S/PV.7778 Security Council
Provisional
The meeting was called to order at 10.05 a.m.
Adoption of the agenda
The agenda was adopted.
The situation in Somalia Report of the Secretary-General on Somalia (S/2016/763)
In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Somalia to participate in this meeting.
On behalf of the Council, I welcome His Excellency Mr. Abdusalam Hadliyeh Omer, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Investment Promotion of the Federal Republic of Somalia.
In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Mr. Michael Keating, Special Representative of the Secretary- General for Somalia and Head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia, and Mr. Francisco Caetano Jose Madeira, Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission for Somalia and Head of the African Union Mission in Somalia, to participate in this meeting.
On behalf of the Council, I welcome Mr. Madeira, who is joining us via video-teleconference from Mogadishu.
The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda.
I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2016/763, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on Somalia.
I now give the floor to Mr. Keating.
Mr. Keating: Much has happened since the Council visited Mogadishu on 19 May. Let me begin straight away with what is no doubt for all of us the immediate concern — the electoral process — before I turn to related developments in Somalia.
About 24 hours ago, the Federal Indirect Electoral Implementation Team (FIEIT) announced that Somalia’s electoral process would require an additional 30 days, culminating in the election of a new President of the Federal Republic by the end of November. The renewed delay raises a number of fears. Let me name just two: first, that the process is being politically manipulated,
and secondly, that this delay may only be one of yet further rolling delays.
The scope for political manipulation of the process remains high, but having closely accompanied the work of the FIEIT and its regional counterparts, the state-level indirect electoral implementation teams, I believe that this further delay was not orchestrated by any actor seeking immediate political benefit. Indeed, the FIEIT insisted that it needed more time over the objections of powerful political actors, including presidential candidates, the international community and this very Council. The President has actually shared his concerns about the delay with me, as have other leading actors. The Council repeatedly stressed that Somalia must avoid an extension of the constitutionally mandated term limits, but the Council has also emphasized the importance of a transparent, inclusive, fair and credible process that yields a Somali Government and Parliament enjoying enhanced legitimacy. There is a creative tension between doing this as thoroughly as possible and doing it on time.
Parliamentary elections will now take place between 23 October and 10 November, and the presidential election by 30 November. What is most critical at this point is that the new extension does not create additional space for manipulation or disruption by spoilers. Rather, the urgency and momentum must be maintained and the additional time used to ensure that the process is as transparent and credible as possible. Much preparatory work has been completed and implementation has in fact begun. Registration of the 14,000 delegates and hundreds of parliamentary candidates is in progress. In parallel, the nomination of candidates for the new federal Upper House is under way.
There is a further challenge. Under the constitution, the mandate of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was to have ended by 10 September. The Security Council, in its presidential statement of 19 August (S/PRST/2016/13), noted the National Leadership Forum’s consensual decision to extend the current mandates of the federal institutions to respect the electoral calendar adopted in early August. Against the backdrop of an additional delay, it will nonetheless be critical to avoid an institutional vacuum while, at the same time stressing that this should be a de facto caretaker period, with no major decisions or declarations by any of the existing institutions.
The 2016 electoral process is a novel and exciting experience for a country that last held national elections in 1969. It is best described as a political process with electoral features, rather than just as an election. Every aspect of the electoral model has been politically negotiated, with many painful compromises made between interest groups and clans. There has been a tendency among many actors to try and resolve long- standing and highly complex political issues through this process, including — to name just a few — the status of the federal capital, Somaliland, Hiraan and Middle Shabelle, the role of political parties, corruption and illicit financial flows, the rights of minorities, and women’s long fight for justice and equality .
The electoral model is imperfect. No one is entirely happy with it, and that may be a good sign. It is literally extraordinary — a one-off never to be repeated again. It took over a year to fashion, in an exhaustive process that included unprecedented public consultations. And yet, this process has electoral features that are critical to Somalia’s aspiration to undertake one-person/one-vote elections in 2020, and that signify the overall progress that Somalia has made since 2012.
