S/PV.8923 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Albania, Australia, Bahrain, Belarus, Brazil, Burkina Faso, Chile, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Fiji, Gabon, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Italy, Japan, Lebanon, Luxembourg, Maldives, Malta, Morocco, the Netherlands, Nigeria, Peru, the Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, the Republic of Korea, Sri Lanka, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine, the United Arab Emirates, Uzbekistan and the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: His Excellency Mr. Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chair of the African Union Commission, and Mr. Mamman Nuhu, Executive Secretary of the Lake Chad Basin Commission and Head of the Multinational Joint Task Force. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite His Excellency Mr. Olof Skoog, Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2021/988, which contains the text of a letter dated 30 November 2021 from the Permanent Representative of the Niger to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General, transmitting a concept paper on the item under consideration. I wish to warmly welcome Secretary-General António Guterres, to whom I now give the floor.

Allow me to begin by resolutely condemning the cowardly attacks carried out on Sunday in against the forces of the Group of Five for the Sahel in the Niger and yesterday against the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali, in the course of which seven Togolese peacekeepers lost their lives. An Egyptian peacekeeper succumbed to his injuries suffered in the course of an attack in Mali last month. I express my deepest condolences to the families of the victims of those attacks, as well as the many others that have cost the lives of innocent people. At this difficult moment, I should like to reiterate my solidarity and the support of the United Nations to the Governments and the peoples of the region in their fight against terrorism. I thank the Niger presidency for organizing this very timely debate on the links among climate change, conflict and terrorism. First of all, the climate emergency is the vital issue of our time. Although the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP26) helped us make some progress in that regard, we still have a long way to go to meet our objectives. Nevertheless, we have no choice but to continue our efforts to reach the goal of limiting the global temperature rise to 1.5°C. We are in a race against time, and no one is immune to the destructive effects of climate change. In Somalia, Madagascar, the Sudan, the Middle East and North Africa, droughts and increasingly extreme weather events are making access to scarce resources more difficult and threatening food security. The United Nations World Food Programme estimates that climate change could increase the risk of famine and malnutrition by up to 20 per cent by 2050. The World Bank predicts that the phenomenon could displace more than 200 million people in the same period. Such events would undermine global peace, security and prosperity — as the Security Council has repeatedly emphasized, including in resolutions on the mandates of five peacekeeping operations and five special political missions. Often the regions most vulnerable to climate change also suffer from insecurity, poverty, weak governance and the scourge of terrorism. Of the 15 countries most vulnerable to climate change, eight are hosting a United Nations peacekeeping or special political mission. Climate effects in conflict areas only exacerbate precarious conditions. When climate change further burdens institutions and hampers their ability to deliver public services, it fuels grievances and distrust of the authorities. When loss of livelihoods leaves people in despair, it makes the promises of protection, income and justice — behind which terrorist groups sometimes hide their designs — more attractive. In the Lake Chad basin, Boko Haram has been able to mobilize new recruits, particularly from local communities where people are disillusioned by the lack of economic opportunities and access to essential resources. In central Mali, terrorist groups have exploited growing tensions between pastoralists and farmers to recruit members from pastoralist communities, who often feel excluded and stigmatized. Environmental degradation enables non-State armed groups to extend their sphere of influence and to exploit resources. In Iraq and Syria, for example, Da’esh has exploited water shortages and taken control of water infrastructure to impose its will on communities. In Somalia, charcoal production provides Al-Shabaab a significant revenue stream. Climate change is not the source of all evil, but it has a multiplier effect and tends to exacerbate instability, conflict and terrorism. We therefore need to address these challenges in an integrated way and create a virtuous cycle of peace, resilience and sustainable development. That is why my report Our Common Agenda (A/75/982) proposes a new agenda for peace that presents a multidimensional vision of global security. In the framework of an integrated approach, I would like to focus on five areas in which we need to increase our collective action. First, we must prioritize prevention and address the root causes of insecurity. Conflicts and terrorism do not take place in a vacuum. They are the result of deep- seated divisions — poverty, human rights abuses, poor governance, the collapse of essential public services, the lack of prospects for human development and, more broadly, the loss of hope for the future. To build sustainable peace, we must reduce inequalities. We must protect the most vulnerable people and communities, especially women, who are often disproportionately affected. We must support investments in human development, from health to education to social protection, in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. We must foster inclusive governance, with the full participation of all communities and civil society, including environmentalists, so that everyone can participate in their country’s future. Everywhere, we must take advantage of local know-how and promote the participation of women and young people. Studies show that, when women participate in negotiations, peace is more sustainable; when they participate in legislation, they adopt policies that protect the environment and promote social cohesion. Secondly, we urgently need to increase our investments in adaptation and resilience. The annual cost of adaptation in developing countries is estimated at $70 billion and is expected to rise to $300 billion by 2030. Developed countries must deliver on their promise to provide at least $100 billion a year in climate financing to developing countries, and it is critical that at least 50 per cent of climate financing for developing countries be dedicated to building resilience and adaptation. COP26 sent a positive signal in that regard. I now expect developed countries to implement their commitment to double adaptation funding by 2025 through ambitious initiatives such as the Great Green Wall, which is reviving degraded landscapes in the Sahel to increase food security, create jobs and promote peacebuilding. But funding mechanisms need to be commensurate with the needs of the people and be accessible to the most affected populations. Subsidies are essential, as the debt burden is already stifling the most vulnerable countries. At the same time, we need to adapt our peacebuilding work to climate action. Since 2017, the Peacebuilding Fund has increased its investments in innovative initiatives that take into account climate risks. For example, in Yemen, where water scarcity exacerbated by climate change is contributing to instability, the Fund has supported the restoration and strengthening of local water governance structures in the Wadi Rima Valley, which has helped reduce intercommunal tensions. Unfortunately, the Fund is still a long way from reaching the critical mass that will enable it to more systematically help Governments and societies address the risks of complex conflicts. (spoke in English) Thirdly, we need better analysis and early-warning systems, Every conflict-prevention initiative must take into account climate risks. Understanding and anticipating the cascading effects of climate change will strengthen our work on peace and security. A third of the global population lacks early- warning systems. As discussed with our partners during the African Union-United Nations conference, the African Union and other regional organizations are leading the way in making early-warning mechanisms operational. We also need to build on existing expertise in disaster risk reduction and integrate climate risk into all economic and financial decisions. At the United Nations, the Climate Security Mechanism is strengthening the capacity of field missions, country teams and regional and subregional organizations to analyse climate-related security risks and shape integrated and timely responses. Fourthly, we must promote the development of partnerships and initiatives linking local, regional and national approaches. We must make the best use of on-the-ground expertise, while drawing on the political, technical and financial capacities of regional and international actors. The Regional Strategy for the Stabilization, Recovery and Resilience of the Boko Haram-affected Areas of the Lake Chad Basin Region is a good example. Jointly developed by the African Union, the Lake Chad Basin Commission, the United Nations and other partners, it integrates humanitarian action, security, development and climate resilience. In partnership with the International Organization for Migration, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the United Nations Environment Programme, the United Nations Office for West Africa and the Sahel has launched a new initiative on climate change, security and development in West Africa. That initiative promotes an integrated and coordinated approach to climate security in the region and supports the Economic Community of West African States, Governments and local authorities in their risk reduction efforts. We must also continue supporting the work of the Special Coordinator for Development in the Sahel through the United Nations Support Plan for the Sahel, which aims to strengthen cooperation and address the structural problems, such as poverty, underdevelopment and governance challenges, that make the region more vulnerable to conflict. Lastly, fighting terrorism and conflict in the context of climate disruption requires sustained investment. Yet, as we have seen in the Sahel and Somalia, African peace missions often have limited room to manoeuvre and are faced with great funding uncertainties. Now more than ever, African Union peace support operations require Security Council mandates under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, as well as predictable funding guaranteed by assessed contributions. I urge Council members again to consider this matter as soon as possible. The Security Council and all Member States must work simultaneously on peacebuilding and the effects of climate change. The United Nations is proud to stand with the international community to build a safer and more sustainable future for all.

I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Faki Mahamat.

At the outset, I would first like to pay tribute to the memory of the civilian and military victims who fall on almost a daily basis, in particular in the Sahel. I would also like to thank His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Bazoum, President of the Republic of the Niger, for having invited us to this important meeting on the issues of climate change and their interaction with peace and security. I am pleased to congratulate him on the organization of this important meeting and to wish the Niger’s presidency of the Security Council every success for the current month. I am sure that the Niger’s proven experience and the President’s vast understanding of these issues will provide the Council with relevant analyses that will enable it, I hope, to take decisions that meet the challenges, which is all the more relevant given that the subject of this meeting is being discussed just a few weeks after the convening of the twenty- sixth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, held in Glasgow. Although experts cannot establish a direct causal link proving that conflicts are caused by climate change, there is no doubt today that deteriorating climate conditions, a lack of rainfall and subsequent droughts contribute to exacerbating social and intercommunal tensions owing to the scarcity of life-sustaining resources, in particular of water and pastures. If we take as an example the data provided in reports on the Sahel region and the Lake Chad basin, we note that the large-scale increase in the number of young people, a human result of the demographic explosion, has added to the pressure on natural resources in a worrisome way. In that regard, we must recall that in the Group of Five for the Sahel countries, military spending consumes a quarter of the national budget to the detriment of the social sectors, in particular education and health care, water and food security. Where does the frequent violence between herders and farmers arise from? The access to ever-dwindling resources and their unequal distribution due to climate change widen the gaps and inequalities, which lead to all kinds of terrorist activity. Migration and its criminal networks, trafficking of all kinds, chaotic transhumance and rural exodus complete a picture that is already quite bleak. The failure of many inadequate reforms exacerbates the risks associated with such phenomena. The scarcity of resources, water and agrifood resources in particular fuel intercommunal conflicts. Let us not forget that conflicts between herders and farmers have killed six times as many people in the Middle Belt region of Nigeria as the conflict with Boko Haram. Accordingly, such phenomena create conditions conducive to the proliferation of non-State entities, led by terrorist groups, which influence, disorient, indoctrinate, intoxicate, recruit, arm and train thousands of young people to follow a path of death and destruction as a way to find salvation and realize non-existent and delusional destinies. It is on that ideological, social, economic and existential terrain that the real confrontation takes place between national and continental efforts, on the one hand, and terrorism and other forms of deviance, on the other. One of the fundamental causes of the phenomena of violence and trafficking in drugs, arms and human beings is arises precisely from those conditions. The dependence on agriculture and livestock in the region, for example, pushes more than 50 million people in the Sahel alone into a precarious situation, making them easy targets for jihadism and other forms of violence, which are breeding grounds for criminality. If we recall that employment in the agricultural sector varies from 25 per cent in Burkina Faso to 75 per cent in the Niger, we may then understand the extent to which people are vulnerable to the spread of the terrorist cancer and its various metastases across the continent. On the other hand, if we recall that women, in particular girls, represent 40 per cent of the agricultural and pastoral workforce, then we understand the extent of another phenomenon of inequality and injustice that is the cause of the suffering of millions of women and girls. When we correlate those consequences of climate change with aggravating, frustrating factors, such as weak or poor governance, corruption, marginalization and political, social and community exclusion, we may understand how the promotion of deviant trajectories has far-reaching consequences. From the Lake Chad region to the Horn of Africa, unprecedented temperatures are being recorded. Their variability puts undue pressure on rural economies, vulnerable groups and State capacity. The ensuing poverty and climate variability are converging in a mournful symphony that is highly conducive to violence, criminal networks and terrorists, resulting in huge fluctuations in population movements. Over the long term, the effect is to create upheavals that very few forward-looking development strategies can foresee. That is the picture that a quick look at the interaction of climate conditions and peace and security issues in Africa offers us. The fundamental issue has always been not so much the description and explanation of the phenomena that frame our lives but rather the way we deal with them. In that respect, I must admit that, in Africa at least, we are disappointed by the international community’s responses. There is no point in hiding from Council members our concern with regard to the fight against climate change and terrorism and the interlinkages of these two devastating phenomena. While Africa’s contribution to global pollution is minimal, its share of the investments to address the adverse effects of climate change is very small. The commitment of the African Union to ensuring a genuine justice in those areas is unshakeable. We will never cease to insist on that with all our strength and to work with our friends who come to our assistance. At the same time, we note that, in its fight against terrorism, Africa continues to suffer the perverse effects of a veritable double standard; while in other parts of the world, in particular the Middle East, international efforts have been mobilized to combat terrorism, efforts on that scale have been mostly denied to Africa. The financing of the Joint Force of the Group of Five for the Sahel and the Multinational Joint Task Force in the Lake Chad basin continues to suffer shortfalls in terms of United Nations resources. I hope that today’s open debate will advance discussion of those double standards and unethical shortfalls, and above all the international community’s recognition of its obligations. The Council is called upon to address that challenge. I wish it every success in that regard.

