S/37/PV.22 Security Council

At the outset, Mr. President, my delegation would like to con- gratulate you on your unanimous election to guide the work of tbe thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. Your election is a recognition of your rich experience, personal qualities and statesmanship. It is also a fitting tribute to your country, the People's Republic of Hungary, a country with which Ethiopia enjoys strong ties offriendship and co-operation, and a recognition of the outstanding contrihutions it has made towards peace and international under- standing. I also pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Kittani, for the skill with which he guided the work of the thirty-sixth session. 27. I should also like to take this opportunity to express the appreciation of my delegation to the Secretary-General for t.he able manner in which he is serving the cause of peace and progress. 28. Thirty-seven years after its esta.blishment, the United Nations is still far from meeting the challenge of ensuring international peace and security. As a result of the exacerbation of existing conflicts, the creation of new hotbeds of tension, the acute global economic crisis and the ever-increasing danger of a nuclear holocaust, mankind today lives under the shadow of total annihilation. 31. The frustrating outcorne of the second special session on disarmament is a reflection of the precari- ousness of the prevailing international situation. The unwillingness of some Members to be parties to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which has been finalized after more than eight years ofpainstaking negotiations, could adversely affect one of the major undertakings of the United Nations. The lack of political will on the part of the developed world to make possible the launching of global negotiations on the new international economic order and the overall heightening of tension on a global scale are disturbing trends. 32. Twenty-two years ago the General Assembly adopted its historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. By invoking this Declaration, a number of countries gained their independence and joined the family of free nations. Yet colonialism and racism in their most vile forms continue to be practised in southern Africa. 33. The racist regime in Pretoria, with the political, economic and military support of its imperialist allies, continues not only to subjugate the black majority in South Africa but also to consolidate its colonial occupation of the international Territory of Namibia. Harassment, imprisonment, torture and racialindignity are the daily lot of the masses of South Africa and Namibia, who have· been cruelly deprived of even the most basic human rights and fundamental freedoms. Furthermore, the apartheid regime, acting as the agent of imperialism, is busy sowing the seeds of terrorism and destabilization in the entire subregion of southern Africa. Thefront-line States have become prime targets for unprovoked acts of aggression by racist Pretoria. 34. To us Africans, and indeed to all peoples the world over that cherish pp...ace and freedom, the delay in Namibia's accession to independence and the attempt to perpetuate the policy of apartheid in South Africa are outrageous in the extreme. The internationalcommunity isfully aware that the terrorist regime in Pretoria, in collusion with its imperialist allies, is leaving no stone unturned in its bid to keep Namibia in its Fascist clutches. The independence process of Namibia has stalled because of Pretoria's intransigence and the acquiescence of the Western cont&1ct group in its dilatory tactics. Without. the accession of Namibia to genuine independence and the complete dismantling of the racist edifice of apartheid-objectives to which all of us appear to pend~nt S~tes. Indeed, we strongly condemn t~e 41. First, Ethi~pia ~either covets nor has it ever contnved Issue of the so-~alled Cu~an .presence m claimed any portion of the territory of Somalia. On Angola as .a bl~tant and Impudent ~nfnngeme~t of the contrary, it is Somalia which, in a systematic the sovereIgn nghts of the People s Repubhc of violation of the terms of United Nations instruments Angola. that brought about its emergence in 1960 as an inde- 36. While supporting all viable initiatives within the pendent country on the map of Africa, continues to framework of the United Nations plan for Namibia, be obsessed by an expansionist dream at the expense Ethiopia believes that, in the absence of the political of its neighbours. Contrary to the ct';rdinal principles will to impose comprehensive and mandatory sanc- of the Charter and to the decisions of the United tions, resolution 435 (1978) will remain a dead lett~!". Nations and the Organization of African Unity In the present circumstances, Ethiopia feels duty- [OAU], Somalia has over the past two decades bound to continue to reuder political su);'port and repeatedly committed a series of brazen aggressions material assistance, within its modest means, for the against its neighbours, especially my country, with intensification ofthe legitimate armed struggle being so the purpose of realizing its territorial ambitions. resolutely waged by SWAPO, th~ sole and authentic . . . . . representative ofthe people of Namibia. Furthermore, 42. Secondly, the mtematlOnal comm!Jmty, mclud!ng Ethiopia pledges its unswerving support for the those. !Dembers that are today c~mcally sh~ddmg oppressed people of South Africa in their struggle ~roco.(:hle tears oyer the ~o~vemently fabncat7d to build a democratic society based on racial equality mvaslOn of Som.alIa by Ethl<?Pla, ~an surel~ testify and majority rule. to the fact that It was ~omalla whl~h com~ltted an unprovoked and massive aggression agamst my 37. Similarly, Ethiopia reaffirms its support for and country in July 1977. Since Ethiopia was in the midst solidarity with the peoples and Governments of the of a far-reaching revolution, the Mogadishu regime, front-line States of southern Africa, which must in collusion with its imperialist and reactionarY allies, remain vigilant in defence ofindependence and human had calculated that the time was opportune to strike dignity against an undeclared war by the Fascist at my country with a view to realizing Somalia's Pretoria regime. expansionist ambitions and destabilizing the Ethio- 38 Pre . h . ~'I d' . f" pian revolution. . tona, avmg LaJ emits strategy 0 mamtam- ing racist and colonial regimes around its borders, has 43. In this connection, it may be recalled that even now embarked on establishing in southern Africa when the invading army had penetrated 700 kilometres a belt of instability as yet another weapon for the into Ethiopian territory, the Ethiopian defence forces defence of the abhorrent system of apartheid. Today that routed the invading army early in the following it is not only Angola that is the target of racist and year did not sweep the enemy to the shores of the imperialist forces. Lesotho, Mozambique and Zim- Indian Ocean in hot pursuit, even though they had babwe, as well as Seychelles, a State' that has no the capacity and the moral right to do so. A$ everyone common boundary with South Africa, are uilder the will recall, our defence forces stopped at