S/38/PV.11 Security Council

The General Assembly will hear an address by Mr. Mauno Koivisto, President of the Republic of Finland. On behalf of the Assembly, I have the honour to welcome him to the United Nations and to invite him to addr~ss the Assembly. 2. Mr. KOIVISTO; May I begin, Sir, by extending my warm congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Your country and mine have always enjoyed friendly relations. I am con- vinced that you will lead this session to a successful conclusion. 3. Permit me also to express the best wishes of Finland to the newly independent State of Saint Christopher and Nevis, the 158th Member of the United Nations. 4. We in Finland recall vividly the recent visit of the Secretary-General to our country. He made a deep im- pression by his wisdom and experience when analysing the problems the United Nations is facing. I hope that we convinced him of the dedication of the people and Government of Finland to carrying out their responsi- bilities towards the Organiz~tion. 5. As my predecessor did in 1970, I have come to the Assembly in order to -reaffirm Finlaud's active commit- ment to the purposes and principles of the Charter, and to the United Nations as the principal instrument avail- able to nations for keeping the peace in the world. 6. Finland's security is based on co-operation and friendly relations with its neighbouring countries and with all States of the world. We are rea~yand fully committed to work in co-operation with other Member States for collective security under the Charter and for joint action to preserve and to restore peace. 7. Many of the most serious threats to international security today seem, unfortunately, to be beyond the reach of the United Nations. The use offorce in interna- tional relations has remained a regrettably common phe- nomenon. This is one of the principal challenges to the authority of the United Nations. 8. The United Nations must be strengt.henf'4. 9. A strong United Nations is in the interest of every Member State, big and small alike. Yet all too often this is forgotten by the parties to various disputes on the basis of short-sighted calculations and political expediency, with tragic consequences for all. 10. The world can ill afford such a development. To counteract it, we must look realistically at the capabilities of the principal United Nations organs. NEW YORK 11. The Security Council bears the primary responsi- bility for international peace and security. Implementa- tion of and respect for Security Council resolutions by Member States are the corner-stone of the Charter and the foundation on which the viability of the United Nations as a whole rests. This applies to all Member States, yet the heaviest responsibility falls on the perma- nent members of the Council. Their failure to agree in the case of a specific dispute in no way absolves them or the Council from the duties entrusted to them by the Charter. 12. The international community, and in particular small States like Finland, will always look to the Security Council to take swift and decisive action to impose it') will, to stop aggression and to promOte the peaceful settlement ofdisputes. This has often proved impossible. States have learned not to turn to the United Nations in their security need. There is another lesson to be learned: that the task of the United Nations is not only to stop wars, but to prevent them. 13. The United Nations could be the most effective instrument for preventive action. Member States should make full use of the services the Organization can provide for making peace and keeping the peace. This is the way to a rational world order based on the Charter of the United Nations. 14. The Charter remains as valid as ever, but the work- ing methods and procedures of the principal organs of the United Nations may need adaptation on the basis of experience. Above all this·concerns the functioning ofthe Security Council. We hope the Council will b~ able to develop procedures for initiating action in the early stages of conflicts in order to prevent the use of force. 15. Preventive diplomacy and the prevention ofthe use of force are challenges both to the Security Council and to the whole international community. All countries live in the shadow of nuclear weapons, and nothing can be more important than the prevention of nuclear war. Tension between nuclear-weapon States is therefore a source of concern to all. 16. We have been witnessing mounting tension and distrust in recent times. Harsh language has been their measure; increased fear may be their consequence. In this Hall, intended to provide a forum for dialogue in which all States ought to be able to participate without impedi- ment and where courtesy and respect are every Member State's due, I wish to make an earnest appeal for a cool attitude when tempers are hot. Such an attitude does not exclude genero-:-!ty and compassion. 