I thank Mr. Faki Mahamat for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Nuhu. Mr. Nuhu: First of all, I thank the President of the Niger for the invitation extended to me to attend this very important meeting and the opportunity to speak. Let me start by saying that Lake Chad is a transboundary lake shared by Cameroon, Chad, the Niger and Nigeria. As of the 1960s, it was one of the biggest freshwater lakes in the world, with a surface area of 25,000 square kilometres. Before its current predicament, the basin was an exporter of agricultural products. Both food crops and cash crops are grown. Food crops include millet, sorghum, wheat, cocoyam, maize, cassava and sweet potato. Cash crops include cotton, rice, sesame and dates, which are generally produced in large-scale farming systems. Livestock transhumance, as well as fishing, is also in abundance in the Lake. Today, however, the effects of climate variability and change, population pressure and insecurity have conspired to bring about constant threats to food security in the basin. Modelling results published by the German Agency for International Cooperation in 2015 have forecast that, by the end of the century, there will be an increase in the mean annual temperature for the central and eastern Lake Chad basin; there will be a reduction in the available water resources by the end of the century; the rainy season will become shorter across the Lake Chad basin; areas that have sufficiently long- growing seasons, and therefore are today considered as tropical, will decrease in size and become fragmented or disappear; and climate conditions supporting the growth of tropical forests may no longer exist by the end of the century. Water balances for the period from 1954 to 1969 show that the total inflow into the lake was about 51.6 cubic kilometres a year, 99.4 per cent of which was lost almost entirely to evaporation. Similarly, during the period from 1988 to 2010, when the total inflow was reduced by half to 23.8 cubic kilometres a year, the loss to evaporation amounted to 99.1 per cent, or approximately 23.6 cubic kilometres a year. Lake Chad is vulnerable to increased evaporation associated with higher temperatures, owing to its large surface area relative to its volume. The lake started shrinking in the early 1960s, and that phenomenon is at the root of most of the challenges facing the region today, including youth restiveness, terrorism and clashes between farmers and herders. The following statistics illustrate the extent of the challenges. In 1963, the total surface area of the lake was 25,000 square kilometres. During the drought for the period from 1972 to 1975 it shrank to 10,700 square kilometres, while during the second drought, for the period from 1982 to 1985, it shrank to 1,410 square kilometres, or 5 per cent of its 1963 size. Since then, however, the volume of the lake has increased to approximately 10,000 square kilometres. Due to the high birth rate of about 3 per cent and migration from all over the Sahel region, the population of the Lake Chad basin increased from approximately 7 million in the early 1960s to 22 million in 1991, and to 50 million in 2015. The combination of the shrinking lake and the population explosion has led to reductions in the means of livelihood, farmlands, grazing lands and fishing waters, as well as trading activities in general. The consequences are that we are experiencing general unemployment, endemic poverty among the people, youth restiveness and general hopelessness and anger, especially among young people. The people of the region are very resilient. They adopted various coping strategies, including migration from the dry northern basin to the wetter southern basin. That in itself created stress, as the southern part of the basin immediately became overpopulated. People also practiced a combination of several activities, combining fishing, livestock-rearing, agriculture and trade. They also devised ways of using the same farm for different purposes, depending on the season. Among young people, who make up 60 per cent of the population of the Lake Chad basin, however, we have observed the emergence of a smuggling industry facilitated by the porous borders — drug trafficking, arms trafficking and human trafficking. We have also observed the vulnerability of young people to recruitment by terrorists and other criminals. Clashes between farmers and herders over the destruction of crops, owing to increased cattle movement in search of water, has also increased, as have cattle-rustling and, more recently, kidnapping for ransom and kidnapping by terrorists. It was against that background of general discontent that the Boko Haram ideology was introduced into the Lake Chad area and has remained there ever since. Boko Haram activities have caused massive displacements of people from their means of livelihood, thereby exacerbating existing water insecurity. The Multinational Joint Task Force, as currently constituted, was formally established at the Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Lake Chad Basin Commission, which was held in Abuja on 11 June 2015, although the activities leading up to its creation had already been under way for a long time. It was established, as we are all aware, to create a safe and secure environment in the areas affected by terrorist activities, facilitate the implementation of stabilization programmes and facilitate humanitarian operations. While kinetic operations aimed at neutralizing terrorists in the battlefield are of high priority, they are, however, insufficient in the medium and long terms to eliminate the threat of violent extremism in the basin. Military actions alone cannot solve the problem of terrorism. It is necessary to address the root causes of the problem. That is what is being done through the Regional Strategy for the Stabilization, Recovery and Resilience of the Boko Haram-affected Areas of the Lake Chad Basin Region and other development projects in the area. The Regional Strategy was produced by the Lake Chad Basin Commission with the support of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the African Union. It is anchored on nine all- encompassing thematic pillars of intervention and 40 strategic objectives. Each pillar defines the broad scope of work to be undertaken and the strategic objectives to be achieved. As part of the implementation framework, the specific initiatives to be undertaken are compiled in territorial action plans by each of the Governors of the eight affected states and provinces. Meanwhile, pending the operationalization of the Regional Strategy, UNDP, in collaboration with the Lake Chad Basin Commission and the African Union, launched a regional stabilization facility on 18 July 2019 in Niamey. In addition to supporting the implementation of the Regional Strategy, the $100 million facility, which is now in its second phase, is intended to provide immediate stabilization for specific areas that have been cleared of Boko Haram control but in which communities remain vulnerable to continued infiltration and attack. To mitigate the effects of climate change and address the root causes of the insurgency, the Lake Chad Basin Commission and its partners have been executing humanitarian and development projects aimed at restoring peoples’ means of livelihood, building their resilience and restoring the environment. One such project is an emergency development programme for vulnerable groups in the Lake Chad region, in particular young people and women. It comprises 118 microprojects to be executed within a period of 18 months, at an estimated cost of 37.5 billion CFA francs. It is expected to generate about 35 billion CFA francs in revenue and create at least 257,000 jobs. We also have the Lake Chad Development and Climate Resilience Action Plan, which is supposed to span a period of 10 years, from 2016 to 2025, and is designed to turn the lake into a pool of regional rural development. The €916 million plan was presented at the United Nations Climate Change Conference held in Paris in 2015, at which the World Bank pledged $300 million but no further contributions were received. The World Bank contribution is now being used for another project known as the Lake Chad Recovery and Development Project, at a cost of $170 million. In addition to that, we have a project to improve the hydraulic capacity of the lake and its tributaries, which is intended to increase the capacity of the lake and reduce the loss of water through evaporation and the damage caused by annual flooding along the Chari and Logone Rivers. The project involves desilting a number of sections of the lake and its tributaries, the removal of invasive weeds and embankment stabilization. It is the first phase of the inter-basin water transfer from the Congo basin to Lake Chad. I now turn to my prayers. The numerous challenges facing the Lake Chad basin and the Sahel region in general — environmental challenges, humanitarian challenges, security and development challenges — are beyond what the region can handle alone. There is an urgent need for the United Nations to step up its current efforts to mobilize the international community to redouble its support for the region, especially to strengthen support for the war against terrorism and other criminal activities by providing the necessary equipment to enable our troops to effectively prosecute the war. We also need support for the Regional Strategy for the Stabilization, Recovery and Resilience of the Boko Haram-affected Areas of the Lake Chad Basin Region in order to enable the eight affected states and provinces to implement their territorial action plans. We also need the support of the United Nations to mobilize resources for the project to improve the hydraulic capacity of Lake Chad and its tributaries to reduce flooding and evaporation. We are also asking for support to provide the necessary funding for the Lake Chad Development and Climate Resilience Action Plan.

