S/37/PV.103 Security Council

As I announced at the 101st meeting, the Assembly will first consider draft reso- lution A/37/L.54, entitled "Invasion of Lesotho by South Africa", submitted on behalf of the Group of African States: I shall now call on the representative of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya to introduce the draft reso- lution. 2. Mr. TREIKI (Liby~n Arab Jamahiriya) (inter- pretation from Arabic): Allow me briefly to present draft resolution Aj37/L.54, which my delegation has the privilege of introducing to the General Assembly on behalfof the Group of African States, ofwhich I am Chairman for this month. 3. This draft resolution deals with very serious matters which involve a threat to peace and security, not only in the southern part of Africa but in all of Africa. The racist regime in South Africa, in addition to following a policy of oppression and repression against its own black citizens, follows a terrorist policy with continuing acts of aggression against the front- line countries. The latest of these brutal attacks was that suffered by the capital of Lesotho in the form of aggression and invasion, perpetrated by the racist regime on 9 December, which caused great loss of life among innocent· men, women and children, and the destruction of property and vital installations in the capital of Lesotho. 4. Everyone present here is fully aware that the racist regime in South Africa would not have dared to perpe- trate continuing acts ofaggression against Lesotho and other independent African countries, and totally to dis- regard General Assembly resolutions and Security Council decisions, were 'it not for the support it receives from some Western countries, especially the United States and the Zionist racist regime in occupied Palestine. The two racist regimes, in South Africa and in occupied Palestine, are two sides of the same coin. An equal danger is posed by each of them, since they both strive to achieve the same ends and apply a ter-

I shall now call on those rep- resentatives .vishing to explain their position. May I remind· representatives that explanations of vote are restricted to 10 minutes and should be made from their seats.

The British Government has condemned in no uncertain. terms the flagrant violation of Lesotho's sover~ignty and the tragic loss of life as a result of South Africa's attack of 9 December. We accordiD2ly supported the draft resolution~ althougll we have reservations about some of the language used in it and about those parts of it which go beyond the immediate issue. Further- more, we doubt whether the procedure chosen does anything to enhance the effectiv~nessofthe policy con- tained in the draft resolution. rori~t, racist policy against the neighbouring peoples. * Resumed from the 93rd meeting. '. NEW YORK A/37/PV.I03

The question of Namibia is one of the most important issues of world politics the United Nations has to face today. As a matter of principle, the process of decolonization must be com- pleted, the remnants of colonialism must be abolished in the southern part ofMrica and the Namibian people must be given independence forthwith. This demand has, as in previous years, been emphasized by the over- whelming majority of delegations in the debates of the Fourth Committee at the current session. It has also been pointed out that Namibia is the most glaring case 16. Despite the numerous resolutions of the Un!ted Nations and the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice of 21 June 19712, the Pretoria regime ~ontinues the illegal military occupation of the Ter- ritory of Namibia, using it as a springboard for aggres- sion against the front-line Sates. In recent years Angola has been the most frequent· target of military aggressionsby the racistreginie.This isa gross viola- tion of international law that could not have taken place without the collaboration and support ofthe racist regime by its Western allies. The economic and mili- tary interests of some Western States in South Africa and Namibia continue to play a decisive role in their policy towards the settlement of the' question of Na- mibia. The openly declared strategic alliance between the United States and South Africa has been one of the major factom in the racist regime's aggressive and intransigent policy. 17. In January 1981, direct discussions in Geneva among the parties concerned failed because of the delaying tactics ofthe Pretoria regime. The South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] was ready to accept an immediate cease-fire and enter into direct talks. This was a demonstration of the flexibility and good faith of the liberation movement in an attempt to bring about a fresh start in the long-delayed process aimed at a settlement. But the other side was unwilling to contribute towards that aim. On the contrary, the representatives ofthe racist regime and their puppets in Namibia made desperate efforts to block any solution of the problem. 18. During the past year, the so-called contact group was basically unable to achieve any results in the set- tlement of "the question of Namibia. Sometimes an atmosphere ofoptimism was deliberately spread with a view to creating false expectations. The fact is that all the initiatives and suggestions failed because of the intransigence of the racist regime of South Africa. 