17. Yet to an optimistic mind some signs of hope have been discernible. There are indications that the political will to negotiate has not been lost. The 35 States partici- pating in the follow-up meeting at Madrid of the Con- ference on Security and Co-operation in Europe have agreed on a substantive concluding document, which opens new avenues towards improved security. This fact justifies cautious optimism, as do the hopes recently born that the leading nuclear Powers will finally find a way to proceed successfully in their negotiations on both quence~ we are entitled to expect and to demand that such weapons are never, under any circumstances, used against us and that we' are not threatened with such weapons. We welcome the assurances given so far in this respect by the nuclear-weapon States. We hope that they will eventually agree on a set of effective security guarantees. 23. Finland has sought to consolidate the prevailing nuclear-weapon-free status in the region of northern Europe through initiatives for the creation of a Nordic nuclear-weapon-free zone. 24. The days when a State could pursue a policy com- pletely independent of aUothers are long past. It is there- fore of great importance that all countries, irrespective of their social systems and their belonging to different ~tion with our neighbours in the East. We shall continue to do everything in our power to help build a world order of peace in which nations, conscious of their interde- pendence, will work together as partners and human rights, the civil and political just as much as the economic, social and cultural rights, will be enjoyed by all. 46. At this moment th~ eyes of the whole world are on Geneva, the venue of the negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on strategic arms reduction and intermediate-range nuclear forces. 47. My Government welcomes the new American pro- posals for the intermediate-range negotiations which President Reagan oUtlined in his address to the Assembly on 26 September [5th meeting]. We hope they will make possible at least an interim result in those negotiations before the end of the year. The United States has pro- posed the total renundation of all American and Soviet land-based intermediate-range missiles. That remains our goal. Only such a result could render superfluous the deployment of Western missiles scheduled for the end of 1983. The key to that lies in Moscow. The Government and citizens of the Federal Republic of Germany and all nations of Europe and Asia long for nothing more ar- dently than the attainment of that goal. 48. We do not want to be constantly exposed to the threat of Soviet intermediate-range missil~. We shall not accept a Soviet monopoly of land-based missiles. As the Soviet Union does not at present seem willing to forgo that weapons system complete',y, we pin our hope on an interim agreement that would limit Soviet and United States missiles of this type to the lowest possible number. 49. The new Western proposals have opened up that possibility. They take account of Soviet interests and considerations. I appeal to the Soviet Union not to let the opportunity to achieve a concrete result pass. I appeal to the Soviet Union not to block the intermediate-range nuclear forces negotiations any longer by insisting that the British and French systems be included. 50. The Soviet Union should take careful note of what has been said by President Mitterrand [9th meeting] and' the British Foreign Secretary [10th meeting), and also the Chinese Foreign Minister [8th meeting], about taking into account and limiting strategic systems in terms of arms control policy. 51. We must view these disarmament negotiations at Geneva in the overall context ofEast-West relations. The fact that today the West and East are engaged in such intensive and comprehensive negotiations on confidence- building, arms control and disarmament is encouraging. We have never doubted that the military aspects ofsecu- rity pose the most difficult problems in the detente pro- cess, but the settlement of these issues is indispensable for real detente and for the development of a durable peace order in Europe. 1983, said that a further binding rene:wal of the pro- hibition of the use of force "can help improve the D~velopment requires-and this applies at any time-an inflow of capital and foreign exchange. To the least developed countries, official development aid is crucial. In recent years this aid has accounted for 84 per cent of capital inflows. 88. In the case of the advanced developing countries, on the other hand, the problem ofeasing the external debt is the prime concern. With a volume of some 700 billion dollars and an annual interest burden amounting to SO billion dollars, the debt of the developing countries has assumed dramatic proportions. Co-operation between IMF and development and commercial banks, ag well as between the governments of debtor and creditor coun- tries, must be intensified. The commercial banks must be ready to provide even more i~f\ns. The World Bank, IMF and the regional development banks must make their contribution, and to do so they must receive the necessary . funds from their member countries. The ability of these proven institutions to fun.<:tion must be preserved if the basic conditions for the economi<: recovery of the third world and of the world as a whole are not to be placed in jeopardy. 