S/PV.9065 Security Council

In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite His Excellency Mr. Josep Borrell, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Mr. Borrell. Mr. Borrell: I thank you, Madam President, for giving me this opportunity to speak and for the great work that Albania is doing at the United Nations and as a future member of the European Union (EU). I very much regret that I am unable to be in the Security Council in person. I had planned to travel to New York to attend today’s meeting, but the pandemic is not over yet. I tested positive in Jordan two weeks ago and have now tested positive again, so I had to cancel the trip. Nevertheless, we have an opportunity here to have our exchange via video link. I thank everyone for the attention. We are certainly meeting at a historic juncture. We are all very aware of that. The United Nations was created 76 years ago to save humankind from the scourge of war and build a system of global cooperation, safeguarding the sovereign equality of all human beings and protecting the rights of both States and people. Gradually, the United Nations developed into a whole system of rules, norms and organizations, dealing with the full range of international relations. The United Nations has always been the embodiment of the bigger idea that we share one planet and need global governance to live together peacefully and sustainably, and it has continued to play its role even in the worst moments. At the height of the Cold War, it kept functioning. The bedrock of it all was respect for the international rule of law. It is the bedrock of the United Nations system. All States, no matter their size or political orientation, have committed to respecting international law and core principles, and first and foremost to refraining from the use of force in international relations. The European Union claims, and I believe it is right, that multilateralism is in its DNA and is intrinsic to its way of being. We are multilateral by nature. It is one of our deepest convictions that that we need agreed rules  — not imposed rules  — to tame the passions of States, provide public goods, guarantee fair competition among economic actors and ensure that there is global cooperation even among States with different ideologies. Even when our ideas about organizing our societies differ, we need to cooperate. And while it is certainly easier to cooperate with friends and like-minded people, it is still necessary to cooperate with countries that are not friends or of like mind. We need to cooperate in spite of our differences. We have always been a strong supporter of the United Nations, investing in it politically and financially, which is important. We pay our dues in full and on time. We back major United Nations initiatives such as the Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, and we work on human rights. We cooperate closely here in New York and in the field in a number of areas, starting with crisis management operations. The European Union works with the United Nations as its most important partner. In spite of that, the hard truth is that today the multilateral system is under pressure as never before. The major global trends and challenges, for which we need global cooperation, are becoming worse and worse. The supply and demand of multilateralism do not match. There is a strong demand for an approach to global problems based on multilateralism, but the supply is not following because the speed and scale of cooperation are falling short of what is needed to manage the global commons. The most popular one is climate change and, more recently, fighting pandemics. Climate change, vaccines and the digital revolution are global commons that require an approach based on multilateralism. In each case that I mentioned, science and technology are advancing, but diplomacy and rule-making are not, or are not enough. That is why we have been witnessing a rise in power political competition. The competition among power politics is back. In recent years, we have seen more distrust, more point-scoring and more vetoes at the United Nations. That has a price. The price has been paid in terms of problems not being solved, wars and conflicts that fester and people left at the mercy of events. When we met last year (see S/PV.8792), I talked about a deficit in multilateralism — supply and demand not matching. That situation has only worsened since then. The Charter of the United Nations has entrusted the Security Council to maintain international peace and security. To sit on the Security Council is therefore a great responsibility. The world needs the Council to be able to take decisions and protect the people whose lives — we are talking about people’s lives — depend on it. I unhappily have to say that Russia’s war against Ukraine has come on top of such structural problems and has amplified them. It is now threatening to create a new one, which is hunger. The war has already left tens of thousands dead and more than 5 million refugees and displaced Ukrainians. This is the fastest growing refugee crisis since the Second World War. The war is taking place on European soil, in Europe, but this is not a European war. This is an attack on the foundations of the United Nations and the Security Council by a permanent member of the Council, making someone believe that it is happening in another way in which they are not directly affected. That is not true. Everyone is being affected. In a globalized world, faraway does not exist. Everything is close to everyone. A war or major security crisis in one region affects everyone, everywhere. It is also impossible to compartmentalize, to look for small pieces and to think that security tensions will not affect the economy. We are witnessing that. The economy is being strongly affected by price increases and shortages in energy and food. It is going to create inflation and high interest rates. We are facing a big world economic crisis. We can see that from the shockwaves that the war against Ukraine is sending around the world. It is exacerbating previous tensions over food and energy that existed before the war. But that has now been exacerbating the situation, and it threatens to disrupt the global balances and to lose past gains in the fight against hunger, for example. At the European Union, we are fully mobilized to keep Ukraine economically afloat and militarily able to defend its people, its territorial integrity and its democracy. I take this opportunity to call on every member of the European community, be they big or small, to help Ukraine by doing the same. I think that, in the face of such an aggression, no one can be neutral. What does neutral mean in this case? Being neutral means being on the side of the aggression. No one can live safely in a world where the illegal use of force is normalized or tolerated. Once again, this war is sending ripple effects throughout the world. Those compound a pre-existing food crisis, with yields suffering because of climate change before the war. The World Food Programme (WFP) estimates that the number of food-insecure people doubled from 135 million before the pandemic to 276 million at the start of 2022. Immediately afterwards, with the start of the war, that number has now increased to 323 million people. We have therefore lost all the gains that we had made in the fight against hunger, and we are going backwards in the fulfilment of the Sustainable Development Goals. That is why I must urge all Council members to help to end the war, restore Ukraine’s sovereignty and ensure that the global fallout is being contained, especially, most important, the increasing food crisis affecting millions of people around the world. Those people will starve because now more than 20 million tons of Ukrainian grain cannot reach global markets. They cannot reach global markets because they are being blocked. That is the equivalent of 300 massive ships, which should be docking at ports all over the world. If they do not transport those millions of tons of wheat, someone will suffer hunger. But, instead of contributing to those millions of tons being exported, Russia is bombing Ukraine’s ports. It is bombing the storage of wheat. It is bombing infrastructure and farmland. Just after President Putin spoke with the Chairperson of the African Union, who went to see him in order to express the African concerns about what was happening, Russian forces bombed Ukraine’s second- largest grain silo, in Mykolaiv. At the same time, they claimed that it was the European sanctions that were preventing Ukrainian and Russian wheat from being exported. What is happening speaks for itself. It is not us who are bombing the storages of grain. It is not us who are blocking the export with our navy. We fully support the United Nations efforts so that Ukraine can reopen its ports and resume its deliveries of grain to the world. That must be a top priority of the international community. The easiest way to do that is for Russia to stop its aggression, withdraw its troops from all Ukrainian territory and, finally, work with the United Nations and others to reopen the Black Sea. Only Russia can do that. The military risks to commercial navigation in the area inevitably drive up the cost of insurance and transport. That is fuelling the current crisis by unavoidable price increases, which, once again, are not the consequences of European sanctions. Until such time comes, we will have to deal with the global consequences of this war. On that, the Council has our word. Europe stands by its partners. We support the United Nations role, especially and including the Global Crisis Response Group on Food, Energy and Finance. We have already increased our support to some of the most affected regions. The European Union and its member States — what we increasingly call Team Europe  — have pledged €1 billion for the Sahel and Lake Chad regions and over €600 million for the Horn of Africa. We have also put in place a €225 million food facility to assist our partners in the Middle East and North Africa. Let me add a word on sanctions and respond directly to Russian disinformation. Our sanctions are not the cause of food shortages. They target only the Kremlin’s ability to finance the military aggression — not the conduct of legitimate trade. Our sanctions do not prohibit the import and transportation of Russian agricultural goods, food and fertilizers, or the payment for such Russian exports. Furthermore, our financial sanctions only apply on EU territory. We are against secondary sanctions against anyone as a matter of principle and law. Our measures therefore do not affect the ability of third countries to purchase from Russia if they wish. I have been discussing with Secretary-General Guterres, Under-Secretary-General Griffiths and United Nations Conference on Trade and Development Secretary-General Grynspan efforts to unblock Ukrainian grain exports in the Black Sea, and we are scanning for preventable difficulties related to the Russian export of food and fertilizers. In support of United Nations efforts, we are ready to look into possible misinterpretation of our sanctions that could lead to overcompliance or market avoidance by some financial and trade actors. We are ready to further clarify to economic operators what is and what is not targeted in our sanctions. We are ready to work with all partners in that regard. We need to work all together in order to prevent these possible effects. Even as war has returned to Europe, it has not stopped anywhere else. That is why the European Union continues to help prevent and solve conflicts and crises around the world. We have 4,000 men and women deployed in 18 crisis-management missions and operations on three continents, always working in close cooperation with the United Nations. I want to make special mention of our operations in the Mediterranean, off the Somali coasts and in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the Mediterranean, the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI plays a unique role in implementing the United Nations arms embargo and preventing illicit petrol exports from Libya. The European Union Naval Force Operation Atalanta has been successfully helping counter piracy off the coasts of Somalia since 2008, and it is now also addressing other illicit trafficking, including drugs. Between March and April alone, it intercepted 10 tons of narcotics. And the European Union-led peacekeeping force Operation Althea supports the authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina in maintaining a safe and secure environment in a very difficult and worsening political context. Beyond crisis management and peace operations, the European Union and its member States make large contributions to the work of the United Nations on mediation, peacebuilding and transitions. For example, for the period 2021 to 2022, we tripled our contribution to the Peacebuilding Fund. In that context, I want to underline the strategic nature of cooperation on peace and security between the EU and the African Union. We work together to offer tailor-made forms of support for training, capacity- building and equipment because we want to put into practice our maxim of producing “African solutions to African problems”. Moving to the rest of the world, let me make some quick comments on specific regional crises where the EU has a deep stake and where we work closely with the United Nations: In Syria, 11 years into the crisis, we cannot forget the Syrian people. We continue to support Special Envoy Pedersen. We need a solution so that cross- border humanitarian aid can continue to flow. That is absolutely necessary because millions of people depend on it. At the most recent Brussels Conference on Syria, we pledged €4.8 billion for 2022, which represents 75 per cent of the total sum pledged to support the Syrian people. In Iran, I am the Coordinator because the United Nations nominated my predecessor to assume that role, and I inherited that job. I am in charge of coordinating communication between the parties to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in order to try arrange a return to the fulfilment of the deal and to ensure its implementation. I have to say that the basic elements and terms to do this are known and on the table. However, the time for decision is now. We cannot continue endlessly discussing collateral issues that are not at the core of the nuclear deal. In the Sahel, the trends are very worrisome. We will stay engaged in the region, with our operations, working with the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali. But we do need commitments from local partners, both on the security situation on the ground and the state of democratic governance, because we are also there to provide support in that endeavour. I now move to Afghanistan, which one year ago was in the headlines of all newspapers around the world, and we only had eyes for what was happening there. Today Afghanistan is somewhat forgotten, but not by us. We will continue to support the Afghan people. I welcome the new mandate, but it is clear that the human rights situation is getting worse, especially for women and girls. The Taliban has not fulfilled any of its commitments. And now we see the miserable situation of girls being prevented from going to school — their basic right to education. We need sustained international pressure on the Taliban to reopen education in full to all girls and women. It is awful that we have to continue discussing these basic rights, but we are doing so because they are not being respected. There are many other crises I could mention, such as Myanmar, Yemen, Venezuela and others but, in the interest of time, let me stop here. I am sure that we will have an interesting debate. I wanted to be frank and honest and put on the table the issues that really deserve the Council’s attention. I look forward to any and all comments.

