S/37/PV.95 Security Council

Only a few days- ago, on 29 November, we commemorated the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People. Only a few weeks ago, in this very Assembly [85th meeting], we had an opportunity to express our views on the question of Palestine. Almost simultaneously, in a number of Committees, we expressed our views on the plight of the refugees in the Middle East and on Israeli practices in the occupied areas, among other relevant matters. And since 6 December we have been dealing with the situation in the Middle East. 2. All this is indicative of the deep concern of the international community at the state of affairs in that region of the world which is, in many respects, considered the cradle ofour civilization. The numerous s!at~R!e(lts b)' de!~gations from around the world on the various aspects of the Middle East problem- statements which express the positions of the Govern- ments concerned-the numerous votes on the relevant draft resolutions placed before this body and the results ofthem in terms ofthe international support expressed leave no doubt either as to the verdict of the inter- national community or as to the urgency with which the problem must be faced. 3. We have time and again pointed out that the perpetuation of the situation prevailing today in the Middle East poses a serious threat to international peace. So far, the bitter conflict has been restricted to that region. There is, however, the very real pos- sibility that another outbreak of hostilities in that region may spread and eventually engulf the whole world, leading to a major catastrophe. 4. The situation in the Middle East undoubtedly affects the entire international community, and it is disheartening that, although the international com- munity has for over 30 years now been striving to find a just and lasting solution to the whole problem, no such solution seems to be in sight. On the con- trary, the recent Israeli invasion of Lebanon, the mas- sacre of thousands of innocent civilians, Palestinian and Lebanese, including innocent and defenceless women and children, clearly shows thac: we are no- where near peace. Wednesday, 8 December 1982, at 10.55 a.m. NEW YORK 5. Israel's responsibility for the worsening of the situation in the Middle East is heavy. Israel's defiance of the relevant United Nations resolutions, of inter- national law and of world public opinion only dimin- ishes the possibilities for peace. The attempt on the part of Israel to gain international acceptance of the transfer of its c~pital to Jerusalem cannot in any way be seen as contributing to peace. Israel's continuing and increasingly brutal repression of the civilian population in the West Bank cannot possibly be con- sidered a peace gesture. Establishing more and more Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank and de- priving its Arab and Palestinian inhabitants of their land and water cannot be construed as peace moves. Israel's illegal effort to annex the Syrian Golan Heights and the brutal repression of the local popula- tion do not contribute to peace. The bombing of the nuclear facility in Iraq, far from contributing to peace, provides further evidence of the aggressive policies of a State which considers military adventurism the only means of dealing ~ith its neighbours. 6. By its actions so far, Israel has clearly shown that it does not accept a solution to the -Middle East problem along the lines drawn up by the international community acting in the context ofthe United Nations. On the contrary, Israel has shown cotltempt for the t:esolutions of both the General Assembly and the Security Council -and has made it clear in words and actions that the solution it envisages is a military one. 7. The Government of the Republic of Cyprus, in line with the position ofthe Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, of which Cyprus is a member, has re- peatedly asserted that the question ofPalestine and the Middle East can be settled only by acomprehensive and just settlement that ensures: first, complete, total and unconditional withdrawal by Israel from all oc- cupied Palestinian and other Arab territories, including Jerusalem, in conformity wjth the fundamental prin- ciple of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force; secondly, the free exercise of the right of the Palestinians to return to their homes and properties from which they have been displaced and uprooted; thirdly, the attainment and free exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people con- cerning Palestine, including the right to self-determi- nation without external interference and to national independence and sovereignty and the right to estab- lish its own independent, sovereign State. 8. The Government of Cyprus had also consistently supported the position that, in any negotiations on a just and lasting solution of the Palestinian problem, the Palestine Liberation Organization. [PLO], the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, must participate fully ~md on an equal foothlg. 25. It is no longer reasonable, taking into account the range and accuracy of modem weapons, to define "secure borders" in military terms. Security can come only with mutual recognition, respect and con- fidence. 