89. Rescheduling must allow for special individual circumstances and take place within the scope of sensible stabilization programmes. More effective measures are needed to counter protectionism. Commodity markets and the earnings from commodity exports must be sta- bilized. By means of such measures, coupled with resolute adjustment policies on the part of the developing coun- tries, the present crisis can be overcome and the devel- opment process consolidated and energetically continued. 90. To ensure the success of development efforts, the industrial countries must not only keep their markets open to exports from developing countries, but widen them. Protectionist policies in relation to the developing c<mn· tries are tantamount to refusing d~velopment. East-South trade must also be intensified. The industrialized state- trading nations ofEastern Europe account for only four per cent of exports from developing countries, whereas the market economy industrial countries absorb 67 per cent. Thus, the Western industrialized countries import more than sjJ{teen times as much from the developing countries as the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance [CMEA] countries, although they have only about twice their population. CMEA's economic planning is there- fore, obviously, of a protectiomst character. 91. It is time the East European industrial countries created wider possibilities for imports from developing countries. Only thus will they meet their responsibility towards the third world. Helping those countries in their development is a dictate of peace and, especially in relation to the poorest nations, an expression of global solidarity. 92. Yet it can never be more than an aid towards self- help. The key to successful development lies ultimately in the economic and social policies of the third world nations themselves. Here it will be important to draw on the experience of three development decades. 93. The economic co-operation of the Federal Republic of Germany is concentrated on four main areas: rural de- ~elopment; the development ofconventional and renew- able sources of energy; education, particularly vocational and primary education; and environmental protection. 138. We regard as particularly positive the fact that at the Madrid meeting a consensus was reached on conven- ing the Conference on Confidence- and Security-building Measures and Disarmament in Europe and that it was agreed to organize a number of meetings ensuring a continuetion of the process initiated in the capital of Finland. 139. It is now extremely important to continue and consolidate the results obtained in promoting security and the development of co-operation in Europe. To this end, Romania has proposed that direct negotiations begin between the States parties to th~ Warsaw Treaty and the States members of NATO on the freezing and reduction of military expenditures, on disarmament and on the elimination of the danger of war. Bearing in mind the share of these States in world military expenditures and armaments, the conclusion of an agreement among States participating in the two military alliances would be an important contribution to the process ofgeneral disarm- ament. A£ far as Romania is concerned, it has decided to freeze its military budget at the 1982 level until 1985. 140. An important contribution to military disengage- ment and the strengthening of security and confidence among States would be the creation of nuclear-weapon- free zones in various parts of the world. The Romanian proposal on making the Balkans a zone of peace and good-neighbourliness, friendship and co-operation, free from nuclear weapons, foreign troops and military bases, is part of this effort. i41. Events show that the anachronistic and profoundly dangerous policy of the use or threat of use of force in inter-State relations and of recourse to pressure and interference in the internal affairs of other States are a source of conflict and tension and unrest in international life. Such factors fuel the arms race and generate attacks on the peace, security and progress of peoples and their vital rights and aspirations. 142. The supreme interests of peoples, peace and inter- national security demand the resolute elimination of the policy of force and the threat of force in every form and manifestation, the cessation of military actions and armed conflicts and the settlement of all disputes between States exclusively by peaceful means, by negotiation. 143. It is in the spirit of this position of principle that Romania believes that international bodies, above all the United Nations, must play a more active role and make a more effective contribution to bringing about and means for putting into practice such relations among all States. 