These features include the election of a new Upper House on a geographical, not just clan basis; a step away from the so-called 4.5 formula; the conduct of the election in at least five locations around the country, not just Mogadishu; genuine competition for seats in both houses; the establishment of an independent implementation body; and the setting of clear rules of the game. They also include the broadening of the electoral college from just 135 men in 2012 to more than 14,000 citizens, 30 per cent of whom must be women and 20 per cent youth. And there have been a number of hard-won provisions to realize the commitment made by the National Leadership Forum to 30 per cent seats being reserved for women.
Even though the numbers involved may seem relatively modest, this is a complicated process requiring a high degree of dedication, organizational capacity and some bravery to implement. The security and logistical challenges alone are considerable. Allow me to pay tribute here to the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and Somali security authorities for planning and protecting the process. There are likely to be attacks by Al-Shabaab, and possibly violence instigated by others.
The process includes not just a secret ballot and instantaneous communication of results, but also other measures put in place with United Nations technical support to bolster the credibility of the process. These include a code of conduct for all candidates — parliamentary and presidential — and the creation of an electoral dispute resolution mechanism. The latter is now being established with, significantly, the inclusion of advisors provided by the international community. There shall also be electoral monitors provided by the African Union, the European Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the League of Arab States and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, as well as local Somali organizations.
All this has been organized at great speed, in the absence of national institutional capacity and with little local experience of organizing anything on this scale for many decades. I am therefore under no illusion about the challenges ahead and the scope for things to go awry, but if we remain vigilant and unified this process could mark a positive, watershed moment for Somalia.
The road to peace and stability in Somalia will still be a long one. The FIEIT declaration that the voting for the regions of Hiraan and Middle Shabelle should take place in Mogadishu rather than in those two regions risks deepening clan differences related to the formation of the last remaining proto-federal member state. Efforts must therefore continue to advance an inclusive and, ultimately, sustainable state formation process in Hiraan and Middle Shabelle. Allow me to recognize IGAD’s valiant efforts in that regard.
Violence remains a feature of life for too many people. Al-Shabaab has continued to mount spectacular attacks against soft targets, notably in Mogadishu. The most egregious of these were on 21 August in Galkayo and on 30 August against the Somali Youth League hotel in Mogadishu. Civilians have been the main victims. These attacks have underscored the urgency of efforts both to degrade, defeat and dismantle Al Shabaab and to address the conditions that make it possible for the group to survive. AMISOM remains vital to Somalia’s security. Its troops are paying a heavy price to bring security to the country. They need to be supported in their effort to take the fight to Al Shabaab- controlled areas.
Somalia has also seen the repatriation of an unprecedented number of refugees from Dadaab in
neighbouring Kenya. This has raised anxieties about Somalia’s ability to absorb returnees, given an internally displaced population already estimated at more than 1 million and extremely fragile host communities. Efforts are under way, involving federal and federal member state authorities, as well as the United Nations and partners, to pursue durable solutions. Concerns are also increasing about the growing number of people — now close to 5 million — suffering from malnutrition and food insecurity. I regret to say that only 32 per cent of the humanitarian response plan has been funded at this point.
And Somalis continue to face multiple human rights deficits. On 4 September, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia, along with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, issued a public report on freedom of expression. While significant, commendable legal and institutional measures are being put in place by the Somali leadership — including the passage of the national human rights commission law — the fact is that harassment and intimidation of journalists, members of Parliament and civil society actors remains widespread.
The situation of women and children, including children captured from Al-Shabaab and sentenced to death, is of grave concern. The July visit of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict reinforced advocacy with both the Federal Government and the Government of Puntland regarding the need to uphold international law, particularly the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which Somalia ratified last year. Yesterday, the Puntland authorities told my Deputy that they would immediately transfer all children under 15 to a rehabilitation centre and revisit the death sentences that were handed down.