26. In conclusion, I wish to reconfirm Sweden's position that the principles of Security Council resolu- tions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) remain relevant to any effort to bring about a just and lasting settlement of the Middle East conflict. In addition, full account must be taken of the legitimate national rights of the Pal- 44. We think that it is high time to find a compre- hensive, just and lasting solution to the problem of the Middle East based on the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly relating to Pal- estine and the occupied Arab territories. ' 45. After five bloody wars, after long years of untold suffering and considerable loss in human life and eco- nomic resources, one fact becomes clear, namely, the urgent and imperative need to put an end to the tragedy in the Middle East. Any further delay may well expose peace in the region to the danger of being overwhelmed by mounting tension, especially since Israel's position has always been categorically to refuse to consider any Arab moves towards peace. 46. Today, new horizons are opening before us. They consist of various peace plans recently proposed by different parties. In chronological order they are: first, the draft resolution sponsored by Egypt and France, submitted to the Security Council in July 19821; secondly, the plan of President Ronald Reagan contained in his statement of 1 September 19822; thirdly, the eight-point Fez plan, contained in the Final Declaration of the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, adopted at Fez on 9 September 1982 [see A/37/696]; and fourthly, the plan of the late President of the Presidium ofthe Supreme Soviet ofthe Union ofSoviet Socialist Republics, Leonid Brezhnev, proposed on 15 September 1982 [see A/37/457]. 47.My country attaches great importance to all of those proposals, aware, as it is, of the need for the international community finally to begin a peace process capable of leading to a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to the problem. peace~ law and justice in the region. That organization, which so heroically faced the recent Israeli aggression and took part in the negotiations on Beirut, has shown the whole world proof of its existence as an essential party to the conflict. 51. Although Israel rejected the Fez plan, as it has rejected other plans, including the Reagan plan, by resorting to its favourite tactic, defiance and denial of international legality, my country considers that the Fez decisions have given the joint Arab action a new impetus which.is reflected in the contacts undertaken between the permanent members ofthe Security Coun- cil and the Committee of Seven established by the Arab Summit Conference. 52. We hope that these new efforts will lead this grave conflict onto the path towards a comprehen- sive, just and lasting solution. We shall thus have taken advantage of a historic occasion to restore at last peace and security to a sorely tried region and to the peoples who have suffered so much. 53. I should like, before concluding, to quote a part of the message addressed by President Bourguiba to the Committee on the Exercise ofthe Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People on the occasion of the commemoration of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People: "The entire world, and particularly the United Nations, should use all means at its disposal to restore to the Palestinian people its rights to self- determination and the establishment ofits own inde- s~ell as vital political, economic and strategic inter.. ests. In this clash of perceived external interests. those of th~ peoples of the region often become obscured, and the already complex Middle East equa- tion is made even more complex and solutions become even more difficult. In our approaches, therefore, to a solution of the Middle East question, we need to keep uppermost in mind the interests of the peoples of the region concerned. Any attempted solution which is not based first and foremost on their interests will fail.. 63. But the danger to peace and security in the region resides no less in forces within the region itself, and here I refer to the State of Israel, whose ambi- tions, whose ideology, whose practices, whose con- tempt for international law and justice have produced the tension and instability which give rise to s~ch profound concern not only in the Middle East but in the international community at large. Having expelled the Palestinians from their homes and made refugees of the people of that proud nation, the Israelis have expropriated their land and property and, proceeding through a policy offait accompli, are now in illegal occupation of parts of the terrilory of four neigh- bouring States. The inhabitants of those occupied territories are subjected to daily harassment and repres- sion at the hands of the occupying Power. Mea"- while, attempts are systematically being made to alter the ethnic character and the demographic composi- tion of the occupied territories. Throughout their long years of occupation, the Israelis have manifested a ruthless determination to hold onto and even expand their territorial acquisitions. Setting themselves above all law, above the principles of the Charter and the decisions of the United Nations, they have arrogated to themselves the right to attack any State in the region--all in the name ofwhat they call their security interests. These policies and practices combine to make the Middle East a dangerous hotbed of tension and to render more difficult the search for peace in the region. . 