19.. As far as the recent stage of discussion is con- cerned, I11Y delegation has concluded from available information that the talks on the settlement of the question of Namibia are totally deadlocked. The main fachr in this stalemate is the linking of the question of Namibia with the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola. My delegation fully shares the view of the African States that this linkage is unjustified and totally unacceptable. The independence ofNamibia cannot be subject to pre-conditions. The presence of the Cub~n forces falls within the internal jurisdiction of Angola and is covered by a bilateral agreement between the Governments ofAngola and Cuba. The Government of Angola asked for help beC'ause of the constant threat and the armed aggressions against its territory by the military forces of the racist regime. That threat must first of all be eliminated through the total withdrawal from Namibia of the racist forces. 20. In the current discussion of the question of Na- mibia, the General Assembly is again trying to find answers for the failure of recent efforts aimed at· achieving the independence of that Territory. Our first 21. We have to bear in mind that, in December 1978, Pretoria made an illegal attempt to impose a so-called internal settlement on Namibia by staging elections, in contravention ofthe relevant resolutions ofthe United Nalions, and putting a puppet regime in powerin Wind- hoek. The racist regime is once again trying to set up a new "interim government" with the under:,tanding of certain of its Western allies. But, ironically, this time South Africa's puppet, the so-called Democratic TurnhalIe Alliance, has opposed the plan for' a new "interim government", which is, in fact, intended to be an alternative to implementation ofSecurity Council resolution 435 (1978), and is also intended to exclude from the settlement the sole and authentic reDresen- tative of the Namibian people, SWAPO. ~ 22. As a result ofthe policies ofthe apartheid regime, the situation in Namibia has deteriorated ftlit;her. The racist authorities have waged a campaign of terror against the population. According to Spe~ial Report No. 1-by the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, which is based in Washington: "By various proclamations of the Administrator General of Namibia, any Namibian deemed likely to be a threat to law and order can be detained and held incommunicado for 30 days and beyond withoLlt recourse to legal counsel. ,Detention an inter- rogation in any part of Namibia are reportedly accompanied by beating, torture, spare diet, and solitary confinement." 23. As in South Africa itself, the so-called Terrorism Act is also used in Namibia in trials against SWAPO combatants. According to the report just referred to, there have been cases in which captured SWAPO fighters were shot without trial, although they should have been treated as prisoners of war in accordance with the Geneva Convention relative to the Treat- ment of Prisoners of War, of 12 August 1949.3 24. The acts of terrorism against the Namibian peo- ple are the most dramatic indicators of the extremely harsh social conditions under which they live. In addition to the oppressive measures by the racist authorities, there are other negative features in the everyday life of Namibia. According to figures pub- lished in August 1981, one third ofthe labour force was . unemployed or underemployed; poverty, malnutrition and overcrowded living conditions continue to be the main causes of disease among the black popu- lation; medical facilities are concentrated in the urban areas populated mostly by whites; and the health service of Namibia is racially segregated and in- adequate for the black population. 25. Those political, economic and social conditions will not change as long as Namibia is under the illegal military occMpation of the racist regime of South Africa. ka~ the Heads of State and Government of the front- line States, in their communique, rejected all attempts to link the achievement of independence by Namibia with the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola. They reaffirmed that thatlinkage contradicted the letter and spirit of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on a peaceful settlement plan for Namibia. Moreover, in his statements in Dar es Salaam and Nairobi, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of France-and we all know that France is a member of the Western contact group-rejected the linkage of a settlement of the question or. Namibi~ with the witl,..lrawal of Cuban forces from Angola. We wish here to commend the French Government's position on this question. 36. Thirdly, in spite ofthe fact that SWAPO, because of the wisdom and policy of its leaders, adopted a moderate position during the negotiations and allowed South Africa to choose the electoral process, and although the negotiations ended last summer, South Africa has not yet decided on the type ofelectoral pro- cess it prefers. In addition, the racist regime has in- creased its arrogance and manreuvres and continued to plunder Namibia's resources and to consolidate a puppet regime in the Territory so as to perpetuate its domination. Furthermore, it has not ceased its acts of aggression against the front-line States, in particular Angola and Mozambique. 