S/37/PV.102 Security Council

May I remind members that the list of ~~eak~rs. <?n this question will be closed at 5 0'clock this afternoon. 2. I callI on Mr. Peter Mueshihange, Secretary for Foreign Relations and observer for the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], in accordance with G.eneral Assembly resolution 31/152. 3.. Mr. MUESHIHANGE (South West Africa Peo- ple's Organization): For the past 36 years, the General Assembly has been dealing with the question of Na- mibia, both at its regular sessions and at a special ses- sion and an emergency speciai session. Throughout all these years, the racistregime of Pretoria has remained defiant and I,as obstructed by every, pQssible !l\eans available to it the freedom and independence of Na- mibia. The record speaks for itself in this regard, and there is a clear and mounting global consensus that holds the Pretoria usurpers directly responsible for the· continuing sufferings of the Namibian people and the denial of their inalienable and just rightsto' self-de~er­ mination and political emancipation. 4. The illegal occupation regime of South Africa has turned Namibia into an armed fortress, controlled and terrorized by the colonial military and police forces, which are now estimated to have reached the alarming figure of about 100,000. It is this racist, terrorist army and the fascist police which brutally enforce tyranny and repression in Namibia and export from occupied' Namibia aggression, destabilization and subversion against the peoples and Governments of the inde- pendent African States in southern Africa. 5. The explosive situation at the present time in that region has been brought about by the aggressive poli- cies ofHitler's disciples in Pretoria. Their expansionist actions resulting from such policies are negatively affecting various parts of Africa beyond southern Africa, even as far afield as the Seychelles and other African countries south ofthe equator. 6. At this very moment, the Security Council is seized ofa serious complaint brought before it by the Kingdom of Lesotho, the latest victim of the racist regime's N'EW YORK naked aggression. SWAPO joins the world community in condemning in the strongest possible terms this un- . provoked act ofbarbarity, which has caused the death .of 42 Lesotho citizens and South African refugees, including innocent women and children, and the wounding of many others, as well as the destruction of valuable property. We extend our sympathy and con- dolences to all those bereaved families. In spite of these short-sighted acts ofdesperation on the partofthe racists, we remain convinced that the gallant com- batants of the African revolution will carry on the just. struggle for the total liberation of the continent and the eradication of the evil system of apartheid'in all its manifestations. 7. Apartheid South Africa, which is an international outcast and a menace to proper human interaction, is public enemy, number one on the African continent.. For many years it has been waging, and continues to wage, undeclared war against the African masses in a, vain attempt to deflect the unanimous demand of the people for liberation, justice and racial tolerance. The persistent acts of aggression, militarism, inhuman repression, nuclear adventurism, state terrorism, generalized violence and racial discrimination upon which the apartheid State is founded have repeatedlY been denounced and rejected by the international community as a serious threat to international peace and security. 8. In the light of this grave situation, for which the apartheid regime is totally and solely responsible, it is most deplorable that the major Powers of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], which have al- ways been the traditional allies of the regime, continue to intensify their collaboration with it in the nuclear, military, economic, financial, technological, cultural and political fields, in disregard of the relevant reso- lutions of the United Nations. The latest example in this regard is the approval of an IMF loan of $1.1 bil- lion to Pretoria, the same amount that it has spent in Namibia to maintain i~ illegal regime. 9. In this context, it must be noted that these friends of the racist illegal regime have not hesitated to misuse' the institution of the veto in the Security Council in order to protect that regime and to prevent the Council from assuming its full responsibility, including the impositionofsanctions against South Africa. as an addi- tional means of exerting pressure on it for a meaning- ful change internally and for an end to its illegal occupation of Namibia. This series·of vetoes can only be interpreted as an effective denial of the principle of self-determination and freedom for the peoples of southern Africa. 10. We· know that the capitalist ethic is predicateo, above all, on the overweeningconcernfor profit, which means th~t in southern Africa the primary interests of A/37/PV.I02 28. I take this opportunity also to thank the Rap- porteur ofthe Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial" Countries and Peoples for his brilliant report on, the activities of the SJ2e~lal Committee in the field_, of dec910niz~,:, tion, especially regarding Namibia [A/37/23/Rev.l, chap. VIII]. We are no less grateful to the'Special Committee for its historic work which has greatly assisted the liberation ofmany"Countries and peoples in Asia, Latin America and Africa. Needless to say, the Special Committee will continue its work unabated until all men and women everywhere are free from bondage and exploitation. I take note with mixed feelings ofthe fact that Mr. Frank Abdulah, ofTrinidad and Tobago, Vice-Chairman and later Chairman of the Special Committee for several years, will soon move on to serve his country elsewhere. He is a friend, a brother and a comrade who has always been close to us in his work and whose commitment to Namibia's freedom has been total and a personal crusade. We will miss him here, but we are consoled by the fact that, wherever he may be, his country's and his own sup- port for SWAPO will always be there. 29. I wish to put on record our thanks to and appreci- ation of a hard-working international civil servant who will be leaving this Organization at the end of the year after long service. This is Mr. Issoufou Djerma- koye, Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, Trusteeship and Decolonization. He has assisted us in various ways, in particular during the difficult times at the beginning. He has made a significant contribution which will remain on record. 30. I send best wishes for the coming holidays and good luck in their new endeavours to both Mr. Abdulah and Mr. Djermakoye. . . 31. For the. past five years, notwithstanding all the good will and the best efforts on the part of the front- line States, SWAPO and the United Nations, the racist, illegal regime has obstructed implementation of Secu- rity Council resolution 435 (1978), which, inter alia, envisages the holding of free and fair elections. In recent times, the racists have found a most friendly· \~ertain, is inevitable. We shall continue to intensify the struggle on all fronts, especially the military froilt, where we have been waging an armed struggle for the past 16 years, achieving great successes against many odds. 41. Despite all the odds we face and the forces pitted against us, we remain confident in the final victefy of ourjust and heroic struggle. During the past 12 months, in carrying out the directives ofthe Central Committee of SWAPO, the combatants of the People's Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) have liquidated 350 racist soldiers iQ Namibia, shotdown 9 enemyjetfighters and 13 helicopters, put out of action 6 armoured vehicles and seized other war materials, including radio equip- ment and large quantities of small arms and ammu- nition. 42. Today, PLAN combatants are using captured enemy weapons and means of communication, thus demonstrating the positive development in the struggle whereby the enemy is increasingly becoming a source of war materials for SWAPO. "Firmly reject all attempts to establi&h any linkage or parallelism betwef'~l the indeipendence ofNamibia and any extraneous issues, j 11 particular the with- drawal of Cuban forces from Angola, and emphasize unequivocally th&: the pers)is.ten~e of such attempts would only retard the decolonizat!on process of Namibia, as well as constitute not only hegemonic manipulation ofthe situation in and around Namibia in order to prolong the illegal o,~cupation ofNamibia and the oppression of Namibians, but also a blatant interference in the internal affairs of Angola." 43. For this, we pay undying homage to the PLAN combatants-the men &ond women who have displayed revolutionary courage and anti-imperialist bo!dness to bring Namibia to the thf~shold of liberation. In honouring their memories, we pledge to continue on the path of armed resistance which they have charted, and in this regard our 1J10tto remains that it is either an independent fatherland or death. 37. SWAPQ supporis that courageous and firm posi- tion taken by those countries and urges the General 45. In yet another corner of Africa, we salute the POLISARIO Front2 and· the Government of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic in their heroic struggle for self-determination and unfettered inde- pendence and against colonialist expansion. 46. Similarly, we express our militant solidarity with the people of East Timor, led by FRETILIN,3 whose courageous struggle for self-determination is at last receiving recognition and support, and particularly with the brave and irrepressible fighters of the Pal- estine Liberation Organization, whose multidimen- sional struggle parallels the struggles of the peoples of southern Africa, both being victims of the United States-South Africa-Israel alliances. With the con- tinued and increased support ofthe wider international community, our common struggles will finally be vic- torious. The struggle continues. Victory is certain.