I thank Mr. Nuhu for his briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the President of the Niger. I would like to thank all participants most sincerely for agreeing to take part in this debate, which marks a high point in my country’s presidency of the Security Council for the month of December. I wanted to come personally before the members of the Security Council to deliver a message of peace and solidarity, as well as to express the hope that the people of the Niger have for all the peoples of the world beset by the crises on the Security Council’s agenda. I also wish to deliver that message on behalf of Africa, whose crises unfortunately occupy the majority of the Council’s deliberations and where, despite everything, the future of the world is at stake. Finally, I have come to deliver a message of gratitude from my country, the Niger, for the excellent relationships it has enjoyed with all the countries represented here during its two-year mandate on the Council. Since I was sworn in as President of my country on 2 April, following an election that marked the first democratic changeover in the Niger, my commitment to peace and security for my country, for the Sahel region and for our continent has been matched only by my ambition to see Africa overcome its current challenges and to work to implement the commitments made within the framework of the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In my region, the Sahel, as members know, a major challenge is the fight against terrorism, the heinous acts of which continue to undermine the foundations of democratic States on a daily basis. These challenges also include the impact of climate change, which, by reducing the natural resources available, increases poverty and all the scourges that go with it. I wish to say that the choice of the theme of our debate today is an expression of our desire to see the Council establish the clear nexus that exists between peace and international security, on the one hand, and the fight against terrorism and the effects of climate change, on the other. By deciding to organize today’s debate on the theme of international peace and security in the context of terrorism and climate change, the Niger wishes to urge the Council to continue to reflect on and take appropriate initiatives in the search for lasting solutions to threats to peace and international security and their interaction with the effects of climate change. It seems to me imperative that, in the aftermath of the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Council should capitalize on the various consensuses reached in order to encourage strategies aimed at mitigating the effects of climate change, in accordance with its mandate to maintain international peace and security. I recently recalled at the Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa that more than any other region in the world, the Sahel and the Lake Chad basin eloquently illustrate the interaction between the effects of climate change and peace and security. The consequences of this phenomenon, the full extent of which has not yet been fully assessed, have led to the disintegration of the social fabric and the way that people live together, as the population has been pushed into a frantic competition for access to resources, which are unfortunately becoming drastically scarce. This situation has often resulted in intercommunity conflicts with tragic consequences and increased migration with its share of refugees and internally displaced persons condemned to live in makeshift camps. More worryingly, this situation has helped to fuel violent extremism and large-scale banditry, which has drawn many young people who once lived off the region’s rich biodiversity into the networks of criminal and terrorist organizations. The over-armament of terrorist organizations, their violence against the civilian population and the plundering of which they are guilty have created a real psychosis among the populations directly affected, as well as among the general public. Such an atmosphere is very detrimental to the States, and it threatens their stability. It discredits in real terms the international community, which is suspected of deliberate impotence, and favours the most fantastic theses as to the basis of this reality, opening the way to a dangerous escalation of political conflict. Nevertheless, we remain prepared and determined. For its part, the Niger is increasing the capabilities of its defence and security forces, and the military situation is evolving towards an increasingly favourable balance of power. This is the reason for the terrorist groups new way of behaving, which consists in the use of cruel violence against the civilian population. At this point, I would like to express our gratitude to all our partners, whose precious support and commitment to our cause have contributed to the improvement of our performance on all levels. To achieve our goals of defeating terrorism in the Sahel, we need even greater support from the international community in terms of substantial funding, provision of equipment and materials, and military intelligence. If the establishment of a Group of Five for the Sahel support office, funded by United Nations budget resources, does not meet with the approval of all States members of the Security Council, we are willing to work on any alternative initiative that will help the Sahel countries to adequately address the needs I have expressed heretofore. Furthermore, peace and security in the Sahel depend on regional dynamics, particularly in Libya, a sister country that has been facing a decade of conflict. It is in fact from this country that, since resolution 1973 (2011), everything began. It is for the most part from this country that the weapons that fuel the violence in the Sahel are still coming today. The normalization of the situation in Libya, which depends on the holding of democratic elections, will undoubtedly contribute to peace and security in neighbouring countries, particularly in the Sahel region. That means that the 24 December deadline is crucial. My country hopes that the presidential election scheduled for that date will be held under favourable conditions and that it will pave the way for a dynamic of peace and stability. Similarly, the successful completion of the transition process in Mali, another sister country, through the rapid organization of inclusive and democratic elections, as a result of which the country will have democratically elected authorities, will strengthen the region’s ability to fight terrorist groups more effectively. In addition to the demands of counter-terrorism, the dynamics in the Sahel and Lake Chad basin regions are being complicated by the effects of climate change. Indeed, the resurgence of extreme weather events, including increasingly hot temperatures, severe fires and floods, rising sea levels and melting glaciers in other regions of the world, as reflected in the conclusions of the 2021 report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, should not leave us indifferent, as these are issues that will determine the future of humankind. The sooner we engage in the fight against these scourges, the less costly and more effective the solution — that solution is still within our reach. It is clear that the effects of climate disruption manifest and are felt in particular ways in different parts of the planet. In the Sahel region, the situation has long been part of the daily life of the populations, and it undermines the development efforts that our countries are making in a context made even more difficult by the coronavirus disease pandemic. It is therefore imperative for the international community to respect the commitments made to finance adaptation and mitigation policies, particularly for the most vulnerable countries, which are collateral victims of the activities and excesses that have led to climate degradation. The establishment of a special fund to support Sahelian countries suffering from desertification as well as small island States that are literally threatened by the rise of the oceans seems to me to be an urgent necessity. For the Sahel region in particular, effective action should be taken to follow up on the conclusions and recommendations of the various round tables and other forums that have been created to radically change the major trends observable in the region. To that end, the Group of Five for the Sahel Priority Investment Programme and the development and climate-resilience action plan adopted by the Lake Chad Basin Commission deserve special attention. In its capacity as Chair of the Climate Commission for the Sahel Region, the Niger works for the effective implementation of the various recommendations and arrangements that have been jointly agreed by the international community. I would therefore like to reaffirm the Niger’s commitment to the consensus resulting from the Paris Agreement on Climate Change following the twenty-first session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which enjoys the commitment of the overwhelming majority of the international community. The twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties, held recently in Glasgow, was another opportunity for the international community to reiterate its firm commitment to addressing the challenges of climate change. In parallel to those efforts, it is high time for the Security Council, as part of its preventive mandate, to take into account the security risks of climate change as an additional element of our peace and security architecture. We hope that the Security Council will adopt the draft resolution proposed by the Niger and Ireland to finally provide our organ with an integrated and coordinated approach to strengthening its understanding of the impact of climate change through an in-depth analysis of current and future risks in order to make relevant and action-oriented recommendations. Once adopted, I am convinced that the resolution will effectively contribute to the integration of climate risks into existing peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations, as well as mediation and conflict-prevention work. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements. I call on the President of Estonia. President Karis: I wish to express my appreciation to the Niger for convening this important meeting today, and I thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Guterres, and the other briefers for their remarks. Climate change and terrorism pose a significant threat to international peace and security. The scope and intensity fluctuate geographically, but it is clear that both phenomena know no borders or continents. Allow me to start with a telling example — the case of the Himalayan glaciers. Scientists have described that dust blowing from as far as the Sahara is one of the main drivers of the accelerating melting of the glaciers. That, in turn, changes the monsoon patterns in the region and has upset the ecosystem in the Arabian Sea, leading to a near collapse of the fish stocks on which millions of people depend. What will those people do next? Research has identified multiple pathways through which climate change interacts with political, social and environmental stresses to compound existing vulnerabilities and tensions. Rising temperatures and extreme weather put pressure on natural resources and undermine livelihoods, causing tensions and displacement. For example, in 2020, nearly 31 million people were displaced within their own countries because of natural disasters caused by extreme weather events and climate change. Again, persons in vulnerable situations were hit harder. The World Bank recently estimated that the total number of climate migrants could be as high as 216 million by the year 2050. Research indicates that, already today, most areas that experience net-negative migration also have high environmental stress and a low capacity to adapt to changes. Climate change, as well as other forms of environmental degradation, prepare the ground for social instability, conflicts, terrorism and extremism. They act as threat multipliers, amplifying security risks and provoking human rights violations. We therefore also welcome the activities of the Alliance for the Sahel in dealing with the consequences of climate change by increasing food security, as well as dealing with unemployment among young people. Tackling the root causes of terrorism is just one of the benefits when we make a global concerted effort to mitigate the effects of climate change. We see conflicts for natural resources within and among States. We also see people who have become desperate due to the loss of their livelihoods, homes, loved ones or hope for a better future. That opens up opportunities for illegal trade and creates conditions for terrorist organizations to take advantage of the unstable situation and desperation of people. That is what we are also currently witnessing, for example, at the European borders. Social and economic conditions play a significant part in enabling the rise of terrorism and extremism. Therefore, in order to counter terrorism and extremism, we must understand and address the root causes at the national, regional and global levels — causes such as global inequalities, forced migration and the scarcity of vital resources, including clean water, agricultural land, et cetera. We believe that all mechanisms that help to reduce poverty, inequalities and adaptation problems brought about by rapid social, cultural and environmental changes also help to fight terrorism by nipping it in the bud. Countries that are facing armed conflicts have limited resources for initiatives that could bring the country out of conflict. Building climate-resilient societies requires a much more concerted international effort in order to ensure international peace and security. However, the Security Council has the relevant tools and the mandate to respond to climate-related security risks. It is time to go beyond the holding of thematic debates and take a more ambitious notion of climate and security. We need a Security Council resolution on climate and security. That is the only way to advance our discussions and make a difference. We reiterate that it is of the utmost importance that the Secretary-General receive a mandate to collect data and coordinate policy to that end. Regular reporting would be a major step forward towards developing tangible prevention measures. As mentioned many times before, women and girls are disproportionately affected by climate change and are frequently targeted by terrorist groups. The recognition of the importance of women’s leadership and participation and the engagement of young people is key to developing strategies to counter terrorism and the effects of climate change. That is the only way to build resilient communities for everyone. In conclusion, we can no longer ignore such challenges, which pose a threat to international peace and security. We must prevent the unavoidable effects of climate change from contributing to the destabilization of countries and entire regions, which risks leading to new armed conflicts or worsening existing ones.

I now call on the Permanent Representative of the United States and Member of President Biden’s Cabinet.

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening today’s meeting. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank you for hosting the Security Council in October. The hospitality that you and your team provided to us there was very much appreciated. The United States commends the Niger for its leadership in keeping this important topic  — the implication of climate change on international peace and security — on the Security Council’s agenda. I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing this morning, as well as Chairperson Faki Mahamat and Executive Secretary Nuhu for the important information and perspectives they have provided the Council today. Climate change is a challenge for every person in every nation in every continent. The climate crisis is a security crisis. It is a threat to international peace and, therefore, a threat and a crisis that this organ needs to address. Only the Security Council can ensure that the security impacts of climate change are integrated into the critical work of conflict prevention and mitigation, peacekeeping, peacebuilding, disaster reduction and humanitarian response. It is the responsibility of the Security Council to ensure that it  — and through it the Secretariat  — has the tools and data necessary to confront one of the century’s greatest and fastest- growing threats to peace and security. As we all know, unpredictable and extreme weather makes vital resources like food and water even more scarce in impoverished regions. Scarcity spurs desperation, and desperation leads to violence. The logic is clear, and so is the intelligence. Early this year, President Biden commissioned the first-ever National Intelligence Estimate  — the most comprehensive intelligence product we have in the United States Government  — on the security implications of the climate crisis. In October, the Director of National Intelligence released an unclassified version of the report to ensure that as many people as possible could get a better sense of what the world is facing. The report made his points very clearly  — climate change will increase instability and internal conflict. Moreover, at its current pace, the climate crisis is set to drive millions from their homes, propelling mass migration. Not only is that a human catastrophe, but these are the exact kinds of vulnerable populations that terrorist organizations prey upon. Violent extremist groups exploit weak governance, systemic corruption and societal fractures in order to embed themselves in communities and develop sources of income. Climate change could exacerbate these challenges and provide openings for those terrorist organizations. In addition, violent extremist organizations may target critical infrastructure and aid workers, thereby undermining activities intended to mitigate the impact of climate disasters. Fortunately, the Security Council, clearly recognizing the link between climate change and conflict, has taken necessary action in some of these cases. But the time for half-measures is over. The truth is that this global crisis requires a global response by the entire international community. We saw important progress at the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, including national and international commitments to keep within reach of the 1.5°C limit on global warming. Now we need to do more, and we need to do it fast. For our part, the United States will continue to work with all countries, under the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and through the annual Conference of the Parties, in order to advance global efforts to mitigate and adapt to climate change. In order to lead by example, President Biden announced the President’s Emergency Plan for Adaptation and Resilience (PREPARE) in order to support developing countries in adapting and managing the impacts of climate change. The President will work with Congress to provide $3 billion in adaptation financing annually to PREPARE by 2024. Through PREPARE, the United States will urgently and significantly bolster adaptation efforts to save lives and reduce instability across the world. The goal is to ensure that we are not only writing a check, but we are also working with countries to ensure that every dollar goes as far in those communities as possible. It is time for us to stop debating whether the climate crisis presents a threat to international peace and security. That debate is over. The impact on the continent of Africa is clear. The deep and serious link between the climate crisis and our collective security is also clear. Now it is time for the Security Council to use our unique powers to address this issue head-on. We must take action and, instead, start asking ourselves what we need to do — not whether, but what. We need to take that action now. To that end, we strongly encourage all members to support and co-sponsor the draft resolution on climate and security that the Niger and Ireland have put forward and that the United States is proud to co-sponsor. The draft resolution is a good first step to real action on the security impacts of the climate crisis. It is the least we can do. I thank you once again, Mr. President, for raising this important issue today during the Niger’s last month on the Security Council. The United States will work with other Council members to carry your hard work forward in the months and years to come.

At the outset, I would like to commend the Niger for its unswerving commitment to the fight against climate change and for organizing this debate. This debate provides another opportunity to emphasize that this is environmental fight is also a fight for international peace and security. That is why it is appropriate for the Security Council to address the threats linked to climate change. I welcome the Secretary-General to today’s meeting and thank Mr. Faki Mahamat and Mr. Nuhu for their briefings. Because our world is facing a climate emergency, it is also in permanent danger and is exposed to increased security risks and new threats. The links between climate and security have been firmly established for a long time. We can confirm that everywhere — in the Horn of Africa, in the Sahel and in the Middle East. Desertification, reduced access to water and broader issues related to access to natural resources in rural areas, food shortages and climate insecurity are all factors that allow armed extremist groups to grow by exploiting people’s frustration. We know that in the Sahel terrorist groups exploit inter-ethnic and community conflicts, as well as economic conflicts between farmers and herders, in a context where climate change has significantly changed agropastoral systems. We must do all we can to prevent terrorist groups from taking advantage of the distress caused by the effects of climate change, land degradation and the loss of biodiversity in areas already marked by tensions and fragility. That obviously requires better allocation of natural resources. That is an absolute necessity because we must not leave the field open for terrorist groups to exploit these conflicts. Furthermore, where there are serious security threats, we must build a virtuous circle between sustainable development and action to preserve the climate. That is the purpose of the Great Green Wall project in the Sahel, a flagship programme to combat the effects of climate change, desertification, food insecurity and poverty from Senegal to Djibouti. The sum of $19 billion has been earmarked for the project, which should make it possible to restore 250 million hectares of degraded land by 2030, create 10 million jobs and capture 250 million tons of carbon. We must also assist regional and subregional organizations and initiatives, in particular those of the Group of Five for the Sahel (G-5 Sahel). Supporting the G-5 Sahel means providing its Joint Force with the predictable and sustainable logistical and financial support it needs from the United Nations, as well as responding to the essential issues of development and combating climate change that the region faces. The Security Council must be able to anticipate, prevent and seek solutions to counter the effects of climate change, in particular for the most vulnerable populations. The Council’s unity and spirit of compromise are essential in the face of such a challenge. Climate change is a major test for multilateralism. Only coordinated action by all actors, in particular the United Nations, can lead us in the right direction. The Council must therefore be able to better assess and address the impact of climate change on international peace and security and to draw all the necessary conclusions, region by region and subject by subject, for the issues on its agenda. To do that, we cannot rely solely on the commitment of the armed forces and peacekeepers deployed in the peacekeeping operations. In that regard, I would like to commend once again their commitment and sacrifice. To build long-term responses, we also need a way to better understand how climate change and crises are linked and how they reinforce each other so that we may strengthen the resilience of States and their populations. Lastly, as the twenty-sixth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change ended a few days ago in Glasgow, we must remember that the cost of inaction would be immense for any of us. That is why France calls on each State to make firm and lasting commitments to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions in line with the challenges facing our planet. The international community can count on France’s full and complete commitment in that regard.