147. Romania is deeply concerned over the persistence of serious hotbeds of tension and conflict in various parts of the planet. Of particuJar concern is the situation in that so heavily affeded region, the Middle East. 148. The conflict in this area, including the disturbing situation in Lebanon, must be settled st~rting from the central priority problem, namely, ensuring the rights of the Palestinian people. In this respect it is necessary to begin negotiations as soon as possible. Romania, as is known, has come out in favour of organizing an inter- national conference under United Nations auspices, with all interested parties participating, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the Soviet Union and the United States of America, in order to arrive at a com- prehensive, lasting and just solution of the Middle East conflict. Such a settlement presupposes the withdrawal ofIsraeli troops from the Arab territories occupied after the 1967 war; the solution of the Palestine problem on the basis of the right of the Palestinian peop~e to self- determination, including its right to establish its own independent State, and the guarantee of the indepen- dence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States in the region. 149. At the same time, we advocate maintenance ofthe cease-fire in Lebanon, national reconciliation, the com- plete \vithdrawal of Israeli troops from Lebanon and respect for the independence, sovereignty, national unity and territorial integrity of Lebanon. 150. I should like to take this opportunity to reaffirm from this rostrum Romania's solidarity with and active support for the position and initiatives of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in its efforts to ensure the peaceful and independent unification of that country. 151. In the spirit of Romania's traditional policy of supporting the struggle of peoples for freedom and inde- pendence, I should like to express once again the militant solidarity of the Romanian State and people with the Namibiaq people in its struggle to achieveindependence 171. In this spirit, Romania is carrying out a broad range ofinternational activities, focusing on developing its relations with all socialist countries-first of all with its neighbours-and on expanding its relations with devel- oping countries, non-aligned countries and other States, in the spirit of the principles of peaceful coexistence. 172. I should like to reafirrm the determination of the Romanian delegation to contribute, together with other delegations, to imding practical solutions, solutions which are as effective as possible, to the numerous important issues on the agenda of this session, so that through common effort and in a constructive spirit of co-oper- ation we shall be able to ensure' the triumph of reason, of the policy of understandin:~, detente, security and peace, and of respect for tJ!: national independence of all peoples. 173. Mr. ANDREOTTI (Italy) (interpretation from French): Vie are approaching the end ofanother year that has not been favourable either for international society or for the Organization which is its highest universal embodiment. 174. Wars and areas of crisis and zones of tension and instability stilI form the dramatic and alarming setting of our planet. The efforts of the United Nations-and in particular those of the Secretary-General, which de- serve our appreciation and support-to overcome crises &S a whole. This applies in particular to long-range weapons, whose deployment, initiated by the Soviet Union as far back as 1977, has destabilizing implica- tions which seriously concern my country. 180. We consider that the negotiations should continue without any time limits or arbitrarily imposed dead- lines. In contributing actively to the joint elaboration within the Atlantic alliance of the Western negotiating positions at Geneva, Italy has always thought it neces- sary to take account of the Soviet security concerns that seem reasonable. 181. I should like to recall that at the twelfth special session last year, devoted to disarmament, I had the honour to make a statement here on behalf of the Inter- Parliamentary Union,4 an organization broadly repre- sentative of the world's parliaments. 182. We listened with great interest to the address by the President of the'United States [5th meeting], which we appreciated for its open-minded approach and for the constructive attitude to the validity of this Organization, which served to stop the controversy that recently arose on the subject. 183. We noted in particular the confirmed readiness of the United States to undertake negotiations and the new United States proposals on Euromissiles, which indicate great flexibility. To us these proposals seem likely to encourage a fav~:)llrable negotiating climate. 184. In spite of expectations, however, the first reply given by the Soviet Union unfortunately does not seem to be a positive one. Nevertheless we hope that Moscow wilfreconsider this latest proof of the West's desire for an under~tandingand will abandon certain unacceptable 208. Although they differ on important points, the Reagan plan and the Fez Declaration do not appear irreconcilable. Forthose two approaches to a solution to converge, efforts must be made to start a political dia- logue and a negotiating process leading to mutual recog- nition between Israel and the PLO, which Italy has repeatedly advocated. 209. The dialogue initiated between Jordan and the PLO was linked to that requirement. It is thus a matter of regret that it has been stopped, and we hope that the groundwork will be laid for its reactivation, arduous as that task may appear today. 