The Minister for External Affairs of India! Mr. P.V. Narasimha Rao, has already had occasion, at the 14th meetingofthe current session, to convey to you, Sir, the felicitations ofmy delegation on your unanimous election to the high office ofPresi- dent of the General Assembly. I hope you will permit me, on the eve of the conclusion of this session, to extend to you a word of sincere appreciation for the very competent and purposeful manner in which you. have guided the proceedings of the Assembly. 48. We in India feel a deep sense ofpain and anguish, and of frustration, at the fact that the" people of Na- mibia continue to live in bondage and under repr~ssion. I believe that these sentiments are shared by the vast majority of the international community. For many years, we have been advocating the cause ofNamibian independence, taking decisions by overwhelming majorities of votes in the Assembly, pleading with the Security Council to demonstrate greater decisiveness in the discharge of its responsibilities, and waiting patiently for the outcome of efforts to achieve our cherished objective. For 160fthose years, Namibiahas been a direct trust of the United Nations. Yet all our efforts, our decisions, our admonitions and our pleading have so far been ofno avail. The racist regime in Pretoria continues to maintain its stranglehold on Namibia. The question of Namibia remains intractable and continues to appear repeatedly on the agendaofthe international community. The people of Namibia con- tinue ~o suffer the most inhuman degradation and brutal repression under a racist and alien regfme. 'im~, only to let them fall and be shattered to smith- ereens. More than once, attempts have been made deliberately t~ create an atmosphere of expectation, only for that atmosphere ultimately to be rudely dispelled by the realities ofthe situation. All the while, South .At'rica has made use of the opportunity to con- solidate its illegal presence in Namibia and to drain the Territory of its precious wealth. 50. It is now four years since the contact group of Western countries took upon itself the task of imple- menting the United Nations plan for Namibia endorsed by the Security Council in resolution 435 (1978). The international community has waited and watched in the hope th~t South Africa's attitude of intransigence and blatant defiance might perhaps be curbed by those in the best position to influence it. That hope has thus far been belied, and the signs on the horizon are far from promising. South Africa scuttled, on what we all know were flimsy grounds, the pre-implementation meeting held in Geneva in January 1981. Ever since, Pretoria has come up with one pretext after another to bedevil early implementation ofthe United Nations plan. First, it was the so-called question of the impartiality of the United Nations..Then, it was the constitutional prin- ciples and the composition of UNTAG. On each of these, and at every step, SWAPO and the front-line States have demonstrated a spirit of accommodation and far-sighted statesmanship. Pretoria's response, quite characteristically, has consistently been one of prevarication and intransigence. ' 51. Of late, attempts have been made to link Na- mibian independence with an extraneous issue. Call it linkage, parallelism or what you will, the fact of the matter is that these two issues are seen by those par- ties as related to each other, and the independence of Namibia is being made conditional on the settlement,of issues which have little bearing on it. A pure and simple matter of decolonization is being given ideological dimensions, thus seriously jeopardizing the chances ofan early settlement for Namibia. We believe that the matter of Cuban troops in Angola is the sole concern ofthose two sovereign States and should not be allowed to impede in any way the efforts to secure Namibia's independence. 52. All the efforts to make South Africa heed the wj1) ofthe world community have had .not one iota of success in restraining South Af.rica in its acts of bel- ligerence. South Africa not only remains in Namibia illegally, but has continued to transgress with impunity the established frontiers of other independent African States ofthe region. Acts ofsubversion and aggression against Angola, part of whose territory South Africa continues to occupy forcibly, are repeated frequently. 53. Only last week we learned "efthe unprovoked and wanton aggression carried out by South Africa against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of usotho. My Government has strongly condemned. that in- vasion. Similarly, South African troops have com- mitted aggression against other States, keeping the re~ion in a state of terror and turmoil.and, indeed, 54. One of the principal explanations for South Mrica's reluctance to release its hold over Namibia, as also perhaps for the ambivalent attitude·of some of its supporters, is the enormous economic stake that these countries have in Namibia. Transna,tional corporations continue to operate in that Territory, amassing huge profits, in violation of innumerable United Nations resolutions as well as Decree No. 1for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia,4 enacted by the United Nations Council for Namibia on 27 September 1974. The result of these economic manipulations has been a serious drain on Namibia's resources and large- scale repatriation of profits abroad. Namibiaf1s derive little or no benefit from them. The operation of these economic interests is illegal and inimical. In spite of our efforts, these activities have not ceased. 55. The United Nations cannot afford the odium that would result from its having to bequeath to the future Government of a free Namibia a land stripped bare of its resources and mired in underdevelopment. That would be unconscionable. 56. The economic exploitation of Namibia must be stopped. We believe that, since all other means have failed, the Security Council should no longer hesitate :"'ut should proceed to the imposition of comprehen- sive and mandatory sanctions against South Mrica. 