At the outset, I would like to begin by thanking you, Mr. President, for attending this meeting, which demonstrates the importance your country attaches to the topic of this open debate, which is a priority that we share. I would also like to thank the Secretary-General, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission and the Executive Secretary of the Lake Chad Basin Commission for their briefings. I also recognize the presence of the President of Estonia. Today’s meeting certainly builds on the analysis that the Security Council has developed recently with regard to the impacts of climate change, as well as the actions that it can take to more adequately address climate-related security risks. The reality is that the current climate crisis that we are living through has the potential to broaden the causes of conflict in general. In order to make the Council’s preventive work more effective, we need to better understand the scientifically based contexts in which the effects of climate change may exacerbate the underlying causes that lead to the radicalization of individuals or groups and may even encourage the perpetration of terrorist acts. For example, sea-level rise may have legal implications with regard to the continuity or even the loss of State status in cases in which the territory of an island nation is totally submerged by the sea or becomes uninhabitable. That possibility raises issues relating to the protection of those affected by rising sea levels. The evacuation, relocation and migration of people abroad and the protection of the human rights of internally displaced persons and people who migrate as a result of the adverse effects of sea-level rise are issues that the current international system must take into account more than ever before. That is why the study on that subject being conducted by the International Law Commission is so relevant. Therefore, I think it is true to say that the concept of human security has been expanded de facto to include environmental security and the security of natural resources. We have been witness in the Council to how illicit trafficking in natural resources, the impact of natural disasters, the loss of biodiversity, the worsening water shortages, the desertification of land and the resulting famines have been triggers for armed violence and the occasional proliferation of terrorist groups that exploit those unstable situations to conduct their operations. In that context, we are very concerned by the data provided by the United Nations Development Programme indicating that 70 per cent of the countries that are most vulnerable to the effects of climate change are also among the most fragile and unstable countries in the world. Those countries face a dual threat: on the one hand, conflicts and insecurity; and on the other hand, the impacts of climate change. In order to address that double threat, we need preventive approaches that promote social and environmental justice and support countries in their needs for adaptation and resilience while also promoting sustainable peace. The Peacebuilding Fund has successfully implemented that approach in the Lake Chad region by promoting more responsible management of natural resources, supporting reforestation and improving access to sustainable ways of life. In the same way, the United Nations bodies that follow up the prevention and counter-terrorism agenda must include a climate change perspective in their overall analysis of underlying causes. Sometimes control over natural resources and illicit trafficking in those resources are also linked to illegal trafficking in arms and munitions. Therefore, those phenomena are interrelated and require an integrated approach. In conclusion, I would like to underscore that as we have said with regard to other similar topics: the idea is not to address the general impact of climate change in the Security Council — there are other platforms for that purpose — but to identify those situations in which climate change can have multiplier effects that affect international peace and security. If we truly want to practice more preventive diplomacy, we need to base ourselves on comprehensive analyses that take account of all those concerns. That is why we thank you, Mr. President, for having convened this debate.

On behalf of the Government and the people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, allow me to convey at the outset our deepest appreciation to the Republic of the Niger for convening today’s discussion. I also thank our briefers. Amid the ebbs and flows of these tumultuous times, as the social and economic costs of the coronavirus disease multiply, as more lives and livelihoods are disrupted globally by climate change and as the consequences of terrorism escalate in terms of the global security implications and the political repercussions that ensue, urgent multilateral action is clearly needed. It is no coincidence that the countries most affected by underdevelopment, oftentimes preceded by colonization, are also the most subjected to the security risks of climate change and terrorism. Indeed, in fragile contexts, poverty, unemployment, hunger, food insecurity, socioeconomic and political marginalization and other social ills intertwine to create fertile breeding ground for terrorism and organized crime. And as those conflict drivers are further compounded by climate change, the most vulnerable among us often become trapped in painful cycles of insecurity and underdevelopment. These woes of insecurity and underdevelopment cannot be solved in isolation of each another. We must avoid short-term planning and superficial approaches that merely circumvent, and fail to address, the root causes of conflict and insecurity. We will overcome these challenges only through comprehensive development plans and strategies that reinforce sovereignty, rebuild public trust, restore social contracts and adorn all nations and peoples with peace and prosperity. In pursuit of such noble aims, we cannot be divided in purpose and separated by narrow national interest. Neither can we rely on militaristic means or a narrow economic calculus. They will prove both elusive and illusory. The only solution is for the international community to work together in unity and solidarity to deliver on existing agreements, particularly the Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Developed countries and the international financial institutions ought to scale up overseas development assistance and capacity-building initiatives. Practical, people-centred and climate-sensitive solutions should be developed and extensively delivered in line with the needs, priorities and developmental imperatives of States concerned. All stakeholders, including powerful States, should conduct their affairs in accordance with the guiding principles of international law. And major and historical emitters must take ambitious action to set and meet climate targets, including our target of not exceeding a temperature rise of more than 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels, which is already upon us. Developed countries must also significantly scale up support for adaptation and mitigation. We also encourage further efforts by all Member States to meaningfully advance climate action through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The thematic draft resolution that has been put forward within the Council can also bolster a comprehensive approach on those multidimensional challenges. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is a sponsor of the draft resolution and encourages all States to stand in solidarity with those affected by climate-related security risks today and in the future if we do not drastically change our trajectory. We also take this opportunity to express our support for the Joint Force of the Group of Five for the Sahel, which is critical in the fight against terrorism in the Sahel. It has become abundantly clear that the challenges of terrorism, climate change, underdevelopment and insecurity can be solved only through fresh ideas, innovative solutions and modern developmental narratives that tell a different story than the one that we lament today. Let us work together to build a better future for all countries and peoples.

I would like to begin by sincerely thanking the Niger through you, Sir, for the warm and generous welcome that you extended to us during the Security Council’s visit to the Niger last month. I express my deepest condolences to you and the families of the Nigerien soldiers who were killed this week and the communities affected by the recent attacks. I would also like to offer my condolences to the families of the seven Blue Helmets of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali, who were killed yesterday in central Mali. I wish those who were injured a speedy recovery. I am deeply saddened by the death of another peacekeeper who was killed this week in a heinous attack that led to the deaths more than 30 civilians, including women and children, in central Mali. (spoke in English) I want to start by thanking President Bazoum for convening us today. Ireland has been proud to work hand in hand with the Niger over the past 12 months in advancing the critical issue of climate and security at the Security Council. I want to thank the Secretary-General for once again sounding the alarm on the urgent need to address climate change in all of its manifestations, including in relation to peace and security. I can assure the Secretary-General that his calls have not fallen on deaf ears. I thank Chairperson Faki Mahamat and Executive Secretary Nuhu for demonstrating the very real and present challenges of the interplay of climate and conflict from the perspective of their respective organizations. The African continent has long been at the forefront of the crisis. Their experiences as well as those of others, such as the small island developing States, are absolutely critical to shaping our collective response to the growing threat. We should listen to those who know what this means every day. In 1945, our forebears came together in a spirit of unbridled optimism to pursue a common and noble agenda. Their goal — their vision —was as ambitious as it was inspiring. Their promise — the promise of the Charter of the United Nations  — to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war is as relevant today as it was then. Seventy-five years later, the responsibility on the shoulders of the Council is just as momentous. As we know, however, time does not stand still, and neither should our ambition. We are now faced with a new challenge that is global, immediate and puts our collective security at risk. It is our responsibility, as we sit around this symbolic horseshoe table, to step up and deliver on that promise, which has given hope to millions across the globe — and to step up now. Put simply, climate change is the defining challenge of our time. It acts as a threat multiplier. It exacerbates existing inequalities, vulnerabilities and insecurities. It impacts the enjoyment of human rights. And it is felt most acutely by those who are already living in poverty and conflict, those who are marginalized and those who lack the capacity and resources to build resilience. Women and girls are disproportionately affected. Women and girls bear the brunt, whether in Niamey in the Sahel or Apia in Samoa. We know that, in any given context, climate change can exacerbate existing socioeconomic tensions. Its effects can degrade environments and livelihoods and weaken political institutions. In certain situations, those effects provide the space for terrorist groups to flourish and extend their reach, particularly where governance is weakened. That is a tragedy. We are seeing that the lack of adequate Government response to increasingly frequent and extreme weather events can also weaken the social contract between citizens and the State. Such weakening helps provide traction to cynical terrorist initiatives and narratives. In turn, situations of conflict exacerbated by climate change provide breeding grounds for such terrorist groups. We heard what President Bazoum said clearly to us this morning. We at the Council have a responsibility to break that vicious and self-reinforcing cycle. As President Bazoum said this morning, we should remain mobilized and determined. As vital resources such as water and fertile land diminish in certain regions, we also see the threat of their weaponization growing. Terrorist groups show that they can leverage access to those resources to increase their influence and generate funds. Economic incentives may be exerted to recruit those whose traditional livelihoods are adversely affected by climate change. The Council has already acknowledged the adverse effects of climate change and ecological challenges on the stability of certain regions, such as the Lake Chad basin. What is needed now is a better grasp of the problem and further empirical analysis. With the right information in hand, we can take the bold and decisive action needed to address that complex and growing challenge. That is our responsibility here at this table — no more, no less. We have some concerns about the risk of counter- terrorism being misused to criminalize environmental human rights defenders and civil society organizations working on climate change issues. Counter-terrorism legislation should not be misused to target those defending or exercising their human rights — and, of course, counter-terrorism measures should always be in full compliance with international law. In order to be effective, steps to address climate change need to be sufficient and transparent. Importantly, they should be administered through inclusive, accountable and non-discriminatory approaches. They need to be fit for purpose and be aimed at assisting those people and communities most in need. I want to emphasize that all of our efforts simply must ensure the full participation of women. Women are key actors in this challenge of our lifetime, as they represent half of our global population. We already have evidence that with nothing less than the meaningful participation of women can we ever expect to deliver on the scale of that challenge. Women should be in the room and at the table where these issues are discussed. Moreover, we cannot afford not to harness the leadership already shown by youth on climate action. The Council has taken important strides in recognizing the complex links between climate and conflict. This year alone, 13 Council products have addressed and included important language on the adverse impacts of climate change. However, to prevent and resolve conflicts that are exacerbated by the effects of climate change, we need to do more. We need a basic structured and systematic approach. We are struggling to play our part here at the Council, as well as, critically, on the ground. I call on all Council members to support the work under way and the climate security adviser in South Sudan, which Ireland has directly supported through the United Nations Climate Security Mechanism. Meaningfully addressing this complex issue means that we must also deepen our understanding of it. Ireland’s draft resolution is an important opportunity to strengthen the Security Council’s ability to better understand and address climate-related security risks within its mandate. Increasing the data and evidence base over time will allow the Council to take informed actions. It will also increase the Council’s capacity to understand its own responsibilities in relation to the implications of climate-related security risks. I echo the call of President Bazoum and others here this morning to all colleagues, both at the table now and joining the debate today, to support that critical draft resolution. In conclusion, it is clear that the threats to international peace and security have changed since the Council first came together in 1945. However, our responsibility to tackle them has not. The Council must recognize and accept its role in the fight against climate change. We need to integrate climate-related security risks into our conflict resolution, prevention and mediation efforts. Doing so will help maintain international peace and security, while failure to do so is unconscionable. To those on the front lines of the crisis, I want to say that we hear them and we believe their testimonies. To our fellow Council members, the time to act is now.