I thank Mr. Borrell Fontelles for his briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of Albania. I would like to thank High Representative Borrell Fontelles for his in-depth perspective of the cooperation between the United Nations and European Union. His participation in this meeting, even via video- teleconference, is a testament to the importance of this issue. Cooperation between United Nations and the European Union (EU), based on Charter of the United Nations, has evolved significantly throughout the years. It has strengthened and expanded. That cooperation reinforces rules-based multilateralism, at the core of which is the observance of international law and the protection and promotion of human rights. We applaud the close cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union in their joined efforts and engagement in different ways, especially in the implementation of peacekeeping missions and peacebuilding processes and mandates. This partnership is essential to addressing the growing scale and complexity of challenges to international peace and security. The previous time we met on this issue, Mr. Borrell Fontelles rightly pointed out in this Chamber that “... we need the Security Council to provide the necessary decisions ... The price of inaction is going to be paid in conflicts not solved, humanitarian aid not delivered and in lives lost.” (S/PV.8792, p. 3) Unfortunately, I have to say, this remains a fact and an ever-more acute necessity nowadays. This year, European security has been threatened and the international rules-based order has been seriously challenged by Russia’s military aggression against a neighbouring country, Ukraine. The unprovoked and unjustifiable war has entered its fourth month, and not only are its consequences being felt in Ukraine — with thousands of lives lost, the large-scale destruction of civilian infrastructure and millions of refugees — but it has also seriously affected world trade and induced a sharp rise in food insecurity worldwide. While the aggression continues to endanger the lives and physical security of Europeans, it also poses a challenge to the values of freedom, democracy and justice that bind Europeans together. Those 6.8 million refugees who have crossed international borders are not tourists looking for places to discover — they are mostly women and children who have been brutally uprooted from their homes seeking to find shelter. We commend the generosity and hospitality of those neighbouring and other countries that have opened their homes and hearts to Ukrainians fleeing a war they did not choose. My country, Albania, is doing its modest part to host and support them. That unprecedented wave of refugees, unseen on the continent since the Second World War, has seriously challenged Europe, but it has not affected its unity. On the contrary, it has strengthened its long-established values and principles through the promotion and protection of human rights and solidarity. The war in Ukraine has severed key supply chains and added surging costs to moving products around the world. As always, such costs are passed on to consumers. Keeping trade open for food, fuel and fertilizer is crucial to containing the increase in food insecurity globally. The blockade of Ukrainian ports must end immediately in order to ensure that food produced in Ukraine can flow freely to the rest of the world. We commend the efforts under way by the United Nations and Türkiye to find the best practical solutions, with critical impacts for millions worldwide. Let us not forget that increased insecurity will always result in increased spending on defence and armaments, which in turn could lead to decreased investments in other areas, such as innovation, education and public services. Wars that have defined our past cannot and should not dictate our future. The aggression against Ukraine stands at centre stage of our joint efforts for peace and security, but it must not make us lose sight of other conflicts and security risks in other parts of the globe. Conflicts always have a local, a regional and a global dimension, and the best solutions can be found when those three dimensions align. To that end, we need a strong and united multilateral framework. We strongly believe that the crisis the world is going through demands more multilateralism and more concerted and united actions, including primarily in the Security Council, the General Assembly and throughout the United Nations system. The European Union is a central actor in global political, development and humanitarian issues. It is the largest financial contributor to the United Nations  — not only to its regular budget but also in terms of funding for official development assistance and peacekeeping missions. It therefore exerts its influence not only in its immediate neighbourhood but everywhere, projecting its actions related to humanitarian, development and conflict resolution efforts worldwide. That is particularly important for the six States of the Western Balkans. They are all involved, in various stages, in what we commonly call the perspective avenue of Euro-Atlantic cooperation. We have made that choice knowing that, by following that path, we are investing in a future that will bring us enhanced development, increased security and stronger institutions accountable to their citizens. That is the value of EU enlargement, which the events in Europe have again brought rightfully and for good reason into the spotlight. I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate what we share in Tirana and Brussels and to thank the European Commission for its continued close and ever- strengthening cooperation, including through a realistic, objective and time-bound approach and support for EU enlargement. It has always been a clear two-way street, in which the parties deliver in conformity with their commitments. We are happy to be able to say that we have done our part and are ready for the next chapter in a process that should advance thanks to its invaluable political weight and that constitutes an irreversible investment in stability, security and a common, safe and secure future. I thank High Representative Borrell Fontelles for his continued clarity in that respect. Equally, we expect the European Union to speed up its efforts in facilitating dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo, which should lead to mutual recognition. It is time to look for concrete results and lasting deliverables. The sooner that chapter is definitively closed by an agreement, the better it will be for everyone, irrespective of their ethnic or ideological identity. The European Union has long proved its peace dividends for its 550 million citizens. We cherish that and would like it to be extended to the Western Balkans as well. Let me conclude by reiterating our view that, just like those of us in Europe, the United Nations — and through it the world — needs more of the EU and its strong multifaceted action in all important areas. That can be achieved only through increased and strengthened cooperation between the United Nations and the EU, which Albania fully supports. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

I thank the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Mr. Josep Borrell Fontelles. His presence is proof of the European Union’s unwavering commitment to the United Nations. The European Union and its member States are mobilizing alongside the United Nations with common objectives. The States members of the European Union collectively represent the second-largest contributor to the peacekeeping budget and together deploy nearly 5,300 military and civilian personnel in peacekeeping operations. Since 1948, they have paid a heavy price, with 683 European personnel killed in those operations. The European Union presence is widespread, as the High Representative reminded us. In the Sahel, it uses all the tools at its disposal to support its partners in the region. Off the coast of Libya, it deploys the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI, while the European Union Border Assistance Mission in Libya is a support point for the Libyan authorities. In Somalia, together with the United Nations, the European Union supports the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia and Somali forces in the security transition. In the Middle East, the European Union has provided a humanitarian and civilian presence in Gaza since 2005. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, it has made an essential contribution to the security and stability of the region within the framework of the European Union-led peacekeeping force Operation Althea since 2004. Finally, in Mozambique, it has supported the Mozambique Defence Armed Forces in their fight against terrorist groups since December 2021. The European Union is a key partner of the United Nations in responding to the world’s most serious crises. Since the beginning of the Russian aggression, the European Union has mobilized more than €4.6 billion to help Ukrainians. That commitment is comprehensive, covering budgetary and humanitarian needs as well as the fight against impunity. The restrictive measures adopted by the European Union have only one objective — to bring Russia back into compliance with the Charter of the United Nations. The European Union is a tireless defender of the values it shares with the United Nations. It has therefore put in place restrictive measures targeted at those responsible for serious violations of human rights law and humanitarian law. That specific regime, which was created in 2020, does not in any way hinder the delivery of humanitarian aid, of which the European Union and its member States are one of the leading suppliers. In Myanmar, in the face of the repeated human rights violations committed by the junta, the European Union is ensuring that those responsible enjoy neither impunity nor support. In Afghanistan, the European Union is participating in efforts to alleviate the immediate suffering of the population, but no reconstruction aid can be provided as long as the Taliban continues its policies of rights violations. The same is true in Syria, where the European Union will not fund reconstruction in the absence of a credible political process. Finally, the European Union defends a cross- cutting, universal and demanding vision of human rights, which has led us to suspend training for certain armed forces, as is currently the case in Mali. The fight against terrorism, in the European view, cannot be used as a pretext to waive the application of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. That will determine their effectiveness in the long term. The French presidency of the Council of the European Union has served as an opportunity to translate the European Union’s commitment to the values and actions of the United Nations into three priorities: the promotion of the rights of women and girls, in particular by advocating for the universal ratification of the Istanbul Convention; support for pluralism and freedom of the media; and the fight against disinformation, while defending a human rights-based approach in the digital environment. The European Union is not only the largest contributor to the United Nations budget, but it is also an unwavering ally. It makes its singular voice heard within the multilateral system in cooperation with other relevant regional organizations, in particular the African Union, in order to strengthen the system itself. It remains steadfast in its belief in the importance of a strong multilateralism, which is the only way to ensure security and peace.