the inter- constant threat of acts of banditry and sabotage national boundary between the two countries. That is emanating from South Africa. Indeed, armed bandits an undeniable fact. Similarly, the record of Ethiopia's and mercenaries organized and trained by the Fascist policy ofgood-neighbourliness and mutually beneficial regime of South Africa with the connivance of inter- co-operation with its other neighbours, namely, the national imperialism are at this very moment carrying Republics of Djibouti, Kenya and the Sudan, elo- out acts ofterrorism, murderand pillage in the People's quently speaks for itself.. Republicof Mozambique. In the face of these devel- .. . . opments, the international community must there- 44. The national objective ofour.revolutlon ~as. been fore render both diplomatic and material assistance to repeatedly stated 0!1 ~everal occaSions. If ~thlOplahas Mozambique in accordance with the relevant resolu- d~cl~ed any w~r, It IS a "Yar on the enemies of .ma~­ tions of the United Nations, to enable that fratermil ~md. hunger, dlse~se and Ignoran~e. Our revol~tlon IS .country to strengthen its defence capabilities to ensure Irr~~ocably co~mltted to ad~an~mg the maten~ and respect for its sovereignty and territorial integrity. sl?lntual well-bt:mg oft!te ~th~opla!1 people. The hnch- In this regard, it is with great pleasure that I hail the pm of our fore~gn pohcy IS It~ewlse peace, l?rogress victory once again scored by the people and Govern- and.the promotion of gO~-l!elghbourhness.Smce the mentof Seychelles. over the forces of racism and achievement.of those objectives compels us to devote imPerialism. a:II our e~er~les and ~sources to national ~econ~truc- tlOn, EthIOpia has neither the need nor the mtentlon to 39. Encircled by a chain of military bases and inter- launch an invasion against Somalia. It is obvious ventionist forces, my own country is under constant that the myth of the Ethiopian invasion has been 57. My Government strongly deplores the arrogant imperialist interference in the internal affairs of sover- eign States in Central and Latin America. We reaffirm Ethiopia's solidarity with the Nicaraguan revolution and the gallant fighters in Central America struggling against imperialism to reassert their inalienable right to guide their own destinies. 58. In Asia, Viet Nam, Kampuchea and Afghanistan are endlessly becoming targets of imperialist provo- Ci·~te measures must be taken to halt and reverse the arms race, particularly in its nuclear aspect, until the attainment of our ultimate objecth~,~ of general and complete disarmament under effective inter- national control. The ongoing negotiations on strategic arms reduction prompt us not to l{ise l!Ope despite the many failures we have encountered in ourcoUective endeavours in this field. 63. The expectations and hopes of the international community for a successful c'onclusion to the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmamlent wei"e shattered. Obviously the main res~nsibility for thatfailure is borne by the very forces which have embarked iJn a policy of massive rearm- ament and advocacy of dangerous military doctrines such ~ that of a limited nuclear war. We therefore call upon the Powers in the North Atlantic Treaty Organiution [NATOj to demonstrate good will and co-operation jn expediting negotiations on the com- prehensive programme of disarmament SCl that it can be adopted 21t an early date. 64. The unilateral undertaking by the Soviet Union not to be the first to use nuclear weapons is a significant step whbh, coupled with a reciprocal commitment by the ~ther ~1Uclear-weapon States, would prevent the o~tbreak of m.'clear war. 65. 1.'1. its C'.1rr~nt s~~sion the General Assembly has before it twc< important additional items also proposed by Che Soviet Union. Wh.ile the first deals with the urgent task of the c;umplete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon 4:ests, the second proposal under- scores the growi.ng need to redouble the efforts aimed at the eliminat~onof the threat of nuclear war and the prOtection of peaceful nuclear facilities. As ,a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], Ethiopia not only welcomes these important proposais but also urges all Member States to seize the opportunity 70. In the midst of the grim world economic situa- tion 9 the condition of most African countries should be a matter of the utmost concern to the international community. It is rather sad to witness today that in Africa food shortages caused by the shortfalls in agricultural output, low productivity, changing ecological and unfavourable weather conditions zre in the process of creating the simplest form of depen- dence of the continent for its food on the developed North. Food aid has tended in recent years to become a permanent feature of international assistance to the African countries. 71. Today there are no fewer than 21 countries seeking special assistance from the United Nations because of ~heir incapacity to withstand even mild shocks to their economies. This deteriorating situa- tion has been a consequence of the basic structural constraints and (.'~her serious limitations. As a result most African countries, especially the least developed ones, have been forced out of the mainstream of international economic life. 72. Unless the international community urgently implements on a priority basi~ the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 19808 for the Least Developed Countries, adopted at the Paris Conference2 85. We give due credit also to the realistic approach of sober-minded statesmen in Western countries who standfor the maintenance and developmentofmutually beneficial relations between East and West and for the preservation and strengthening of detente. The intensified mass anti-war movement in ~!e world is an important factor that promotes the objectives of the United Nations in main~ining international peace and security. 86. Meanwhile the following striking example reveels, inter alia, the attitud~ of major imperialist Powers vis-a-vis these objectives of the United Nations. At the very moment that the first special session of the General Assembly on disarmament was under way in 1978 here in New York, a long-term programme ofan arms buildup by NATO was adopted nearby in Washington. And this year that programme wa~ again reaffirmed in Bonn, at the highest level of the NATO alliance, during the second spe,cial session devoted to disarmament. 