57. In the midst of all the polemics and discussions that have gone on for a long time in various forums, let us not for a moment forget the people of Namibia, whose suffering and whose courage have few paralle}s in modern times. Under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole and authentic representative, the people of Namibia have struggled patiently and steadfastly. The indignities that are so characteristic of the abhorrent system ofapartheid have been heaped upon them; they have been imprisoned without trial and tortured; in- nocent men, women and children have been kiiled. Yet their will to be free has not been broken, as was made eloquently clear in the course of the moving address delivered immediately before my statement by the Sec- retary for Foreign Reiations ofSWAPO. We know that they will finally prevail. 58. I should also like to pay tribute to the United Nations Council for Namibia, under the leadership of its President, and to the United Nations Commis- sioner for Namibia for the dedication and tenacity of purpose with which they are carrying out their respon- sibilities. I had the opportunity of listening to the inspiring statement of the President of the Council at the 101st meeting. In the face of the indifference and even open hostility ofcertain quarters, the Council has striven tirelessly in the fulfilment of its mandate. Un- fortunatel:y> the Council has not been entirelyfree ofthe reverberations. of the worsening international situa- tion. How~verI it is to its credit that it has not let that inhibit its functioning. "May every year, rather every day, bring greater strength to those who are fighting. May it bring courage and understanding among those who are still doubtful or those who, for their own narrow pur- poses, [1're trying to halt the march ofhistory. I have no doubt that no one can stop freedom. There is no act ofrepression, there is no brutality, whichcan stop the forward movement of a great idea and there can be no greater idea than the freedom of the human being. That will win." • 62. Mr. ROA LOURI (Cuba) (interpretation from Spanish): The question of Namibia, together with the heroic struggle of the Palestinian people for the attain- ment of their inalienable rights and the establishment of their own State in Palestine, is one of the crucial issues of our time. There can be no talk of the decline of colonialism as long as colonial domination is not completely removed from the face of the ea11h and as long as there exist peoples which, like the people of Namibia, are still under Hie yoke of foreign {)ppres- sion-hence. the full force of General Assembly reso- lution 1514 (XV) and the need to redouble our efforts to achieve its full implementation in this decade. 63. In recent years, since the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and particularly since the independence of Zimbabwe, the international com- munity has beenjustified in thinking thatthe long trials and tribulations of the Namibian people, ~hich hav~ 66. I should like to make clear, first and foremost~ that the presence of Cuban troops in Angola is some.- thing which is the exclusive concern of the sovereign independent Governments of my country and the People's Republic of Angola. Those troops are there, pursuant to an agreement between the two Govern- ments, to contribute to the defence of Angola's ter- ritorial integrity, sovereignty and independence, which are threatened by racist South Africa, and they will be withdrawn only when the acts of aggression carried out against Angolafrom Namibian territory hav,efinally ended and when the Government of t.he Fecpie's Republic of Angola so decides-·not before and not after and, of course, never as a result of the pressure or blackmail of the imperialist Government of the United States or its cronies in Pretoria. 67. In any case, these imperialist pretensions have been firmly rejecteG by the Government of the Peo- ple's Republic of Angola, by the other front-line coun- tries and by all the independent States of Africa, &S was reaffirmed in the Declaration on Namibia, issued at Tripoli in NQvember 1982. A few days ag01 the Pre'sidents of Angola and Zam-' ~ categorically de- clared their opposition to any atte' tpt to Hnk Namibian independence 1\1.tb matters quite separate fn:>m that issue, especial!} ,he withdrawai of Cuban troops fro.n Angola. Both the Special Committ~e on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial CifJn- tries and Peoples and th~ United Nations Council tor Namibia have clearly expressed their rejection of imperialist attempts to Eet conditions for or further delay the strict implem{~ntation of Security CO'Jficil resolution 435 (1978) and, consequently, the Ter- ritory's complete independence. 68. The imperialists' machinations-because Vlhat is involved here Es a North American political objective and not a requirement of the South Mrican regime, as some would have us believe, since that regime is a mere pawn of Washington-clearly further Wash- ington's counter-revolutionary strategy in the African 70. The United Nations has entered into a political &nd moral commitment to the people of Namibia which cannot be renounced-that of hel~ing it to achieve real and effective independence, without vacil- lation or prevarication. The United Nations Counldl for Namibia, the s0ie legal Administering A~thori~y for the Territory until such independen~e has been achieved, must enjoy our total support and commit- ment, and SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the N~mibian people, must be able to rely O~_ our resolute support, so that it can step up its ju~· .J£ruggle against the racist oppressors until final v~ctory is won. . . 71. Our aim can be none other than a uui~ed, inde- pendent Namibia, including V~'&lvis Bay an~ the off- shore islands-Penguin~ lchaboe, Hollamsbird, Mercury, Long, Seal, Halifax, Possession, Albatross Rock, Pomona, Plum Pudding and Sinclair's. Any action by South Africa to separate them from the Territory or to claim soverei~nty over them is illegal, null and void and must be so Iiegarded by the inter- national community. . 