I thank you, Madam President, for organizing this important and timely briefing on cooperation with the European Union (EU). The United States deeply appreciates the European Union’s contributions across the globe, which the High Representative just enumerated, including its cooperation with the United Nations and especially in concert with the Security Council. For example, as we know, the EU has played a valuable role in supporting Somalia through its support, first to the African Union Mission in Somalia and now to the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia. We appreciate the fact that the EU security engagement across Africa is so significant, with 11 of its current 18 missions deployed in or off the coast of Africa. Its coordination with allies in the United Nations, Mali and the Central African Republic creates important mechanisms for promoting stability and achieving our shared objectives. Similarly, the United States welcomed the recent adoption of resolution 2635 (2022) and its renewal of the vessel inspection authority that supports the United Nations arms embargo on Libya, and we applaud the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI for its use of that authority. Operation IRINI provides a deterrent to would-be arms smugglers, and it helps the Panel of Experts of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya, as well as others, gather critical information. And I want to emphasize that to its credit, the EU has clearly demonstrated its support for the values enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, with its actions to uphold the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity after Russia’s unjustified, unprovoked and illegal war on Ukraine. As the High Representative said, Russia’s actions are especially spiking global food insecurity. International sanctions do not target agricultural exports, despite Russia’s efforts to have people around the world, including members of the Council, believe otherwise. While Russia spreads disinformation, as we have heard, the EU is spending more than $1 billion in areas affected by food insecurity. We welcome the EU’s efforts and are pleased that today, even as I speak, United States Secretary of Agriculture Vilsack is in New York meeting with delegations to pursue the call for action that came out of Secretary Blinken’s ministerial-level meeting on food insecurity last month (see S/PV.9036), an important step that demonstrates the commitment of the United States and our friends to addressing the crisis in food insecurity that Russia’s invasion has caused. Let me also say that we are heartened by how Ukraine’s EU neighbours have opened their borders to refugees of all nationalities during the largest refugee crisis in Europe since the Second World War, and how the EU’s Temporary Protection Directive has ensured that all those fleeing into the EU receive its social and protection benefits. I also want to say how strongly my delegation agrees with the High Representative’s comments about statements on both sides calling for an end to the conflict in Ukraine. Statements claiming that all sides bear a responsibility to end the fighting may be diplomatically clever, but they are morally indefensible. History will judge. Finally, let me thank the EU for its continued commitment to the European Union Force Bosnia and Herzegovina, Operation Althea. It is especially critical given the heightened political tensions in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the continued efforts to undermine the Dayton Agreement that we are seeing there. Operation Althea is an essential factor for stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the surrounding region. Regional organizations are an essential partner of the Security Council in its efforts to promote international peace and security, and that especially includes partners such as the EU. Let me conclude by saying that the United States affirms unequivocally the EU’s role as a crucial partner for the United States, the United Nations and especially the Security Council in the maintenance of peace and security around the world.

I welcome Mr. Josep Borrell, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, to today’s meeting. The international landscape is currently experiencing extraordinarily profound and complex changes, and factors contributing to instability and uncertainty are increasing. China has always supported the United Nations in developing its partnership with the European Union (EU) with a view to working together to overcome outstanding challenges in traditional and non-traditional security areas. It is extremely important to ensure that this cooperation adheres to the following principles. First, with regard to practicing genuine multilateralism, as an active advocate of multilateralism the EU should take the lead in upholding the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, complying with international law and the universally recognized fundamental norms of international relations, earnestly respecting the sovereignty and political independence of all countries and committing to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. We expect the EU to play an active and constructive role in international affairs by rejecting any revival of the idea of confrontation between camps or blocs, and by encouraging all countries to strengthen unity and achieve shared progress under the banner of multilateralism. Secondly, with regard to the concept of common security, humankind constitutes an indivisible security community in which the security concerns of all countries are equally important and interdependent. We expect the EU to respect and take seriously the legitimate security concerns of every country and make greater efforts to promote the peaceful settlement of disputes and build a balanced, effective and sustainable global and regional security mechanism. Thirdly, with regard to advancing efforts around the three pillars of the United Nations in a balanced manner, we are currently seeing global food, energy and financial security risks continuing to increase, while developing countries are facing unprecedented difficulties. We expect the EU to pay greater attention to the voices of developing countries and to maintain and increase its own and its members’ assistance to developing countries, along with the scale of its contributions to United Nations humanitarian and development agencies. It should take on the appropriate moral responsibility for helping developing countries overcome their challenges. The prolongation and expansion of the conflict in Ukraine can only result in greater security risks and spillover effects. China hopes that as an important stakeholder, the EU will strengthen its strategic autonomy, actively play its role as a mediator and encourage the parties concerned to engage in dialogue in order to achieve a ceasefire and a cessation of hostilities as soon as possible. China supports the EU in strengthening its cooperation with various international institutions and taking effective measures to deal with the urgent humanitarian needs resulting from crisis. As the situations in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina continue to present complex challenges, we welcome the EU’s efforts to maintain regional security and stability and promote a negotiated settlement of the differences among the parties concerned, in accordance with the framework established by the relevant Security Council resolutions. The resumption of negotiations on the implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action is at a critical moment. It is hoped that the EU will continue to play its unique role in encouraging the party concerned to make decisive political decisions and positively respond to Iran’s legitimate concerns so as to facilitate a smooth conclusion of the negotiations and put the Plan of Action back on the right track as soon as possible. The stalled Middle East peace process is truly worrying. We hope that the EU will position itself fairly and encourage Israel to halt its illegal settlement activities, lift the blockade on the Gaza Strip and abide by its obligations under international humanitarian law. We also expect the EU to play a greater role in mitigating Palestine’s dire financial situation, strengthening the Palestinian Authority’s capacity-building and promoting the implementation of a two-State solution. Africa is currently facing a growing number of challenges to its peace and development. As a close neighbour across the sea, the EU is expected to continue to support the construction of the African Union’s collective security mechanisms and provide predictable and sustainable financial support for the EU’s autonomous peacekeeping operations in African countries in the Sahel and Somalia. It is imperative to provide Africa with greater support and assistance in such areas as debt relief, climate change response, vaccine production and the management of refugees and immigrants, as well as to enhance Africa’s efforts to cope with risks and challenges. Lastly, I would like to reiterate that China works assiduously to develop its relations with the EU. We attach importance to the EU’s important role in regional and global affairs. We consider the EU to be an important force in multipolarity. China supports the EU in making a greater contribution to addressing various global challenges and encourages it to inject more stability into the turbulent and changing world.

