S/PV.9120 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of Libya to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2022/632, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. At this meeting, the Security Council will hear briefings by Ms. DiCarlo and Mrs. Ruchira Kamboj, Permanent Representative of India, in her capacity as Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. I now give the floor to Ms. DiCarlo. Ms. DiCarlo: I thank you, Mr. President, for the opportunity to brief the Security Council on the main developments in Libya over the past month. Since our last meeting on Libya, on 25 July (see S/PV.9098), the United Nations has continued to engage with Libyan actors at every level to facilitate a resolution of the political impasse. I am deeply concerned about the possibility that the ongoing stalemate and continued delays in implementing the electoral process pose a growing threat to security in and around Tripoli, and potentially to all Libyans. That threat materialized a few days ago, when Tripoli once again became a theatre of violent clashes between armed groups respectively supporting Mr. Abdulhamid Al Dabiba and Mr. Fathi Bashagha. The fighting broke out in the early hours of 27 August, rapidly intensified and spread to civilian- populated areas of Tripoli. It involved the indiscriminate use of medium and heavy weapons, affecting civilians and civilian infrastructure. According to the Libyan authorities, at least 42 people, including four civilians, were killed in the clashes, and 159 were injured. Fifty families were reportedly displaced, and five health facilities were significantly damaged. Two detention centres for migrants and refugees were affected, involving a total of 560 people. This appeared to be another attempt by pro-Bashagha forces to enter the capital from the east. However, they were blocked by pro-Al Dabiba forces at Zleiten, about 160 kilometres east of Tripoli, and were forced to retreat following clashes. Attempts by other pro-Bashagha armed groups to advance on the capital from the west and south-west were similarly repelled. The fighting in Tripoli and its outskirts subsided the next day, although the situation remained tense and fluid. A fragile calm has since prevailed in Tripoli. It is unclear how long it will last. Retaliatory attacks by both sides and the announced intention by the Government of National Unity to arrest pro-Bashagha elements involved in the fighting may trigger armed clashes that could again affect the civilian population. I am very concerned about the limited political progress that has been made during the reporting period. The United Nations has consistently underscored that the conduct of elections remains the only way to break the current impasse. Despite our continued efforts, no progress has been made on forging a consensus on a constitutional framework for the elections. Following their meeting in Geneva in June, Aguila Saleh Issa, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Khaled Mishri, the President of the High State Council, held further discussions in Türkiye, on 1 August, and in Egypt, on 14 August. Regrettably, their disagreements persisted, particularly on the eligibility criteria for presidential candidates. I urge both leaders to complete the work accomplished by the joint constitutional committee. It will be critical to reach an agreement on a constitutional framework and timeline for elections that will enable the Libyan people to choose their leaders. There were a few positive developments during the reporting period. Notably, I commend the ongoing efforts of the 5+5 Joint Military Commission (JMC) to preserve and strengthen the implementation of the ceasefire agreement. Of note, on 27 August, the eastern delegation to the JMC called its counterparts in the west to assure them that the Libyan National Army would not be involved in the fighting. Earlier, on 9 August, the Joint Military Commission met with the United Nations Support Mission in Libya in Sirte to enhance the readiness of the Libyan ceasefire monitoring mechanism. They made progress on the activation of a joint operations room in Sirte and also finalized the modalities for the withdrawal of foreign forces, foreign fighters and mercenaries from Libya. On another positive note, on 18 August the General Assembly of the Supreme Court of Libya voted to restore the Court’s Constitutional Chamber, which had been suspended since 2016. The reactivation of the Chamber could contribute to the resolution of disputes over the legitimacy of decisions taken by Libyan institutions. I am also encouraged by the progress on national reconciliation, including the efforts of the Presidency Council to implement its strategic vision for the issue. I reiterate the readiness of the United Nations to support Libyan efforts on national reconciliation, as well as the African Union’s planned conference on national reconciliation in Libya, to be held at the earliest possible opportunity. Turning to economic developments, oil production was resumed on 17 July. By the end of July, production had reached the pre-shutdown level of 1.2 million barrels per day. The Libyan National Oil Corporation recently announced plans to further increase oil production capacity. However, I am concerned that the growing public discontent in the southern region over the lack of basic services and poor living conditions