, on the one hand, and for laying the foundations for justice and co-operation among States in the political, economic and social fields, on the other, depends to a great extent on its ability to play its role not solely by adopting resolutions but also by imple- menting them. Implementation is the real test of the value of a resolution. 157. While we all bear responsibility as Members of the Organization for the maintenance of world peace, justice and equality among States, the super-Powers bear a spe- cial responsibility in that regard. The fact that those Powers possess lethal weapons capable of destroying the world gives them no special rights. Might does not confer rights as much as it imposes obligations and respon- sibilities. those Powers have an obligation to establish the foundations for international co-operation based 01'1 equal- ity and justice. They also have an obligation to protect the interests of the small States and to defend their indepen- dence rather than partitioning them into spheres of influ- ence. History prov.ides ample IJroof that 'dividing the world in~o spheres of influence between conflicting 159. We ~ following with great concern and watching with considerable caution the developments in the rela- tions between the two super-Powers. International detente, that is, mutual understanding between those Powers, which was one of the most important events of our time, has now reached a dead end. It has lost an essential ele- ment on which it should have been based, namely, that detente should extend to all ana be in the interests of all. It should fulfil the aspirations and legitimate rights of all peoples and not be limited to a single relaxation between the forces of the two super-Powers. Nor should it consist of a1\.-understanding by them on'how to impose their will on other States or proceed, under the guise of such an understanding, to divide the world into spheres of influ- ence and domination. 160. We arenow witnessing an increase in world polar- ization, and ID competition between' the super-Powers which involves the threat of a new cold war that would endorse invasions and expansion and would jeopardize the security of the region of the Middle East and its aspira- tions to peace and prosperity. Our. region, the Middle Eastt probably suffers most from that tense situation and from the effects of the dangerous strategic competition threatening it. Those forces have been endeavouring to establish a military presence in the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea. But we are anxious for the region to remain outside that conflict and that it be preserved as a zone of peace, instead of as a theatre of conflict. 161. On the other hand', we are gravely concerned about the recent announcement of "strategic co-operation U be- tween the United States and Israel t which is likely to thrust our region into international alliances and cast it into the cauldron of super-Power conflict. That is incon- sistent with the role of the United States in its efforts to find a settlement to the Middle East crisis, Such a role requires that the United States assume an impartial posi- tion. 162. At the same time, we find the efforts pursued by the Soviet Union to consolidate polarization in our region inconsistent with its role as a super-power, responsible for the maintenance of stability and the reduction of interna- tional tension. 164. Just as we have asked that detente not.be at the expense of the third world and its rights, we also force- A" fully demand that the renewed strategic conflict not be at the expense of the third world and the aspiration of its peoples to peace and stability. 165. A positive factor of which we can be proud in the political developments witnessed by our region was the establishment of the Gulf Co-operation Council. That positive development is consistent and fully in harmony with the charters and resolutions of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the League of Arab States. It is also consistent with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the non-aligned movement. It in fact represents a strengthening'and consecration of co-op- eration and interaction among the. member States of the Council. At the same time, it does not constitute an al- liance against anyone. It is an expression of the free will of those countries and of co-operation among them, in full and mutual awareness of their national interests, free of any outside influence. The Council will be a positive factor for stability in the region and will play an effective role in helping to eliminate foreign interference, particu- larly in matters which are considered to be within the ex- clusive competence of the Gulf States. 166. The membership of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in OPEC, its useful work in international economic bodies and its effective role in international efforts are . aimed at strengthening international economic co-opera- tion and finding solutions for all the problems.encoun- tered. That has not only led to its adoption of responsible economic policies but also to the establishment of a prag- matic and realistic perspective with respect to the interna- tional economic situationt its problems, and the solutions proposed for overcoming those problems. 