At the outset, I would like to thank the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy for his comprehensive briefing to the Council. We note with appreciation the deepening cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the United Nations in support of multilateralism and the rules-based order, which is rooted in the recognition that it takes more than one individual country to resolve the challenges of the current era. We also welcome the efforts being made to implement the common desire for enhanced cooperation between the United Nations and regional arrangements, as elaborated in Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations. As Ghana has consistently reiterated, regional organizations have a critical role to play in supporting the primary responsibility of the Security Council for maintaining international peace and security. We therefore welcome today’s dialogue between the United Nations and the European Union and support all measures that could strengthen the relationship and enhance coordination between our two bodies, in furtherance of the common aspiration for peace and security. As a member State of the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States, we are uniquely aware of the necessity for the complementarity of regional and subregional arrangements in addressing conflict situations, as well as in responding to emerging transnational threats, such as terrorism and violent extremism, maritime piracy and organized crime, including drug trafficking, the illicit flow of small arms and light weapons and money-laundering. The roles that regional organizations play in managing the multiplicity of crises in various parts of the world can no longer therefore be marginalized and must be deeply anchored in the work of the Council and centred in the strategy and approach of the United Nations with respect to how we stabilize our world. It is in that context that we welcome the European Union’s contribution to the Council’s work on promoting international peace and security. We note in particular the supportive role that the EU continues to play in the prevention of conflicts, their resolution and the recovery of societies after conflict has occurred. In that regard, we welcome the EU’s new consensus on the role of development cooperation, which has strengthened the nexus between security, development and humanitarian aid in a way that we hope will have a transformative impact on fragile situations, such as those in the Horn of Africa and the Sahel. In proactively responding to conflict, it is necessary that we address its root causes and underlying drivers. In the area of peacekeeping, we are encouraged by the strengthening of the partnership between the EU and the United Nations. We note that. in addition to the 18 Common Security and Defence Policy missions and operations currently run by the EU globally, its member States continue to be, collectively, one of the major contributors to the United Nations peacekeeping budget and a significant contributor of uniformed personnel. As the African Union focuses its policy interests on activating its peace and security architecture towards a robust and offensive response against the asymmetrical threats that it currently confronts, it is my delegation’s hope that we will find in the European Union a partner not only for the establishment of mandates by the Council but also, beyond the bilateral financing assistance provided under the African Peace Facility of the European Union, for the provision of support for the sustainable and predictable funding of such operations from the assessed contributions of the United Nations. Regrettably, the Sahel has become a breeding ground for terrorists and violent extremists, whose networks extend to other parts of Africa and beyond. We therefore welcome renewed commitment in support of counter-terrorism efforts in the region and look forward to the EU’s active engagement in the outcomes of the joint strategic assessment of security and governance in the Sahel. We also commend the EU for the funding it provided to the African Union Mission in Somalia and look forward to the continued support required for the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia during the period of the Somalia transition plan. Indeed, the presence of the EU in Africa has been marked by its multisectoral cooperation with Governments and non-governmental agencies in support of development and security objectives. We appreciate the alignment of such actions with the values and objectives of the United Nations. We also acknowledge the many arrangements on peace and security cooperation between the EU and the United Nations, including in countries such as Syria, Yemen and Myanmar, in which EU-supported humanitarian operations and funding continue to be critical for saving the lives and livelihoods of many. We also note that the relative stability that has been established in the Balkan region of Europe is partly owing to the active engagement of the EU. We further encourage the enhancement of the partnership between the European Union and the Middle East Quartet in pursuit of a negotiated solution to the now burning question of Palestine, on the basis of a two-State solution and in line with the decisions of the Council. Europe itself is in a delicate and unprecedented state of instability following the Russian Federation’s invasion of Ukraine. As has been said by many, the war has created Europe’s worst security and humanitarian crisis since the end of the Second World War. We support the efforts to contain the security breach of the internationally recognized borders of Ukraine and encourage the EU to consider all possible means to help end the war through a negotiated settlement of the key interests of the parties, on the basis of established and clear principles of international law, including the Charter of the Organization. The consequences of the war for the people of Ukraine have been immense and needlessly painful. However, the ramifications of the war for the rest of the world have also been severe, as seen in new levels of food insecurity for millions, the rising cost of living across the world and widespread sociopolitical instability in several countries. The war in Ukraine must therefore stop. We urge further support for the EU in exploring solutions to the disruptions of the supply chains for food, energy and global financing that have resulted from the current crisis. In furtherance of multilateralism and international cooperation, we recognize the EU’s contribution to the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access Facility and encourage further efforts to reduce the developing world’s reliance on vaccine imports and donations through support for deconcentrated manufacturing and storage capacities across various parts of the world. The world’s resilience to future pandemics is necessary to avoid instability in the global order. We count on the full participation of all Member States in the ongoing consultations to adopt a draft resolution that calls for the convening of a one-day high-level meeting of the General Assembly to consider the adoption of a political declaration to help mobilize political will for pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. In conclusion, I would like to reiterate the crucial importance of regional and subregional bodies in realizing the objectives of the United Nations and the sustenance of the multilateral order. We therefore encourage further engagement between the United Nations and the EU in addressing current and future peace and security challenges across our world, including in Europe.

I thank the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles, for his briefing. I also thank the delegation of Albania for convening today’s timely and relevant meeting, as it enables us to review and put into perspective the cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union. The threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine has shaken the European geopolitical order, which had prioritized defence and security issues and created strong cohesion in the European Union. However, the military escalations have not created the conditions for reducing tensions or agreeing an eventual ceasefire. We trust that, in the best European diplomatic tradition, all the dialogue and mediation tools will be used to move towards a negotiated solution. Mexico has been unequivocal in its defence of the Charter of the United Nations and international law since the beginning of the conflict in a consistent and cross-cutting manner. Those are principles that we clearly share not only with the European Union, but also with all States Members of the United Nations because we have all subscribed to them, and they must therefore be respected without exception. It is also essential to jointly mitigate the multiple consequences of the conflict in Ukraine because it is not only Europe suffering them. They affect us all, albeit not all equally. As has been reiterated, the global increase in food prices and the resulting food insecurity particularly affect developing countries, which do not have the necessary resources to cope with that situation. Nineteen of the 69 economies that have been identified as being at greater food risk due to the crisis are in Latin America and the Caribbean. We hope that routes for the exit of grain can soon be agreed with the urgency that the matter deserves and that, in that regard, when the time is right, the Council can express itself with a united voice. At a time when the European continent is undergoing a transformation of the security order, the European Union also finds itself in an ongoing adaptation process. Mexico welcomes the fact that the recent Strategic Compass action plan includes, as a priority, the strengthening of its strategic partnership with the United Nations through more structured political dialogues and greater cooperation on joint operations. We will closely follow progress on the implementation of the new priorities for cooperation in peace operations and crisis management for the 2022 to 2024 period. We acknowledge and support the priority that the European Union gives to the women and peace and security agenda and which we have resolutely promoted from within the Council through the informal group that we co-chair with Ireland. Other European priorities, such as children in armed conflict and combating the illicit proliferation and diversion of small arms and light weapons, are also priorities for my country. As High Representative Borrell Fontelles pointed out, there are clear convergences between the Security Council and the European Union. However, this is a time to further invest in prevention and support regional peacebuilding efforts, as we saw yesterday (see S/PV.9064) in this same Chamber. Putting those priorities into practice in the many military and civilian missions where we work together is essential to preserving peace and stability, be it in the Balkans through the European Union military operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina or in Africa in regions as complex as Mali and the Central African Republic. We firmly believe that early-warning, mediation and prevention mechanisms should be a priority. Mexico believes that cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations also benefits from synergies between partners and regional organizations. We are closely following the work of the European Union and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, particularly in conflict prevention and conflict management in the Balkans and Central Asia. We also look forward to continued close and coordinated work in the case of Afghanistan to redouble the efforts of the United Nations and the European Union given the serious human rights crisis being experienced in that country. We take note of the High Representative’s recent trip to strengthen ties with my region through his meetings with the Central American Integration System and the Caribbean Community, and we hope that cooperation between the European Union and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States will be strengthened through the many existing mechanisms. However, the times call for orderly leadership to reconfigure the multilateral order. We have established mechanisms and tools to exchange views and to agree or disagree in pursuit of solutions. But those are not enough. We need greater will and more diplomacy. The challenge for Europe and for all of us will be to rebuild as soon as possible. But that also means re-establishing dialogue in all multilateral forums, seeking common causes, of which there are many, fostering cooperation on the ground and, of course, refusing exclusion. Exclusion in any forum only undermines multilateralism. Mexico will continue to champion the peaceful settlement of disputes in all regions of the world.