The challenges are considerable but, crucially, progress is being made in almost every domain. On 10 September, IGAD held a meeting of Heads of State and Government in Mogadishu— the first such summit on Somali soil in 42 years. The significance and psychological impact of this should not be underestimated. Central to continued progress will be the arduous task of establishing institutions that are both capable and trusted by all Somalis. Accountable governance and capacity across the board is at the heart of the State-building agenda. The good news is that many of the conflicts between clans and power-brokers that have plagued Somalia over the past decades have
been converted into politics. Administrative capacity is gradually being established around the emerging federal architecture — an architecture that did not exist a few years ago — and the political basis for that institutional capacity, whether to strengthen the rule of law, generate revenues, provide public services, fight corruption or improve security, is broadening.
An important development has been the emergence of the National Leadership Forum as a key decision-making body. Its status will need to be resolved, like so much else, through the constitutional review. But its political value as a forum for bringing the country’s leadership together, both from the Federal Government and regional states, is beyond doubt. That has been evident recently in the security field, not only in approving the new policing model, consistent with Somalia’s federal architecture, but in its latest meeting two weeks ago, by deciding to establish a National Security Committee. That provides the international community a docking point for advancing a comprehensive approach to security that encompasses policing, community recovery and the extension of State authority, and efforts to counter violent extremism. I am delighted that the Government issued a national strategy and action plan for the preventing and countering of violent extremism only two weeks ago.
A major priority now is to define and implement a plan for structuring and strengthening the Somali national security forces, at the same time as strengthening the capacity of security forces to accompany AMISOM in taking the fight back to Al-Shabaab. The AU Commissioner for Peace and Security has said that AMISOM’s transition will begin in October 2018. There is therefore no time to lose to build capable, accountable and affordable security forces trusted by all Somalis.
Other key priorities, beyond the electoral process, include the review and finalization of the federal constitution, agreement on revenue and resource management and sharing, preparations for one-person one-vote elections in 2020, which will be a formidable undertaking, and steps to attract both private and public international investment, including through debt relief. So there is no shortage of tasks at hand, but progress towards them is encouraging.
Allow me to conclude by thanking the members of the Security Council for their unified position on
Somalia and for the advice and support that I continue to receive. We are determined to ensure that the electoral process is implemented, fully aware of the risks, with no further delays, and we are aware of the consequences if it is not seen as legitimate and complete. But if all goes well, the stage is set for the Somalis to take their country to a new level of membership of the international community in the coming months.
I thank Mr. Keating for his briefing.
I now give the floor to Mr. Madeira.
Mr. Madeira: I would like to express my full agreement with everything that Ambassador Keating said in his briefing. I shall therefore limit my intervention to security aspects, specifically in relation to security for the election itself, the security of the candiates, the offensives and our exit strategy.
The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is working hand in hand with the Somali national security forces and the election security task force, and we are making progress. There was an issue with Cadaado, and agreement was recently reached whereby AMISOM would deploy in Cadaado in the coming days to ensure that the security aspects of the election are well looked after.
With regard to the security of the candidates, the election security plan for the 2016 elections, jointly adopted by the Federal Government of Somalia, AMISOM and the United Nations, already foresaw the possibility of requests for personal security, as is already happening. However, the issue was equally widely debated by members of the international community accredited in Somalia and based in Mogadishu and Nairobi, who devoted a specific meeting to discussing the security to be provided to traditional elders, candidates and other eminent persons participating in the electoral process, the electorate, election bodies, observers, election facilities, public venues, accommodation premises and the community in general, so as to ensure an incident-free election. Participants unanimously concluded that, given the large number of elders, candidates, eminent persons and other entities in need of special protection and security during the electoral period, it was materially impossible to provide dedicated personal security to individual candidates, elsers and eminent persons at their residences or in the form of convoys and escorts, due to reduced capacity and a scarcity of equipment and other resources. However, it was agreed that collective
security for them would be possible. That would be provided for a predefined period prior to, during and after the elections, in specifically designated locations, such as election centres, assembly points, polling stations, some public venues and buildings, as well as hotels, residential areas and other duly identified accommodation premises.
In that context, we are currently seeing the movement of various security groups converging onto Mogadishu. That is causing a serious security problem, as Al-Shabaab can just disguise themselves as such a group and do damage. Somali national security forces and AMISOM are working on this and discussing these matters to see how these specific issues can be handled. An important meeting will take place tomorrow in that regard.