167. A glance at that economic situation indicates that there is a reality which requires no discussion, namely, that the world is divided into developing countries with a declining standard of living, suffering from starvation, destitution and lack of resources, and industrialized coun- tries with a high standard of living, enjoying extreme af- fluence and an abundance of resources. That situation constitutes a disequilibrium recognized by everyone. The. whole world t including the industrialized countries, ac- knowledges that disequilibrium in the international eco- nomic situation. Yet it continues to lack the political will to change that situation. The only solution for thatdis- equilibrium is that real wealth not be limited to specific States. It should be transferred and directed from the in- dustrialized to the developing countries. The transfer of that wealth' does not imply or aim at a reduction ,in the standard of living of the industrialized countries, but the extension of the scope of the economic structure, horizon- tally or vertically, will increase the opportunity for the developed indQstrialized countries of maintaining their continued.economic growth in the mediu1."l and long term. We are proceeding from the perspective that, like it or not, this is one interdependent world. Our objectives can not be aimed at targets that are not interdependent. 169. That gloomy picture of the conditions of a large number of developing countries requires a new effort to launch global economic negotiations aimed at the co-or- dination of international economic performance and in- creased efficiency in international co-operation for devel- opment. It is regrettable that the efforts of the General Assembly to launch the global economic negotiations should be impeded because of differences over certain procedural matters. The nature of the subjects submitted for discussion does not permit delay or postponement. They must be. given the priority and care which they de- serve. 170. In this regard, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia wishes to commend the initiative of Mr. Jose Lopez Por- !illo, the President of Mexico, and Mr. Bruno Kreisky, the Chancellor of Austria, in calling for a limited summit meeting at Cancun to discuss problems of international co-operation for development. We hope that that meeting will succeed in restoring mutual confidence and strength- ening common understanding between the participating developing and developed States. We also hope that it will provide favourable conditions for launching a new round of· global economic negotiations and assist in the success of such negotiations rather than serve as an alter- native for it. The Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, through its participation in the meeting, will exert every possible effort to realize those hopes. 171. The policy of racial discrimination which South Africa continues to practice is racist, detestable and inhu- mane and based on contempt and the oppression of man by man. There is no longer a place for such a policy in our present age. The days of imperialism and enslavement are gone forever. 172. The continuation of the policy of apartheid by the present regime in South Africa is the reason for its refusal to withdraw from Namibia and to deny .its people the right to self-determination and national independence, de- spite the repeated resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Those resolutions sillt~ clearly and unequivocally that the occupation of N~bia by South Africa is illegal and poses a threat to international peace and security. My Government condemns the obsta- cles impeding the complete liberation of. Namibia and 173. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is proud to be a member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Islam is its religion; the Holy Koran is its constitution and guiding light. Islam is a religion that calls for freedom and stands against aggression, exploitation and oppres- sion. It opposes all forms of backwardness and encour- ages freedom of thought. It is capable of adapting to the accomplishments of our age. The basic nature of the Organization of the Islamic Conference meets the hopes and aspirations of the peoples of the world. For those rea- sons, and despite the fact that its mnmbership is limited to Ishunic countries, most of its activiti~ and policies re- flect the hopes and aspirations of all nations. That is why the Organization of the Islamic Conference occupies a distinguished place in the international community and has close relations with regional and international organ- izations with which we share common aims andaspira- tions. Those are the United Nations, the'League of Arab States, the OAU, the non-aligned movement and so forth. 174. In January this year, the Third Islamic Summit Conference convened in the Holy City of Mecca. That great and historic gathering was a remarkable occasion at which leaders of Islamic countries adopted resolutions and recommendations of great importance and issued the his- toric Mecca Declatation. The upshot of all that is that th~ Islamic gathering is one for, good and not for e-Jil, for strength through law and not strength for oppression; a gathering that does not strive to create areas of influence at the expense of others but to achieve independence for all countries. 