First, let me acknowledge the Niger’s leadership on the issue of climate change and security during its term on the Security Council, and also the presence of its President here today. Your efforts have certainly helped move the agenda forward. You have our full support. I also thank the briefers for sharing their valuable insights on the complex topic of climate change and terrorism and the interlinkages between those two issues that, by themselves, do not receive enough attention. Climate change exacerbates vulnerabilities throughout the world. That dynamic could explain why many climate-vulnerable countries are also dealing with terrorist insurgencies — for example, in Mali and Somalia. However, as with all climate and security issues, interlinkages are complicated and highly context-specific. Climate change can accelerate the same underlying drivers as those identified as drivers of terrorism. It drives displacement, weakens governance and fuels political and social instability. It drives food insecurity and hunger and competition over resources and increases tension among communities. It also undermines livelihoods and exacerbates inequality. Combined, those factors can create fertile ground for radicalization, spur recruitment to armed groups and hinder the return of populations that were forced to migrate. The underlying factor is fragility. Climate change undermines the ability of communities to cope with crises, and many of the communities hit hardest by both climate change and conflict are already the least equipped to deal with their impacts. The amplifying effects of conflict and climate change also highlight the need for the protection of civilians, especially in situations of displacement and hunger. Let me underline that the climate security agenda is, at its heart, a preventative agenda. It is aimed at the inclusion of climate risks in our analysis and responses, which can enhance our peacebuilding and peacekeeping efforts. We therefore emphasize that climate risk assessment and management need to be mainstreamed and operationalized in the mandates of relevant peace operations by the Council. While every situation is complex and context- specific, we believe that successfully fighting climate change and preventing and countering terrorism both depend on good governance and reducing vulnerabilities. We need to meaningfully include all effective stakeholders in our response, including women, youth, civil society and the private sector. We must strengthen partnerships with national and regional actors, especially the African Union, and encourage a stronger approach by local, national, regional and international organizations through the transparent exchange of information and forward-thinking analysis. We also need to increase the capacity of the climate and security work of the United Nations, especially in the field, and best practices and other experiences need to be brought back to the Council. Norway will provide dedicated support to this, and we encourage others to do the same. Applying a holistic analytic perspective will also strengthen our response to terrorism, as it will focus our attention on the underlying drivers of radicalization and strengthen efforts to prevent violent extremism. While vulnerabilities overlap, solutions tend to overlap as well. When it comes to climate change, there are no hard security solutions. Our common goal should be for a peace effort to be climate-sensitive, our climate action to be conflict-sensitive and our peacebuilding to be climate-proof. For this to happen, we need a coordinated approach by the United Nations and the Security Council. That is why we fully support and have co-sponsored the draft resolution on climate and security. Climate action depends on concerted and coordinated multilateral cooperation with its responsibility to maintain international peace and security. We believe the Security Council has a pivotal role to play in these efforts.

We are pleased to see you, Mr. President, presiding over the Security Council. The Russian Federation wholeheartedly shares the common international concerns about the issues that are at the centre of our debate today. The consequences of climate change, natural disasters and terrorism are catastrophes that are cross-border in nature and require active international cooperation. We are committed to working on these priorities. In addition, our colleagues from the Niger raised another subject for discussion, namely, the possible connection between terrorism and climate change and issues of security, as well as the role of the Security Council in this context. First, climate change is an issue that holds a very important place for us both in the national context and in terms of international cooperation. According to our calculations, the climate in Russia is changing 2.5 times faster than the global average. At the same time, we see ever more destructive natural phenomena, and the need to cut greenhouse gases and adapt to the negative consequences of climate change is increasingly obvious to us. On 29 October this year, the Russian Federation a government order that established a strategy for low- carbon socioeconomic development until 2050. This strategy sets the specific goal of achieving a balance between human-made greenhouse-gas emissions and the mitigation thereof through carbon capture by 2060. In the spirit of such approaches, the Russian delegation played an active role at the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), in Glasgow in November, and helped achieve a consensus. We think that the success in Glasgow possible was due to the balance struck between climate- and environmental-protection efforts and the socioeconomic interests of countries at different levels of development and therefore at different levels of vulnerability. Help in protecting countries from climate change and natural disasters is an important element in national efforts and international global cooperation, especially in the framework of the United Nations development system. Nevertheless, there is a range of different sub-issues on the agenda, from sea-level rise, which is an issue for island States, to the desertification in countries in Africa. Those require different approaches to assistance for the States in question. There is no disagreement that cooperation in the fight against international terrorism should also be global in nature. In this context, we think that States Members of the United Nations are able to define threats and issues with the support of the counter-terrorism monitoring activity of the Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate (CTED), which helps to prepare reports on States’ implementation of specialized counter- terrorism resolutions, in particular resolutions 1373 (2001) and 1624 (2005). This mechanism has been able to keep up with its work despite the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. On the basis of CTED’s recommendations, States can be provided with technical assistance through such specialized United Nations structures as the United Nations Office of Counter-Terrorism and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. We stress that this assistance should be provided upon the request of local authorities and taking into account the specifics of the country and the region, and there are indeed many specifics. Accordingly, despite the active fight going on with the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant in Syria and Iraq, we are also seeing the terrorist threat spread from the Middle East and North Africa to neighbouring countries and regions, particularly deeper into Africa. The reasons for that are problems of border security, given that the borders are porous, socioeconomic conditions are difficult, the COVID-19 crisis is deepening, and the central authorities on the ground are showing weakness. Terrorists are successfully taking advantage of this, broadening their propaganda and finding new recruits from the dissatisfied population, above all, young people. There is also no disagreement that, in the Sahel, for example, a great many factors, including problems of extreme poverty, a lack of jobs, population growth, desertification, natural disasters, migration, internal conflicts and terrorist activity, have come together into a single knot. The current situation with the coronavirus is also making the situation more difficult. A completely logical question therefore presents itself. In order to solve the aforementioned problems, what should the United Nations and the Security Council do? We have to recognize that our approach differs from the opinion of many of our Security Council colleagues. First and foremost, we are convinced that each country or region needs to be looked at individually as well as in connection with other often more significant factors that give rise to socioeconomic or political instability, including foreign intervention in States, or the lack of outside assistance in situations where the local authorities and State institutions cannot cope with the task at hand. A generic one-size-fits-all approach or some kind of automatic attribution of cause and effect will only lead the Security Council down the wrong path in solving these problems. We are convinced that each of the negative factors in this context should be analysed and overcome with the consent of the national Governments of recipient countries and the use of the specific expert potential and the toolkit that the United Nations can bring, once again without some one-size-fits-all approach. We defended and will continue to defend the notion that the United Nations works effectively when its labour is properly divided. Forcing climate monitoring detached from fundamental scientific work into the mandate of peacekeeping operations or special political missions would be a disastrous politicization of the climate agenda and lead us away from unified and genuinely global cooperation, which is what the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the UNFCCC are aiming to achieve. Let us be honest: cutting greenhouse-gas emissions in region A is not going to stop floods or droughts in region B over the next 50 or 100 years. Furthermore, in looking for the deep- rooted reasons for terrorism, moving the focus from poverty, sanctions or weak State institutions to climate simply means going away from an open discussion of the reasons for the extreme vulnerability of States, in particular those that have suffered from foreign intervention. Can this really be helped by moving the discussion to the Security Council? For us, the direct connection between terrorism and climate change is not clear. Perhaps our colleagues, by including this subject in the Security Council agenda, simply want to raise the profile of debate on climate. However, I think that Council members would agree that whether any particular issue is included or not on the Security Council agenda should not serve as a yardstick as to whether or not it is important. Climate change is certainly an issue where this is a concern. As part of its specific nature, it should be looked at with the involvement of all States Members of the United Nations. Nothing can really be helped by including it on the agenda of the Security Council, with its limited membership and very specific toolkit, but it certainly could lead to a muddling and a doubling of efforts. On the whole, we think that working on this issue within the UNFCCC, the General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council, the High-level Political Forum, and the Peacebuilding Commission and other United Nations forums — and respecting the division of labour within the Organization — has great potential for addressing the socioeconomic recovery of developing countries. In particular, developing countries need to strengthen their capacities to overcome the obstacles to development that are relevant to them, as well as increased and better access to financing and to participation in the global trading system, vaccines against COVID-19, the best available technologies and early-warning systems for extreme natural phenomena, humanitarian assistance, education and vocational guidance for the younger generation, particularly women. We call for working along those lines in the frameworks that I mentioned, leaving it to the Security Council to address the root causes of conflicts and resolve existing ones.