Another important aspect is the need to continue the offensives to dislodge Al-Shabaab from its hideouts and to degrade and disrupt their activities and eventually destroy it. In that connection, it becomes extremely important that this time the offensive not just be for us to remove Al-Shabaab from its hideouts; we need to effectively occupy the cities and towns that Al-Shabaab presently occupies so that they do not come back to retake them. To that end, we need to work hand in hand with the forces in place, local populations and Somali national forces. For that, those forces and entities need support. Such support is not yet forthcoming. It is important that specific attention be given to this matter; otherwise we will continue to do what we have done many times, removing Al-Shabaab from towns and then having to do it again once they return.
Capacity-building for the Somali security forces is a central concern. There is no way that AMISOM or any other external forces can bring lasting peace to Somalia unless and until the Somalis themselves are capable of taking over responsibility for the security of their country. We have been given 21,000 uniformed troops, which are presently benefiting from Security Council- approved logistical support. Those forces are still not capable of taking on Al-Shabaab in a sustainable manner because they lack the basics — coordinated training, a common doctrine, uniforms, equipment, rifles and even barracks where they can be housed and trained. We need to address those issues with the required urgency.
As was rightly said, AMISOM is organizing itself in a manner to be able to start leaving Somalia by 2018. It would not be the right thing to do if by that time Somalia is still not capable of taking care of its security responsibilities.
What must be done in that regard is very clear. The 2016 African Union-AMISOM concept of operations clearly outlines the steps that have to be taken, and those steps start with us — dislodging Al-Shabaab from the main towns in Lower Shabelle and from the main port cities in the north-east of the country, and to do that we need everyone to cooperate, particularly the Somali National Army. The Commissioner for Peace and Security presented a very detailed letter to the appropriate United Nations bodies in New York. We would like to ask the Council to look at that letter, consider what each point means and aims to achieve and give us a response as quickly as possible, because the rainy season is starting and we need to launch our offensives. A plan has already been adopted and we are about to leave, but we badly need the logistical support that has to be approved by the Council.
I thank Mr. Madeira for his briefing.
I shall now give the floor to the member of the Security Council who wishes to make a statement.
My delegation has asked for the floor in the belief that today’s meeting is informative not just for the Security Council but for the membership in general. As an elected, non-permanent member of the Council, we feel that it is up to us to share the information with the membership that elected us — that is, to share our opinions about what is discussed at such meetings. We feel that this helps improve transparency in our work.
I would like to thank Mr. Keating and Mr. Madeira for their detailed briefings, and especially for their excellent work and untiring dedication in what is an extremely difficult area in every sense. We saw the difficulties on the ground for ourselves when we visited Mogadishu in May.
Uruguay believes that we have seen genuine progress in recent months in creating a federal State in Somalia, including preparing the framework needed for a political transition this year. Somalia has embarked on the process of transitioning power that will eventually produce a new Parliament and Government. It is a decisive and historic moment on the country’s path to
consolidating a democratic, inclusive, stable and fully empowered State. Somalia has also begun to prepare the way for general elections in 2020 on the basis of one person, one vote. That progress could still falter, however, which is why Uruguay was very sorry to hear the news received in just the past few hours of another postponement of the election dates previously announced for October and November. We strongly urge the Somali authorities to stick to the new dates.
Uruguay deplores the continuing threat of the terrorist group Al-Shabaab, which is the main threat to peace and security in Somalia. It continues to be a latent problem in the centre and southern parts of the country in spite of the efforts to deal with it. Unfortunately it appears that Al-Shabaab is likely to step up its activity during the run-up to the elections. In our view, it seems clear that security sector reform is key, especially regarding the provision of fast and effective training for the Somali National Army. Operations with the regional forces should be planned and coordinated in order to facilitate more effective participation by the National Army in joint operations with the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), which will enable the Federal Government’s security forces, including the police, to take on more responsibility for maintaining peace and security and protecting Somali citizens.