may lead to renewed closures of oilfields in the area. The explosion of a fuel tank in the vicinity of Zawiyah on 1 August, which killed 25 people and injured dozens of others, has sparked a wave of protests over the long-standing marginalization of communities in the south. On 21 August, local dignitaries threatened to form a parallel Government in the south if their demands for respect for their right to basic services and stronger representation in State institutions were not met. Libya’s natural resources belong to all Libyans, and revenues from oil exports should be distributed equitably and fairly. I regret to report that human rights violations in Libya continue to be a major concern. On 20 August, armed groups affiliated with the Libyan National Army encircled the town of Qasr Bouhadi, 25 kilometres south of Sirte. Civilians were deprived of freedom of movement and prevented from leaving their districts, with hospitals, shops, schools, petrol stations and other essential facilities forced to close. On 26 August, military actors withdrew from the town, but continued to control all movement in and out of the town. I urge the relevant actors to immediately lift the continuing restrictions imposed on the population of Qasr Bouhadi and warn that the situation could further escalate to an intercommunal conflict. Individuals peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression continued to be subjected to abduction, enforced disappearance and arbitrary detention. Violence against women activists, as well as their unlawful arrest and detention, continues. Smear campaigns targeting civil-society actors, particularly women, using hate speech and incitements to violence, are deeply worrying and must cease. Migrants and refugees also continued to suffer serious human rights violations. According to the most recent statistics, 2,661 migrants and refugees have been arbitrarily detained in official detention centres with restricted humanitarian access. The United Nations continues to call for the immediate release of all who are arbitrarily detained and for due process for those charged with contravening Libyan laws. It is critical that all Libyan actors remain calm on the ground, refrain from escalatory rhetoric and actions and take immediate steps to reverse the political polarization that is spilling over into violence. In the light of the deterioration of the political and security climate in Tripoli, the United Nations must continue to provide and enhance its good offices and mediation efforts to help Libyan actors resolve the ongoing impasse and seek a consensus pathway to elections. Libyans themselves are responsible for determining their own future. Any support that the parties receive from within or outside Libya should serve to unite them, not divide them. The Secretary-General has put forward a number of proposals for the leadership of the Mission and his good offices. I urge everyone to support his efforts to help Libyans forge a path to peace.

I thank Ms. DiCarlo for her briefing. I now give the floor to Ambassador Kamboj.

In accordance with paragraph 24 (e) of resolution 1970 (2011) of 26 February 2011, I have the honour to report to the Security Council on the work of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. The report covers the period from 27 May to 30 August of this year, during which time the Committee conducted its work using the silence procedure with the aim of facilitating the implementation of the sanctions measures. At the outset, since this is my first periodic report to the Security Council, let me say that I look forward to working with all the members of the Committee for the remainder of our Security Council membership. On 13 July, the Security Council adopted resolution 2644 (2022), through which it extended to 30 October 2023 the time-bound measures aimed at preventing illicit exports of petroleum from Libya, including crude oil and refined petroleum products. The arms embargo, the travel ban and the assets freeze are not time-bound and continue to apply. The Council also extended the mandate of the Panel of Experts on Libya to 15 November 2023. On 12 August, the Secretary- General appointed six individuals to serve on the Panel. Council members will recall that at the previous Chair’s briefing (see S/PV.9047), my predecessor informed the Council that the Committee was considering the recommendations from the final report of the Panel under its previous mandate. The Committee had agreed to take action on the three recommendations addressed to it, as well as on a recommendation addressed to all Member States. With respect to the implementation of the arms embargo, the Committee received two attempted inspection reports and two vessel inspection reports from European Union Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI. One of the inspections led to a seizure of cargo, and the Committee expects a second report to be submitted with all the relevant details following the submission of the initial report. Committee members expressed varying views on the seizure of the cargo. In connection with that particular inspection, the Committee also received a letter from the Panel of Experts concerning the cargo. In relation to the assets freeze, no negative decision was taken by the Committee on an exemption notification submitted by the Kingdom of Bahrain invoking paragraph 19 (a) of