87. The peace programme for the 1980s put forward by .the Soviet Union and the constructive initiatives Qf socialist countries envisage practical measures to curb the arms race and to remove the threat of a nuclear holocaust. Under the pres~nt circumstances, the extremely far-reaching and bold step of the Soviet Union is the obligation, unilaterally assumed by the Soviet Union at the second special ~ession of the General A~sembly on disarmament, not to be the first to use nuclear weapons. We believe that at the present session the Assembly should call upon other nuclear Powers to do likewise. We consider that the new proposal submitted by the Soviet delegation at this sessbn rightly supplemet'lts the aforementioned ini- tiative of historic significance. The proposal and the relevant document on the ulmmediate cessation and prohibition of nuclear-\\ieapon tests" seeks to speed up the stagnant negotiations in this field. The new draft of basic prt,)vis:~os of a treaty on the complete and general prol~ibition of nuclear-weapon tests [see A/37/243] .constructively reflects the :views and observations of other States on this matter, in'. )uding the verification issues, and thus undoubtedly ;mproves the .chances fer a positive outcome of n~gotiations.The proposm to set a moratorium on any nuclear explosions, startinE from an agreed date until the treaty is concluded, can create favourable condi- tions for achieving thi$ vital goal. The same goal is 91. The problem of the elimination 0: chemical weapons has oflate become especially acute. It stems from the decision adopted by Washington to a,-:celer- ate th€: development and manufacture of new types of this barbaric weapon including binary weapons. The Mongolian People's Republic is in favour of intensifying the efforts of the Committee on Disarma- ment so as to complete the elaboration of an inter- national convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons and on their destruction.. 92. Actions aimed at spreading the arms race to outer space are becoming more and more ominous. The Mongolian People's Republic is endeavouring in every way possible to bring about an early start of the work of the Committee on Disarmament on the elaboration of the text ofan international treaty on the prohibition of"the deployment of weapons of any kind in outer space. 93. Among the measures for strength~ning universal peace ~nd security, the Government of th~ Mongolian People's Republic attaches gr~at significanc~ to the Vienna Talks on Mutus! Reduction of Forcesf Arma- men's and Associaood MeMure::n~c:~~~::~~~ t07. I should like to stress here that the Mongolian proposal is not a mere repetition of the obligation not to use force undertaken by States in 3ccordance with the Charter. It has as its aim the realistic impie- mentation of that principle, with due regard for the multifaceted practices and the specificfeatures ofintei- State relations in Asia. 108. In spite of some assertions, the eXistence of many unresolved problems in Asia proves that our proposal is timely. It is clear that efforts for the peace- ful resolution ofconflict situat.ions ~tween individual States or in different regions spechically require the adoption of measures to ex,elude the use of force. VIe in the Mongi)!!~ People's Republic hope that the efforts of the represema:tives of lIlon-aligned States, which deserve encQuragement and· support will bring about a peaceful seW~m~nt of the cOi1flict between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran ai!d create conditions for d~~.lc'gue and for the establish- ment of peaceful relations in that important part of western Asia. 109. Naturally, wle realize that the implementation of our initiative will require time and painstaking efforts. My delegation, on behalf of the Mongolian Government, wishes to express its gratitude to all Governments which support our initiative. 110. The Mongolian People's Republic has con- sist~ntly supported the efforts of non-aligned coun- tries to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone ofpeace, and we favour the convening of an international confer- ence on this issue in 1983. We consider as timely the appeal to refrain from any steps likely to complicate the situation in that region. 111. A danger to international peace is posed by remnants of colonialism and by the neo-colonialist intrigues of imperialist forces. The racist Pretoria ~gime, relying on the support of imperialist circles, is seeking to perpetuate in one way or another its domination in Namibia, and it systematically commits acts of aggression against neighbouring countries. In our view, the Assembly at this session should once again speak out in favour of the imposition of com- prehensive sanctions against South Africa. 112. Like other countries, the Mongolian People's Republic is in favour of the immediate granting of independence to the people of Namibia through its legitimate representativ~, SWAPO, on the basis of United Nations resolutions. There should be no arti- ficial· conditions or linkages. In that connection, the Go~ernmel1t of. the Mongolian· People's Republir. most emphat:cally condemns Pretoria's aggressive intrigues against the PeopJe's Republic of Angola. Mozambique and other front-line States. patrioti~ forces of El Salvador. 115. Imperialism's neo-colonialist strategy assigns an important place to attempts at splitting the OAU, which plays an important role in the struggle for peace, freedom and independence on the African continent. The Mongolian delegation expresses the hope that the Tripoli declaration of 8 August 1982 [see A/37/ 437] will promote the cause of consolidating the ra:lks of the OAU. 116. The pernicious effects of neo-colonialism are clearly shown in the economic policies of imperialist Powers towards developing countries. Economic reiations between imperialist Powers on the one hand and developingcountries on theotherare characterized by' exploitation and plundering ofthe latter. That is the main reason for the constant deterioration of the socialand economic situation in newly liberated States. The leading Western Powers disregard the just demands of developing countries for a restructuring of international economic relations, and they are preventing tbe jmplementation of progressive provi- sions of sUt;!! important United Nations documents as the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)], and the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 320/ (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)]. 117. The Mongolian People's Republic is in favour of the democratic reshaping of international economic relations and ofeconomic decolonization. The Govern- ment of the Mongolian People's Republic condem~is the attempts of imperialist Powers ~o use trade and other forms of economic ties as inst.ruments of their aggres§ive policy. Such a course undermines the very foundation ofinternationaleco:lomicco-operation and results in increasing tension in the world. 118. My delegation believes that the comprehensive United Nations Convention on the LClw of the Seas meets the interests of all countries and can contribute significantly to the cause of strengthening peaceful co-operation among States in the vast space of the world's oceans. The Mongolian People's Republic advocates the signing of the Convention by all States and its speedy entry into force. We resolutely reject any actions and deals directed towards arbitrary utilization of the world's oceans aad their resources in evasion or in violatio~ of the provisions of that Convention. 119. In conclusion, the Mongolian delegation wishes to emphasize once again the urgent need to People'~ Republi~ reiterates its stand in favour of stimulating the activities of tbe United Nations and its principal orgara-the Security Council, which bears the main responsibUity for the maintenance of collective security~n the basis of strict observance of the provisions of the Charter. My de"legation will be guided by this policy in its participation in the work of the present session.