I would like to sincerely thank High Representative Borrell Fontelles for his very welcome briefing this morning. Like the High Representative, I deeply regret that he could not be with us in the Chamber today, but we are delighted to see him virtually on the screen. Ireland is a proud member State of the European Union (EU). We promote and defend European principles and values every day, including at the Security Council table. The transformative power of European Union membership has helped to shape the country that my country, Ireland, is today, and we are very proud of that. We believe that the EU’s own firm belief in multilateralism and its strong, active commitment to the United Nations are born of its own lived experience of conflict. They underline our collective rejection of the belief that military might makes right. That is, after all, the very reason that respect for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations is written into the Treaty on European Union. As we just heard from the High Representative, the United Nations and the EU work as natural partners around the world to eradicate poverty, protect human rights and preserve peace. The EU’s strategic relationship with the United Nations is, quite literally, a cornerstone of the EU’s policies and actions in support of international peace and security. From Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Middle East and throughout Africa, EU missions are deployed alongside United Nations peacekeeping operations and special political missions. Some of those missions are recognized as playing a central role in responding to threats to peace, such as combating piracy off the coast of Somalia or supporting security sector reform, as in the Central African Republic, where we work to complement the work of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic. Irish experts are proud to work in EU missions in Europe, the Caucasus, the Middle East and Africa, while members of the Irish Defence Forces participate in missions and operations in Mali, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Mediterranean. Together with our EU partners, we have supported mediation and peace processes in such diverse contexts as Colombia, Georgia and Mozambique. As EU Special Envoy for the Peace Process in Colombia, our former Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Eamon Gilmore, has represented the EU while bringing the lessons learned in our own peace process to the table, sharing experiences and sharing ideas on pathways to peace. The EU has enhanced its capacity to prevent conflict, preserve peace and strengthen international stability and security, in support of the United Nations. The EU works closely with many partners around this table in support of international peace and security as a member of the Middle East Quartet, a facilitator of the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue and as Coordinator of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. I believe that the Council should continue to encourage, build and welcome this cooperation and use the EU’s support for the United Nations where appropriate. We should all be ambitious in taking the United Nations-EU strategic partnership on peace operations and crisis management to the next level. We surely need it. A key priority for the United Nations-EU relationship should continue to be on United Nations mission and operation transitions so as to ensure that any reconfiguration takes place in a responsible, planned and gender-responsive manner  — one that supports peacebuilding objectives and is in line with the security situation and needs on the ground. We heard from the High Representative earlier about the European Union’s support for the Peacebuilding Fund in this broader context. We also need to ensure that we are addressing climate-related security risks where relevant in our prevention and peacebuilding work across the EU and the United Nations. Ireland puts a real premium on that as an objective and sees it as urgent. As the facts tell, the EU is the world’s leading humanitarian and development assistance donor. As such, the EU is a key partner to the United Nations in crisis management. Today the EU and the United Nations have truly a crucial role to play in ensuring that the multilateral system can deliver a rapid and effective response to the deepening global food security crisis driven by Russia’s senseless war in Ukraine. At this moment, there are around 20 million tons of grain trapped in Ukraine. That grain is trapped by the transformation of Ukraine and the Black Sea into a war zone by Russia. It is important to stress here that EU sanctions do not affect the trading of food between Russia and third countries. We are working closely with the United Nations Global Crisis Response Group to ensure that our response supports that of the United Nations. Through Solidarity Lanes, we are making efforts to get as much Ukrainian grain to global markets as possible and are supporting Ukrainian farmers to sow and produce in the midst of this war. In our global food security response, the EU and its member States are making an overall contribution of more than €5 billion in humanitarian and development assistance for global food security, up until 2024. We want to assist wherever we are needed, across the globe. The European Union will continue its close cooperation with the United Nations and will continue to play our role as a responsive, responsible and reliable global actor.

The situation in Europe has dramatically changed since the Security Council met to discuss this issue a year ago (see S/PV.8792). By waging war against its peaceful neighbour, Ukraine, the Russian Federation has violated the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations  — the principles that underpin the security and serenity of every State. The war has caused death, suffering, displacement and the largest humanitarian crisis in Europe since the Second World War, and it threatens global food security. We therefore commend the European Union (EU) for taking the lead in Europe’s concerted response to the war and for defending fundamental global principles and international law. The EU has played a historically important role in transforming Europe from a continent of war to a continent of peace. Now, when peace is again broken in Europe, we need a strong EU working together with the United Nations and the Security Council to contribute to advancing the causes of peace and prosperity. Today’s meeting is therefore timely, and I warmly thank High Representative Borrell Fontelles for his briefing today. Norway and the EU share a common vision of a rules-based international order and a free and democratic Europe. The EU has our full support as a steadfast promoter of multilateralism and as an implementer of Council-mandated tasks such as the European Union-led peacekeeping force Operation Althea, whose contribution to maintaining peace and stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina is vital. Norway will work towards the renewal of its mandate. In Africa, the EU plays a key role in peacebuilding, peacekeeping, conflict prevention, security assistance and development. Norway recognizes the strong EU commitment to the Peace and Security Architecture of the African continent, including the African Union Mission in Somalia, the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia and the Group of Five for the Sahel. The upcoming United Nations-African Union (AU) joint strategic assessment on security in the Sahel should be used to discuss the mutually reinforcing contributions of the United Nations, EU, AU and the Economic Community of West African States. Combining our efforts in innovative ways is necessary to meet the complex security challenges in the region. The EU and the United Nations must continue to join forces to respond to global challenges. Engagement in peace and reconciliation efforts is a key part of Norwegian foreign policy, a field in which we work closely with the EU and the United Nations. In addition, we support the EU’s leading role in the fight against climate change and in addressing the security risks that arise from it. Women’s full inclusion must also be a priority in all our efforts, and we commend the EU’s action plan on women and peace and security for its focus on gender equality, human rights and peace and security within and beyond its borders. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic will continue to be part of our common European agenda. We will work together with the EU and partners to mobilize resources for the recovery from the pandemic globally. Russia’s war on Ukraine has consequences way beyond European soil. It hits the most vulnerable — women and girls and those already strained from instability, climate change and COVID-19 — the hardest. Rapid global action is needed to increase food security and to prevent the threat of a worldwide wave of hunger. Let me end, therefore, with our assurance that Norway will continue to advocate these shared priorities in cooperation with the EU, both inside and outside the Security Council.