64. The efforts of the international community to find such a peace have been at an impasse for several years now. The recent war in Lebanon has added a new dimension of complexity to that problem, as the Israeli occupiers seek, here again, to impose their own conditions for relinquishing their occupation. 65. The indulgence traditionally shown towards Israel by its powerful friend and benefactor has contrfibuted in large measure to this impasse. It is only through that support that Israel has been enabled to maintain its attitude ofdefiance ofthe international community, thereby frustrating all efforts at an eventual solution to the Middle East problem. 66. Comprehensive negotiations on a Middle East peace settlement are universally recognized as the only practical way of resolving this continuing con- flict. The elements of this settlement are well known. 67. In the first place, the national rights of the Palestinian people must be restored to them, includiQg their right to their own independent State. It has ~~~cessi_t.t tha.t r.e~ion._ are commanding increasing acceptance as the basis for 75. Mr. HELSKOV (Denmark): I have the honour to a comprehensive, just and durable settlement. speak on behalf of the 10 member States of the 81. We welcome the new American initiative con- Euro~e.a~ ComJ!1~ni~y. tained in President Reagan's speech on 1 September 76. Since we addressed ourselves to the subject of 19822 • It offers an importar..t opportunity for peaceful the Middle East in the debate on this item during the progress on the Palestinian question and a step towards thirty-sixth session ofthe General Assembly, the situa- the reconciliation ofthe parties' conflicting aspirations. tion in that area has deteriorated further and tensions All parties should seize, without further delay, the have mounted. There has been a continuation and present opportunity to initiate a process of mutual intensification ofconflicts and new acts of violence, in rapprochement leading 'cowards a comprehensive disregard of repeated decisions ofthe Security Council peace settlement. and in violation of international law and elementary 82. In this connection, we emphasize the importance humanitarian principles. Problems relating to the Mid- of the Final Declaration adopted by the Twelfth Arab dIe East have repeatedly occupied the attention of the Summit Conference at Fez on 9 September 1982 [see Security Council and also of the General Assembly. A/37/696], which we see as an expression of the It is imperative for all to realize now that an end must unanimous will of the participants, including the finally be brought to the destructive chain of violence PLO, to work for the achievement of a just peace in in the region. . the Middle East encompassing all States in the area, 77. Prominent among the deplorable events has been including Israel. We renew our call now for a construc- the Israeli invasion of Lebanon last June and the up- tive response on the part of Israel. The Ten call Th 10 upon eachofthe parties tofulfil its international respon- heaval it brought about in that country> e mem- sibilities without further hesitation. They expect each ber States of the European Community vigorously condemned the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. They of the parties to cease ignoring the resolutions of the remain deeply aware of the extensive loss of human Security Council and explicitly to make known their life, the terrible suffering and the massive destruction approval of those resolutions. which was inflicte<! upon its civilian population, and 83. The Ten recall their wish to see the Palestinian once again extend their sympathy and reaffirm their people in a positiol) to pursue their demands by solidarity with th~t friendly country. The Ten reacted political means and by negotiation. They believe that, to the ruthless massacre of Palestinian civilians in for the negotiations to succeed, the Palestinian people Beirut with shock and revulsion, and strongly con- must be able to commit themselves to those negotia- demned this criminal act. tions and thus must be represented at them. Con- 78. The tragic events in Lebanon and the growing sequently, the position of the Ten remains that tension in the occupied territories confirm that the need the PLO must be associated with the negotiations. _for a negotiated comprehensive settlement of the 84. While clearly recognizing that it must be for the Arab-Israeli dispute'which will be both just and lasting. parties directly concerned to negotiate a lasting settle- is more pressing than ever. Furthermore, these events ment themselves, the Ten, in view of the close ties confirm that there can be no real peace or stability and common interests which link them to the Middle in the region unless the legitimate rights of the Pal- East, will continue to promote a peace settlement estinian people are also recognized. along these lines. They will maintain and expand their contacts with all parties to nmprove the conditions for 79. The principles which, in the view of the Ten negotiations towards this end. provide the basis for a peaceful settlement ofthe Arab- Israeli conflict have been set out in the Venice 85. The Ten reaffirm their support for the indepen- Declaration, of 13 June 1980,3 and in subsequent state- dence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and national ments on the issue and are, we trust, well known. unity of Lebanon, which are indispensable to peace Most recently, in the statement on the situation in the in the region, and for the efforts of the Lebanese Middle East issued by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs Government to promote security and national recan- especiatlyb~!giving thew support to the United Nations forces and United Nations observers established by the Security Council, as well as the multinational force in Beirut, to which two of their number contribute. 