resolution 1970 (2011). In relation to notifications submitted by the United Kingdom, also invoking paragraph 19 (a), the Committee recalled its previous position on the matter whereby the notification had been successfully cleared in the Committee. No negative decision was taken by the Committee with regard to another case brought by the United Kingdom, also invoking paragraph 19 (a) of resolution 1970 (2011). The Committee received two additional notifications from Bahrain invoking paragraph 21 of resolution 1970 (2011). The Committee acknowledged receipt of one of those notifications, and a response is being considered for the second notification. The Committee received a letter from Libya on matters related to the Libyan Investment Authority, a listed entity, to which the Committee responded. In accordance with two recommendations agreed by the Committee from the Panel’s five reports, the Chair intends to convene informal informal consultations to discuss matters related to the assets freeze. With regard to the travel ban measure, the Committee extended for a third time the six-month exemption request granted for humanitarian purposes to three individuals on the Committee’s list: Ms. Safia Farkash Al-Barassi, Ms. Aisha Al-Qadhafi and Mr. Mohammed Al-Qadhafi. The Committee received a travel notification from Ms. Aisha Al-Qadhafi under the aforementioned exemption for travel to Italy. In accordance with the travel-ban-related recommendation agreed by the Committee from the Panel’s final report, the Committee will be considering a letter to Italy with regard to the travel reminding of the destination country’s notification requirement. Earlier, the Committee had received a letter from Egypt confirming Ms. Safia Farkash Al-Barassi’s travel from Egypt to Oman and back. An initial notification for that travel was submitted by the listed individual and reported by my predecessor to the Council (see S/PV.9047). With regard to the sanctions list, the Committee received a seventh communication from the focal point for delisting established pursuant to resolution 1730 (2006), in connection with the delisting request of a listed individual. The focal-point process is still ongoing. In accordance with the recommendation agreed by the Committee from the Panel’s final report, the Committee updated an existing entry on its sanctions list and issued a corresponding press release and note verbale to all Member States. Lastly, the Committee replied to a communication from Italy that touched on the privileges and immunities enjoyed by the Panel of Experts. The primary responsibility to implement sanctions measures rests with Member States. The Committee is committed to facilitating the implementation of those measures and seeks to contribute to the promotion of peace and stability in Libya.

I thank Ambassador Kamboj for her briefing. I now give the floor to the representative of Libya.

I congratulate you, Mr. President, on your able leadership of the Security Council for this month. I am grateful to Ms. Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing and welcome Her Excellency Ambassador Ruchira Kamboj of India and thank her for her briefing today. I would also like to begin by thanking you, Mr. President, for responding to our request to be the first speaker in this meeting, given the exceptional circumstances in my country. I will nevertheless try to be brief, because honestly we are tired of repeating the same statements. What is important to us today and to most Libyans is listening to Council members and hearing what will be said in the Council and what members plan to do in the wake of the latest series of tragic events. As far as we are concerned, there is nothing positive to note today since our latest briefing last month (see S/PV.9098). As members realize, we are facing the same political impasse and the same security and military tensions, while the humanitarian suffering of the Libyan people has increased. What can I tell Council members about the events of this month? Children are dying of scorpion stings due to a lack of medication. Libyan families are losing their lives boarding boats of death as they try to emigrate to Europe. More mass graves have been uncovered in Tarhuna. The energy crisis continues. Fuel is still scarce, especially in the south, and that has led to a humanitarian catastrophe and a tanker explosion that claimed the lives of more than 20 people and injured 80. More events have followed, and all of that preceded the recent bloody tragedy in Tripoli two days ago. These events are not surprising. We have warned about them on many occasions, both in previous statements and during Council meetings. We have warned about the repercussions of the political stalemate, vacuum and impasse. Today Tripoli is wounded, in mourning and in pain. The unfortunate events that we witnessed in the centre of the capital and its suburbs claimed the lives of 32 people and injured more than 160 in less than 24 hours, most of them innocent civilians. Those events were not the first of their kind, and we are afraid they will not be the last. They are closely connected to the ongoing political division and increased tensions. They have claimed the lives of innocent civilians who have done nothing wrong and have nothing to do with the conflict. They were killed all of a sudden, even though they thought they were safe at home. That is why