I should like to begin by extending sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. I feel certain tbat the expe- rience and knowledge you have acquired in the course of a brilliant career will enable you to guide the pro. ceedings of the Assembly with all the skill required in the~ troubleo times. I should also like to express our sincere gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Kittani, who deserves our praise for the dedication and skill with which he crATied out his duties over the past year, which was a particularly challenging time for the United Nations. 121. This is the first opportunity I have had publicly to congratulate Mr. Perez de CueUar on his appoint- ment as Secretary-General. In his first year in office he has made an impressive beginning which gives encouragement and hope that during bis tenure the United Nations will make gtea~r strides towards the full attainment of its purposes and objectives. 122. The current session of the General Assembly is being h~ld against the background of an alarming deterioration of the international situation, charac- ierized by global confrontation, military intervention, foreign occupation, a spiralling of the arms race, and the frequent resort to the use or threat of the use of force against the sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity of States-all of this in the midst of a deep global economic recession. 123. A review of the agenda for this the thirty- seventh session of.the General Assembly points to a growing number of items dealing with unresolved crises, and an alarming increase in the outbreaks of fresh hostilities. 124. It js not without ironic significance that it is precisely the smaller, underdeveloped and eco- nomically more vulnerable countries of the third world, currently being buffeted by the effects of global economic recession, which an. ~t the same time the focal points of tension and conflict, particularly in the Middle East, southern Africa, Asia, as well as Latin America and the Caribbean. 125. For the most part these conflicts have been intensified and made worse by the intnlsion of super- Power confrontation, and as a consequence oftlagrant .disregard for the principles of the Charter and the by-passing of the United Nations as the proper forum within which to seek a peaceful settlement ofdisputes. 134. We urge that a meeting ofthe Council should be called before the end of this session of the Assembly, which should be attended at the very highest levels, and which will deal with the effectiveness of the Security Council in discharging its responsibilities for the maintenanceofinternationalpeaceand security. We further urge that the General Assembly should assign the subject ofthe Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organization to a Main Committee at this session, in which the Member States would actively consider the inJplication of the Secretary- .General's report, and the action they might take when the Security Council is unable to act. 135. Another subject of urgent concern is that of Namibia. The movement towards independence for Namibia continues to be slow, notwithstanding the hints from the contact group that progress. bas. been made. Sout~i Africacontinues to blockeffective action. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) must be fully implemented. Jamaica does not share the view that the independence of Namibia should be linked to the withdrawal ofCuban troops from Angola. The two ar~ separate issues and must be dealt with separately. 136. We condemn South Africa's continued military aggression and campaigns of destabilization against Angol~ and, the .other front-line States. In South Africa itself, the pOlicy of apartheid continues to be more deeply entrenched every day. All the internal institutional changes point in the direction ofa further entrenchment of this abhorrent system. Yet we are Stat~s on the non-first use of nuclear weapons is also a welcome step in the right direction, and Jamaica hopes that the remaining nuclear-weapon States will make similar commitments in this regard. 140. In the midst of all these problems, we cannot ignore that singularly important achievement of the United Nations, the adoption of the United Nati'lns Convention on the Law of the Seas on 30 April 1982. Jamaica is among the developing and developed countries that welcome this event. The Convention has codified and progressively developed international hiw in-several important areas, but I cite the folloVt'ing as its most significantachiev~ments. First, th~ prdc·la- mation that the area beyond national jurisdiction is the b~! the establishmentofan economic zone ot200 miles, inc~uding a territorial sea of 12 miles. It is the farm view of my Government that the Convention contains a body of rules on the rights and duties of States which is the law that governs the uses of the sea. 141. A major achievement of the Conference which we wish to highlight is the exemplary use in its proceedings of the device of consensus as a system of decision-making. It is indeed remarkable and commendable that in a Conference in which as many as 150 countries participated and which extended over eight years, the negotiations were almost entirely conducted and concluded without a vote being taken. 142. Jamaica has a great sense of pride at having been selected as the site of the International Sea-Bed Authority, of the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority and for the Inter- national Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, amI of the ceremony for the signing of the Convention from 6 to 10 December 1982. I want to assure you that Jamaica is sensitive to the obligations which ~o.with the. c~n­ fermen~ of those honours. 143. As you are aware, the Preparatory Commission comes into being on the signing of the Convention by 50 States and will commence its work within 90 days thereafter. It is obviously essential that, consistent with the programme and objectives of the Preparatory Commission, adequate provision be made for its effective functioning. That is a recommendation of the Group of 77 which we fully endorse. 144. We exhort all States to sign and ratify the Convention as quickly as possible so that it wm enter into force in the shortest ~ssible time. An early entry into force of the Convention can only operate te the advantage of all countrie.s, developed and developing, particularly where it deals with the regime for the exploration and exploitation of the deep sea- bed. 145. We would not wish anyone to be left.in doubt as to our view that activities in the international sea- bed area can take place lawfully only within the framework established by the Convention on the Law of the Sea. We hope that no country or group of countries will engage in actions or adopt measures whose effect will be to undermine the Convention. 146. We are not Ofi:y beset by political turbulence and insecurity; we are confronted once aaain with a dismal picture of the world economic situation. The indicators are discourasing. They del!1onstrate the further entrenchment of world recession and stag- nation. 147. In 1981 the international economy recorded a growth of only 1.2 per cent, that is, one third of the rate achieve(i'in the recession-prone decade ofthe 1970s. For the developing countries, growth in 1981 was 0.6 per cent, representing a fall in per capita gross domestic product, which was a novel experience ISO. This brief analysis of the global economy is intended to highlight the need for immediate action if we are to avert the collapse of the internationai system. We are all ilgreed on the necessity to achieve a rate of eccmomic growth consistent w!th the aspira- tions ofour peoples and the requirements for a~hiev.ing international peace and ~urity. In seeking to fulfil those objectives, .we must make a sp:cial' appeal to ~he developed countries to desist from th~ application of protectionist trade policies. The experience of'the 1930s has shown that measures by developed ,coun- tries to protect sectors in their economies that have lost their competitive edge in the international market- place are self-defeating. They serve only to contract international purchasing power and to generate unemployment in their'own economies as well as in the economies of the developing world that provide markets for their exports. 151. Jamaica is fmn in the view that the market- place and work-place. of the developing world hold the best solution for reflation without inflation. The unsatisfied and growing demands of the consumer market and the unsatisfied and growing capabilities of the work forces ofa growing number ofdeveloping countries need only the catalyst of expanded credit resources to fuel an expansion oftrade through eXPort- led growth. 152. Jamaica commends for the consideration of the Assembly the essential features ofourPrime Minister's 153. Jamaicaconsiders that the Fund's Eighthgeneral Review of Quotas provides a good opportunity to create credit as a means of trade expansion. Accord- ingly we support the early conclusion of the review of quotas in 1983 as called for by both the Int~rgovern­ mental Group of 24 on International Monetary Affairs and the Interim Committee of the Board of Governors on the International Monetary System. We fully support also the need for selective allocations and a substantial increase of quotas-an increase which in our view should not be less than SO per cent. 154. Jamaica is of the view that increased liquidity for trade expansion could also be accomplished by the expansion oftrade credits, utilizing excess liquidity in the commercial banking system accumulated through the increased savings resulting from current anti-inflationary strategies. As practice has developed, these savings are likely to be available only for short- term financing. The concern of commercial banks about current levels of credit exposure to developing countries indicates that an intermediary to trigger a meaningful flow ofthese under-utilized resources may be necessary. 155. One such intermediary mechanism already exists in the Bank's lending programme, through an export development fund for export trade credit. With appropriate modifications this mechanism could fulfil the purpose of a ready and available instrument to mobilize ready and available resources to be utilized by ready and available productive capacities, toexpand trade, growth and employment on a basis consistent with the objectives of the adjustment process. 156. The financial dislocations brought about by the global energy situation continue to inhibit the search for economic stability within the oil-importing devel- oping countries. The development of non-conven- tional sources of energy must therefore remain a priority. Jamaica looks forward to the report on the progress made by the Interim Committee on New and Renewable Sources ofEnergy on the implementation of the Nairobi Programme of Action for the Develop- ment of New and Renewable Sources of Energy.6 157. Jamaica is concerned that the effectiveness of the World Bank in the development process could be eroded, as evidenced in the obstacles being placed in the way of establishing an energy affiliate to support an expanded programme for energy invest- ment. 158. I have focused on a few of the elements inhibit- ing the economic growth of developing countries and hence of the global economy. It should now be obvious to all that the issues are so closely inter- related as to necessitate a coheren.t and integrated approach to deal with them. No one should at this stage find it useful to argue in favour of separating the concerns of the North from those of the South. 162. Jamaica hopes that the sense of realism which has been shown by the developing countries on this issue will be reciprocated by the North in order to facilitate the commencement of global negotiations in early 1983. The establishment of the necessary framework must be concluded by this thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. 163. Our obligations to each other derive from our interdependence. We simply cannot live without one another. The recognition of that fact must constantly mould our actions so as to bring about a peaceful, justand prosperous world. That isJamaica's objective.