88. The Ten have repeatedly expressed their ~rave concern at the humanitarian aspect of the situation in Lebanon and stressed the need to adhere strictly to generally recognized humanitarian principles. 89. The European Community and its member Statc§ have contributed to the humanitarian assistance opera- tions in Lebanon. They reiterate their readiness to assist in the relief and reconstruction of the country. 90. The Ten are deeply appreciativ(~ of the relief work which has been c2trned O!!t in Lebanon by dif- ferent international agencies in the most difficult con- ditions. They call on all parties to co-operate with the responsible agencies, as well as with UNIFIL, which, on an interim basis, has been entrusted by the Secu- rity Council with important additional tasks in the humanitarian aad administrative fields. 91. The Ten bad occasion, on 29 November, in the Special Political Committee,4 to express their concern al the continued aggravation of the situation in the occupied territmies. The Ten attach the greatest importance to all matters affecting the rights of the population of the Arab territories which Israel has occupied since 1967, and th ey view with profound and increasing concern Israel! policies in the area during the past year, Nhich have ied to mounting tension and continued unrest. If1l p~rticular, the Ten are deeply concerned hy the Israeli policy on settlements. This concern has been heightened by the recent annom ..ce- ment by the Israeli Gonvernment of its intention to expand further the settlement programme. The Ten reiterate that they consider the Israeli settlements, as \;fell as changes in demographic structure and property ownership in the occupied territories, to be contrary to international law and to the principle of the ~3. The Ten consider that the Israeli withdrawal from Sinai on 25 April last represented an important stage in both the development of peaceful relations between Israel and Egypt and the in!tiation of the peace pro- cess in the Middle East pursuant to Security Council resolution 242 (1967). 94. The Ten are greatly concerned at the continua- tion of the armed conflict between Iraq and Iran. This conflict, ':.'~,~ch has led to great bloodshed and human suffering, is deeply destructive of both coun- tries and contains obvious potential dangers to the security and stability of the region. The Ten recall that they have consistently taken a position in support of an end to the fighting and of a negotiated settlement and that they have given their full support to the various efforts made to bring about a peaceful settle- ment of the dispute. They call urgently for a peaceful solution in accordance with the principles recognized by the international community, such as those outlined by the Security Council. They reaffirm their readines,s to support every effort directed towards peace. They are ready to contribute at any time and in any way that seems to the two combatants likely to be helpful in 'restoring peace between the two countries, as well as to consider, when hostilities have ceased, the pos- sibility ofco-operating in the reconstruction of the two countries. 95. In conclusion, the Ten are convinced that every effort must be made to grasp the present opportuni- ties for making real progress towards peace in the Mid- dle East. While fully realizing the complexity of the issues involved, the Ten reaffirm that problems can and must be solved without recourse to the use of force. They will continue to the best of their abilities to work for the promotion of that goal. 96. Mr. AL-SABBAGH (Bahrain) (iilterpretafion from Arabic): The Arab-Israeli conflict is a long- standing problem which has constantly recurred and has more often than any other been the subject of concern and long discussions in the General Assembly, and has also occupied the attention of world public opinion. This is quite logical, given the importance and gravity of this question, which involves the stability and security of the Middle East. 97. For 34 years now, Israe~ has ceaselessly and with- out pity been practising barbaric aggression against its neighbours, the Arab countries. The Palestinian people has lost its land and its homeland and has suffered persecution unprecedented in history. 98. Israel justifies its terrorism and its aggression against the Palestinian and Arab peoples by invoking 101. Israel must stop describing Palestinians who aspire to right and justice as terrorists. It must stop describing the popular resistance movement in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip as a destructive move- ment. The Palestinians are trying to win their freedom. The arduous resistance they are carrying out from time to time is aimed only at guaranteeing their existence and their independence. 