we asked to speak first — to convey the questions of Libyan citizens and to listen to what the Council will say to the families of the victims. What will the Council say to the family of young Mustafa Baraka or the family of Hanan Al-Sugayr? What will the Council say to the family of Dr. Hussein Al-Kikli? He was one of my relatives, and he died before the eyes of his children and wife, inside of his home. They are listening to the Council now. Will it repeat its expressions of denunciation and condemnation, or will it act to shoulder its responsibilities in order to maintain international peace and security and protect civilians? I say that to point out a paradox that has also been noted by many Libyan people  — they are wondering about the contradictory stance of the Security Council on protecting civilians. We can compare what happened in 2011 to what is happening now in most regions of Libya and the latest events two days ago in Tripoli. We are not asking the Council once again to intervene, as there are so many actors that have already done so. As we say — a believer shall not be stung from the same pit twice. The only things we are asking the Council to do is to be serious in the implementation of its resolutions and avoid double standards. At this juncture, I ask everyone to observe a moment of silence to mourn the lives of thousands of Libyan innocent people who lost their lives from 2011 to today. They did nothing wrong. This is a moral responsibility. The victims of today do not care about analyses or justifications, who is right or wrong, who is attacked or defended, who is legitimate or illegitimate. The victims know well that those who are responsible for these events are those who wish to impose authority by force and who are clinging to authority without the right to do so. The victims know that those responsible are those who bear arms outside of State control. The victims want accountability locally, internationally and since 2011. There is no doubt that one day the truth will be unveiled and accountability will become a reality, because the rights of the victims are imprescriptible. Will the Council support the investigation into the events and hold the responsible accountable? Today I will convey to the Security Council some of the questions that go through the mind of the Libyan people, who are wondering how the events unfolded in this manner. This list of questions is not exhaustive, and I hope that Council members can respond to them. First, why did elections fail? One of the main reasons is because elections were not held in December 2021. That failure is not attributed to domestic reasons alone; there are some countries that deliberately wanted to ensure the failure of the elections. That led to people feeling desperate and frustrated. It also opened the door for some to present many initiatives to fill the vacuum. Even if they were well-intentioned, some of those initiatives were contradictory or non-consensual. Therefore, why was there not a real reaction by the international community or the Security Council towards those who ensured the failure of the elections despite the numerous adopted resolutions that threaten those obstructing the political process domestically or internationally? Libyan citizens are wondering. Secondly, I want to touch upon the lack of consensus on the constitutional basis. The latest talks between the House of Representatives and the High Council of State, in Geneva, have faltered. There has been no agreement on the constitutional basis, and the United Nations Support Mission in Libya has stopped its operation because of the lack of a United Nations envoy. That gave the wrong signal that there are no longer prospects for a peaceful political solution and has opened the way for military mobilization and the possible use of force to impose a new reality. It also led to some confusion, as no national solutions or initiatives were supported. The Security Council is asking Libyans to hold on to United Nations sponsorship of solutions, but the Council itself has been unable to agree for nine months on the appointment of a United Nations envoy. It is unfair to have Libyans bear that responsibility, because we know that there is no agreement on a new envoy due to divisions within the Council. A few weeks ago, two names from Africa were officially put forward, but no consensus has been reached on either one. That is why we asked the Secretary-General to act swiftly in order to reach the minimum level of consensus. Consultations with the Libyans should be conducted in advance in order to ensure the success of that envoy. I would like to take this opportunity to stress once again the Libyan support for the three African Member States of the Security Council and for the African Union for their joint efforts to find a solution to this problem, because Libya believes in the active and important role that Africa can play in helping us in our plight. Nobody also denies the role of Libya vis-à-vis the African continent. In that regard, we reiterate our support for the united African position and the statements on Libya in the Council. Thirdly, we are concerned about foreign intervention. For how long will foreign intervention  — direct or indirect  — continue, as well as the foreign presence on our territory? Certain countries insist on being the guardian and having the upper hand on any issue related