72. The activities of foreign "conomic inter~sts in Namibia~principally, those of British, North American, German and French trausnat~onalcorpora- tions-are an obstacle to the Territory's independence and expressly violate Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia,4 enacted by the United Nations Council for Namibia. We must there- fore take the necessary m~asures to prevent the con- tinued exploitation of resources which by right are the sole heritage of the people of Namibia, as wen as to guarantee that, once the Territory has achieved inde- pendence, those interests will properly compensate the people of Namibia for the indiscriminate plunder of their heritage. 73. The General Assembly must condemn the racist regime of South Africa for having increased its military force in Namibia, for recruiting Namibians :0 serve in its armed forces in the Territory, for using mercena- ries to strengthen its illegal occupation and for using Namibia as a springboard for acts of a~ression C~~arter. 75. My delegation must condemn the abuse of the veto by the Government of the United States and other Western countries in the Security Council to prevenr that body from impos:ng ihe re)/evant S?lnc- tions on the criminals in Pretoria for theiir continuing illegal occupation of Namibia, the plunder of that country's natural resources and their brutal, aggres- si'\:e policy towards other independent African States. 76. We therefof{~ cf'ndemn the military and, in particular, the nuclear collaboration of several capitalist States, including the United States and the Israeli Zionists, with the apartheid regime. We also condemn all other forms of collaboration with the Pretoria racists. In this regara, we draw the attention of the international community to the growing links of '(he Pinochet regime in Chile and other South American Governments with the South African racists, as well as to the imperialist plans-which have been enlarged since the British military occupation of the Malvinas Islands and the start made on the construction of strategic bases in that part of Argentine territory-to create a reactionary miHtary alliance, in the service of their dubious interests, in that part of the Atlantic. 77. The collusion of several imperialist Powers, first and foremost the United States, with the racist Preto- ria regime has further been made clear by the decision of the IMF to grant that regime a credit of $1 billion in open disregard ofGeneral Assembly resolution 37/2. Is is therefore essential for all those States which are genuinely concerned to see United Nations decisions on Namibia implemented and which support the elimi- nation of the odious system of apartheid to adopt the appropriate measures to isolate South Africa politi- cally, economically, militarily and culturally, in conformity with General Assembly resolutions ES-8/2 and 36/121 B. 84. Since the last session of the General Assembly, we have seen an intensification of the negotiations. We have been encouraged to see that, this summer, all parties accepted the principles concerning the constituent assembly and the constitution of an independent Namibia put.forward by the five Western States. In, tt.; light of th~ s~bstantialprogress that has been achieved, we' hope that implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibian independence hI now within reach. 85. The Ten urge all parties concerned to faciHtate the conclusion ofthe negotiation") withoutfurther delay and to refrain from any action which could endanger the agreement reached. South Africa's intervention in Angola cannot but complicate this process. The Ten have condemned the violations ofAngola's sovereignty and territorial integrity. 86. The Ten deeply deplore all acts of intimidation and violence perpetrated in Namibia. Those acts, as well as the continuing practice of arbitrary arrest and detention without trial, create a cycle ofviohnce which causes suffering to lhe local popu~a!ion. 78. There can be no doubt as to what needs to be done to ensure the genuine, definitive independence of Namibia. The parties to the conflict were defined a long' time ago-South Africa, the megal occupying force in the Territory, and SWAPO, the sole leg,itimate "In the eyes not only of ... Africa but most of the rest of the world, South Africa is the arrogant trans- gressor." 100. My delegation has always believed that it is up to the people ofa nation to choose the type ofgovern- ment they want. In the case ofNamibia, it is the respon- sibility of the United Nations to ensure the self- determination and independence of this international Territory. Accordingly, we have called for United Nations-supervised elections in Namibia for the installation of a legitimate government. No matter what type ofgovernmentcame into power through such elections, it would simply fulfil the wishes ofthepeople and have their mandate to govern. South Africa's cur- rent attempts to manipulate constitutional processes in order to install the type of government of its choice and suppress SWAPO is a gross violation of the rights of the people of Namibia. Hence, my delegation has consistently urged that Namibia's independence should be within the framework of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). 101. By delaying the implementation of United Nations resolutions on Namibia's independence, South Africa is only exposing itself and its true intentions. When we look back and examine South Africa's atti- tude, it seems quite clear that its intentions are to prolong its hold on the international Territory of Na- mibia as long as it possibly can. Such occupation of Namibia guarantees South Africa, and the multina- tional companies involved, continued and profitable exploitation ofNamibia's rich natural resources.lt also . helps South Africa to consolidate its hold on those Namibian territories which it intends to annex, par- ticularly Walvis Bay. Further, the diversion by South Africa of the attention of the world towards Namibia 103. Finally, my intervention would be incomplete if I were not to express my delegation's total indignation at the recent unprovoked aggression against the small, land-locked and non-aligned State of Lesotho by the GovernmentofSouth Africa. We vehemently condemn this aggression and urge that appropriate steps be taken to safeguard the security, territorial integrity and inde- pendence of the Kingdom of Lesotho and other neigh- bouring front-line States.