37. In further disregard ofand contemptfor the inter- national. community, on the eve of the adoption by the General Assembly of certain resolutions aimed at putting an end to the policy of apartheid, the racist regime has just carried out a brutal attack against the capital of Lesotho, an independent State, on the pretext of eliminating the African National Con- gress [ANC]. The Government and the people ofEgypt condemn this brutal attack and call upon the inter- national community to take effectiv.; measures to p~t a 52. The just struggle of the Namibian people enjoys support from all peace-loving and Justice-upholding countries and peoples ofMrica, the third world and the entire international community. The world-wide call for the early attainment of independence for Namibia is mounting. The Organization of Mrican Unity [OAU], the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the United Nations have all expressed their solidarity with the struggle of the people of Namibia and south- ern Africa. The General Assembly last year adopted resolution 36/172 B designating 1982 as International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South po~ition. 53. Over the past year, the United Nations Council for Namibia, under the outstanding chairmanship of Mr. Paul Lusaka, of Zambia, has done a great deal of work contributing to the enhancement of support from the international community for the Namibian peo- ple's struggle. The Chinese delegation would like to express its appreciation to the Council, and we willcon- tinue actively to support and participate in its activities. 54. The Chinese Government and people have always strongly condemned South Africa's racist policies and its illegal occupation of Namibia, as well as its aggres- sion against and subversion of the front-line States. We are opposed to all external forces that interferein and sabotage the Namibian people's cause of national liberation. We call for the strict implementation of the arms embargo against South Africa and the adoption of effective new sanctions against it so as to compel it to implement all United Nations resolutions and plans on Namibia and to enable Namibia to achieve genuine independence at an early date in accordance with the wishes ofits people. The Chinese Government and peo- ple will, as always, firmly support the Namibian people in their struggle against the South African colonial rule and for national liberation and independence and will support all efforts by SWAPO and the front-line States to expedite the independence of Namibia. We support the International Conference in Support ofthe Stnlggle ofthe Namibian People for Independence, to be held in Paris next April, and we wish it success. 55. We are deeply convinced that, with the support of Africa and the international community as a whole and by persisting in their struggle and advancing from victory to vicr:ory, the Namibian people will certainly be able to crush the last rem?ining racist regime in Africa and achieve the sacred goal of national inde- pendence and liberatkm, thus contributing to the completeemancipationofthe wholeAfrican continent.

Sixteen' years ago, the General Assembly decided, in resolution 2145 (XXI), to suspend South Africa's mandate over the international Territor-y of Namibia, and asked that the Pretoria regime withdraw from ihat Territory. Since then, the world has wit- nessed the liberationofnearly all the colonial territories on the African continent. The people ofNamibia, how- ever, in spite of their long struggle to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and indepen- dence, continue to suffer under the illegal occupation of the racist Power. The apartheid r~gime, scorning the many resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, and in spite of the indignation of world public opinion, refuses to withdraw from the TerritorY. What is more, it has taken action aimed at strengthening its presence there, has intensified its repression against the Namibian patriots and has extended its policy of aggression against independent African States. 57. The struggle for the liberation of Namibia is in a final decis!ve stage. Although the country has been 66. The present situation in southern Mrica has become severely aggravated. This is due to the plotting 67. South African soldiers have repeatedly. invaded Zimbabwe, Zambia and other African States. The latest attack on Lesotho is another manifestation of the apartheid regime's long-standing policy of aggression against and destabilization of neighbouring African States. The threat to international peace and secu- rity which emanates from Pretoria's policy of aggres- sion has reached an extremely dangerous level. 68. The German Democratic Republic has repeatedly called attention to the perils to peace in the region and in the world at large posed by the apartheid regime in South Afri(:a and by its policy of terror at home and aggression against other countries. It has emphasized over and over again that Pretoria can pursue that policy only thanks to extensive poHtical, economic and material support from imperialist States. Those who have provided South Africa with weapons systems and with the money to finance its policy ofaggression, and who have opposed United Nations resolutions con- demning South Mrica and calling for discontinuance of support for the apartheid State, should not shed crocodile tears in the face of the latest massacre. It i; not by chance that the escalation of Pretoria's policy of aggression and destabilizat~on coincides with the stepping up of the confrontational course of the most aggressive forces of imperialism. 