102. The question of Palestine is essentially a humanitarian and a political question. The over- whelming majority.of the countries of the world have recognized Palestine as an independent political entity. In its resolution 3237 (XXIX), the General Assembly provides for the presence of a Palestinian Observer to the United Nations, with the right to participate in the debates. 103. The Palestinian people is the cornerstone of any lasting peace in the Middle East. It is fully entitled _to create its own State on its national soil, within the framework of its sovereignty and independence. The achievement of that objective would undoubtedly facilitate the establishment of a society in which there would be understanding and coexistence be- tween the different races, religions and cultures, as there was before the creation of Israel. The Jewish religion developed in the Middle East-a region rich in values and principles-as did the two other mono- theistic religions, Christianity and Islam, in an atmos- phere of tolerance and coexistence among different - ethnic, religious and cultural groups. The creatioi1 of appropriat~d 50 to 60 per cent of the territory of the West Bank. It has imposed its law on the Syrian Golan Heights. Prior to that, it annexed Jerusalem, thus defying the international community and United Nations resolutions. Israel bombed the Iraqi nuclear installations in June 1981 and warned that it would carry out similar raids on any new nuclear installation. 105. Today, Israel occupies Lebanon, imposes its military presence on that country.and refuses to with- draw its armed forces. Its aircraft continue their recon- naissance missions over Lebanon and other Arab coun- tries. Israel is sowing discord between Christians, Muslims and Druses in Lebanon. It has changed the course of the Jordan River and is now trying to appropriate the territorial waters ofLebanon in order to build a canal between the Dead Sea and the Mediter- ranean to serve its expansionist colonization plans. Israel has closed Bir Zeit University, threatening to expel professors who continue to support the PLO in the West Bank. . 106. Israel is an occupying Power and has no right to adopt these illegal measures in the occupied Arab territories, measures which constitute flagrant viola- tion of the provisions of the Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949,5 which lay down the rights and obligations of an occupying military Power. 107. The perpetuation ofthe Israeli occupation can in no way modify historical facts. Israel must realize, especially after its occupation of Lebanon, that violence and terrorism cannot resolve the question of the Middle East. This has been shown by the facts. 108. It is not necessary to point" out that Israel is an aggressor State which resorts to war to achieve its expansionist aims. Israel thirsts for violence, sows ter- ror and threatens the peace and security of the r~gion. Its objective is to blackmail the international com- munity, to heighten tension and to widen the areas of conflict in the Middle East to strengthen its own existence and extend its influence. It unjustly accuses the Arab countries ofhaving huge military budgets and of accumulating stockpiles of weapons. Israel forgets to say tnat it is its own impressive military arsenals that threaten the peace and security of the region. Israel has appointed itse!f the policeman of the region, using its technical and strategic superiority. It prac- tises nuclear blackmail to exert pressure, to intimidate and to subject the region entirely to its influence. 109. Israel ~§_ f<?!m~.~t a ~tr~~egic alliance with the odious racist South African regime, which practises a policy ofrepression and persecution against the Mrican peoples, preventing them from acceding to freedom, progress and dignity. 110. The continuance of the war between Iraq and Iran creates tension in this sensitive region ofthe world and threatens international peace and security. Like lli~ "In January of this year, when the question came before the Security Council, my Government opposed Israel's ,mposition of its jurisdiction over the Golan Heights. The Council, in conformity with Chapter VII of the Charter, actually considered a draft resolution to impose binding sanctions oh Israel~ but the United States veto made it impossible to impose sanctions on the aggressor. 113. Nevertheless, we hope that real peace will soon come to the Middle East, and we are determined to intensify our efforts to solve the question of Palestine by the establishment of a Palestinian State and not by local autonomy. Trust must be built up. The Arab- Israeli conflict is a focal point of international ten- sion, and it must therefore be treated with full impor- tance, indeed, urgency, ifajust solution is to be found. tt4. We wish to pay tribute to the participants of the Fez Conference and to President Rcagan for their initiatives, which contain positive elements for a peace- ful and just solution to the question. ttS. Establishing a lasting peace is a complex and delicate matter, but we continue to hope that the United Nations will be able to compel Israel to respect inter- national lawfulness and the resolutions and Charter of the United Nations and that the Palestinian people will be able to exercise its right to create an indepen- dent State on its national land.