Austria's position on the modalities-for achieving a negotiated settlement in Namibia has been consistent over the years. Austria has from the outset fully associated itself with the United Nations plan for Namibia's peaceful and negoti- ated tJ;ansition to independence. We regard this plan as' the most promising way ofending South Africa's illegal occupation ofthe Territory and offulfilling the inherent right of the Namibian people to self-determination, territorial integrity and independence and to elect its own government free from any outside interference or coercion. 105. In the view of the Austrian Government, any political settlement which aims at stability and durability must rest on the broadest possible basis, comprising all the parties concerned. The United Nations plan, originally put forward by five members of the Security -Council QIld subsequently endorsed by the Council in resolution 435 (1978), meets these basic requirements. It provides for true self-determi- nation on the basis of democratic and internationally supervised elections and, in our opinion, constitutes the only feasible way for the United Nations to dis- charge its special responsibility for this Territory and to arrive at the genuine and peaceful transfer of power to the Namibian people. 106. Four years of intense and painstaking negoti- ations on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) have resulted in a wide area ofagreement on the details of the implementation of the transition plan. We wish to express our gratitude and apprecic:.:ion for the determined efforts exerted by the Western contact group, the Secretary-General and his Special Representative, the front-line States and other Governments involved and, above all, by the leader- ship of SWAPO. The co-operative spirit and construc- 107. During four years of negotiations, the original plan has been refined and new elements, such as the concept ofa demilitarized zone, have been introduced. We regard this as a natural phenomenon. While the established guidelines for Namibia's transition to inde- pendence have remained unchanged, new proposals have been accommodated because they met with the approval of the parties most directly concerned and were directly related to the cause ofindependence for Namibia. In our opinion, this is the question of paramount blportance~ whether a new proposal will truly benefit the Namibian people, who have already been deprived oftheir most basic liational rights for too long. 108. In the recent past, however, we have seen the introduction of'new elements into the negotiations which have been rejected by several of the parties and whose concrete relevance to the independence of Namibia has not been established. Austria feels that such issues should not be linked to the United Nations transition plan for Namibia. Rather, they should be discussed directly between the interested Govern- ments and should not be permitted to constitute yet an- other impediment to the implementation of the United Nations plan. We hope that the talks now being under- taken by South Africa and Angola will lead to mutually satisfactory results. 109. As far as the United Nations transition plan for Namibia is concerned, Austria Wi~~l~S to emphasize once again that the time has come to bring a'!~ pro- tracted negotiation process to a successful conclusion and to start the implementation ofresolution 435 (1978) in all its parts without any further delay. 110. Urgency is called for not only with regard to the situation in southern Africa as a whole but also with respect to the internal situation in Namibia. According to reports of representatives of religious and inter- national relieforganizations, the economic, agricultural and social situation has gravely deteriorated. Inter- national economic developments have had an adverse impact on economic conditions, thus adding another serious aspect to the prevailing political instability in Namibia. The recent unilateral decision of the South African Government to prolong the mandate of the present internal regime in Namibia clearly illustrates the political situation and the true extent of authority exercised by South Africa in that country. 111. In our view, the activities of the Nationhood Programme for Namibia and the United Nations Insti- tute for Namibia have a special bearing on the future development of· an independent Namibia. Both pro- grammes have received and will continue to receive the support of the Austrian Government. I might add that, in addition to its financial contributions, Austria has also made available two scholarships for Namibian students. 112. A word of appreciation is also due to the United Nations Council for Namibia, which, under the experi- enced guidance of Mr. Lusaka, of Zambia, skilfully promotes the cause of the Namibian people in world public opinion. 128. As for assistance to South Africa on the political, military and financial levels, those forces are also doing their utmost to provide this. At the beginning of the present session of the General Assembly, the inter- national community had occasion to express indignant condemnation of the IMF for granting a loan to South Africa of $1.1 billion inrspecial drawing rights, doubt- less to help it continue its policy of repression and aggression against the people of Namibia and against other African countries in the region. 129. It is the policy of collusion between the impe- rialist, colonialist, racist and apartheid forces and the economic monopolies and military-industrial complexes that is hampering the Namibian people from exercising their right to self-determination and inde- pendence. 130. In order to offset the increasingly strong con- demnation by world public opinion, which is calling upon them to implement the United Nations planfor the decolonization ofNamibia immediately, the imperialist forces and the South African authorities have put for- ward the ridiculous pre..condition that the withdrawal ofCuban troops from Angola be linked with the ending of their colonialist policy in Namibia. In this con- nection, the Heads of State and Government of the front-line countries, meeting in Lusaka on 4 September 1982, condemned with outrage this attempt to link . negotiations for the independence of Namibia with the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola, which, they stated, was contrary to the letter and the spirit of Secu~ rity Council resolution 435 (1978) and constituted inadmissible interference in the internal affairs of Angola. The Heads of State and Government also rejected any attempt to hold the People's Republic of Angola responsible for delaying the rapid conclusion of the negotiations on the independence of Namibia. 131. The Vietnamese people paid dearly for their· national liberation, and we warmly support the struggle of the Namibian people, which we consider to be our struggle also. In August 1981, a delegation ofthe United Nations Council for Namibia, which was visiting Viet Nam, was able to appreciate this profound solidarity of the Vietnamese people. 132. On 27 October of this year, durin& the 'Week of Solidarity with the People 0':.Namibia and their Libera- tion Movement, SWAPO, organized by the General Assembly, our President, Pham Van Dong, Chairman ofthe Council ofMinisters, in his message addressed to Mr. Lusaka, President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, stated: "The people and Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam resolutely support the just struggle of the Namibian people in all its forms for their independence, freedom and fundamental national rights and are firmly convinced that the Namibian people, led by SWAPO, their sole legiti- mate representative, and with their tradition ofunity and determination to fight on to final victory, strong in the powerful support of the international com- munity, will finally gain their most noble goal, 143. Venezuela joined the United Nations Council for Namibia in 1978 with the aim and purpose of working more actively for the Namibian people and contributing towards strengthening the Council in its powers as the sole legalAdministering ~uthorityfor the Territory until it gained its independence. Venezuela's decision, not taken lightly, to become a member of the Council is but one stage in its long and notable history as a country tenaciously opposed to colonialism, whose practices, supported by military and economic force, have been the cause of many conflicts which are still to be resolved. 144. Venezuelan actilln in the United Nations Council for Namibia is supplemented by a number ofmeasures which my country puts into practice in fulfilment ofthe relevant United Nations resolutions and in appliCation ofprinciples which govern its own foreign policy, quite apart from whether or not there are United Nations resolutions on the subject. Among other things, Vene- zuela does not maintain any kind of relationship or exhanges with South Africa, of a political, diplomatic, trading, sporting, academic or military nature. In this regard, let us recall that Venezuela co-sponsored a draft resolution [A/37/L.28 and Add.I], adopted by the General Assembly at the 93rd meeting, on an oil embargo against South Africa as a further contribution to the sort of actions designed to consolidate the sanc- 153. My delegation has noted the declaration made by the Government of Angola that the Cuban forces will be withdrawn as soon as the present threat to Angola ceases to exist because of South African with- drawal from Namibia. We welcome that statement Norway holds the view that conflicts on the African continent should be solved by the African countries themselves, without foreign interference. The with- drawal of Cuban troops from Angola would, in our opipion, be an important factor in enhancing the security of the region. It would also facilitate the pro- cess ofconsolidation after the wars ofliberation in both Angola and Namibia. 154. The Norwegian Government sees no realistic alternative to continued negotiations for the attainment of Namibia's independence. We welcome all deliber- ations that can bring us closer to this goal, whether they take place through the Western contact group or directly between the parties concerned. If the idea of the parallel withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola and South African troops from Namibia, or expanded demilitarized zones-as.originally proposed by the late President Neto-can point the way out of the current impasse, Norway for its part would welcome that. 155. The Norweg~an Government believes that it is now more urgent than ever before to find a solution to the problem of Namibia. The situation in southern Africa is becoming increasingly dangerous. South Africa's attempts to destabilize the interna~ situation in many neighbouring countries have not diminished. The many attacks on Angola and the latest raid on Lesotho are grim examples of that policy. Those acts, whetherthey occur as regular armed attacks or in more subtle forms, are totally unacceptable. In the present circumstances, the bitterness and frustrations of the black peoples in the region can only increase and make peaceful solutions more difficult to attain, although they are more desperately needed. 156. The Norwegian Government has only limited possibilities of influencing the parties to the conflict.