69. It is obvious that South Africa is being en- couraged by the States of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] to pursue such a policy; this is no coincidence. By plundering the human and natural resources of Namibia, the transnational corporations are making huge profits. The fact that some States per- sistently refuse to provide the Centre on Transnati9nal Corporations with information about the activities of their corporations in Namibia shows clearly what one must think about the so-called social mission of these . corporations. The United States gets from Namibia 98 per cent of its cobalt, 80 per cent of its platinum, 100 per cent ofall its industrial diamonds, 58 per cept of its uranium, and other important strategic raw materials. 70. The direct investments made by United States banks in South Africa amount at present to $2 billion. It is characteristic that 53 out of the 88 transnational corporations of imperialist States which operate in Namibia have their headquarters in countries of the so-called contactgroup! which has been pretendingfor years to be interested in early independence for Na- mibia. What one is to think of these declarations be- came clear to the world very recently when the United States openly admitted'its partnership with the apart- heid regime, a partnership which leads that country, und~r the leadership ofSWAPO, its national liberation movement. It condemns most emphatically the con- tinued attempts at destabilization and acts of aggres- sion committed by the South African apartheid regime against sovereign African States, in particular the People's Republic of Angola, the People's Republic of Mozambique and the Kingdom of Lesotho. It demands the immediate cessation ofall acts ofaggression by the apartheid regime, reparation for the damage caused and an end to the apartheid policy. It urges that all support for Pretoria be stopped and that sanctions be imposed against the racist State. The German Demo- cratic Republic has always backed the African peoples in their struggle for independence and social progress. It gives the peoples and liberatlon movements in southern Africa its renewed firm assurance of un- flinching solidarity.

Sixteen years ago, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2145 (XXI), 79. Secondly, the Government of Japan has brought to the attention of all" Japanese companies concerned Decree No. 1 for the· Protection of the Natural Re- sources of Namibia,4 of 1974, by publishing it in an official Japanese trade bulletin. Moreover, no Japanese national or enterprise has a mining concession in Na- mibiaand no Namibian uranium is im.ported into Japan. My Government recently welcomed the opportunity to consult with an expert whom the United Nations Coun- cil for Namibia designated to study the observance .of Decree No. 1. We believe that his findings will once again show the range ofmeasures Japan has been taking in this regard. 80. Thirdly, as regards our support for the Namibian people, Japan has made voluntary contributions to the United Nations Fund for Namibia, the United Nations Institute for Namibia and the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa. In view of the crucial importance of the 94. As for the discussions on the so-called constitu- tional guarantees for the white minority in Namibia, the least that can be said is that they are not provided for in the United Nations plan originally accepted by the parties. One can only be touched by this solicitude for a group which for decades, while it held the reins of political and economic power, had no concern for the rights of the Mrican majority. 95~ We can certainly understand that a policy of "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth" must be avoided, when the situation is reversed and political power passesfrom the minority to the majority. But we are not certain that the requirement of constitutional guaran- tees must be limited to that consideration. Indeed, the repeated statements of the racist leaders in Pretoria make one fear that what is involved is a predetermi- nation of political, economic and social guidelines for the future independent State of Namibia. We should repeat that inourview the United Nations plan is aimed solely at bringing about a peaceful and democratic tran- sition to independence in Namibia and that, like the right of the Namibian people to self-determination, the independence and sovereignty of the future Na- mibian State cannot be negotiated and cannot be restricted a priori. To claim the opposite would amount to imposing injustifiable limitations on the future constituent assembly of Namibia and to recognizing that a given country or group of countries has a right over the internal affairs of an independent Namibia, which would, of course, be contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and international law andcould lead to future· cont 'Qversy. 96. Can one justifiably claim that a solution to the Namibian problem-which, let us again rec~n,.is a question of decolonization---cannot be isolated from the strategic factors at play in southern Africa and that only the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola will lead to a viable settlement? We shall not revert to the position ofthe Angolan and Cuban Governments, which is well known and quite unambiguous and which we respect and supp<?rt. 97. Our purpose, rather, is to point out that the links proposed to be established between two completely different and separate subjects are quite arbitrary and, to say the least, disturbing. Indeed, the absurdity of this can be showp. by a contrario reasoning-that is, that recently independent countries could or should be . recolonized if regional strategic factors required this, or if it could be proved that these factors had been negle(;ted when those countries achieved indepen- dence. The Declaration on the Granting of Indepen- dence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in Genera-I. Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), w~uld probably have had little effect ifthe strategic consider- ations of the super Powers could have suspended implementation of the priIll~iples contained therein. Rarely has one seen such little concern for the right ofpeoples to self-determination and independence. Itis our painful impression that the peopl~.of Naf!libia is being held hostage while South Africa and those who share South Africa's views obtain satisfaction 101. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar believes that the international community mast act 'swiftly, through the Security Council, to reverse the course of events and prevent anything irreparable happening. If it is to be effective, that reaction must include the adoption ofmeasures that will force South Africa to abandon its policy ofoccupation and reQression. The time has come for Member States to fulfil their obligations visQa-vis Namibia stemming from their decision to make Namibia the direct respon- sibility of the United Nations. We can act individually and collectively to exert effective pressure .on the racist South African regime to see to it that ·the will of the Organization is resp~cted. 102. On a number ofoccasions, and quite justifiably, the General Assembly has proposed the adoption of necessary measures on the political~ economic, mili- tary and cultural levels to force South Africa to abide by the norms, principles and decisions of the United Na~ions, in particular the provisions of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). The Council must, moreover, shoulder its responsibility to ensure the implementation of the plan and decide to 107. The fact that South Africa's mandate was ter- minated did not and still does not enable the Namibian people to regain any of their natural rights and free- doms. Today, the South African Government fully maintains its illegal occupation of Namibia and continues in its :attempts to impose its un~awful and cruel policies of-oppression and intimidation inside and around Namibta, 'in defiance of the concerted efforts of the international community as exemplified by the historic decisions and resolutions of the United Nations and the International Court of Justice. 108. As ·we speak today, South Africa is trying to force upon the Namibian people illegal political for- mulas to consolidate and prolong its occupation of that country. It has stepped up its acts ofdestabilization and aggression against the neighbouring African States to the extent of violating their territorial integrity and t~onal community has increased accordingly. At this cruciai moment, each and every member should do everything in its power to compel South Mrica to implement the decisions ofthe United Nations. Effec- tive and comprehensive measures envisaged in the Charter remain the most important tools to be employed against South African intransigence. And the Namibian people are left with no recourse but to intensify their rightful struggle against South African occuj:Jation. 115. Also at this important time, we should like to draw attention to the vital roie played by the United Nations Council for Namibia, ofwhich Turkey is proud to be a founding member, for safeguarding the interests and rights of the Namibian people. We should like to commend and express our appreciation for the leadership displayed by Mr. Paul Lusaka, of Zambia, in the vvide;'ranA;'ng and important work undertaken by the U..ited Natl~'1S Council for Namibia as the legal Administering Authority for Namibia until indepen- dence is achieved. The Nationhood Programme for Namibia and the United Nations Insti~ute for Namibia deserve particulr,if mention in this respect because their activities al\~ instrumental in preparing especially the young geneI'Ptions of Namibians for the day they will be assuming their responsibilities in a free and independent Namibia. Tlu,se programmes need and deserve our full support. 116. My Government, for its part, is fully committed to the efforts being exerted by the United Nations to achieve the fuU independence of Namibia on the basis of resolut~on 435 (978). Turkey fully abides by a;;" relevant United Nations resolutions in this respect. Turkey does nei enga.ge in any kind of relations with Soutb Africa in ~he diplomatic, political, economic, commercial and military fields. Although in modest terms, Turkey is pleased to cGdtribute to the United Nations funds directed at providing the necessary 119. This past year, the semblance of progress went somewhat further than usual. The informal consul- tations of the Western contact group with represen- tatives of the front-line States and SWAPO, on the one hand, and with South Africa, on the other, which were held last summer in New York, seemed to have produced agreement by South Africa on P:. number of issues related to the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). As reported, the only issue left pending was the question of the electoral system, in which South Africawas given time to make a choice between the two proposed systems. Some technical questions were not fully resolved, but, on the assumption that they would not pose significant problems once the process of implementation efresolution 435 (1978) got under way, the United Nations Secretariat undertook preparations for the initiation of the United Nations plan. Optimism soared &nd independence for NalP~bia seemed within reach. 