'For the better part of last week, this Assembly was engaged in the first segment of what has become a perennial double-bill debate, entitled "The question of Palestine" and '~The situa- tion in the Middle East". Little, if anything, was said in the first segment to encourage the hope that the course of peace might be advanced. Nor, regrettably, have the possibilities for discussion offered by the agenda item ostensibly under review here been seized. As we approach the conclusion of this debate, it is obvious that it will yield as little as its twin in terms of constructive analysis and propositions. 117. The situation in the Middle East, contrary to the misconceptions fostered by the traditions of this debate, is not confined to an area constituting 0.4 per cent of the total land area properly referred to as the Midd~e East. The Middle East is a va8! rcgion~ it straddles an unbroken l~md mass considerably larger in size than the United States or China. As I had oc- casion to point out from this rostrum on 2 December [89th meeting], the 21 Arab Statet»--and they are by no means all the States of the Middie East-have a com- bined area of 5.5 million square miles, that is to say, \ over 10 p~r cent of the world's land mass. The ¥iddle East is, ah;o rich in mineral resources, not the least of The link between Middle East oil and arms is in- disputable. The four main oH exporters are also the leading importers ofarms in the M!ddle East and North Africa. That they are also the four most self-righteous debaters in this Assembly is not incidental either. The major Power of the· Arabian Peninsula, for example, spent $14.5 billion on military equipment in 1979, more than seven North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] countries combined, namely, BelgiulP, Canada, Denmark, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway and Portugal. 120. The military fisticuffs of Iran and Iraq have likewise required recent massive expenditures. In 1979, Iraq receivec more arms than any other third~world country, and that was before Saddam Hussein al Takriti marched his legions across the Shatt al Arab. In her book The Game of Disarmament, Nobel Peace Prize winner Alva Myrdal noted in 1979 that soon: "Kuwait, ... with only around· a million inhabitants, will have one of the world's most [sophisticated] modem air defence systems".' One can only presume that this defence system will be needed against its land-hungry neighbours to the north. 121. While the Assembly apparently has abundant time to seize every conceivable pretext to assail my country,' it obviously has no time to address itself to the trivialities that I have referred to. ,despite the fact that we are ostensibly discussing the situation in the Middle East. I shaH therefore try to analyse briefly only some of the current conflicts in the area. Let me,

I apologize to the representative of Israel for in~er­ f'Jpting his statement..The representative ofIraq wishes to speak on a point of order and I call on her. 127. Miss AL-TURAIHI (Iraq): I request the Presi- dent to ask the representativr~ of the Zionist entity to abide by the rules of procedure and not to go into his ". manipulations, which are quite well known and which have been used many times in the Assembly to divert attention from Isr-ael's atrocities.

I call on the representative of Israel to continue his - statement. 134. Can we expect this body to show further con- cern at this horrendous event, or is it to become yet another example of the double-standard syndrome which pervades this Assembly? ~ 135. To the west of Iraq lies Syria-a country whose regime brings together the various causes of conflict in the Middle East and which has itself been a cause of c.~hronic regional instability. It would, of course, be superfluous to dwell upon the well-known mutual n.on··relations of the two fraternal Ba'ath regimes, in Dar.Jrlascus and Baghdad. The severe international prcb- lerns created by Syria uerive to a great extent from EC:B internal situation. 136. From the end of the Second World War until th,~ present regime came into power in 1970, there w(~re a dozen coups d'etat in Syria, most of them bloody. The present regime is a minorifty om~, made up mosUy of members of the Alawite sect. It rests on the bayonets of the brothers Hafiz and Rifat al-Assad. The state of emergency declared as long ago as 1963 is still used by the regime to justify widespread viJla- tions of basic human rights:. ind~Jding those formally guaranteed by "the Syrian constitution. . . 137. A most recent example of Syrian inhumanity to Syrians occurred, ofcourse, in the city ofHama, where in February of this year, according to the ingenious explanation of the repreQentative of Syria in the Sec- ond Committee at the present General Assembly ses- sion, some "deviants" were liquidated. In fact, as The Washington Post reported on 3 May 1982, the city was subjected to three weeks of relentless artillery and tank fire by forces loyal to the Assad brothers. Entire neighbourhoods were reduced to rubble, thousands of persons were killed and an estimated 20,000 children were orphaned. Other reports, among them one by the British Broadcasting Corporation, note that the number of those murdered exceeded 15,000. In the light of Syrian comments on the matter, we may therefore be forgiven for presuming that Syria probably regarded the liquidation of 15,000 "deviants" and the orphaning of 20,000 children as a not-un- toward event in that country, and devised this fashion of celebrating suitably the termination of Syria's term as a member in good standing of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. 