175. The Islamic States do not' aspire to create a bloc flPPOSed to existing military alliances. They strive to eliminate the foundation of alliances which bring ,death and destruction. The Islamic countries suppOrt disarma- ment and oppose the arms race. They oppose the pro- liferation of nuclear weapons in the world and favour their reduction and elimination. 176. The initiatives of the Islamic Conference and the constructive role it plays are aimed at strengthening and developing co-operation among its members for their ben- efit and development, and uitimately for the benefit of humanity as a whole, thus responding to the objectives of the United Nations and upholding the principles of the Charter. The Organization of the Islamic Conference has exerted a considerable effort to maintain the Arab and Islamic character of Jerusalem, which is part of its heritage and civilization, particularly when the blind ar- rogance of Israel has led it to proclaim Jerusalem as the "eternal capital" of its racist entity, thereby challenging the world conscience, Islamic consensus and international law. 177. The Organization of the Islamic Conference was able to demonstrate to the whole world the dangerous di- mensions of the flagrant Soviet invasion and occupation of Afghanistan. It condemned the Soviet Union and called for a complete, unconditional withdrawal of military 179. The continuation of the conflict between Iran and Iraq has created deep concern in our region and a strong desire for its termination. The Islamic countries ,have spared no effort in this regard through the Goodwill Com- . mittee, whose membership was enlarged during the Isla- mic Conference held in the Holy City of Mecca, and which has among its members nine heads of State, mem- bers of the Islamic Conference [see Al361138lannex IV]. We strongly support those efforts, and the supplementary endeavours of the non-aligned movement and the United Nations and hope that all these efforts will bear fruit. At the same time we very strongly deplore the recent aggresf. sion against the brotherly State of Kuwait, which was cimed at certain economic installations. It represents an aggression against the sanctity and sovereignty of Kuwaiti air space, undermines the security and stability of the re- gion and violates international law and practice. The con- tinuation of such aggression will lead the States of the Arab League to apply the Treaty on Joint Defence and Economic Co-operation between the League of Arab States. 180. The membership of Saudi Arabia in the Arab League is not merely a political or casual relationship. It is the reality of a common destiny and civilization reflect- ing a common history and culture, and common hopes for a world enjoying stability, prosperity and progress. The League of Arab States, in conformity with the objectives of d1e United Nations and its Charter, has played an important and constructive role aimed at strengthening political, economic, social and cultural co-operation among its members. In its efforts to attain those ends it was fac~ with a formidable obstacle that continues to prevent the establishment of peace and stability not only in the Middle East region but throughout the whole world. By that I mean, Israeli aggression and the hateful racist policy pursued by Israel. When we refer to the Is- raeli enemy, we have in mind not only its aggression against a peaceful people in their own homeland, and the unlawful acquisition of their landS' and property, or the 18t. The Jews who emigrated to Palestine at the turn of the century and in 1947 acquired 57 per cent of the fertile lands of Palestine have, through theft or unlawful sefzure, extended their domain to include the whole area of Pal- estine, in addition to other neighbouring Arab territories. Since 1967, Israel has been creating settlements in the occupied Arab territories. In June 1981 they had reached a total of 32 settlements on the Syrian Golan Heights, 12 in the Gaza Strip, in Palestine, and 18 in northern Sinai, also in Palestine, and on the outskirts of Rafah. Thus the total number of Israeli settlements in that area at the end of June 1981 amounted to about 30 settlements in oc- cupied Arab territories in addition to 111 on the West Bank and in Palestine. Israel has in fact usurped 34.4 per cent of the total area of the occupied West Bank, which had already been reduced to about 20 per cent of the total area of Palestine. 182. Israel was established on a basis of aggression and continues to thrive on it. Its history has been marked by policies of expansion, torture and occupation, which form the basis of its existence. In the course of just one month Israel has committed two criminal aggressions against two Arab capitals. The Security Council adopted a resolution condemning Israel for its aggression against the nuclear reactor in Iraq [resolution 487 (1981)]. No sooner had the ink on that resolution dried than Israel ..committed a sav- age crime against areas crowded with civilians in Beirut, killing and wounding hundreds of people, including women, old people and children. 183. Each time the, excuses have been the same. Israel allows itself to violate the air space of a sovereign State and a Member of the United Nations, to occupy parts of its land and kill its people, and to attack installations in another Arab capital-'all under the pretext that such ac- tions are dictated by the necessity of defending its se- curity. 