Uruguay is very concerned about the increased violations of human rights in the first half of the year, mainly as a result of security operations and Al-Shabaab’s activities. The measures in place for preventing sexual violence and protecting people from it are still inadequate, and the issue is a particular problem for internally displaced persons and civilians affected by the conflict. Despite the significant commitments for protecting children that the Somali authorities have made in the past few years, the detention of children for alleged links to Al-Shabaab is still worrying. Uruguay calls on the Government of Somalia to ensure that children are treated primarily as victims and that its guiding principles are the best interests of the children involved and international standards for their protection. The death sentences that have been given to children in Puntland are unacceptable and violate international instruments regarding children.
Uruguay would particularly like to emphasize the importance of protecting civilians, particularly children, women and the elderly, and we urge the Federal Government of Somalia to pursue mediation and stability, especially in areas where access to supplies and
humanitarian aid is vital. We reiterate that the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia, AMISOM and the international community should work more closely than ever, and with better coordination, with regional administrations and the Federal Government in order to prioritize capacity-building and the strengthening of regional institutions, so as to help regional administrations to consolidate and gradually create the conditions needed for providing governance, security and basic services to local populations.
I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Somalia.
I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on New Zealand’s stewardship of the Security Council in the month of September. I am grateful for this opportunity to brief the Council today.
There is a new dawn in Somalia. As I am speaking here today, many aspirant parliamentarians are returning to their constituencies to win over voters so that they can represent them in the next Parliament. Billboards and campaign material for the presidential hopefuls are all over the city as the candidates seek to win the hearts and minds of the Somali people ahead of the election. That is a truly historic leap forward in terms of democratization in Somalia, and clear evidence of the spirit and values of democracy that are taking shape in our country. It is clear how much progress has been made, and Somalis are justly proud of the steps they have taken to establish institutions, lay the foundations for an inclusive federal State and rebuild their country from the ground up. And the direction is upwards. It may not be as rapid or as smooth as we would like, but Somalia is making progress.
Somalia faces the dual challenge of advancing development and reform initiatives in a complex environment. With the support of our brave national security services and the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), we are successfully fighting a war against international terrorism. The threat is indeed international, because today no country, no matter how powerful, can insulate itself from terrorism. Al-Shabaab, Al-Qaida, the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham, Boko Haram and others are a threat to all of us, wherever we are, simply because we refuse to conform to their futile, violent ideology. Terrorism is truly an evil without purpose or geography and can be defeated only in partnership across all sectors internationally.
Over the past four years, the Somali National Army and AMISOM have regained key towns and cities. Today, Al-Shabaab controls less than 10 percent of the country’s territory. In recent months, many of its key leaders have been eliminated and others have defected, and their violent ideology is truly shunned by the Somali people.
The Somali national forces and AMISOM have proved that Al- Shabaab is vulnerable and divided and can be defeated through coordinated military action time and again. Owing to the success of the joint operations of the Somali National Army and AMISOM, Al-Shabaab has turned to small-team asymmetric warfare tactics to conduct higher-impact terror attacks against soft targets in Somalia and, increasingly, in neighbouring countries.
In response, our Government is working with partners and neighbours to enhance security cooperation so as to enable us to respond to the threat together and swiftly. The Somali Federal Government and the Somali people are grateful to the troop-contributing countries within AMISOM for their support in stabilizing our nation. We fully recognize the great sacrifices that their soldiers have made and continue to make in the service of our country and our people’s future. Their courage and service will never be forgotten, and their memories will always be honoured by us.
In the long term, it is fundamental that the Somali national security forces be in a position to take over the entire security responsibilities of Somalia and for Somalis from AMISOM. This is the only way we can truly achieve sustainable peace and development both in Somalia and across the region.
In order to achieve this, there is agreement on and full understanding of the importance of an inclusive political agreement on the future of Somali security arrangements and the urgency of building up effective security-sector reform in Somalia, ahead of the agreed AMISOM drawdown in 2018.