Let me begin by conveying best wishes and greetings from the Prime Minister of India, Shri Narendra Modi, to the President of the Republic of the Niger, His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Bazoum, on the Niger’s presidency of the Security Council. I also thank Secretary-General António Guterres, Mr. Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, and Ambassador Mamman Nuhu, Executive Secretary of the Lake Chad Basin Commission, for their respective briefings. The briefing by His Excellency the President of the Niger again drew the attention of the Security Council to the threat of terrorism in the Sahel region and beyond. That is indeed a serious global concern. The fight against terrorism remains significant even after 20 years since landmark resolution 1373 (2001) was adopted in the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The threat of terrorism in Africa has adversely impacted African countries in their pursuit of economic progress and development. The security situation in the countries of the Group of Five for the Sahel (G-5 Sahel) in particular has deteriorated in the past three years, as is evident from the scores of attacks by terrorists and armed groups targeting civilians and security forces. Furthermore, the threat posed by terrorist groups in the Sahel region and beyond is well documented, including in the Secretary-General’s periodic reports. Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin, affiliated to Al-Qaida and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, has expanded its activities. Groups linked to Al-Qaida and the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham and Boko Haram have also continued to expand around the eastern and northern shores of Lake Chad. The attacks against the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali a few days ago, which resulted in the killing of seven peacekeepers from Togo and a Malian national, demonstrate the danger posed by terrorist and armed groups to the Sahel region. India strongly condemns the attack on peacekeepers and expresses its deepest condolences to the families of those who lost their lives. India appreciates the initiative of the G-5 Sahel Joint Force, a joint effort of countries in the Sahel, including the Niger. However, the Joint Force continues to be plagued by multiple challenges, such as a lack of training, resources, logistics and access to sustainable and predictable financing, all of which have hampered the full operationalization of the Force. The current model of support to the Joint Force is inadequate and unsustainable — a reality that was highlighted by the Secretary-General in his recent reports and echoed by His Excellency the President of the Niger just now. We believe that it is high time that regional security initiatives such as the G-5 Sahel Joint Force be provided adequate and sustainable resources, as well as training and logistics support. A resource-constrained counter- terrorism strategy can be a recipe for failure. The Council needs to take effective measures, including by supporting regional and subregional organizations in their security initiatives. Climate change is one of the defining challenges of our time. Over the past several decades, Member States have engaged purposefully in a focused manner to put in place commitments relating to mitigation, adaptation, financing, the transfer of technology, et cetera so that climate change can be addressed holistically, as is done by the process led by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) with annual meetings of the Conference of the Parties (COP). The measures to tackle climate change have been built on an integrated structure that is equitable to all parties, especially developing countries. In addition to that, countries across the globe have taken on many commitments under the nationally determined contributions. Given that background, we do not think that it is appropriate to draw a separate link between security and climate change, especially when all aspects of climate change are already being dealt with holistically under the mandate of the UNFCCC. Any action in the Security Council ignoring the basic principles and provisions relating to climate change has the potential to disrupt the nature of our overall discussion on this important topic. To move the climate change discourse from a consensus-driven template to a possibly divisive process may not be advisable. Let us not deviate from an established and inclusive process of decision-making, with all developing countries participating, and attempt to create an alternative platform for climate change. While we recognize the fact that climate change has impacted the lives of people and exacerbated conflicts in many places, viewing conflicts only through the prism of climate change presents a misleading perspective. The report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change clearly states that the effect of climate variability on violence is contested. There is also no clear scientific pronouncement directly equating climate change with security concerns. It is therefore important that matters of climate science be discussed in the relevant forums under the UNFCCC. The oversimplification of causes of conflict will not help to resolve them, and neither can it justify terrorist acts or extreme policy measures. We recently completed the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (COP26) in Glasgow, the United Kingdom, where we adopted the Glasgow Climate Pact by consensus. That document contains the collective will of the international community on all aspects related to climate change in a holistic manner and the climate action envisaged. We are firmly committed to achieving the outcome of COP26 based on the Glasgow Climate Pact. We now need to bring our focus back to where it should be  — combating climate change. India is a leader in climate action and is on track to meet its commitments under the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. India’s climate-responsive development is evident in the announcements at COP26, where India also committed to reducing the emissions intensity of its gross domestic product by 45 per cent by 2030 from the 2005 level; achieving 50 per cent cumulative electric power installed capacity from non-fossil-fuel- based energy resources by 2030; achieving 1 billion ton reductions in the projected emissions between now and 2030; achieving 500 gigawatts of non-fossil fuel energy capacity by 2030; and achieving the target of net zero by the year 2070, which our Prime Minister has collectively called the panchamrit, or five goals. Apart from domestic actions, India has also taken the lead in bringing together international coalitions to generate long-term impacts through partnerships. The International Solar Alliance (ISA) is a leading example of how collective action translates into positive global action. We recently launched the Green Grids Initiative  — One Sun One World One Grid, together with the United Kingdom, endorsed by the ISA, which will facilitate cross-border renewable energy transfer projects. The Coalition for Disaster-Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI) is another successful initiative by India for enhancing cooperation and building resilience against natural disasters. At COP26, a new initiative for technical assistance and capacity-building in island States, called the Infrastructure for Resilient Island States, was introduced under the CDRI. What we now need is to enhance action on all important policies that address climate change, including the fulfilment of commitments on climate finance and technology transfer. Developed countries cannot pass on their obligations to developing countries and must meet their commitments equitably, on both mitigation and adaptation. Today it is necessary that, as we track the progress made in climate mitigation, we should also track climate financing and urge developed countries to begin providing climate financing of $1 trillion at the earliest. In conclusion, the threat of terrorism to the Sahel region is far greater and more severe than many other challenges facing the region today. India has always been willing to extend and expand its capacity-building assistance to the armed forces of the affected countries to support them in their fight against terrorism. India’s recent initiatives in that regard have been the inclusion of Chad in our training under the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation Programme, with 10 military training slots last year, and a specialized in-situ training programme in counter-insurgency and counter- terrorism for nearly 200 Nigerian army personnel this year. We believe that it is important that the Council continue to extend all possible assistance and support to the G-5 Sahel Joint Force, in the overarching interest of peace, security and stability in the region. Both terrorism and climate change are complex issues that the global community is grappling with. After decades of painstaking international efforts, today we have institutional mechanisms to address each of these issues. We should continue to work through those established mechanisms. That should be the way forward.

I thank the Niger for its initiative to convene this open debate and welcome Mr. Mohamed Bazoum, President of the Republic of the Niger, as he presides over this meeting. I also thank Secretary-General Guterres, Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat and Executive Secretary Mamman Nuhu for their very illuminating briefings for today’s discussion. Peace and security present constant, but novel challenges for humankind. At present, factors of uncertainty and instability are significantly increasing around the world. Terrorism, infectious diseases and other non-conventional security threats are on the rise, compounding traditional security challenges and affecting many countries, particularly African countries. Lasting peace and stability is the fervent aspiration of African people, but it is also the responsibility of the international community, particularly the Security Council. China has always been a staunch supporter of, constructive participant in, and active contributor to the cause of peace and security in Africa. Over 80 per cent of Chinese peacekeepers are deployed in Africa. We have sent more than 30,000 peacekeepers to 17 United Nations peacekeeping missions in Africa. At the recent Eighth Ministerial Conference of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, China and Africa jointly formulated the China-Africa Cooperation Vision 2035 and decided to launch nine projects, including a peace and security project. China will deliver 10 projects in the field of peace and security for Africa, continue to provide military assistance to the African Union and will support African countries’ efforts to be self-sufficient in preserving regional peace and security and countering terrorism. China will also extend cooperation through the conduct of joint and on-site trainings of China/Africa peacekeeping forces and on the management and control of small arms and light weapons. On the road to peace and security, China will always walk side by side with our African brothers. In recent years, terrorism has posed a major threat to Africa, particularly the Sahel. In order to confront that challenge, the Group of Five for the Sahel (G-5 Sahel) united to enhance their capacity and their counter-terrorism cooperation and to play an important role in regional security — to some success. China expresses its deep appreciation in that regard. We strongly condemn the recent terrorist attacks in the Fantio community of the Niger and in several areas in Mali and express our deepest condolences to the soldiers of the Niger, the peacekeepers of Togo, Egypt and others, as well as Mali civilians. China endorses the continued joint counter- terrorism cooperation between the Niger and other countries in the region, supports sustainable and predictable funding for the Joint Force of the G-5 Sahel and calls on the international community to lend more help in the form of logistics and capacity-building. A military approach alone is not sufficient, in the long- term, to definitively eliminate the security threats in the Sahel. Efforts must be made to address the root causes of conflicts. The international community should help African countries address various difficulties, such as economic problems, food insecurity and tribal tensions, eliminate all potential breeding grounds for terrorism, continue to support the countries of the region in enhancing security capacity-building, provide security protection to the local populations and ensure that civilian facilities, such as schools and hospitals, are protected from conflicts. The United Nations can make use of its own advantages to help the countries concerned, protect the rights and interests of women, children and vulnerable people so that they can fully enjoy the fruits of development and in order to cut off the impact and infiltration of extremist ideologies. Climate change poses a grave challenge to Africa’s sustainable development. In recent years, the African Union (AU) has adopted a series of measures to respond to climate change. On 9 March, the AU Peace and Security Council adopted a specific communiqué addressing topics such as mitigation, adaptation and capacity-building and focusing on real challenges such as water shortages, illegal trading in fauna and flora and developing climate-friendly infrastructure. The communiqué proposed many targeted responses, including the establishment of the Africa Climate Change Fund. Like other developing countries, African countries also suffer from the greatest deficit in funding, technology and capabilities. We call for more attention and support to Africa’s response to climate change under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. We align ourselves with the comment made just now by the Secretary-General in that regard. We call on developed countries to effectively fulfil their historical responsibilities and honour their commitments with regard to climate financing, technology transfer and capacity-building so that commitment can be translated into practical actions. Climate change has had a significant impact on the countries in the Sahel and has exacerbated the conflicts in the region. We call on the Security Council to take the perspective of peace and security, in accordance with its own mandates, as well as a situation-based approach in their thorough analysis of the impact of climate change on the Sahel — country by country and situation by situation — so as to have an accurate understanding of the mechanism of security risks driven by climate and examine practical and viable solutions in that regard. In that context, the principle of common but differentiated responsibility must be respected, as should the principle of depending on one’s own capabilities, so that we can provide the necessary funding and technological support to countries in need in order to address climate change. We should move beyond slogans. We support further consultation on this matter by the members of the Council and urge unity in the Council’s actions. China attaches great importance to climate change and has always actively participated in international cooperation, playing a responsible and constructive role in that regard. We have also made important contributions to the success of the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, held in Glasgow. As an active supporter of African countries and their climate response, China has signed 15 cooperation documents with 14 African countries in order to operationalize mitigation and adaptation projects and jointly combat the smuggling of wildlife. The recently held eighth Ministerial Conference of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation adopted a declaration on China/Africa cooperation on combating climate change, with a new blueprint and practical initiatives to that end. Over the next three years, China and Africa will jointly implement the green development project. China will provide assistance to Africa on 10 environmentally friendly green climate projects and support the construction of the Africa Great Green Wall by building of low-carbon demonstration zones and climate adaptation in Africa. China has always actively supported Africa and will continue to make contributions to peace and development in Africa with its practical action.

At the outset, let me thank the Niger for convening this meeting and to thank Mr. Mohamed Bazoum, President of the Niger, for presiding over this important debate. (spoke in English) I also thank the Secretary-General and the other briefers for their insightful contributions. In its latest report, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change confirms that climate change is accelerating and that, in some cases, the changes in the climate are irreversible. It calls for our urgent actions to cut emissions, build resilience and adapt to and mitigate the inevitable impacts of climate change. Half of the 20 countries considered most vulnerable to climate change find themselves on the agenda of the Security Council. Climate change is increasingly becoming a dangerous threat multiplier. Their adverse effects deprive people of livelihoods, lead to food and water insecurity, cause mass displacement, generate instability and create tensions and violence. Some situations, such as that in the Sahel region, are fraught with the existing threats of terrorism and fragilities, while struggling with the adverse effects of climate change, environmental degradation and the depletion of natural resources. During its visit to the region in October, the Security Council witnessed this first-hand. We must not allow terrorist groups to exploit the tensions and grievances exacerbated by climate change to further erode State governance, increase recruitment, radicalize disenfranchised people and draw them to violent extremism. Countering terrorism has been at the very core of the agenda of the Security Council. Much progress has been achieved over the past 20 years, most notably the Council’s commitments, unity and solidarity in the fight against terrorism. Over the past two years, there have been many thematic debates on climate and security in the Council, with growing engagement from its members. The important work of the Security Council’s Informal Expert Group on Climate and Security, chaired by the Niger and Ireland, has contributed to promoting discussion on, and an understanding of, security risks of climate change in specific contexts — and much more. To address risks posed by climate change and terrorism, we would like to make the following observations. First, a holistic approach to address all aspects of these issues can help ensure the sustainability of our response and long-term success. At the global level, it means whole-of-organization collaboration by all United Nations bodies and missions, with long-term vision and strategies. Among those, the Security Council has a special role to play to address security risks and threats, including by working closely with others to prevent conflict from happening, addressing the compounding threats, including climate change and terrorism, and ensuring sustainable peace. The Security Council must demonstrate its leadership, unity and solidarity and act swiftly in fulfilling its responsibility. At the national level, that involves a whole-of-Government approach and whole-of-society engagement. In all those processes, inclusivity is key. It is important to ensure the active participation of vulnerable countries, communities, groups, women and youth. Secondly, anticipation and resilience are most effective and should be adequately invested in. Anticipation helps us better prepare well in advance, be ready to face the challenges and be more efficient in our response to both climate change and terrorism. Resilience helps communities adapt better to climate change and boosts our people’s immunity to the spread of terrorist ideology. It should strengthen and diversify livelihoods, contribute to poverty eradication and ensure equity. Thirdly, equality should be ensured by equity through international cooperation and solidarity. No single country can deal with those threats alone, especially climate change. Developing countries have limited resources and capacities, but often face worse impacts. International commitments should be based on the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and on the specific circumstances and capacities of the countries concerned. In that connection, international cooperation should be enhanced to contribute effectively to the translation of commitments into action. The twenty-sixth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change has generated momentum on the commitments on cutting greenhouse-gas emissions. Climate financing is central to their implementation. Developed countries should take the lead in making and honouring their commitments to providing climate financing and development assistance. Resources should be set aside to provide developing and least developed countries with assistance in financing, technologies and know- how, so that no country is left behind. According to the World Bank, Viet Nam is among the six countries most severely affected by climate change. An active and effective response to climate change reflects the strong political resolve of our Government. We stand ready to engage in all collective actions to address climate-related challenges at the United Nations and other forums. Dame Barbara Woodward (United Kingdom): I thank you, Mr. President, in particular for your clear account of the impact of climate change and terrorism in the Niger. And I thank the other experts too for their valuable briefings. It is a cruel reality that many of the nations most affected by climate change are also among the world’s most fragile. As the Secretary-General made clear, the impacts of climate change act as a multiplier of the threats already facing vulnerable populations. And countries enduring conflict are hit especially hard. With institutions under pressure, communities displaced and societies insecure, those nations are less equipped to cope with the impacts of climate change. As you highlighted, Mr. President, in the Sahel, changes in rainfall have fuelled conflict between farmer and herder communities. That can create the conditions for violent extremism. In Iraq and Syria, farming communities affected by climate-induced crop failures and droughts were thought to have been an important source of recruits for the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant between 2014 and 2016. We therefore welcome the United Nations efforts to address both terrorism and climate change. With the climate crisis posing an existential threat to our future  — not only to our environment, but to our common security — we must act. I want to emphasize three ways we can do this. First, at the twenty-sixth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP26), we saw that countries can work together to deliver ambitious commitments. Through the Glasgow Climate Pact, we have kept alive the hope of limiting the rise in global temperature to 1.5°C. We saw strong commitments made at COP26 on net zero, ending and reversing deforestation, the doubling of adaptation financing and meeting the $100 billion goal by 2023 at the latest. That will help countries increase their preparedness to climate risks and protect vulnerable communities from some of the worst impacts of climate change and its effects on stability. Secondly, we need the United Nations system to report comprehensively on the links between climate and security so that we have the best information to inform our decisions. The Council’s Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate has a clear role in that regard and should continue to examine the conditions and environments in which terrorism develops and thrives. But all parts of the United Nations, including the Security Council, have a critical role to play to meet the challenge. Therefore, we support the draft resolution submitted to the Council as an important first step. Thirdly, we wholeheartedly support a fully inclusive approach, in particular with respect to women and girls, who suffer disproportionately from conflict and climate change, so that they can play a meaningful role. In conclusion, we must act effectively, urgently and together to address the climate crisis and reduce the increasing risks of climate insecurity.