to the current crisis, whether political or economic. Of course, this is again an old topic. Libyan citizens are therefore wondering about the stance of the Security Council in that regard. Imagine — with all the suffering and crises in Libya — some countries are still trying to exploit the situation in Libya and to control Libyan assets of the Libyan Investment Authority. That is in flagrant violation of Security Council resolutions, and we have sent the Council detailed notes on that issue. That is why we urgently call upon the Security Council and the Sanctions Committee to bear the responsibility for implementing their commitments and promises. We also hold them responsible for ensuring that the wealth of the Libyan people is not squandered. Fourthly, I would like to talk about the flow and proliferation of weapons and militias outside of State control over most of the country. The absence of a State monopoly over weapons is one of the main reasons standing in the way of imposing stability and State-building. Nevertheless, the Council is unable to stop those phenomena. What then is the solution? Libyan citizens are wondering. In conclusion, we repeat that experience has shown that there is no military solution to the Libyan crisis. The era of coups has ended. The problem is political, not legal. Although the picture is bleak, there may be a final opportunity  — and a glimmer of hope  — to break the stalemate and restore to legitimacy the will of the Libyan people. That is why we call upon the United Nations to act immediately and support all efforts to find a comprehensive Libyan-owned and Libyan- led political settlement, not false and fragile political solutions, as was the case in the past. Non-exclusionary consensual grounds must be found, and the House of Representatives and the State must come to agree on a constitutional basis and set a clear time frame for holding general elections as soon as possible. In that regard, the United Nations and the international community must support a transparent and fair electoral process and ensure that the results are accepted. This would be a response to the Libyan people’s demand for an end to current political bodies and transitional stages. Concurrently, we call on the international community to support the efforts undertaken by the Presidency Council and the African Union following their recent agreement to ensure the success of national reconciliation and put an end to the legitimacy crisis and the spiral of this conflict. In brief, we cannot expect different results when we are using the same tools. A sick man cannot recover if he takes the same medication over and over when that medication has been proved to be ineffective.

I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing and Raisedon Zenenga and his team in the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) for their continued work under difficult circumstances. I also thank Ambassador Kamboj for her briefing on the work of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. I also welcome the participation of the representative of Libya in our meeting today. I will make three points. First, the United Kingdom condemns the violence perpetrated by armed groups in Tripoli on 26 and 27 August. The use of violence by armed groups, whether to acquire control of territory or local resources, or to end political stalemate, is unacceptable. As we have just heard, the actions of armed groups this weekend resulted only in innocent civilian casualties and the destruction of civil infrastructure. Our condolences go to the victims and their families. Such violence is a result of the presence of parallel governments and the misappropriation of State resources. The Libyan parties and the international community must acknowledge that there is no military solution to Libya’s crisis of legitimacy. Rather, all Libyan parties must engage constructively with a United Nations-brokered political process supported by the wider international community to agree a path towards free, fair and inclusive elections as soon as possible. We must also ensure that the resources of the Libyan people are managed in a transparent, responsible and accountable manner. The wishes of the Libyan people must be prioritized ahead of narrow self-interests. I encourage all Council members to agree to the appointment of a Special Representative of the Secretary-General immediately. Increased tension and violence serve only to illustrate the need for the urgent appointment of a Special Representative of the Secretary-General to lead mediation efforts. I call upon the Security Council to stand ready to support the Special Representative to deliver an inclusive and comprehensive political process. Finally, in recent weeks, a number of diplomatic missions have faced restrictions on their movement within Libya. The Libyan authorities must allow full freedom of movement and travel within the territory, in accordance with the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. We also emphasize the importance of allowing individuals and organizations engaged in activities on behalf of embassies the freedom they need to carry out their work. The United Kingdom reaffirms its readiness to work with Libyan stakeholders, the incoming Special Representative of the Secretary-General and all international partners to work towards a stable, peaceful and prosperous Libya.