What strikes us-or should I say, what shocks us-fit;)~ in the debate which the General Assembly once again this year IS devoting to the question of Na- mibia is without a doubt the impression of powerless- ness, the impression that the united efforts of the inter- national community to enable the Namibian people to exercise its right to self-determination and indepen- dence seem once again doomed to failure because ofthe obstinate refusal of the racist South African Govern- ment, helped by certain Western Powers, to abide by the relevant decisions of the United Nations. Each of us here has indeed been struck by the very disturbing logic of the solidarity shown with the racist colonialist regime of Pretoria by certain permanent members of the Security Council which are prisoners of their economic commitments in South Africa, where those who believe in apartheid are using international trade in a most perfidious manner, so that it has degenerated in their hands into an instrument of blackmail-black- mail in the form of the so-called communist threat, blackmail in the form of the Christian values in the name of which millions of Africans have been crushed, despised and deprived of their most fundamental rights, and blackmail by challenging the ideals underlying the United Nations Charter. But all those subterfuges no longer mislead international pubUG opinion; it has been enlightened by the unending we~j of crimes committed by the oppressive machinglrY of the Pretoria soldiery, which is sowing terror in Namibia and in neighbouring African States, trying in vain to check.the course of history. 158. Sixteen years have passed since the United Nations adopted the historic decision that ended South Africa's mandate over Namibia, the Territory which Pretoria was trying to integrate as quickly as possible as a fIfth de facto province of the Republic of South Africa. The collapse of the Salazar dictatorship and the crumbling of Portuguese colonialism in Africa, which enabled the heroic peoples of Angola, Mozam- bique, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, and Sao Tome and Principe to succeed in their struggles for national liberation and indeI>~ndence, won at the cost of the sacrifice of thousands of African women, children and men, led the Government of Pretoria to reconsider its strategy in Namibia. Its main goal remains the same as in the past, namely, to thwart all efforts by the Secu- rity Council and the General Assembly, using all pos- sible subterfuges, to preventthe Namibian people from moving towards real independence, and to grant a form of administrative autonomy as rudimentary as it is 160. Four years later, we are still following the meanderings and Machiavellian whims of those who believe in apartheid, who art; presenting obstacle after obstacle and who are creating delaying tactics in order to strip Namih~aorits important natural resources. Our delegation ha§: constantly condemned the collusion between South Africa and the transnational corpo- rations that savageiy plunder Namibia's wealthand that increase the number of barriers to the exercise by the Namibian people of tb..eir inalienable right to self- determination and to jndependence, giving comfort to the South African administration and army in their illegal occupation of that colonial territory. 161. For some time now, it has been fashionable in certain Western capitals to link the settlement of the Namibian question with the departure ofCuban troops from Angola. The head ofthe Congolese delegation and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Pierre Nze, from this very rostrum [31st meeting], said that our country considers this legal quibbling to be absolutely un- founded. Called upon w;thin the context of proletarian internationalism to support the young People's Repub- lic of Angola in its sacred taskofassuring the security of the Angolan people and defending the gains of the revolution against the vicious aggression of South Africa, those troops will leave Angolan territory when the sovereign Angolan Government decides they should leave-freely and not under the dictates ofthird countries that have nothing to do with the· agreement 162. The paranoid convulsions that have engulfed South Africa lead that country, with unequaled in- solence, to carry out acts of aggression against inde- pendent frorit-line African States. None of them is safe from that blind violence that the South African soldiery commits in southern Africa. Defying international opinion, assured of the unconditional support of its Western allies, whkh seem thus to encourage its criminal acts, t~.Government of Pretoria constantly violates the natiOllahoyereignty of Angola, M:ozam- bique, Botswana, Zalllbia and Lesotho, kills and destroys everything in its path and occupies with im- punity part ofthe territory ofthose independent States, leaving the United Nations no choice but shamefally to admit its impotence and the people of Namibia no choice other than to struggle for national liberation under the leadership ofSWAPO, its sole and only legiti- mate representative. 163. SWAPO has been able to channel the aspirations ofthe Namibian people for freedom and independence; their struggle for independence in unity and national integrity against an enemy that is among the most cruel anywhere deserves ourfull support and assistance. The crude attempts by South Africa to create pseudo- nationalist parties, which are in fact nothing but puppets worked by Pretoria, and its designs on Walvis Bay will never sl:lcceed in catching us unaware~. For our part, we condemn all those manreuvres, which are part of the classic strategy of the former and new cola- nialists. For the People's Republic of the Congo, there is no doubt that under the leadership of SWAPO, with the support ofthose nations that love peace and respect the ideals of the United Naticns, the Namibian people will be able to gain respect and admiration. The day is not far off wb~n that African people will in turn swell the ranks ofthe OAU, which the forces ofevil are trying to divide. To those friends ofPretoria who are tempted to introduce into the settlement of the Namibian ques- t;on the dusty arsenal of the East-West cold war, we would say that nothing is less true than to see in the legitimate struggle of the people of Namibia the in- fluence of a foreign Power. 164. The gr'eat tempest that enabled many African countries to free themselves from the humiliating chains ofcolonial enslavement will without the shadow ofa doubt sweep away the last bastions ofcolonialism and racism in Mrica. In today's world ofrapid change, it is time that South Africa, if it wishes to have a say in the future, view the present with lucidity and avoid adding it~ hallucinations to the distress that grips the world today.