138. Like its neighbour Iraq, Syria also stands in- dicted by international monitoring bodies for the plethora of torture and summary executions, and is the subject of one of the longest individual country reports published during the past year. As this material is available to all members of the General Assembly, I shall refrain from quoting from it at length. It is? however, worth noting that these bodies were also concerned about allegations that Syrian security forces 140. Arms supplied to Libya by the Soviet Union -presumably arms for peace-have turned up in Ire- land, the Philippines and Ethiopia. In Africa, Colonel Qaddafi's involvement in Chad, ~3, of course, weB known, whilst his irresponsible adventurism has in- volved his soldiers in other countries, such as Uganda, in abortive attempts to salvage such enlightened regimes as that of Idi Amin. Qaddafi's involvement in the Middle East is at least as great as his involvement in Africa. His neighbours on Radio Tunis described him on 5 Februrary 1980 in the following words: "a man struck with paranoia who misappropriates the riches of his country and uses them for accumulating arms, financing terrorists from all sides and spreading chaos in the Ara.b countries" . 141. His feHow African and Arab, President Nimeiri of Sudan, stated it more succintly. Qaddafi, he said, has '~a split personality-both evil".This was quoted in The New Republic of 7 March 1981. From the safety of Tripoli, Colonel Qaddafi had much to say on the events in Lebanon this summer. On the anniversary of the Libyan revolution on 1September 1982, he referred once again to his immortal advice to the Palestinians to commit suicide: "I would have liked the Palestin- ians to enter into a suicidal battle to the end, since it would have been better for them that way." Once again, Qaddafi said aloud what other Arab rulers, for tactical reasons, really thought but had deemed it preferable to conceal. In suggesting suicide to the PLO, Colonel Qaddafi rem~ined faithful to the real precepts of the Arab rulers' perceptions of the PLO. Colonel Qaddafi" 3 pronouncements were, superficially at least, in sharp contradistinction to those of the PLO's patrons in this body, who have sought to camoufl.age their genuine motives behind a flurry of continued activity and the reckless rhetoric of hastily resumed emergency special sessions, sessions whkh charac- terize the Arab leaders~predHection for hypocrisy and deceitfulness, even towards their own Arab "breth- ren" . 142. Therein lies the real reason for the inordinate amount of time devoted to this subject. The rhetorical barrage here is intended to deaden the sounds ofreality and truth, so clearly perceived by the entire world, with regard to the Arab world's true position towards the PLO and its role in Lebanon. 152. Israel has no territorial ambitions whatsot"ver in Lebanon. We do not covet even one single square inch of Lebanese territory. We do not want to stay in Lebanon or in any part thereof. But we are entitled to demand that proper arrangements be made so that Lebanon should not serve aga~n, as it did for so many years, as a staging ground for terrorist attacks against Israel's civilian population. We are entilled to demand that concrete arrangements be made that would permanently and reliably preclude hostile action from Lebanese soil against Israel and its citizens. 153. No one in the Middle East is more eager than Israel to see Lebanese sovereignty restored, its internal Isra~l wants peace in and with Lebanon. Israel has no quarrel with Lebanen, only with those who want to s",bjugate it. 154. Sadly, this Assembly has missed yet another opportunity to address itself to the real problems underlying the situation in the Middle East; what was said in the debate on the Arab-Israel conflict last week has been repeated ad nause,lIn in this week's discussion. 155. The Middle East is a vast area; its problems are numerous and complicated; they have implications for the world as a whole. The repetitious and dis- torted presentation here of the Arab-Israel conflict, a conflict confined to one small corner of the region,' cannot but lead to the conclusion that this Assembly has indeed no intention whatsoever either of dis- cussing, or of making an attempt to come to grips with, these real problems. 156. Mt:. VRAALSEN (Norway): In the year that has elaps.ed since the last General Assembly debate on the Middle East, the world has witnessed a rapid sequence of violent and tragic events in the region, resulting in human suffering and material devastation of enormous proportions. The loss oflife and the destruc- tion in the wake of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon caused shock and distress all over the world. .. .... _. __ _. - _ .. -.. __ ..... ._e __ . _. . __. . •.. .... . ~ . _. 