The mem- bers of my delegation and I deem it an honour and a privilege to have the opportunity ofparticipating in the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. We bring representatives the warm greetings of the Government and the people of Bangladesh. On behalf of the Bangladesh delegation and on my own behalf, I congratulate Mr. Hollai on his unan.imouS' election as President of the thirty-seventh s~ssion of the lead~rship not only dunng the thlrtY-~1Xth session of the Middle East problem. There can be no just and the ~eneral. Assembly but als~ dunng the second lasting peace in the Middle East unless the Palestinian SpeCial session. devo~ed to dlsarm~ment and .the people can exercise their legitimate rights, including e~erge!1cy SpeCial ~esslon on the question ofPales.tme. the right to return to their homeland, their right to HIS patience and Wisdom ~ave been greatl~appreciated self-determination and to establish a State oftheir own b~ all of us. My delegatIon would also like !o p~y a under the leadership of the PLO their sole and legiti- tnbute,to the new Se~re.tary-General, Mf: JavI~r Perez mate representative, _with Jerusalem as its capital. de Cuel!ar, who., Within !he short pen<!d. ~1!1ce the Further, the inadmissibility of the acquisition of terri- assumption of hiS most difficult responsl~lhtles, has tory by force imposes an obligation nn Israel to ea~ed .our t~st an~ .confi~ence for hiS a~solute withdraw completely from all the territories it has dedication and Impartla!lty. The .Govern~e1?-tof Bang- .occupied since 1967, including the Holy City of ladesh congratulates him !>n hiS unyemlttmg efforts Jerusalem. Any solution that fails to recognize these and ce~se.less endeavours ID promotlDg the.purposes rights and realities will pose a constant. threat to and pnnclples of the ~harter. 'Ye as~ure.hl~ of.our peace and stability in the region. fullest supportfor all hiS efforts aimed ID thiS drrectlon. . d h . . 170. We are particularly dlstresse at t e continuing 165: Ban~ladesh deeply mo'!rns the passlD~ of ~IS and self-defeating armed conflict between Iraq and the Maj~sty Kmg ~haled ofthe Kmgdom of Saudl.A~bla. Islamic Republic of Iran. Bangladesh, as a member of In hl~ the ~ntlfe world has lost an outstan~mg.per- the Islamic Peace Committee, has made sincere efforts sonallty dedicated to the cause of peace and Justice. to resolve that conflict peacefully. It is a great tragedy 166. Since its independence as a sovereign nation, that despite our collective efforts the war is still con- Bangladesh has made consistent efforts to work for tinuing. We should like to make a renewed appeal the greaterinterestofthe international community. The to both Iran and Iraq to stop this armed conflict forth- f0t:eign policy of Bangladesh is based on total adher- with and to resolve their differences through peaceful ence to the purposes and principles of the Charter means. of.the t.!nited Nations. We see. this world body as a 171. It is also extremely disheartening that the crises umque Instrument for. pr~motmg glo~al peace and in Afghanistan and in Kampuchea remain unresolved. development based onjusLI~e and.equlty. We greatly We should do everything possible to ensure the with- appreclat~ t~e candour With which the Sec!etary- drawal of all foreign troops from those two countries General 1!1 hiS report has ~r0!lght to ,?ur notice the and to ensure that the people in both those countries s~ortcommgs of the OrgaOlzatlon. ~e In B~nglad~sh are permitted to determine their own destinies without Will support th~ Secret~ry-General If} all hiS ~ff~rts any outside intervention or interference. to make the UOlted Nations an effective orgamzatlon . .. . for maintaining world peace and security. Bangladesh 172. We fi~mly belIeve that peace IS poSSible iil has chosen non-alignment as the cornerstone of its southern Afnca only !hrough the t~sfer of powc:r to foreign policy. We are committed to working tirelessly the people of Namibia. We appreciate the sustainc:d together with other peace-loving nations of the world medl~tory efforts of the five W~s~ern Po~~rs ID to create an environment of peace in which people ~volvmg an agreement on Namibia s tranSltlo!'. to can harness all available resources to combat the mdependence under th~ control and SUperviSion scourge of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy, of the United Nations. thu~.achieving economic freedom without sacrificing 173. It is the view of Bangladesh that peace and pohtlcal freedom. security would be promoted through the creation of 167. As at previous sessions this year, too, we have zones of peace in areas like the Indian Ocean, South a long agenda and we are very conscious of the Asia and South-East Asia, the Mediterranean and number of crucial issues before us. We notice a pro- other regions. Such zones 'would have to take into gressive decline in the international situation. There account the interrelated aspects of eliminati!J$ the is widespread use offorce, the continuing existence of military presence of and threat from external POWets foreign occupation forces and acts of aggression, and the maintenance of security among the regional total disregard for the principle of self-determination, States. In this context, we support the convening of and flouting of resolutions adopted by the General a conference in Sri Lanka next year as a step towards Assembly and the Security Council. the implementation of the ,Declaration of the Indian 168. The situation prevaili~g in the Middle East Ocean as a Zone of Peace. remains dangerous and highly explosive, posing a 174. Bangladesh has also been making unrelenting serious threat to international peace and security. efforts to promote peace and stability in the South This state of affairs is due to the persistence of Asian region through the creation ofa climate oftrust, Israel in its flagrant denial of the inalienable rights of understanding and ca.operation on the basis ofmutueJ. the Palestinian people, as recognized by the United respect for sovereign equality and non-interferen\;i: in Nations. The latest Israeli holocaust in Lebanon has the internal aff&irs ofother States. Takinginto account rendered the situat~on in the Middle East more explo- our friendly relations within our region with India, m~aningbss if it is not accompanied by development. To achieve a better world, mankind must have both. While we strive for peace, our efforts for development should not lag behind. Bangladesh strongly believes that the right to development is a human right and that equality of opportunity for development is as much the prerogative of nations as of individuals- within nations. 178. The present inequities of the world economic order, accompanied by the accelerated arms race, is therefore at the root of all world problems and Qne Qf ~he most. significant obstacles to the realiza- tioil''or botfi "the right to development and the right to peace. As the head of Government and President of tbe Council of Ministers of Bangladesh, Mr. H. M. 179. ·Bangladeshacceded to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] as a demonstration of its total commit- ment to general and complete disarmament. In view of the failure of the second special session on disarm- ament, we urge the super-Powers and other militarily significant States to concert their efforts so· as to commence serious negotiations on a comprehensive test ban treaty as well as a conventional-weapon treaty. 180. Work on the comprehensive programme of disarmament, which forms the core ofthe negotiations on the reduction of armament, both nuclear and con- ventional, should be started in Geneva within the framework of the Committee on Disarmament. The failure ofthe Assembly at the second special session on disarmament to produce a final document on the comprehensive programme ofdisarmament should not be taken as an alibi to avoid the responsibility that devolves on the super-Powers as wellas othermilitarily significant countries. Bangladesh, in its total com-" mitment to general and complete disarmament, has applied for membership in the Committee on Disarm- ament and is ready to contribute to all future disarmament negotiations to be undertaken in the Committee on Disarmament. 