Every year, the Security Council discusses issues relating to cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union (EU). We have always welcomed that, being mindful of all the efforts that the EU undertakes as a critical regional stakeholder. However, with every passing year, serious questions have accumulated about Brussels’ global policy, which increasingly has been departing from the ideals envisaged by its founding fathers for the post-war European project. Unfortunately, those trends have only worsened. As for the EU-Russia relations, we used to say that they were at their lowest point. But now, thanks to Brussels’ efforts, they have completely collapsed. We find this greatly and sincerely regrettable. This was not our choice; we are simply drawing obvious conclusions from the actions of the EU. Initially, the European project was based on noble and attractive ideas — the peaceful merger of economic and humanitarian potentials of participating States; the benefits of a common market; the freedom of movement of goods, people, capital and knowledge; the creation of a shared European identity on the basis of shared values. All of that created a picture of an ideal shared European future. It is completely natural that this picture attracted many, and Russia was no exception. In 1994, we signed a partnership and cooperation agreement with the EU, which we sought to implement with the purest of intentions. We took our partnership to have the word’s primary meaning — that is, mutually beneficial cooperation on an equal footing that would take into account the interests of both parties. In 1999, Romano Prodi, then President of the European Commission, signed the Charter for European Security, which enshrined the principle of indivisible security and the obligation to refrain from strengthening one’s own security at others’ expense. In 2005, the road maps for four common spaces were formulated, establishing that the cooperation between Russia and the EU would contribute to the creation of a greater Europe without dividing lines, promote international peace and security and create conditions conducive to the security and prosperity of both the Russian Federation and the European Union. It was hoped that this would forever put an end to geopolitical competition in the European space and enable us to jointly forge a secure and economically prosperous community. Unfortunately, however, it soon became clear that the ideals of the EU’s founding fathers had been consigned to the past and that Brussels — not without encouragement from across the pond  — had formed new goals. The European Union’s view of cooperation with Russia was becoming one-sided, reduced to those areas that it considered in its own interests, while it simultaneously set a strategic course to push the Russian Federation out of Europe. Despite our warnings, the European Union went down the slippery NATO slope and began to absorb the geopolitical space around it, disrupting the balance of power, pitting East against West and adopting a course to transform itself from an economic bloc into a military and political one. The old logic of accession to the EU, which made economic and political maturity a prerequisite for membership, was abandoned. For geopolitical reasons, some countries were accorded advance acceptance into the European Union despite clearly failing to meet the Copenhagen criteria. They brought an anti-Russian agenda with them into the EU and have been actively advancing it based on Washington’s instructions, often to the detriment of the collective interests of EU member States. A clear example of that was the Polish leadership’s recent call for building a defence and peace and security system in Europe that would be directed against Russia. We know that there are voices of reason in the European Union that understand the significance and potential of relations with Russia, but today they are going almost unheard. Having expanded eastward in the mid-2000s, the EU, contrary to its past promises, presented its new neighbours with the choice of either being with the EU or against it. That logic was at the heart of the Eastern Partnership policy that replaced its Neighbourhood Policy in 2009 as an entirely Euro-centric model, designed not to establish equitable cooperation but to completely reformat its participants’ political systems in line with the EU template. Needless to say, it was not a format the Russian Federation could accept. One of the products of that flawed policy was a draft association agreement between Ukraine and the EU, which blew up security and the balance of power on the European continent like a landmine. Contrary to the road maps that we had signed, the agreement effectively demanded that Ukraine sever its ties with Russia and essentially become a mere supplier of raw materials to Europe. When the legitimate leadership of Ukraine took a closer look at the proposed conditions and asked for a time-out in order to assess how they corresponded to its national interests, the EU, together with the United States, staged an anti-constitutional coup triggering a bloody civil war in Ukraine that has lasted for more than eight years. Ever since then, the EU, contrary to the values it proclaims, has turned a blind eye to the criminal actions of the Kyiv regime in Donbas and its violations of the Minsk agreements, encouraging nationalism and outright Nazism in Ukraine. Without that, there would be no profound security crisis in Europe today, and we have yet to find the key with which to end it. In the current situation around Ukraine, today’s militarized, aggressive, Russophobic European Union has shown its true colours. The extent to which a once peaceful economic association, created to prevent new wars in Europe, has deteriorated is best reflected in the fact that the head of European diplomacy  — our briefer today, Mr. Borrell — gave up on that diplomacy and called for winning this war on the battlefield. And we are following his advice, especially given that Kyiv, encouraged by its Western patrons, is refusing to engage in any negotiations whatever. This is not merely talk. Through the blasphemously named European Peace Fund, Brussels has already provided the Ukrainian armed forces and nationalists with €2 billion worth of lethal weapons, not counting the military equipment supplied through individual EU member States. It continues to pump Ukraine full of military equipment with total disregard for its own export controls as outlined in the EU Council’s Common Position defining the rules governing control of exports of military technology and equipment. It has reached the point where European weapons are now killing civilians in Ukraine. During a recent bombing of Donetsk that claimed the lives of six people, including a child, cluster munitions with markings from a number of European countries were used, despite the fact that those countries had previously declared to have completely destroyed those munitions. Since the beginning of the armed conflict in Donbas in 2014, thousands of civilians have died, including more than 150 children. Thanks to the so-called assistance of European “civilized” countries, as they call themselves, another 15 to 20 people are now added to those terrible statistics every week. The EU has willingly stood under the Atlantic Russophobic banners and has once again unhesitatingly trampled on its own values and political principles. Now it is trying to deprive non-EU States of their sovereign right to pursue an independent foreign policy, demanding that they join the anti-Russian sanctions and using European prospects to blackmail them directly. In the global arena, too, today’s European Union is just as ugly and aggressive, declaring entire regions and even continents to be zones for its exclusive interests. It is trying to use financial and economic blackmail to influence developing countries in their foreign-policy choices. It is circumventing the Security Council by imposing illegitimate unilateral sanctions and threatening to force States dependent on the EU market to join the bloc. Macroeconomic mistakes, along with Western countries’ ill-conceived energy and financial policies, including a sharp increase in anti-crisis financial bailouts that have fuelled inflation, an abrupt transition to green energy rather than a smooth and gradual one, speculation in Western futures markets and a collective Western policy on sanctions have all helped to provoke the current food and energy crisis. However, the EU is now trying to blame it all on the Russian Federation, making unsubstantiated accusations regarding the destruction of grain elevators and blocking of grain exports. It hypocritically assert that there are no other obstacles to them while remaining silent about the prohibitive measures on insurance, financing and shipping imposed by both the EU and the United States, and turning a blind eye to the fact that it is Kyiv that has mined the waters of the Black Sea. The EU, following its American big brother, has been arrogantly dividing States into democracies and non-democracies, sometimes slipping into openly colonial rhetoric, referring to the countries of Africa as the backyard and the Balkans as the inner courtyard of the European Union. EU missions in the Balkans and in Africa are being redirected to confront Russia. All that is done in the name of the concept of the rules-based world order imposed by the West, under the leadership of the United States. It is regrettable that the European project, which was previously perceived as a lofty ideal reflecting an advanced stage in the evolution of international and social relations, has dealt itself a devastating blow and lost its historical significance. The EU never succeeded in developing its own constructive ideology and has not become an independent world Power or alternative model of organization. It now essentially defines itself based solely on its primitive Russophobia. That decay is taking place before our eyes and has yet to reach a conclusion. Europe, which once declared its own vision of the world order and aspired to play an independent role in the concert of world Powers, has turned into an obedient appendage of the United States and NATO. Citizens of the EU’s member States are being led to believe that makes them stronger. On the contrary, that policy is laying fertile ground for a confrontation between the two super-Powers, as was the case during the Cold War. How does that benefit Europe or its citizens? Does it strengthen their security? In recent years, Russia has become accustomed to being self-reliant. As both a European and an Asian Power, we will develop relations with independent- minded countries and organizations that are not afraid of protecting their own interests. Unfortunately, the EU no longer can be counted among the latter. However, the Russian Federation is not indifferent to the future of the EU. The fact that the course chosen by the current EU leadership is short-sighted and dangerous has been repeatedly acknowledged by prominent EU politicians, including former Presidents of the European Commission. We can see that today’s Europe is severing ties with Russia in the name of Atlantic solidarity and voluntarily shooting itself in the foot. We hope that development does not become irreversible and spiral out of control. Mr. Borrell Fontelles himself rightly said in a recent interview that the Russian Federation and the European Union will continue to remain neighbours on their shared European continent. We do not want to see problems worsen for our neighbours. But if the EU continues on its current course of increasingly becoming a tool of United States policy, those problems will affect not only its people but Russian citizens as well. Of course, we have no interest in the development of such a scenario. We hope that sooner or later the anti-Russian frenzy will die down and that in the meantime the European project will not be allowed to completely collapse in the service of the interests of our American and British colleagues, regardless of their claims to the contrary. Given the obvious hostility towards Russia of the EU in its current state and its reliance upon, and subservience to, the United States and NATO, we have no choice but to reconsider our basic approach to developing relations with that organization. We are currently forced, at the very, least to adopt a cautious approach to any project involving the EU, including at the United Nations. That also applies to EU plans for expansion. The inclusion of new States, including Ukraine, in this alliance that is unfriendly to Russia no longer reflects Russia’s interests. We should also note that, over the past few years, the EU has actually degenerated into the geopolitical shadow of NATO, while having lost not only its own vision of international processes but also all ability to defend its place under the sun and protect its economic, civilizational and cultural interests. That is not what its founding fathers envisioned, and it is not the entity with which we discussed plans for a strategic partnership. In conclusion, a long time ago, when the leaders of post-war Germany would not yet allow themselves to be called “offended liverwurst”, Konrad Adenauer presciently stated, “Unless we act, events that we Europeans will be unable to influence will overtake us. I believe we Europeans feel far too safe. Europe’s political and economic leadership in the world, which was still unchallenged at the beginning of the century, has long since ceased to exist. Will the dominant cultural influence of Europe be maintained? I think not, unless we defend it and adjust ourselves to new conditions; history has shown that civilizations are all too perishable.” It is a pity that subsequent generations of leaders of the European Union have failed to take those words of warning seriously.

I thank you, Madam President, for taking the initiative to convene this debate to enable us to reaffirm our firm conviction that regional and subregional organizations are integral to our ability to respond to international crises and conflicts. The scope and relevance of Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations are reflected in the importance of the regional narrative. I also thank the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy for his briefing. Cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union is a recurring item on the agenda of the Security Council. Over the years, cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union has continued to grow, encompassing a wide range of areas such as conflict prevention, mediation, peacekeeping, peacebuilding, disarmament, the fight against terrorism and violent extremism, the protection of human rights, the coordination of humanitarian assistance and the promotion of economic and sociopolitical development. The issue of cooperation and coordination between the United Nations and European regional security organizations is taking on new relevance today, owing to the establishment and development of the European Union’s capacity for civilian and military action, which leads us to meaningfully reflect above all on the sharing of tasks at the international level and their importance with regard to crisis management. The partnership between the United Nations and the European Union is perfectly illustrated in Africa, including in the Sahel, the Lake Chad region and the Horn of Africa, where the two entities work side by side to contribute to the development of a network of multilateral organizations in several countries and regions that work together for peace and sustainable development in countries that are in precarious and crisis situations. On the African continent, repeated violations by extremist groups, such as Boko Haram, the Allied Democratic Forces and Al-Shabaab, which claim an affiliation with Da’esh, give reason to fear a contagion effect throughout the entire continent. Clearly, the resulting security threat substantially erodes the foundations of the shared values of freedom, dignity and democracy on the continent by imperilling its people, who continue to suffer from the impact of the coronavirus disease pandemic. The magnitude of those threats and challenges has led the African Union to adopt its peace and development strategy as set out in Agenda 2063 and underpinned by the African Peace and Security Architecture, the African Governance Architecture and the Silencing the Guns initiative. Those bold initiatives combine robust funding efforts with logistics and synergistic actions that prioritize trilateral cooperation among the African Union, the European Union and the United Nations, based on their common respective interests. We therefore support the need to call for strengthening not only bilateral cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union but also between the European Union and the African Union, as well as broader trilateral cooperation among the United Nations, the European Union and the African Union, with a view to increasing their coordination on cross- cutting peace and security concerns. We also call for strengthening dialogue between the African Union Peace and Security Council and the European Union Political and Security Committee. Although we advocate an Africa capable of finding African solutions to African challenges, we recognize that, for our work to be more effective, the support of our international partners is required. That form of cooperation is all the more imperative because, in a security environment characterized by multidimensional crises and exacerbated by the unprecedented pandemic, the scope of requests the United Nations receives and the increasingly regional nature of crises demand that the United Nations deal with the realities on the ground more effectively so that its actions are more effective. It goes without saying that the involvement of regional actors alongside the United Nations makes stabilization processes more effective and enables a better understanding of persistent threats. While it is true that in recent years the United Nations has worked hard to get involved in regional and subregional partnerships, the myriad of crises, including those that are emerging, as well as their increasingly complex nature, compel us to do more. I would like to make some comments on developing a more productive partnership between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations. First, partnerships should be based on complementarity and competitive advantage. Regional and subregional organizations, above and beyond the advantage of an in-depth knowledge of their regions, are able to mobilize and deploy rapidly on the ground through regional mechanisms. That requires stable and predictable financial, logistical and technical support, along with strengthened capacity-building. Secondly, to be effective, cooperation must be supported by the best possible systems of coordination and communication. Terrorism, transnational crime, humanitarian crises and natural disasters are all complex and interdependent challenges that require the involvement of several stakeholders and therefore the regular and rapid exchange of information. Thirdly, it is vital to establish coherent crisis- management and conflict-resolution mechanisms, and the tasks and responsibilities of the various stakeholders must be clearly defined. That will enable the United Nations and regional organizations to develop policies that can provide an effective response to crisis situations. In conclusion, I would once again like to call for strengthening the partnership between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations, including interregional partnerships. One of the main benefits to those partnerships is providing support to the United Nations in one of its key missions, that of maintaining international peace and security. Today the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations must create synergy in their actions, which would be a decisive step towards delivering on our international commitments and demonstrating our shared desire to considerably improve our collective security, especially through conflict prevention and peacebuilding and peacekeeping efforts.