I welcome you to New York, Mr. President. I congratulate you on the Niger’s leadership of the Security Council this month, and I have the honour to transmit to you a message of gratitude from His Excellency President Uhuru Kenyatta for your delegation’s effective advocacy on behalf of Africa during the entirety of your term. Your key role as one of the three African members of the Security Council — Kenya, the Niger and Tunisia — as well as Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, has benefited the peace and security of the African States and peoples. As you leave the Security Council, we will continue to work together to build a more secure and prosperous Africa. I also thank the Secretary-General, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission and the Executive Secretary of the Lake Chad Basin Commission for their briefings. We have come to this open debate to debate. Today we debate climate change and terrorism, only a short time after the adoption of the outcome of the twenty- sixth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, held in Glasgow. Even as all delegations here make statements on the role of the multilateral system, dealing with the specific question that has been posed, we are forced to wonder whether multilateralism itself can truly move beyond the rhetoric of celebrating itself to bold action. We all know that the world’s scientists and policymakers embrace the consensus that climate change is exacting its greatest costs in the countries and regions that are least responsible for causing it. Yet that knowledge is not leading to ambitious global action on adaptation in Africa. Past commitments, such as the pledge of $100 billion a year in financing made in Paris, which cover only a small portion of the necessary response, are being reversed. If there is a reluctance to act on what global leaders call the greatest threat to humankind, will there be a will to truly respond to the impact of climate change on the security of our citizens? I put it to those gathered here today that our greatest challenge is not climate change, or even the coronavirus disease pandemic. It is the moving goalposts, double standards and false hierarchies between the developed and developing regions. Enlightened self-interest, solidarity and even science do not appear to be sufficient to overcome that short-sightedness. From unscientific travel bans to jumping the queues for vaccines and stockpiling them while others are suffering from their scarcity, to the dithering on adaptation in Glasgow — the evidence of a failing multilateralism is glaring. The world’s peoples are yearning for leadership that can rescue multilateralism from its present rut and reposition it as a source of solutions that are fit for purpose. As a member of the Security Council, we certainly hope that multilateralism’s shortcomings and failures will not so easily be reflected in its actions as we fear is increasingly the case. Kenya condemns the recent terrorist attack against the peacekeepers of United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), which claimed seven lives and left three injured. We express our sincere condolences to the families of the deceased and to the Government and the people of Togo. Such relentless heinous attacks demonstrate even more profoundly the need for a robust force that can take the fight to the terrorists. It is clear — and was made even clearer during the Council’s recent trip to the Sahel — that the region’s armies must be assisted to raise their competence and their equipment and finances should be upgraded. MINUSMA is doing a commendable job, but that will not assure the stabilization of the Sahel against terrorism. Dedicated African forces are required. We all know that. However, once again multilateralism is faltering. Since the 9/11 attacks on the city of New York, we have known that effective counter-terrorism requires global cooperation, as terrorism affiliated with Al-Qaida and the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham has a transnational and global footprint. When the most powerful are attacked, we all close ranks with them and fight together. When the most vulnerable are attacked, the multilateral system is grudging in its response. Instead, we would like to see the instruments deployed by the Council against that unique crime utilized to their fullest effect. For instance, we need to see United Nations-assessed contributions to African forces that deliver on the mandate of international peace and security when they have limited budgets that are urgently required for developmental needs. We call on the Council to reject the uneven application of sanctions regimes. Some groups, such as Al-Shabaab, that are self-admittedly Al-Qaida affiliates, are kept off the appropriate sanctions listing even as members of the Council unilaterally sanction those groups as Al-Qaida. A false divide between humanitarian access and counter-terrorism has arisen that ignores the fact that terrorism is one of the greatest causes of humanitarian crises. Victims of terrorism are being told that the utmost was not done by the Security Council to save them. The world is being told that the Council’s counter- terrorism architecture is applied on a case-by-case basis in relation to interests, not facts. Every delegation to the Council has analysed the growing conflicts for resources between pastoralists and farmers and among groups responding to the effects of changing weather patterns. Every security agency with a global outlook understands that those impacts are part of the growing crisis in the Lake Chad basin. The problem is not how to convince the Security Council that there is a link between the effects of climate change and resource conflicts that may offer terrorists new opportunities to exploit. The problem is how to convince the Council that African crises require and deserve that it fully lives up to its mandate — and that it is for the countries that are most responsible for climate change to live up to their responsibilities. We can speak at length about what the responses on the ground in the Sahel should be, but it is far more important to meet our responsibilities, which the whole world witnessed being short-changed in Glasgow. We need the Security Council to provide solutions that respond to the challenges we face in line with its mandate. Otherwise, its relevance will disappear with every passing day. You are absolutely correct, Mr. President, that our region and the world cannot wait forever for adequate responses. We doubt that there will be ambitious action on climate change and terrorism when such action is lacking even on countering terrorism. If African forces like the Group of Five for the Sahel do not receive the predictable and adequate financing they need to deliver international peace and security, then what real actions on climate and security can we expect? Allow me to conclude with five proposals that I believe we can all appreciate, if not embrace. First, we cannot talk of the impacts of climate change without paying equal attention to its causes. The present conversation about the climate-security nexus is almost exclusively about the suffering countries, most of which are in Africa, and does not sufficiently link to the cause of climate change. If that continues, it will allow responsibility to be shifted from those that have caused the crisis to those who are suffering the most from it. Secondly, climate change mitigation efforts in the global North should not cut off the development path for the global South. Affordable, accessible and at-scale energy is required for development. Attempts to frustrate energy justice for the global South assure continued poverty, which will translate to continued crises and States that lack the resources to solve those problems. Instead, mitigation should be underpinned by understanding that it will only be afforded and undertaken if countries in the global South become developed. Thirdly, climate change adaptation is the most peace-positive and peacebuilding undertaking in regions such as the Sahel. States and the private sector in the region must design public and private investment-ready projects that require investment and that clearly accord to environmental, social and governance criteria. United Nations bodies such as the Peacebuilding Commission, the United Nations Development Programme and the United Nations Global Compact can help shape the way forward. There will need to be investment and capacity-building to identify and prepare those projects for investment. As was made clear by our field trip to the Niger, one such project that needs immediate investment is quality education that allows young people from the Niger to be part of a thriving green economy. Fourthly, grants and cheap financing must be made available to the projects I mentioned. Where conflicts are raging, grants and actions by international financial institutions need to be undertaken so that the private sector can subsequently find a path to investing. Fifthly, effective counter-terrorism will not emerge from climate action. It is rooted in competent security services that actively integrate their counter- terrorism and criminal justice efforts with those of their neighbours. It calls for a Security Council that understands that those regional capabilities require international financing, otherwise United Nations peacekeeping will fail to prevent State collapse in multiple countries. It also requires the inclusive management of diversity as a core State capability that is as important as that of providing security and basic services. Effective counter-terrorism requires that the State be able to support local livelihood uplift. It is in that arena that climate action — specifically adaptation — can play an important role. As I conclude, Kenya commends the Niger and Ireland, as co-Chairs of the Informal Expert Group on Climate and Security, for the thematic draft resolution they submitted, which represents a good starting point in this debate.

At the outset, I would like to sincerely thank you, Mr. President, and the sisterly Republic of the Niger for convening today’s meeting to shed light once again on climate change and terrorism, which constitute two of the major threats to international peace and security and exacerbate existing problems, especially in conflict-afflicted regions. We commend your valuable briefing and the accurate evaluation of the issue, along with your practical proposals. We are aware of what the brotherly people of the Niger have faced and continue to face due to those two scourges. We appreciate the role that your country has always played in drawing the attention of the international community to the dangers that threaten security and stability in the Sahel region. I would like to thank His Excellency the Secretary- General for his valuable briefing. I also thank Mr. Moussa Faki Mahamat and Mr. Mamman Nuhu for their briefings. We wish to express in the strongest terms Tunisia’s condemnation of the terrorist attack on the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali. We offer our sincere condolences to the families of those who lost their lives and to the people and the Government of Togo. Throughout our membership on the Security Council, Tunisia has paid special attention to the need to consider the deep and interrelated causes of conflicts and the various factors that fuel violence, prolong conflicts and threaten security and peace in the world. Tunisia has also often reiterated the importance of addressing those factors by strengthening multilateral action and adopting a holistic approach based on an integrated concept of collective security and innovative tools and mechanisms that are capable of dealing effectively with those common and cross-border challenges. That is one of the priorities that Tunisia will continue to monitor within the framework of various United Nations and other regional structures. There is no doubt that climate change represents one of the major factors that deepens fragility and threatens stability, sometimes leading to the outbreak of conflict. It fuels tensions and violence and contributes to protracted and complicated conflicts, especially on the African continent. Given the current climate change-related challenges that the world faces today, it is necessary to go beyond the context-based approach in addressing the situation and to work to include climate risks systematically in the Security Council’s exercise of its primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security. We support the practical proposals contained in the draft resolution submitted for the Council’s consideration by Ireland and the Niger. We hope that it will be adopted unanimously, thereby sending a clear and strong message from the Security Council in that regard. Although climate change is a global phenomenon, the severity of its repercussions varies. Some regions of the world, especially those that have contributed least to such changes, are most affected, as is the case of the African continent, in particular the Sahel region. Their peoples face difficulties in withstanding and adapting to the impacts of climate change. From that point of view, when addressing the security repercussions of climate change, it is necessary to take into consideration the importance of the development dimension in strategies for maintaining peace and security, as well as the need to build the capacity of the peoples of those regions to adapt to the effects of climate change, thereby preventing them from slipping into spirals of violence and conflict. Twenty years have passed since the establishment of the international regime to counter terrorism through the adoption of resolution 1373 (2001) and the various measures that followed it, as well as the creation of the Counter-Terrorism Committee, which Tunisia has had the honour to chair during the past two years. Despite the significant achievements made in terms of bolstering legal frameworks and international cooperation mechanisms to combat that scourge, terrorism and violent extremism remain among the most serious threats to international peace and security. Over the past two decades, the world has witnessed an evolution in the working methods of terrorist organizations and their ability to adapt and exploit crises and conflicts, the fragility of certain communities and marginalized groups and the weakness or absence of State authority in order to expand and implement their plans. They have also harnessed modern technologies and social media to promote their ideologies, recruit members and obtain financing. That has led to the exacerbation of the scourge of terrorism and the emergence of the phenomenon of foreign terrorist fighters on an unprecedented scale. The severity of the terrorist threat has also been increasing in Africa especially in conflict zones. Terrorist organizations are trying to exploit the situations in those regions by reorganizing their ranks and establishing regional affiliates that pledge allegiance to such organizations. At the same time, they also benefit from organized crime and trafficking in arms and persons to fund their operations. Tunisia reiterates the need for continued international cooperation to counter terrorism as well as violent extremism in all its forms and to redouble efforts aimed at eliminating the root causes that fuel it through an integrated approach that takes into consideration all its dimensions. Promoting human development and eradicating poverty, marginalization and exclusion, as well as ensuring the participation of youth and women, are important means of countering terrorism and violent extremism in the medium and long term. As for the short term, the international community must today assist the countries concerned in building their capacity to counter this threat through tangible measures in line with their needs. In that context, we recall the need of the Group of Five (G-5) for the Sahel to receive strong and effective United Nations and international support in order to foster its ability to counter shared challenges, including by promoting the Joint Force backed by the African Union. Such support would provide it with the necessary operational and logistical support, in line with the Secretary-General’s recommendations, with a view to enabling it to continue to play its important role in fighting terrorism and transnational organized crime. The success of the Joint Force will have a positive impact on peace and security not only locally but also at the regional and international levels.