181. The present world economic crisis is ofa global nature. The interrelationship of issues and the inter- dependence of the countri~s are so clearly established that isolated measures by any individual country or group of countries cannot solve the contradictions and difficulties that appear as a result of profou~d structural imbalance. On the other hand, we agree with the view that deterioration in the international economi~ situation has in part been d~e to policies pursued in countries with a preponderant weight in the world economy, as tr:u,y have sought to solve their problems on a national basis. The present th~ marked decline in the suffering of the South-East Asian refugees and the high priority accorded by the United Nations to various international problems. Regrettably, there have been setbacks in the oper- ation of the Organization, as evidem:ed in the case of Namibia. 188. One of the primary goals ofthe foundioa fathers of the Organization is nearing achievement. I refer to the aecolonization agenda. While many countries have gained independence in the years since the foundina ofthe United Nations, we are still waiting for Namibia to accede to independence. Namibia is a test case which should give the United Nations the imqe of dn intemational aroiter. If it does not, the United Nations -wm ccntimtt' tOl be characterized by cynics ever~t¥iJh~~~ Ii~ an orpnization of uselessness and ina~dr~r~. When the glorious day of independence finally' ~awn! in Namibia, a sad chapter in the struale of a people to rid itself of foreign domination will be closed. TI'y~ world has witnessed the 'worst defiance of international ftpinion as South Africa has employed one subterfuge tllier another to delay the attainment of independence by the people of Namibia. : 189. We are heartened by the fact that progreas has been made on this issue in recent months; ~t we find it highly disturbing that the withdrawal of South African troops from Namibia is being linked with the withdrawal of Cuban troops from th~ People~s Repub- lic of Angola. No one can question the risht of any sovereign State to determine its internal affairs, including its sovereign right .to seek technical and. military assistance. from any' friendly country. The presence of Cuban personnel in Angola is an extra-, neous issue which shoul'd not delay Namibia's inde- pendence. In any case, it has always been our. stand that South Africa will del~y the independence of Namibia until such time as it may get a Govemment amenable to dictates. One of the ploys it is usini to delay Namibia's independence is setting condi- tions such as the present one. That condition is unnecessary and uncalled for, and it negates the sovereignty of Angola. 190. The numerous obstacles which haye been ~iil~id in the way of a peaceful settlement of the Namibmn issue have delayed the 'solution of 'this problem,. I have to express in the Assdmbly the aenu!ne rear ~d t~nquility have been diminished and the proba- 199. Lesotho does not condone the breach of peace bility ofwar has been enhanced. In this decade of the in the Middle East and southern Africa, nor does it 19808 we are facing a critical situation in which countenance with complicity the presence of foreign man's lust for peace is being replaced by a lust for troops in Kampuchea and Afghanistan. We are fully war. The world order, on both the political and the aware of the complex political and military relation- economic front, conHnues to manifest signs of decline ships in South-East Asia and South-West Asia, and and impending collapse. particularly the strategic interests of foreign Powers 193. This point is all the more poignant at this in those vital areas. In our humble view, the issue of time when we are witnessing a resurgence ofbig-Power peace in those areas does not depend solely on Viet rivalry and a dangerous tendency to assume that Nam's willingness to withdraw its troops from Kampu- superior force is the final arbiter in international chea apd on Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan; it relations. This dangerous trend in the conduct of depends also on an overall recognition of the security foreign policy must be arrested before it is too late. requirements ofeach and every State in those regions. Lesotho will continue to participate in all efforts aimed 200. Another focal point of tension is the Korean at bringing about a global consensus on the vital issues peninsula. We renew our call for resumption of of international peace and security, disarmament and dialogue, without pre-conditions or external inter- the new international economic order, on the basis of ference, be"ween the two parts ofKorea so as to bring the principles of ~he Charter of the United Nations. about a peaceful rt-unification of that artificially 194. Lesotho, as a member of the non-aligned divided land. movement, places a high premium on international 201. I also wish to repeat the wen-known position respect for the independence, sovereignty and terri- of Lesotho on the question of the Falkland Islands. torial integrity of States. We are therefore alarmed The Falklar,ders should be allowed to determine their at the increasing readiness ef States to use force to own future in accordance with their inalienable right safeguard their proclaimed interests or to assert to self-determination as stipulated in the Charterofthe territorial claims, without any regard for the interests United Nations and General Assembly resolution of other States, especially the weak and defenceless 1514 (XV). ones. 202. The history of the human race is replete with 195. J cannot comment on the turrent international international efforts to accord man his rightful place politiall situation without touching on recent events within the community of free nations. Over the past in Lebanon, especially t.he human tragedies that three decades in particular, the international com- have unfolded in that war-tom land. We witnessed munity has witnessed a succession of attempts to earlier the brutal siege ofwest Beirut by Israeli forces. codify legal instruments aimed at the promotion and No sooner had the siege been lifted than a s~ccession protection of t~le basic rights of man. of tragedies began to befall the people of Lebanon and the Palestinian refugees. The world learned 203. IronicaHy) world-wide reports of flagrant and with sh<X:k and dismay of the dastardly assassination persistent violations of the sanctity of the human of President-elect ~ashir Gemayel, only to witness a person continue to filter into the already heavy,agenda few days later an even greater human tragedy and a of the United Nations. This is clearly reflective of ten1b!e spectacle-the massacre of Palestinian man's reluctance to conform deeds to words. civilians in the refugee CLmps of Sabra and ShatiIa.: 204. In this respect, we applaud once more the 196. Those unfortunate events have irrevocably African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights placed the Palestiniad issue at the centre of Middle 8.dopted at the eighteenth session of the Assembly of East politics and have once and for all crystallized Heads of State and Government of the OAU. Signif- its centra! pcsitii'n in all peace efforts. The question icantly, the Charter draws attention to the distinctive ofPalestinian rights and Palestinian self-determinr~!.ion nature ofAfrican values and morals, and also provides cannot be treated merely as a political issue, the for the respective duties and responsibilities of solution ofwhicb is subject to Israel's security require- individuals and groups to their communities. ~sotho .r::~'"Q"~~.' ..~....~~~,~=~~t~::~~~:t!.e~:n~~:~e::i:~::'I:~~-~~1 210. We are, however, far from realizing the fact that the search for a universally acceptable formula of self-reliance through the process of global negotia- tions has not yet been achieved. We are concerned about the continuing hesitation by some developed countries and we urge that an agreement be reached to launch global negotiations not later than January 1983. ;~gion. :We 'call upon South Africa sincerely to offer a similar undertaking. 21:8.. -The PRESIDENT (interpretation/rom French): I shall" now call on representatives who wish to speak in exercise of their right of reply.