Let me begin by thanking the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, His Excellency Mr. Josep Borrell, for his detailed briefing. The goals of the United Nations and the European Union (EU) have a common origin, with similar driving principles and values. In today’s global context, the synergy in actions between the two organizations is important to addressing global peace and security challenges, as well as advancing development efforts. Today’s briefing is therefore very timely, and we welcome it. The EU has repeatedly demonstrated that it can play a leading role in dealing with global issues. The development achievements of its members, its enduring advocacy for democratic values and the rules- based international order have made it a formidable voice in the multilateral arena. Its significance is also mirrored in the active cooperation between the United Nations and the EU. In the Balkans, the EU has been at the forefront in promoting reconciliation, freedom, economic prosperity and peace. On a number of occasions it has brought together important stakeholders in situations of conflict through its strong support for donor conferences, its formulation of peace plans and support for them through a peacekeeping presence. India supports all efforts, including those of the EU, in promoting dialogue and compromise in implementing the Dayton Agreement. We note the importance of the EU as a member of the Middle East Quartet peace process, and its role in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. The EU’s role in Africa has also grown, alongside those of the African Union (AU) and the League of Arab States. Its complementary efforts in conflict resolution and addressing security challenges, including terrorism, have contributed positively to United Nations efforts in Africa. The EU also supports bilateral and regional initiatives. It should continue to augment national efforts to address security-related challenges in Africa, while the EU-AU partnership should focus on finding African solutions to African problems. The world continues to be confronted with peace and security challenges, which have been exacerbated by the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, the Ukraine crisis and its consequent food and energy security challenges. This is having a disproportionate impact on the Global South. We need to strengthen partnerships and enhance linkages between the United Nations and regional organizations, in line with Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations. We should pursue greater international cooperation and solidarity in overcoming our common challenges. Regional organizations, particularly the EU, have a critical role to play in addressing challenges to the security environment by promoting dialogue between the parties and dissuading external influence. In that context, my delegation would like to make the following observations. The EU has broken new ground in developing effective tools for crisis management. We believe that it has an important role to play in tackling global challenges, with the United Nations at the core of multilateral efforts. The multilateral mechanisms should work with regional organizations to ensure that equitable solutions can be speedily arrived at. India has advocated for the importance of reforming multilateralism. We have consistently called for a meaningful and comprehensive reform of the global multilateral architecture, including the Security Council. Given the EU’s important role in a reformed, United Nations-centred multilateral system, it is only natural to expect the EU to support ongoing reform efforts. It should do much more to take forward the reform agenda. The conflict in Ukraine has affected not just the EU but the whole world. We support all diplomatic efforts to end the conflict, including a resumption of talks between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. The conflict is having a destabilizing effect, with broader regional and global implications. Increasing oil prices and shortages of food grains and fertilizers are having a disproportionate impact on the Global South. The EU can and should play a leading role in alleviating the adverse impact of the crisis in Ukraine on the day-to- day lives of people living in vulnerable countries. The EU has an important role to play in our continued fight against terrorism and other new and emerging challenges. As Chair of the Counter- Terrorism Committee and of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1988 (2011), India would like the EU to step up its efforts to make our fight against terrorism a collective fight that is fought with zero tolerance, without double-speak of any kind. We note the significant financial contribution of the EU member States to the United Nations peacekeeping budget and their voluntary contributions to United Nations programmes. The contribution of the EU to the progress of the global discourse on climate change and the Sustainable Development Goals has been noteworthy. We need to find a balanced approach to continue to meet those challenges without burdening developing countries. The India-EU strategic partnership is guided by our shared interests and values of democracy, pluralism, freedom, respect for the rule of law and human rights. We share a common perspective on many regional and global issues, including a shared commitment to promoting an international rules-based order based on a reformed and effective multilateralism. India and the EU have a common interest in ensuring security, prosperity and sustainable development in a multipolar world. India’s partnership with the EU is reflected in cooperation aimed at tackling current global issues, such as COVID-19, climate change and terrorism, and at strengthening multilateral institutions. At the bilateral level, it is manifested through a growing political engagement. It is also reflected in the launch of negotiations on trade and investment agreements and a bilateral connectivity partnership. Our strategic partnership has also witnessed an upswing recently, including through the holding of our first-ever joint naval exercises in June 2021, as well as our first- ever security and defence consultations and closer cooperation on maritime security. We also established the India-EU Trade and Technology Council in April this year to work on next-generation critical technologies and developing standards for them. India welcomes the EU’s recently announced strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. We look forward to greater cooperation to ensure a free, open, inclusive and rules-based Indo-Pacific region, premised upon respect for international law and the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all States. We also launched a connectivity partnership to enhance connectivity in conformity with international norms, the rule of law and respect for international commitments. In conclusion, let me reiterate India’s commitment to a lasting, mutually beneficial partnership with the EU.

At the outset, I would like to thank you, Minister Xhaçka, for your presence here today and for presiding over this important meeting. I would also like to thank High Representative Borrell Fontelles for his comprehensive briefing. By promoting regional cooperation and integration, the European Union (EU) has been instrumental in bringing peace and stability to the European continent. Over the years, the EU has grown from a regional player to a global one, and today its initiatives across the world often bolster the efforts of the United Nations and the Security Council in maintaining international peace and security. Beyond its own borders, we recognize the European Union’s contribution to peace and stability in the wider European region. The EU’s efforts in facilitating the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue, as well as its role in the implementation of the Dayton Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina through the European Union military operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, are examples of how the EU is helping to lower tensions in the Western Balkans. The EU continues to show its capacity to be a major humanitarian actor, and we have once again seen its response to the humanitarian crisis resulting from the conflict in Ukraine. With more than a quarter of Ukraine’s population displaced and nearly 5 million Ukrainian refugees recorded across Europe, the United Arab Emirates commends the EU’s work in assisting countries hosting those fleeing their homes in search of safety. In the meantime, the EU’s support to humanitarian organizations in Ukraine and to civilians in need with more than €373 million in assistance has been a crucial lifeline for those civilians. The EU also continues to make important contributions in response to food insecurity and in addressing global public health. That includes the European Union’s support to the World Food Program and its financial support for the WFP’s cash assistance programme. That partnership is as important as ever as developing countries face new pressures due to increases in the price of basic foodstuffs, which puts people already in vulnerable situations at even greater risk. In the context of the EU’s support in combating the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, we welcome its donation of more than 400 million doses of COVID-19 vaccines through the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access Facility as part of EU and EU member States’ deliveries of more than 1.4 billion doses worldwide. While those are important contributions, we are continuously reminded that the COVID-19 pandemic is not over and that key donors, including the EU, must redouble efforts to ensure that vaccine equity is achieved across the globe. Finally, in addition to the importance of enhancing cooperation between regional organizations and the United Nations, we take this opportunity to highlight the value of enhancing cooperation among regional organizations on issues of common interest. When considering involvement in other regions, we stress the importance of ensuring that regional actors take an active and leading role in any efforts at multilateral diplomacy. That is essential to finding sustainable solutions to regional and international challenges. In conclusion, the United Arab Emirates looks forward to the continued cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union, as well as enhanced cooperation between the European Union and other regional organizations in areas of mutual interest, all with the aim of ensuring the maintenance of regional and international peace and security.

I would like to thank His Excellency Mr. Josep Borell Fontelles, High Representative of the European Union (EU) for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, for his briefing on the cooperation between the EU and the United Nations for the maintenance of international peace and security. Brazil appreciates the commitment of the European Union and its member States in working with the United Nations, within the framework of Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations, in various instances to assist in the promotion of stability, peace and security in different regions of the world. In total, the EU has launched 37 Common Security and Defence Policy missions since 2003. There are currently 11 ongoing civilian missions and seven ongoing military missions/operations across Europe, Africa and the Middle East. An actor on the international stage in its own right, the European Union has also played a particularly relevant role in European country-specific agendas. Those contributions should be recognized. The EU`s commitment to the Western Balkans is also noted, especially in facilitating the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina. The Brussels Dialogue, launched following the adoption of General Assembly resolution 64/298, still seeks to achieve a comprehensive normalization of the relations  — an objective of paramount importance to guarantee the stability of the whole region. Furthermore, the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo, within the framework of resolution 1244 (1999), also contributes to stability in that territory. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the EU launched the European Union military operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina following the decision by NATO to hand over its own peacekeeping mission in the country in 2004. Since then, in accordance with the relevant Security Council decisions, the EU has deployed a robust military force to ensure compliance with the Dayton Agreement and to contribute to security in Bosnia and Herzegovina. As we witnessed in previous meetings of the Council, the mission deserves our continued support, since its objectives are far from being accomplished. We would like to point out the EU Foreign Affairs Council decision, adopted in March of last year, to establish the European Peace Facility as a tool to finance operational actions under the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy. We believe that the EU missions should always be aligned with the mandates established by the Security Council and should act in accordance with the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. In that regard, we would urge the EU to consider in advance the possible unintended consequences for the world, particularly developing countries, of the adoption of unilateral measures, such as unilateral sanctions. The United Nations and the EU should develop synergies and reinforce multilateralism. The world would continue to benefit greatly from such cooperation.