The best evidence of our Government’s commitment to leading on our national security is that the security forces training and integration process is ongoing and the new policing model has been endorsed by all stakeholders. In addition, we are ensuring that our national security forces work closely alongside AMISOM to ensure that they put their training to effective use and actively participate in liberating the
few remaining areas of the country held by Al-Shabaab as soon as possible.
Furthermore, at the last National Leadership Forum meeting last week, the national security policy was endorsed. This will be our blueprint and guide to ensuring a safer Somalia, region and world through partnership and joint action. Last week’s National Leadership Forum underscored the importance of protecting our electoral process from terrorist spoilers in all areas where elections are scheduled to happen.
On this matter, it was also agreed, during the historic twenty-eighth Extraordinary Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), held in Mogadishu last week, which was attended by the Presidents of Uganda and of Kenya, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia and delegations from Djibouti, the Sudan and other IGAD member States, that the Somali national security forces and AMISOM would work even more closely to meet this need. While our commitment to defending our country and taking full responsibility for our national security is ironclad, there is still a need for further training and mentoring for the national security forces within a coordinated framework between the Somali Federal Government and donors. In addition, there is also a need to adequately equip our national forces so that they can effectively respond to the AMISOM drawdown in 2018. Therefore, the continuing financial and technical assistance of valuable international partners to the national security forces in a timely and responsive manner is a must.
In this regard, we welcome the communiqué of the special event for Somalia on security held in London and co-hosted by Tobias Ellwood, the United Kingdom Minister for the Middle East and Africa, and Mike Penning, the Minister for the Armed Forces, on 7 September 2016, in which many of our partners were also present and actively participated.
That being said, we recognize the concern that delays in the electoral process raise for our partners, and we are not blind to the need to demonstrate our commitment to holding a credible, timely and inclusive electoral process. I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate the commitment of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, the Federal Government of Somalia, the National Leadership Forum and all political stakeholders in Somalia to this process.
The Federal Government of Somalia has worked tirelessly in the past four years to reduce key threats to peace, security and stability in Somalia. I would like to reassure the Security Council of the unwavering commitment of the Federal Government to holding a credible and inclusive electoral process in 2016. The Somali people are excited by this positive move towards democracy, and the different electoral commissions, as well as the Somali people in general, are working tirelessly on the implementation of the electoral mechanism in line with the new agreed timelines. We are fully engaged in working to ensure that more Somalis than ever before can have a say in the future governance of their country and that Somalia’s positive trajectory can be maintained.
This includes reserving 30 per cent of the seats in the Upper and Lower Houses of Parliament for women, as their representation and political participation is central to our national progress. This is not just rhetoric.
To ensure there is no further delay to the electoral process, the presidents of the existing and emerging federal member states will be expected to submit the names of candidates for the Upper House of the Federal Parliament by 5 October. While the parliamentary elections will be held from 23 October to 10 November, the presidential election will now take place on 30 November.
The election of speakers of both houses of Parliament will be held on 23 November. The Federal Indirect Electoral Implementation Team also announced a breakthrough on the electoral venue for the Hiraan and Middle Shabelle regions, following negotiations with traditional elders representing the two regions.
The electoral oversight team also called for the speedy deployment of the African Union Mission and the Somalia troops to Galmudug, the capital of Cadaado, to bolster the security of the electoral process in that federal member state. The Federal Indirect Electoral Implementation Team also signalled the need for an immediate solution to the issue of Somaliland’s representation in the Upper House in order to ensure its participation in this electoral process.
The transition from conflict to stability is a long- term endeavour. The electoral process in 2016 is an essential step in the transition towards a democratic and stable Somalia, and we are grateful for the support of our partners and the Security Council in implementing the process. The Somali people are ready and waiting
for this process to be completed. The Somali leadership is committed to doing so, and the only game in town is the electoral process. While it has not happened as quickly or gone as smoothly as we hoped, it will happen, and it will happen within the new timeline we have set out. I ask the Council to continue to support us; in return, we will uphold our commitments to the
timeline in 2016 and forward to universal elections in 2020. We appreciate the Council’s support.
I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on the subject.
The meeting rose at 10.50 a.m.