I speak today not in reply, but in pr~test 3.\lainst I allegations made at the 19th and 20th meetiniis by' th~ Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and Viet Nam. Tnese stridentaJlq· b~se!e3s attacks on the Unitec't States are nQt.new. They are the shopworn and t~red rhetoric of d~~PQUc.·r6gh.nes•. caught. in their own lies, unable to d~~tingllish-truth; f(~. propaganda. 220. '~, ~y delesatit;>lr 'resPonded during the general debate a~ the thirty-~ix:th session [33rd meeting] h~ was offered ,. Cabinet positim~ ;:- the Com~'1'Jnist Goverm11cnt of Viet r-bm. I slila!1 qu~te him diNctly throughout \~his statemc:ftt; these are his ;;: ~rdsf not ours. ·fn,~)ng Nbu TSii3 states that after the war U i~ rigid authoritman!sm settled down (.ver the efii~rt} c(~untry, an agtboritariannir;~: st~pported by the th: i"d largest army in the wOitd, alibl(lugh Viet N~m i,; h -,'" ., Jd'" 1:.lI: among t e ~\I': ~rest n2tlons m tm~ W~h·a.· • nWl- dreds of thOl:sands w;:.r~ sent to re-edu;:l~t,k,m carr:~~p and. hI} 5ayti~ Jit(~r&Uy millkns uf l;;d.Hnarl cjt~zem; wore fl)rc~d to le~ve th~ir homes ~m(i £~~~t!e ;,n the 8o-called New Econnmic Zom:.s. He aSK3: "An,~ where in an 0 ..' thJis are tl:~ fe~iing..; of th~ common peo~ic? Membet':~:Dfthe former re-~ist~!!(~, their sympathizers, an(1 thnse .yha sl!pportetl the Vie: C(iilg are now fiil{~d witb litt~:metis. These innocent people swear openly that bad they another c.t.ance their choice woul~ he difterenf..., "Viet Nam is now practically an instrument of Soviet expansft)"'!sm in ~outI- ~f'< Asia... uThe radical i:md hidden n,,\ure of the Northern takeover resu!ted in the displacement of virtually every moderate and neutralist element. There was simply nothing to stop the most rapacious and destructive communist plans from being carried out. Carpetbagging Northern officials fought each other, sometimes at gunpoint, for the ~st offices, the most comfortable houses, the most lucrative positions.... UThroughout the country, the people have passively resisted forced collectivization. The Party for its part tries to ascribe economic failure to natural caJamities and the destruction of war, but, in "fact the underlying causes are social and psychological. On the oee hand there is widespread popular discontent and on the other hand the failures of a totalitarian regime," Truong Nhu Tang goes on to say: UNot many people can believe th~se things, just as they could not believe in the past that the North would take over the South and set up a com- munist regime. Bu~ the truth is that for the first' time in our history people have risked their lives to leave Viet Nam; large numbers of Vietnamese never tried to flee their iZ01:lntry ~ ~scape Fmnch domination or thie American intervention. The coun~:y cam~ !n A.p~it 1975 when foreign involve- territorial rights. ment erded. That was the moment to initiate a policy ofnational reconciliation without reprisals, to 228. The problem is to fulfil international treat~s establish a r~presentative Government that would in good faith, which is a fundamental norm of the include a spectrum of political p~ies and pursue a international legal order and one "vhich is in turn foreign policy of non-alignment. That was the the foundation of this and other international organi- moment to foster a spirit of brotherhood and zations and a guarantee of civilized and peaceful focus the country's attention on the task of national coexistence. It is surprising, therefore, that Ecuador reconstruction... is seeking to tandermine the machinery established in the treaty, casting doubt on or expressing disasree- "The Communists, however, chose aggrandize- ment about its implementation as specifically governed ment rather than reconciliation. The moment of by its article 7. military victory was the moment they began to eliminate the NLF." 229. We therefore once again reject any attempt Having admitted his own responsibility for the udisas- by the delegation of Ecuador to express reservations f h T with regard to Governmentactions which Peru is taking trous state' ~ 0 his country, Truong N u ang con- in its national territory, in exercise of its full saver- eludes that . eignty. Our country is not seeking to question what " ... my obligation to my countrymen is greater now sovereizn States do in t'leir territories, nor can we or because the oppression they are sutTering is will we accept others seeking to do sa with respect unparalielcd in Viet Nam's history." to our own. Today, he writes, the Vietnamese and the Indo- 230. Lastly, Peru reiterates its intention to maintain Chinese in general within its legal system the best and most constructive ..... are fighting against the most obdurate and relations with Ecuador. persistent imperiaJists of the century, the Soviets, and there are no anti-war movements in Moscow... "No previous regime in my country brought such numbers of people to such desperation... It is a lesson that my compatriots and I learned through witnessing and through sutTering hI our own lives the fate of our countrymen. It is a lesson that must eventually move the conscience of the world." .- .. _.. - 223. When suc;h a man as Truong Nhu Tang is moved to issue such an im:lictment of the communist regime in Viet Nam, there is little that I n'~ed or wish to add. 224. Mr. PALMA VALDERRAMA (Pern) (inter- pretation from Spanish): At the 20th me,~ting, yester-