157. Although there is now a cessation of major hostilities, the situation in Lebanon is still far from normal. The civilian population is still suffering hard- ship and deprivation, and there are still 100,000 for- eign troops in that country. The Lebanese Govern- ment has repeatedly stated its wish that all foreign troops be withdrawn from all of Lebanon, but unfor- tunately so far to little avail. The Norwegian Govern- ment would appeal to those States that maintain a military presence within the borders ofLebanon to pay heed to the appeal of the lawful Government of that country and withdraw their forces. Security Council resolutions 508 (1982) and 509 (1982) should be im- plemented. We also commend and support the efforts ofAmerican mediators Philip Habib and Morris Draper to facilitate a speedy withdrawal of all foreign troops from Lebanon. A comolete withdrawal would make it possible for the Lebanese Govel"ament to re-establish its authority, thereby enabling it to concentrate on much-needed efforts to rebuild the war-ravaged coun- try. A withdrawal of all foreign troops could also give a significant positive impetus to the quest for a comprehensive and lasting peace settlement in the Middle East. 158. Such an impetus would be all the more welcome since, in the aftermath of the war in Lebanon, there have been some positive developments that have rekindled hopes for a new start in the peace process. 159. One such encouraging event is the peace plan outlined by the President of the United States in early September 19822• This plan is to be commended for its realism and constructiveness. In the view of the Norwegian Government, it forms a useful basis in the endeavour to reach a comprehensive peace settlement. Similarly, the set of principles agreed upon at the propo~als jus~ mentioned, the current situation in the M~ddleEast..offers some possibilities for fruitful and constructive negotiations. It must also be stressed, however" that the situation is precarious and could very easily deteriorate once again. It is therefore essent~al that all parties concerned show moderation and restraint, lest the opportunity to 'make progress towards a peaceful solution be lost. 161. With this background, there must be concern about the decision of the Israeli Government to proceed with plans for further settlements in occupied Arab territories. The Norwegian Government deplore's this decision, which can only entail negative con- sequences for the general political climate in the Middle East, and urges the Israeli Government to reconsider its action. 162. The situation for the remaining Palestinian civilians in Lebanon is precarious. A large-scale humanitarian relief action is necessary to alleviate the sufferings of this sorely tried population. In that respect, we appeal to all the parties involved to give every possible assistance to the activities of UNRWA for the benefit of the Palestinian civilians in Lebanon. .. . ~ 163. In the opinion of the Norwegian Government, the basic elements ofa comprehensive, just and lasting peace settlement are contained in the Charter of the United Nations and in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). In our view, the following principles remain the most important ofthese elements: first, that the acquisition of territory by force is un- . acceptable; and secondly, that all States in the area must have the right to live in peace within secure and internationally recognized borders. The third basic prerequisite for a lasting peace in the Middle East is the recognition and implementation of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination. Taken together, these basic principles strike a balance between the most vital inter- ests of the parties concerned. Only if the parties mutually recognize these fundamental interests will it be possible to break out of the vicious circle of violence, hatred' and distrust that has prevailed for so many years. _. _. -~. -- . 164. Obviously, it is not enough to state these prin- ciples in abstract terms. They must be translated into political action. On the part of Israel, that means withdrawal from territories that have been occupied since the 1967 war, and on the part of the Palestin- ians and the Arab countries, it means recognition of Israel and its right to exist within internationally recognized borders. 165. In our view, the Palestinian problem remains at the core of the Middle East conflict. A solution can only be found in the context of direct negotiations between the parties concerned, including the rep- resentatives ofthe Palestinian people. The Palestillians cannot be expected to accept the responsibilities in- herent in any peace solution unless they themselves have had a voice in the negotiations leading to the solution. increa~e in proportion to their number. A good case could ID fact be made for the opposite conclusion. In spite of this, however, it is the conviction of my ~ovemment that the United Nations could play an Important role in any future negotiations for a com- prehensive peace solution in the Middle East. As the Secretary-General points out in his report on the work of the Organization [A/37/J], the United Nations or, IllDre specifically, the Security Council, is the only place in the world where all the parties concerned can sit at the same table. 2 Weekly Compilation of Presidelltial Documellts (Washington, Government Printing Office, 1982), vol. 18, No. 35, p. 1081. 4 Official Rt'ctmls of the Gem'ml Assembl\', Thirt'" sel'ellth Ses- SiOl!,.Special Po!iticai Committee. 38th meeting, and ibid.• Special Poltllml Committee, Ses.'iional Ftlscide. corrigendum. 5 United Nations, Tn'aty Se.ries, vol. 75. No. 973, p. 287. 6 World Armamt'llts mul Disarmamellt: S/PRI Yearbook /980 (London, Taylor & Frands, Ltd., 1980), p. 95. 7 Alva Myrdal, Tht' Game of Di.mmwmellt: Ho'" Ihe United State.'i alltl Russia Run the Arms Rtlct! (New York, Pantheon Books), p. 143.