A:: we begin our consideration of the ques- tion of Namibia, I should like first of all, on' behalfof my delegation, to express our 8ratitu~e to the Presi- .dent and the members of tbe United Nations Council for Namibia for the report which they have presented to the Assembly [AIJ7/24] and to express our appreci- ation for their sustaintd efforts to mobilize the inter- national communi~y' in favour of the cause -of Na- 180. We have pointed out to the members of the con- tact group, who maintain, it is true, difficult contacts and for whom we have never spared encouragement, that negotiations with the South Mrican authorities cannot be prolonged indefinitely and that recourse to other methods marked by greater firmness and real pressures will no doubt prove necessary. 181. It is clear today that these negotiations are only one more way for South Africa to gain time, strengthen its domination over Namibia and weal down the resistance of the international community, so that it may impose on Namibia the solution of its choice. It is up to the contact group to draw the obvious con- clusions and to provide itself with means ofkeeping its promises. 182. My delegation believes that the United Nations plan as it stands still constitutes a basis for the com- prehensive settlement of the question of Namibia and that the responsibility for the Territory ofNamibia until its accession to independence and sovereignty rests ~nd dignity. South M.ica's policy of repression and exploitation certainly might delay the accession to inde· pendence of the Namibian people, but the struggle of that people for its liberation will finally end foreign domination and restore to Namibia its inalienable rights. The cost will be high, but it will be even higher for South Africa and for the interests whit;h it claims to defend. 188. The situation in southern Mrica is a source of concern and disquiet for the United Nations, since it contains the seeds of an explosive conflict and of a general confrontation. It is the duty and the respon- sibility ofthe international community to act resolutely to defuse the situation and to put suitable pressure on South Africa. 189. The conduct of the Pretoria authorities clearly justifies the renewed calls fOJ:" effective measures and specific action against the Republic of South Africa. The time has certainly come to have recourse to enfor- cement measures and to apply comprehensive man- datory sanctions against the racist Pretoria regime. 190. Only through the effective application of the broadest sanctions will the international community succeed in isolating South Africa and compelling it to implement the United Nations plan for the indepen- dence of Namibia on a democrati~ basis. 191. Mr. IBRAHIM (Ethiopia): For over three decades, the United Nations has been seized of the question of Namibia. In the process, much has been 205. Last week, the People's Republic of Mozam- bique was a victim oftwo armed aggressions carried out by South African troops. On 6 December, a South African f)rce invaded our t~ITitory in the region of Mapulanguene, in the province of Maputo. The in- vading force violated our territorial integrity by en- tering 9 kilometres inside Mozambiqu& and wounding 16 persons, among them women and children, before destroying a lot of:agricuH.ural equipment. On tbe very day of the racist aggression in Lesotho, a ~pe;:jal South Afr;can cor"~mandll) group launched another attack againsL thos'e Mozambican infrastructures. of vital importance to som';l of the SADCC countries, seWng tire to storage t.anks feeditlf the pipelines to the neigh- bouring States. 206. South Africa, the m~in bastlOlt of backward ideas.fof the maint~manceof the sta~usquo in southern Africa, invaded Angnla with f,ie precise aim of preventing that cmmtry frem ~xp ~essirtg its solidarity w~th ihe p~ople of N~1inibia in thdr sbuggle for self- determination and ind~pendence. 207. In fnvading Angola, South Africa was aiming ~,\t preventing that sister country from complying with the pertinent resolu~ions ef the OAU, the United Nations and th.e non-aligned countries which reaffirm the justice ofthe Namibian people's armed struggle for national liberation, freedom and human dignity. 208. This hideous act of the Pretoria regime is part of the global imperialist strategy to destabilize the coun- tries ofsouthern Africa that seek independent develop- ment for the region. The South African invasion is designed to create in southern Angola a buffer zone which will prevent progress and development of the activities of SWAPO's fighters. 209. On the otherhand, it should be borne in mind that the present situation could make way for the secession of the southern part of Ango~an territory from the rest ofthe country, which would then be handed over to so- called UNITA, a puppet movement created by Portu- guese colonial fascism that continues to be maintained and encouraged by South Africa. 210. We should be alert to this possibility and spare no effort to prevent the partition of Angola by the enemies ofAfrica. We cannot allow part ofthe territory ofa State Member of the United Nations to be handed over to bands of murderers. 211. By aggression and by promoting puppet groupings for the destabiliL:ation ofneighbouring coun- tries, South Africa seeks to transfer the contradictions of the apartheid regime beyond its borders. It seeks to export its internal conflict and contradictions across the borders to our own countries. independen~e.This is the reality that is being obliter- ated. This is (he reality that is being conspired against. This is why Africa has repeatedly said that a1JY attempt at linking, either direcHy or indirectly, tht~ independen~eofNamibia with the withdrawal ofinter- nationalist Cuban forces from Angola is not only in- tolerable interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Angola but a crime against the people of Namibia, becausle with tbis subterfuge an effort is being m&de to prolong the war and the ma-~­ sacres. 215. Before anything else is contemplated, we mU5t demand the um.onditional withdrawal of the invading South African tri>ops from Angolan territory and an absolute. guarantee that such aggression will not be repeated. 2116. The only foreign forces that frequenUy invade and occupy the territories ofindependent States in our ZOlie (i'.re the forces of South Africa. We consider it an absurdity to set the security of South Africa as a pre- condition of the independence of Namibia. We have said Dn many occasions that the forces that will over- throw the apartheid regime will not come from outside South Africa. It is the sons of South Africa th-at will overthrow th~ racist regime of apartheid. 217. The People's Republic ofMozambique reaffirms once again its unconditional support for the struggle of the people of Namibi&., under the leadership of SWAPO, their only legitimate representative. 218. As far as we are concerned, Security Council resolution 435 (l978) remains the political and juridical basis for the fair solution of this problem. . - . 219. Last summer, the front-line States, together with Nigeria and SWAPO, in their effort to tackle the question of a solution of the pending problems con- cerning the implementation of Security Council. reso- lution 435 (1916), agreed to hold informal consultations with the five W~stern countries of the contact group; the result bas been an endless wait for an answer from South Africa which has never come. We deplc-? tlte South African manreuvres, which continue to deiwY the implementation of that resolution. 