I now give the floor to the representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Today the international community faces pressing challenges related to terrorism and climate change. Through its numerous resolutions, the United Nations has repeatedly affirmed that terrorism is one of the most serious threats to international peace and security and that the primary responsibility for combating that threat rests with Member States. The Islamic Republic of Iran remains committed to its international obligations and continues its efforts aimed at effectively preventing and combating terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. Combating terrorism must be carried out in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and international law, while ensuring full respect for the principles of the independence and sovereign equality of States and non-interference in their domestic affairs. The negative effects of climate change and their consequences for the well-being of nations are undeniable. They become severe when other underlying factors in conflict-ridden countries come into play. Addressing such challenges requires a systematic and coordinated response by all States Members of the United Nations. We share the view that the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change is the most appropriate platform for such a coordinated response. The Islamic Republic of Iran has taken significant steps to address and mitigate the negative impacts of climate change. Nevertheless, the imposition of unlawful sanctions by the United States against Iran, in flagrant infringement of the basic principles of international law, has not only prevented our access to much-needed financial resources and the technological means to tackle challenges associated with climate change, but it has also adversely affected our national capacity to carry out our respective undertakings in that regard. While terrorism as a serious criminal offense constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security, climate change is essentially a development issue, and there is no scientific evidence establishing a direct link between climate change and international peace and security. Accordingly, the challenges of climate change should be addressed within the context of sustainable development. At the same time, in certain conflict situations, the impacts of climate change might create an environment conducive to terrorist groups exploiting the situation and recruiting vulnerable people for their sinister terrorist purposes. We need to be extremely cautious about establishing a linkage between international peace, security and climate change. In order to prevent such challenging situations from occurring, addressing the underlying causes is imperative. To that end, all Member States must adhere to their respective obligations, based on the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. Likewise, developed countries must uphold their promises to provide affected developing countries with timely and sufficient financial support and technical assistance, including by facilitating the transfer of required technologies. In conclusion, we reiterate our principled position that climate change is primarily an issue related to sustainable development, and it is therefore outside the purview of the Security Council. Moreover, the Council’s engagement, which lacks the requisite expertise and tools in this sphere, would be an encroachment upon the mandate of other main organs of the United Nations, further complicating their work in effectively addressing the challenges of climate change.

Before I give the floor to the representative of Japan, I wish to remind all speakers to limit their statements to no more than four minutes in order to enable the Council to carry out its work expeditiously. Flashing lights on the collars of the microphones will prompt speakers to bring their remarks to a conclusion after four minutes. I now give the floor to the representative of Japan.

Allow me to start by thanking you, Mr. President, for holding today’s important meeting. Japan appreciates the contribution of the Niger as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. Today’s security landscape has become increasingly complex. Terrorism remains a serious threat to international peace and security in many parts of the world, including the Sahel. In conflict-prone areas, human insecurity, exacerbated by such impacts of climate change as environmental degradation and natural disasters, becomes a multiplier of risk of violent conflict. Terrorism and climate change have one thing in common: they both pose a serious threat to human security and to the survival, livelihood and dignity of people. Japan has formulated its policy of assistance to conflict-prone areas with the human security approach to protect and empower people and build the resilience of communities. More attention should be paid to the human dimension of our security paradigm by putting people at the centre. (spoke in French) Considering both terrorism and climate change, I would like to stress the importance of conflict prevention through institution-building at the national and local levels. In our view, effective, accountable and inclusive institutions are the best protection against today’s diverse security risks. Let me explain why. First, effective and impartial institutions in the security and justice sectors are key to the rule of law and the fight against impunity. In 2021, Japan provided approximately $3 million each to the Niger, Burkina Faso and Chad in order to strengthen their security sector capacities. Since 2013, Japan has been assisting seven countries in West Africa and the Sahel, including the Niger, to build credible criminal justice institutions through the training of police, prosecutors and judges in order to improve their expertise in fair, effective and timely criminal justice processes. Building the capacity of personnel who manage and use the institutions is an integral part of institution-building. Secondly, building social-sector institutions that can ensure equal access to basic services will help address the root causes of conflict and terrorism. For example, Japan has promoted a primary education programme called “School for All” in which all community members actively participate in decision-making processes involved in jointly managing a school system. Launched in Niger in 2004, the initiative has built or improved 53,000 schools in eight African countries in partnership with the World Bank and civil society organizations. Japan showed its commitment to increasing its support for strengthening institutions in Africa by launching the New Approach for Peace and Stability in Africa at the seventh Tokyo International Conference on African Development, which is aimed at providing assistance in developing robust judicial, administrative and legislative systems so that nation-building does not move backwards because of conflicts. With regard to climate change, Japan will continue to support countries that have been the most severely affected in Africa, the Asia-Pacific region and Latin America and the Caribbean in their efforts to strengthen resilience, in particular through institutional capacity-building. (spoke in English) It is evident that the United Nations system should break silos and respond in a comprehensive and seamless manner in dealing with today’s security challenges that encompass the humanitarian-development-peace nexus. In that respect, the role of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) should be further explored to realize a holistic approach under United Nations system-wide coordination and partnership beyond the United Nations system. The Security Council should make use of the PBC’s advice to mobilize the whole United Nations system to address the multifaceted security challenges. Let me conclude by reaffirming Japan’s readiness to play its part in the global efforts to respond to the evolving security challenges.

I now give the floor to the representative of Brazil.

Brazil thanks the Niger for organizing this open debate. We also thank the briefers for their presentations. The debate on terrorism and climate change represents an opportunity to reflect on the role of the Security Council with regard to both topics. Terrorism is not directly linked to climate change, and climate change cannot be seen through the security lens, disassociated from the systemic elements that cause it. Terrorism continues to represent one of the greatest challenges for the international community. We reiterate, in the strongest terms, our firm condemnation of that phenomenon in all its forms and manifestations. Nevertheless, an effective counter-terrorism strategy cannot rely only on security measures. It also needs to address the underlying causes of the phenomenon, in particular those associated with protracted social, political, economic and cultural dissent. In addition, the Security Council should always reiterate that any counter-terrorism action must abide by international law, particularly international human rights law and international humanitarian law. In the case of climate change, we understand that increasing temperatures and rising sea levels, changing precipitation patterns and more extreme weather are threatening human health and safety, food and water security and socioeconomic development everywhere. Particularly in the Sahel, the depletion of resources, aggravated by severe droughts, are some of the factors exacerbating tensions and pushing populations to migrate. Such extreme events can devastate social groups and cause severe disruptions to production systems and local economies — a breeding ground for dangerous social consequences, such as the emergence of terrorist threats. However, Brazil takes a cautious stance when it comes to approaching climate change from a strict security angle. In doing so, the international community might distance itself from an adequate response. We must strive to avoid duplication of work and ensure that specific mandates and responsibilities within the United Nations system are respected. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change is properly equipped to discuss and address any specific new concerns of the parties regarding climate change issues in an inclusive and balanced manner, having a clearly established mandate and adequate tools and mechanisms to do so. The time and energy diverted to reallocate the climate agenda to the Security Council would be better spent in fostering financial flows to support existing commitments and enhanced climate action. The mobilization, scaling-up and timely delivery of financing by developed nations are the need of the hour to support developing countries affected by climate change.

I now give the floor to the representative of Gabon.

Allow me first of all to extend to you, Mr. President, the fraternal congratulations of President Ali Bongo Ondimba to his brother, President Mohamed Bazoum, and to thank you for your leadership in steering the work of the Security Council. I would also like to express Gabon’s solidarity with the brotherly people of the Niger following the recent barbaric terrorist attacks. Once again, we are highlighting in this forum the close link between the daunting challenges of terrorism and the adverse effects of climate change faced by many regions in the world, particularly in Africa. Your assessment, Mr. President, shows the significance and scale of the challenge. Indeed, there is a relentless increase in tensions, crises, armed conflicts and terrorist acts in areas where climate change is evident. On 9 March this year, the African Union highlighted the negative effects of climate change, in particular the growing threat that it poses to socioeconomic development, as well as sustainable peace, security and stability in Africa. The effects of climate change are known to be linked to socioeconomic and political problems in the poorest countries. The climate change cycle highlights four risk factors: political instability, economic weakness, food insecurity and large-scale uncontrolled migration. Political instability makes it difficult to adapt to the physical effects of climate change, as conflicts that occur without violence become difficult to manage. Economic weakness reduces the range of income opportunities for people and deprives States of resources to meet people’s needs. Food insecurity undermines the very basis of continuing to live in some areas where living conditions become critical. Large-scale migration carries a high risk of conflict because of the fearful reactions that it often provokes and the humanitarian crises that ensue. Many of the world’s poorest countries and communities therefore face the double-edged problem of climate change and violent conflict. There is a real risk that climate change will increase the likelihood of violent conflict, which, in turn, will leave communities poorer, less resilient and less able to cope with the consequences of climate change. That devastating observation is one of the drivers of Gabon’s ongoing advocacy for the recognition of the climate-security nexus. I take this opportunity to reaffirm, on behalf of my country, our firm determination to combat terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. In the same vein, we support the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, as well as the relevant Security Council resolutions, including resolutions 1373 (2001) and 2560 (2020). The direct link between security and climate change must be addressed by the international community. The regions of the world most affected by climate change, such as the Sahel, should be the focus of our collective action. Subregional initiatives aimed at establishing and maintaining peace and combating terrorism, such as those by the Group of Five for the Sahel, merit being supported by the international community and receiving the logistical and financial support commensurate with the commitments and responsibilities undertaken. It is clear that climate change has a compounding effect on violent conflicts, with the capacity to assail communities that are poorer, less resilient and less able to face up to the consequences of climate change. In conclusion, I should like to reiterate our appreciation to you, Mr. President, for organizing this important debate. I would like to underscore our firm belief that terrorism and climate change entail a collective responsibility that should be embraced by everyone and be at the centre of our priorities. Gabon reiterates its firm commitment and ongoing advocacy to that end, so as to respond to the suffering of the countless victims of the negative effects of climate change.

There are a number of speakers remaining on my list. Given the lateness of the hour, I propose, with the consent of the members of the Council, to suspend this meeting until 3 p.m.