210. The Italian Government considered the develop- ments in the Lebaaese situation, before the cetiSe-fire just announced, particularly serious. We hope that the suf- ferings of the Lebanese people, already so sorely tried, have come to an end. We also hope that a phase of national reconciliation may begin, through a dialogue between President Gemayel's Government and all repre- sentative Leh.mese forces. To the achievement of that truce, for which the United States and Saudi Arabia worked so intensely and which was supported by Damas- cus, Italy made a contribution through diplomatic efforts exerted jointly with the two European Community COWl- tries, France and the United Kingdom, which are part of the peace force. 211. We stand firm in supporting Lebanon's requests for the withdrawal of all foreign forces still occupying that country. The Israeli-Lebanese agreement of 17 May, reached after over-long and arduous ",~gotiations,could have constituted, and perhaps still can constitute, a first step towards pacification. It must, however, be promptly put into effect in the field and must be followed by agreementl) which, while respecting the various legitimate interests, including those ofSyria, will result in the with- drawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon. 212. The cease-fire will probably need Qutside support, through the deployment of observers. It is our wish that this measure may be undertaken within 'the framework of the United Nations. Italy is prepa:red to consider making a contribution. 213. The Italian contingent serving with the multina- tional force---established a year ago, interalia for urgent humanitarian reasons, when it proved impossible to reach a decision on the deployment ofa United Nations force- and the Italian helicopter conting~ntattached to UNIFIL are there in the interest ofrestoring Lebanon's sovereignty and independence with full respect for its democratic traditions and the diverse interests of the communities of that country, as well as to help protect the civilian population. 214. We view with deep concern the continuing conflict between Iraq and Iran, two countries with which Italy has long-standing ties of friendship and fruitful co-oper- adon. Three years of strife and bloodshed have resulted entir~o/ satisfactory, contains the elements necessary to ~ta.tes .IS the first ~t~p towards re~oncilingdiverging posi- tions m the polItical, economic and social field the international community is still identified with £ts highest universal embodiment, the United Nations. 233. The warning concerning the shortcomings of the Organization, put forward in the report on the Work of the Organization submitted by the Secretary-General at the last session, has given us all cause for profound ~~ncern. We have unders~ood the message and agree that It IS necessary to make adjustments that can revitalize the principles of the Charter, principles which we still find valid today and which, in our opinion, should not be changed. 234. Stren&thening the United Nations system ID~d a more dynamIC role for the Organization to which we are proud to belong will be possible only through closer coUaboration between Member States. I am not referring ~n,Iy to_ca--operation in the economic field, vital though It IS. We look to a broader concept of co-operation in political, economic, social and cultural fields. 235. In this context, a Conference of the Inter-~arlia­ mentary Union will be meeting at Seoul in a few days' tim~ to discuss the possible strengthening of the united Nations through the action of national parliaments. Italy will do its utmost to ensure that the Conference leads to concrete results. 23,6. In. the quest for peace and international co-oper- ation, this great assembly of peoples remains mor.e than ever the natural and irreplacable forum. It was in this forum that 38 years ago nations great and small resolved to join in a solemn undertaking: "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war" and "to reaffIrm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person".

I now invite members of the Assembly to turn their attention to document A/38/414/Add.2, which contaiilS a letter dated 23 September 1983 addressed to the Presi- dent of the General Assembly by the Chairman of the Committee on Conferences. As members are aware, the Assembly, in paragraph 34 of its dr.cision :34/401, decided that no subsidiary organ of the General Assembly should be permitted to meet at United Nations Headquarters during a regular session of the General Assembly unless explicitly authorized by the Assembly. 238. As indicated in the letter I have just mentioned, the Committee on Conferences has recommended that the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples be authorized to meet during the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. May I take it that the Genercl Assembly adopts that recommendation? The meeting rose at 12.55 p.m. NOTES 30f/fcial Records ofthe Economic and Social Council, 1983, Sup- plement No. 3, chap. XVII. *Resllmed from the 4th meeting.