Yesterday, throughout his speech, at the 19th meet- ing, the Foreign Minister ofIraq tried to prove that his Government has, during the past years, ~n the champion of the non-aligned movement by showing willingness to sacrifice its own interests for the preser- vation of the movement. It is at once both fortunate and regrettable that the Foreign Minister of Iraq attempts to fabricate and change historical facts before the Assembly, to which all members of the non-aligned movement, ~ho have closely followed the events of the past mO!1th, belong. If is Rgrettable in the sense that the Foreign Minister of Iraq is insulting the intelligence fof the representatives of tbe non- aligned countries. On the other hand, it ~s ·fortunate th~ foreign ministers ofthe countries ofthe non-aligned movement. Toavoidfurther discussion, we would refer 235. Knowing those aspirations and ambitions, the to a message dated 2 August 1982, from President Western imperialist Powers, attempting-in vain- Fidel Castro, Chairman of the movement, addressed to destroy the Islamic revolution, persuaded Saddam to the heads of State and Government of the non- Hgssein to invade the Islamic Republic of Iran, aligned .countries, in which he poi."1ted out-and I promising him financial, military and political support, quote from the unotTtcial translation: either directly or through their lackeys. International publi~ opinion is well aware who unilaterally abrogated &lOuring the past few months, an increasing the 1975 Treaty on 17 September 1980, who invaded number of distinguished statesmen from our coun- Iran, bombarding its capital on 22 September 1980 tries have informed me of their concerns with and who is continuing its illegal occupation ofsome of regard to the absence of appropriate political con- our territories, even to this day. These f~cts are so ditions to hold the said conference at the date and well known that even high-ranking Iraqi officials have at the venue previously decided." had to confess to them in their interviews recorded He continued: in various sources. 236. Concerning the Iraqi claim with regard to its "Unfortunately, the Government of Iraq has not unilateral acceptance and application of Security understood these considerations and it insists on Council resolutions, we should like to call the attention holding the conference in the present situation." of delegations here present to our letters of 1 July,' 233. It should be noted tbat our opposition to the 14 July,9 2S August, and 4 October,IO addressed to venue of the meeting stemmed from a position of the Secretary..General. principle, namely, the principle ofnon-aggression. We 237. Mr. AL-QAVSI (Iraq): Ifwe remove the rhetoric strongly felt-a...,d we annount:ed this feeling in our from what we have just heard from the representative meetings, consultatio":s and press conferences-that, of Iran, we shall surely come to the conclusion that as an 8f58I'essor, Iraq was not qualified to serve as what he has said represents, to say the least, a lack of host for any meeting of the non-aligned movement. respect for the various Foreign Ministers we have We believe that if the Iraqi rulers had been allowed heard during the past two weeks and their collective to serve as hosts for the meeting, the movement call for an end to the war. would have lost its credibility and prestige. We are very pleased that our position of principle was 238. I shall not ta\e up much of the Assembly's accepted by the overwhelming m~ority of the mem- time. The hour is late. and I do not feel that a detailed bers of th~ movement, resulting in their well-advised reply is reqUired. We have a supplementary item on decision to change the venue of the Seventh Confer- the agenda, aad we shall have ample time to putforward ence ofHeads ofState or Government ofNon-Aligned our point of view. Howev~r, just one or two remarks Countries. are in order. 234. On the question of the Iraqi-imposed war of agression against the Islamic nepublic of iran, the Foreign Minister of Saddam's Ba'athist regime has followed the same path of Gistorting facts and then insulting the intelligence and factual knowledge of the re~resentatives present in this Hall. Tf)is is not SUrpriSlOg, for misir.formation and false propaganda have been the specialty of the Ba'athist regime of Iraq, because when one lies one must continue to lie in order to cover up. Our positions concerning the imposed war are so clear and have been stated so many times that we deem it unnecessary to take the time of this body to explain them again. The fal- lacious nature ofthe Iraqi allegations are clear. Only a few more ~:narks are needed at this juncture. The Foreign Minister of Iraq has claimed that I~"has 239. When the representative of Iran speaks on non· alignment, perhaps he ihinks this is the venue of the ministerial meeting of the non-aligned. Eut it is not. And when he talks about fabrications and distortion and misinformation 2.nd the "illegal occupation" of Iranian territories by Iraqi forces, I would say this: We have acceptedlhe setting up of a fact-finding commission to determine who committed aggression; we have accepted observers for a cease-fire and with- drawal. Can he come here now and inform the General Assembly ~hat his Government accepts them too? 240. MefIl.bership in the United Nations has two as~cts: rights and responsibilities. Perhaps the mogt important aspect of membership is that of responsibU- ities, and the most serious of all responsibilities is the 242. All of us know, and the whole world knows, what goes on inside Iran. At the internal level, the blood-letting is rampant. Why should it not be rampant at the international level? A representative ofa regime whic.h allows its military forces to kill prisoners of war in cold blood surely cannot come to the General Assembly to talk in terms of the Charter and in terms of credibility, for of all the crimes one can think of none is more despicable than the killing of prisoners of war in cold blood. NOTES 1 See A/36/534. 2 R~port ofth~ Unit..d Nations Conf~r~nc~on th~uast Dev~/op~d Countri~s, Paris 1-14 Sept~mb~r 1981 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.82.1.8), part one, ect. A. 3 See Official R~cords ofth~ Security Council, Thirty-sixth Y~ar, Supp/~m~nt for July, August and September 1981, document 8/14649. 4 See A/36/586. 5 OjJicial R~cords ofth~ Third Unit~d Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea, vol. XVII, document A/CONF.62/122. 6 Report ofthe United Nations Conference on Newand"Renew- able Sources ofEn~rgy, Nairobi, 10-21 August 1981 (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.81.!.24). chap. I. 10 Ibid., Supp/~mentlor Octo~r, November and De('..embe,. J9&, document 8/15448.