220. We reaffirm our position that the method of the electoral system should be known before the adoption of the enabling resolution by the Security Council. We believe that, with the necessary political will ofthe international community, it will be possible to solve all the remaining problems concerning the early acces- sion to independence of Namibia, provided that the right kind of pressure is applied to South Africa. The struggle continues. 221. Mr. SHELOOV (Byelorussian Soviet Social- ist Republic) (interpretation front-Russian): The qu('')- . . 235. The United Nations cannot and must not pas- sively view the constant manreuvres by South Africa and its Western protectors on this question of a Namibian settlement. Its role is to rebuff most deci- sively the neo-colon~alists and racists, to unmask them and foil their scheming; it must press for the imple- mentation of the decisions it has adopted on this ques- tion. The United Nations has borne and must continue to bear responsibility for the fate of the Namibians and the attainment of their independence. It is precisely United Nations decisions which determine the ways and means for moving Namibia on to independence and endorse the role of SWAPO as the sole legitimate rep- resentative of the Namibian people. 236. It is obvious that the manreuvres of the United States and the other Western Powers in regard to a Namibian settlement have the purpose of delaying, under various pretexts, the solution of this question in order to undermine the basis of the political settlement inherent in United Nations decisions, particularly those of the Security Council, to legalize the puppet groupings in Namibia, to impede the participation of SWAPO in the determination of the future of the coun- try and to resolve the Namibian problem on a neo·· colonialist basis, outside the United Nations alto- gether. 237. In the light of events in connection with the settlement in Namibia, it is particularly clear that there is an urgent need to adopt comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa, under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. There must be no delay in this matter. The racist regime in Pretoria is not just the basis for colonialism in southern Africa; it is also the source of mounting danger for the ,cause ofpeace on the African continent. 238. In conclusion, the delegation of the Byelorus- sian Soviet Socialist Republic again strongly advocates the prompt exercise by the Namibian people of their inalienable right to self-determination and indepen- dence, on the basis ofthe preservation of the unity and 247. What does this remind us of? It reminds us of what Israel is at this moment trying to do, namely, to link its withdrawal-which has been determined and dictated by the unanimously adopted Security Council resolutions 508 (1982) and 509 (1982)-with the with- drawal from Lebanon of the Arab deterrent forces, which came to Lebanon at the request of the legitimate Government ofLebanon and the decision ofthe League of Arab States and would leave at the request of the Lebanese Government. 248. Thus, Israel's linking of its illegal presence in Lebanon with the condition of withdrawal of the Arab deterrent forces is evidence of the same stonewalling tactic which South Africa exercises in Namibia. It is also a clear example of the built-in contempt for unanimously adopted Security Couilcil resolutions by the two remaining racist and colon~d entities in the world. It also signals that both South Africa and Israel are intent on demolishing the credibility and effective- ness of United Nations machinery in order to per- petuate their obvious racist, Fascist and colonial settler policies. 249. South Africa's strategy is to keep the Western countries guessing about its intentions. It involves South Africa in duplicity, seeking to placate the West- ern world by making rhetorical and cosmetic changes in the apartheid system in order to divert the con- science of the Western world from pursuing the ques- tioning of, and opposition to, South Africa's apartheid policies and colonial behaviour. Furthermore, South Africa seeks to buy time in order to consolidate its 250. What does this remind us of? I suppose that it is very easy to find more than similarity with Israel's posture, ideology and behavioural pattern. One can speak of something much more p~cise than mere simi- larity, for there exists an identicalness. How else can we explain Israel's stonewalling strategy ofkeeping the Western world, especially the United States, guessing at its attempts to buy time in order to consolidate its occupation and pursue its annexationist policies and then signalling to the Western world, and particularly the United States, that, if a negotiating process is undertaken, it might-I repeat, might-undertake what it calls "concessions", as if compliance with United Nations resolutions, international law and the will of mankind was an act ofconcession rather than a duty. It is to be expected that Israel should seek to buy time in order to maintain and reinforce its striking power for the purpose of keeping the whole region hostage to its military prowess, as it has done repeatedly, for example, in its strike against the nuclear 'facility in Baghdad, in using its military occupation to annex both Jerusalem and the Golan Heights, in its brutal invasion of Lebanon, in its reckless bombing and destruction of Lebanese cities and its inhumane siege Qf Beirut-all testifying to the fact that Israel seeks to create a mil.i- tary advantage, both conventional and nuclear, inorder to frustrate the Arab and overall international commit- ment to the rights of the Palestinian people to indepen- denr.e, freedom and statehood. 251. South Africa's strategy seeks, through deliberate ambiguity, to thwart any serious attempt to restrain it in the pursuit of its objectives. It is well known that South Africa, aware ofthe international outrage against its behaviour, its Jlol~cies and its racism, re§orts to geopolitical considerations in order to frustrate inter- national legitimacy and the wHl of the international community. South Africa seeks to prevent the inter- national community ·from taking the necessary measures to ensure South Africa's compliance with United Nations re801utions and restrain its proclivity to pursue its aggression and generate a situaHon in which Western Powers seek to placate it under the pretext of persuading it. Hence the resort to the veto whenever the issue of sanctions arises. 252. What does this remind us of? Does it not remind us of Security Council resolutions unanimously con- ·demning Israel's beha.viour? And yet, when it comes to taking effective measures to constrain Israel's proclivity for expansion and aggression, the right of veto is exercised or there is a threat that the right of veto ~ill be exercised. Sanctions, which are pro- vided for in the United Nations Charter to curtail behaviour analogous to that ofSouth Africa and Israel, have in many instances been rendered dysfunctional. Why? Because of the prevailing doctrine that the aggressor has to be placated in order to be persuaded. 256. On behalfofthe League ofArab States, 1should like to commend the work ofthe United Nations Coun- cH for Namibia and its President and members and to reaffirm the collective Arab commitment to the struggle of the Namibian people and the people ofSouth Africa to achieve as rapidly as possible the right to indepen- dence, equality and human freedom. We shall spare no effort in our resolve to achieve this noble aim. NOTES I Report of the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, Paris, 20-27 May 1981 (A/CONF.I07/8), sect. X. 2 Frente Popular para la Liberaci6n de 5aguia el-Hamra y de Rio de Oro. 3 Frente Revolucionaria de Timor Leste Independente. 6 Ibid., Thirty-third Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1978, document 5/12678. 7 A/AC.I09/704.