184. In an effort to deceive and mislead public opinion, Israel claims that its security is threatened by the exis- tence of the Iraqi nuclear reactor. It also claims that its aggression against Lebanon is designed to protect the Christians 'and sometimes to protect itself against Palesti- nians in southern Lebanon. All these claims involve com- plete distortions of fact. On what basis could Israel con- sider the nuclear reactor to be a threat to its security, when in fact Iraq had established the reactor for peaceful purposes, had signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and agreed to open its reactor to IAEA inspection. Since when has Israel been concerned about the well-being of the Christians in Lebanon? It hall itself killed and displaced the Christians of Palestine. :fur- thermore, the existence of the Palestinians in southern Lebanon is a direct result of the Zionist aggression against 186.. A glance at those resolutions shows clearly that Is- rael is a heavy burden on the international community. Never before has any Member of the United Nations so grossly violated international norms or gone so far in op- posing the will of the international community. Have not the resolutions adopted by the United Nations condemn- ing Israel piled up to no avail? They have not even been able to prevent Israel from pursuing its policy of aggres- sion and expansion. Has no leniency towards Israel en- couraged South Africa to follow suit to the extent that both now share a co~on policy of racism and expan- sionism? 187. I have no need to recite here the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council in" this re- gard. Their number alone is sufficiently significant The most disturbing factor in this respect, however, is the con- tinued defiance by Israel of those resolutions, which obliges the United Nations to reiterate its previous resolu- tions every time the Palestinian question is considered. 188. We feel strongly that the need at present is not to adopt new resolutions, but rather to combine all those res- olutions into a single resolution to be adopted by the Se- curity CouncH and considered as a framework for a com- prehensive and just solution to this problem. 189. His Royal Highness Prince Rthd ibn Abdul Aziz, Crown Prince and Deputy Prime Minister, put forward certain principles 'which can be used as guidelines in the formulation of such a resolution. Those principles, pre- viously embodied in resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly, are as follows: first, the withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, including Arab Jerusalem; two, the removal of settlements established by Israel in Arab lands after 1967; three, a guarantee of freedom of worship and religious rites for all religions in the Holy Places; four, confirma- tion of the right of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland and compensation for those who do not opt to do so; five, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip should be placed under the supervision of the United Nations for a transitional period not exceeding a few months; six, the establishment ·of an independent Palestinian State with Je- 190. His Royal Highness has stressed that the imple- mentation of these principles depends on three conditions which must be fulfIlled. Those conditions are: first, ces- sation of the unlimited American support for Israel; sec- ondly, an end to Israeli arrogance, a condition which would be automatically fulfilled if the first condition were guaranteed; and, thirdly, recognition that the Palestinian question is the main factor in the Middle East equation. 191. The United N2tions has done enough urging and condemning, yet an equitable and just solution is nowhere in sight. We ask ours(~lves whether there is any way to reach such a settlement, other than to proceed from the consensus of condemnation to tangible implementation. This is the question that must now be answered by the General Assembly and the Security Council. The specific procedure is embodied in the resolution we have pro:. posed, which should constitute the framework for a settle- ment. 192. All the Arab countries desire peace and strive for its attainment. While they may disagree on positions con- cerning international efforts and initiatives, they do not differ on the need for a just and comprehensive peace. 193. Our faith in the principles and objectives of the United Nations, wherein all nations of the world meet, is solid and becomes even stronger with the passage of time, despite the problems and crises that face the world. Because of our faith in the Organization, we do not hesi- tate to come to it each year to discuss the various prob- lems and crises in the world and to co-operate with others in seeking solutions for the establishment of a world com- munity characterized by stability, progress, peace and se- curity. May God guide us. NOI"ES I See Report of the United Nations Confrrence on the uast Devel- oped Countries (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.82.I.8). 2 See AlS-1lI14, annex I. 3 North-So.uh: a program· for survival: report of the IndepcDdent Commission on International Development Issues, under the Chair- manship of Willy Brandt (Cambridge, MIlE.sachusetts, The MIT Press, 1980). . - . . 4 See Official Ilecords of the Security Council, Thirty-sixlh' Year, 2290th meeting. 5 I~id., ~302nd meeting. 6 See Report of the United Nations Conference on Science and Tech- nology for Development (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.I.21 and corrigenda), chap. VII.