At the outset, I would like to welcome and thank His Excellency Mr. Josep Borrell Fontelles, European Union (EU) High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, for his briefing. Regional organizations, as guided under Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations, have continued to play an increasingly critical role in the global security architecture. The global challenges that we face in international peace and security are varied, multidimensional and connected and continue to undermine political stability and socioeconomic development, with catastrophic impacts on people’s lives and livelihoods. Threats to international peace and security, in particular those driven by transnational organized crimes like terrorism, continue to be highly transnational in nature and necessitate collaborative action in order to yield the desired outcomes. Regional and subregional organizations have progressively become indispensable institutions, playing a critical role in combating those contemporary challenges by strengthening global governance and stepping up the international community’s efforts to maintain international peace and security. Cooperation between the United Nations and the European Union strengthens both organizations and affords them an avenue for a more coordinated approach to addressing key issues affecting Europe, its neighbours and the global community. That was clearly demonstrated during the informal meeting between the members of the Security Council and the EU Political and Security Committee, held on 4 May. Kenya appreciates the EU’s strong investment in multilateral partnerships for addressing contemporary threats to international peace and security. Indeed, the EU’s historical strong partnership with the African Union and its subregional organizations has been invaluable in supporting the development and implementation of the African Peace and Security Architecture. We welcome the outcomes of the sixth EU- African Union (AU) Summit, held in February, which committed to a joint vision for a renewed partnership to build a common future, as the closest of partners and neighbours. These build on the commitments made under the 2018 memorandum of understanding between the AU and the EU on Peace, Security and Governance, designed to combat instability, radicalization, violent extremism and terrorism, tackle the root causes of conflicts and address the entire conflict cycle through an integrated approach. In that regard, Kenya welcomes the growing and expanding collaboration between the United Nations, the AU and the EU in the search for sustained peace and stability in conflict situations in Africa. We appreciate the long-standing EU logistical, technical and financial support of the African-led peace support operations. That was clearly demonstrated during the recent strategic review and the reconfiguration of the African Union Mission in Somalia to the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia. Those collaborative efforts have also been instrumental in facilitating various Intergovernmental Authority on Development initiatives, including the South Sudan peace process. Structured collaboration among the United Nations, the AU and the EU is critical to enhancing synergies and unity of purpose and reinforcing peace and development efforts by the three organizations on the continent. Those efforts should buttress the actualization of the commitment of the AU and EU to a renewed and enhanced cooperation for peace and security in several ways. The first way is through support for adequate training, capacity-building and equipment in order to strengthen and scale up autonomous peace operations of African defence and security forces, including through EU missions and assistance measures, as well as support for law-enforcement capacity-building. The second way is through continued support for African-led peace support operations and ongoing discussions on the use of United Nations-assessed contributions for operations authorized by the Security Council. The third way is through a renewed focus on prevention and peacebuilding through support for measures to address the root causes of conflict, including development and economic empowerment. In conclusion, we reiterate that the United Nations and the international community must make active use of efforts by regional and subregional organizations and support them to the maximum extent. The principle of national ownership and priority for regional leadership should, however, remain the guiding pillar in our collective response in the maintenance of international peace and security. Dame Barbara Woodward (United Kingdom): I join others in thanking the High Representative for his briefing and in wishing him a speedy recovery and return to in-person meetings. As many colleagues said, this has been one of the most challenging years for Europe since the Second World War, with Russia’s illegal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine causing death and devastation and forcing millions of refugees into neighbouring States. It has been a challenging year for the international community, with Russia’s actions and other conflicts exacerbating existing problems in a world ravaged by the coronavirus disease pandemic and climate change. And it has been a challenging year for the United Nations, the multilateral system and the rules-based international norms that we value. We therefore welcome the positive role played by the European Union (EU) and other regional organizations in promoting diplomacy and multilateralism and supporting the Security Council on international peace and security. First, we welcome the incredible support to Ukrainians and the assistance provided to Ukraine to defend itself and in defence of the Charter of the United Nations. The United Kingdom supports an outward- looking EU and values our cooperation on responding to this latest breach of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. That includes coordinating on measures to limit Russia’s ability to finance and wage its war and on the Atrocity Crimes Advisory Group for Ukraine to support Ukraine’s Prosecutor General. We are also working closely together on addressing issues of global food security. I would like to support, in particular, the High-Representative’s words rebutting disinformation on sanctions. Secondly, we welcome the EU’s important contribution to the Council’s work. That includes EU efforts on restoring the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, its renewed partnership with the African Union and its contribution to United Nations peace operations and peacebuilding, including, for example, its contribution on Somalia. In Europe, we strongly support the EU’s efforts in the Western Balkans, where we are coordinating to support the region in order to secure progress in the EU- facilitated Serbia-Kosovo dialogue and working towards the renewal of the European Union-led peacekeeping force Operation Althea mandate in November. Finally, we welcome the EU’s work on global systemic challenges. Seven months after the holding of the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP26), the EU and the United Kingdom are coordinating to pick up the pace on delivering a net-zero, climate-resilient transition. At a time of global instability, with growing challenges of inflation, debt and food insecurity, we are united in our determination to deliver on the Glasgow Climate Pact and ensure the successful legacy of COP26.

I now give the floor to High Representative Borrell Fontelles to respond on comments or questions raised. Mr. Borrell Fontelles: I could not let the meeting end without thanking many members of the Security Council for their engagement and acknowledgement of the contributions of the European Union to global peace and security, as well as their support for the further strengthening of the European Union-United Nations partnership. I noted the remarks of many Ambassadors, in particular those of Gabon, Ghana and Kenya, who spoke about the important role of regional and subregional organizations in addressing global challenges. I agree with the Chinese Ambassador that we do not want to see the world organized into opposing blocs, which would lead only to greater insecurity. We are sensitive to the security concerns of our countries and are ready to engage in discussions and negotiations to rebuild European security once Russia abandons its invasion of Ukraine and re-establishes its territorial integrity. I also welcome the Indian Ambassador’s comments on the European Union’s Indo-Pacific strategy, on the basis of which we look forward to strengthening our strategic partnership not only with India but also with the entire region. With regard to the main subject of discussion today  — the situation in Ukraine and the role of the European Union  — I was certainly not expecting to agree with the Russian Ambassador. I thank him for lecturing me on the interpretation of the historical role of the European Union and how the founding fathers conceived it. I think, however, that I have a better interpretation of my own history. I do not think we are diverging from the prospect of peace, which is the essence of the European Union. We continue to be a Union that wants to engage in peace. We are not a military union, but we certainly cannot remain indifferent to what is happening in our neighbourhood — the aggression that one of our most important partners, Ukraine, is suffering. In my view, there is one important thing on which we should focus our attention. We can discuss the causes of the war endlessly, and certainly we will not agree. But one thing is clear: there are Russian troops in Ukraine, yet there are no Ukrainian troops in Russia. It is clear who the aggressor is. We may not agree, but we should concentrate our efforts and try to avoid the next stage of this tragedy, which will be a huge wave of hunger across the world if Russia continues blocking the export of wheat from Ukraine. It is certainly not the European Union that is blocking those exports. We are certainly not bombing wheat storage facilities. I therefore take this opportunity to call on everyone here, in particular private actors, to do whatever they can in order to avoid the dramatic situation that could cause millions of people to suffer from a huge wave of hunger in the coming months. From our side, we will do everything we can in order to explain to economic actors that there is nothing in our sanctions that prevents the export of wheat and fertilizers from Russia. Any kind of overinterpretation or market avoidance must be corrected, and we will do our best to dissipate any kind of misinterpretation. It would be good for others to do the same and avoid spreading disinformation on the matter. It is the common responsibility of us all to avoid a dramatic situation in the weeks to come, leading to millions of people being deprived of basic foodstuffs, which could very well happen. The United Nations is working hard to avoid that situation, and we are supporting the Organization to that end. I ask all members of the Council to contribute to that effort. Some can take action, while others can put pressure on the relevant actors. We all share a responsibility to avoid what may happen if things continue the way they are going. I think that serves as a very important warning that justifies the convening of this meeting.

I thank High Representative Borrell Fontelles for the clarifications he has provided.