120. Yet, for careful observers of developments in Namibia, there were no signs that the alleged readiness ofthe South African regime to go along with the imple- mentation of the United Nations plan was matched in actual deeds. Instead, what we witnessed in the mean- time was yet anotherseries ofaW.. npts by the apartheid regime to reshuffie the dissolving puppet formation it had installed in Namibia in a vain attempt to give it internal and international credibility. Exploitation of Namibian natural resources, in collusion with transna- tional corporations ofWestern countries, continued un- abated. Atta~s on neighbouring independent African States continued unabated as well. That is hardly behaviour by an occupier preparing to grant indepen- dence to a territory it holds. assistan~e to the suffering and oppressed peoples in Namibia and southern Africa. In so doing, Turkey is guided not only by the universal principles enshrined in the Charter but also by the memory ofits own strug- gle for independence-the first such struggle to end in victory .' - the twentieth century. It is in this spirit that we perceive and support the valiant stnJgles and sacrifices ofthe Namibian people under the leadership of their sole and true representative, SWAPO, against the seemingly great obstacles they are facing on 121. On top of it all c~me the realization that the contact group-or at least some of its members-in- tended to link the question of independence for Namibia with unrelated issues which had never been the subject of discussion at the consultations in New York. Such linkage encroached upon the so"'ereignty ofan independent country which is the constant target ofSouth Africa's attacks, and was therefore universally rejected. I should like to remind the Assembly that the Heads of State and Government of 31 African States, gathered in Tripoli from 23 to 26 November, adopted a declaration in which they condemned and rejected the attempts at linking independence for Namibia with the question of the presence of foreign troops in third countries. So, the net result ofthe much- th€~ path to freedom and independence. It is with the same conviction that we express our full confidence ihlat they willemerge victorious in the very nearfuture. 117. Mr. GOLOB (Yugoslavia): The problem of Namibia, its independer~ce and sovereignty and the freedom of the people of Namibia, remains unresolved 16 years after the United Nations proclaimed that South Africa was ilIegaUy occupying Namibia and that that Territory should be independent. 118. There were heightened expectations and bitter disappointments during the year that has elapsed since herald~d action outside the United Nations at this time is that the independence ofNamibia is no closer than it would have been had there been no such action at all. 149. Such defiant behaviour by the racist regime of Pretoria over so many years can be explained only by the broad-based support which the racist regime of South Africa has been receiving from leading impe- rialist Powers. 150. While hypocritically condemning in word& the policies and practices of apartheid, certain Western Powers, primarily the United States, see in South Africa an effective way to thwart the national liberation * Quoted in English by the speaker. 153. Serious concern has been aroused in the inter- national community by the billion-dollar injections into the South Africa economy, like the one recently made by the IMF. The so-called technical nature ofthe loan takes on a very different slant when it is con- sidered in the context ofSouth Africa's aggressiveness and the expenditures borne by the regime in con- nection with the undeclared war against the People's Republic of Angola. According to experts, that billion- dollar loan ex-actly covers the military expenditure of South Africa for 1980 to 1982. It is worthy of note that in 1976, when Pretoria received another IMF loan amounting to $464 million, its military expenditures at that time amounted to $450 million. Comment, as they say, is superfluous. 154. In this connection, the continuing collaboration by certain Western countries, primarily the United States and other countries members of NATO, and Israel, with the illegal white minority regime in the military sphere, and most of all the nuclear sphere, is becoming particularly dangerous. In violation of the mandatory arms embargo, decided by the Security Council in 1977, those States have not only helped to create the military machine of the aggressive Pretoria regime, but are also seeing to it that South Africa is being turned into one ofthe major exporters ofmilitary . technology. According to the Christian Science !t1onitor of 13 September 1982: "In 1979 ... South Africa [exported] some $60 million worth of arms" . 3. United Nations, Tret"y Series, vot. 75, No. 972, p. 135. .. Official R~t:ortls ofthe Genertll Assembly, Thirty-fifth Session, Supplement No. 24, vol. I, annex 1I. NOTES I See Official Rer.:ords of th~ Securiry Cuuncil, Thirty-seventh Year, Supplement for Octob~r, Novemb~r and Det:t:mber /982, document S/l5515.