I thank Under- Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. I also thank the Permanent Representative of India for her briefing as Chair of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. Norway is saddened by the loss of lives resulting from the clashes in and around Tripoli last weekend. We share the deep concern expressed by the Secretary- General and Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo about the developments in Libya. The country’s political and military leaders must put the interests of the Libyan people first and put an end to the fighting. Norway joins the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities in and around Tripoli. We urge all parties to exercise restraint, contribute to de-escalation and return to the negotiation table. We remind all parties of the need to protect the civilian population and civilian infrastructure. Reported shelling of hospitals and medical centres is of grave concern. Ambulance teams and medical staff must be given unhindered access. The latest round of fighting shows yet again that this conflict cannot be solved by military means. A political solution in Libya is the only way forward. The Libyan people have made it clear that they want elections, not violence and conflict. Libyan leaders must redouble their efforts to agree to a constitutional framework for elections and to find peaceful solutions. We welcome the meeting between the 5+5 Joint Military Commission and UNSMIL in Sirte earlier this month, where ceasefire monitoring and withdrawal of foreign forces, foreign fighters and mercenaries from Libya were discussed. It is essential that the withdrawal moves forward and that the necessary disarmament, demobilization and reintegration measures in place. We also call for strengthened efforts aimed at unifying the armed forces. The end of the oil blockade is a positive development. The proceeds from Libya oil production must benefit all Libyans and should not be held hostage to political rivalry. We call on all actors in Libya to respect the independence of economic and financial institutions such as the National Oil Corporation and the Central Bank of Libya. In conclusion, let me thank Stephanie Williams for her efforts as Special Adviser and again reiterate the importance of appointing a new Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya. UNSMIL needs stable and predictable leadership in order to continue to fulfil its mission in the country. Recent days have shown the urgency of doing so.

I thank Under- Secretary-General DiCarlo for her briefing. I thank the Permanent Representative of India for her briefing. I also welcome the Libyan delegation in today’s meeting; we listened carefully to the briefing by the Libyan Permanent Representative. Let me join others in expressing our deep concern with the troubling violence we have seen in recent days in Tripoli, which resulted in many civilian casualties. We call on all sides to de-escalate tensions and protect civilians at all times. At our last meeting on today’s topic (see S/PV.9098), the Libyan delegation voiced several concerns about the way the Security Council had been treating the situation in Libya. As the Council acknowledges the importance of the Libyan-led and Libyan-owned dialogue for the present and future of Libya, we must listen to the Libyan parties’ concerns. Brazil notes the positive role that the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) can play in that regard, based on the consent of the State and in partnership with local authorities. The PBC is well suited to assisting countries in identifying and implementing their own national peacebuilding priorities, many of which are relevant for sustaining peace and stability in Libya. Resolution 2647 (2022), for example, which the Council adopted last month, expressly underlines the importance of institution-building, security- sector reform and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration, and the engagement of Libyan parties on those issues with the relevant United Nations bodies in support of peacebuilding. In spite of the political divisions in Libya, the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), albeit under a precarious leadership arrangement, has maintained its engagement with local authorities, including in the economic, security and political sectors, with a view to unifying institutions from both sides. As we attempt to translate the Libyan-led and Libyan-owned mantra into reality, we must bear in mind that Libyan priorities should inform the Council’s actions regarding the country. The appointment of UNSMIL’s leadership is only one instance where views from within Libya cannot be ignored, not least because the holder of the position must inspire the trust of all parties. Most importantly, UNSMIL must continue to foster common political ground between the two rival Governments so that they can agree on a constitutional basis and the eligibility criteria that will allow Libya’s long-delayed elections to be held. We have heard calls from within the Council for the continuation of Libya’s production and export of oil, against a backdrop of political disputes over the management of natural resources and their revenues, as well as threats of disruptions to supplies. In the absence of a unified Government policy on the matter, the parameters for the management of natural resources, as a corollary of Libyan sovereignty, should be based on domestic preservation in the interests of national development and the welfare of all Libyans, rather than responding to foreign-driven interests and pressures. The same is true for Libyan assets frozen abroad. Brazil would like to point in that regard to the conclusions by the Panel of Experts assisting the Council in implementing the relevant resolutions. One conclusion was that the active management of Libyan frozen assets is not in line with paragraph 19 of resolution 1970 (2011). However, the Council has been unable to redress the situation. Finally, my delegation notes that the Council’s authorization of Member States’ implementation of the arms embargo on Libya continues to give rise to controversy. We stress once again the importance of fully respecting the arms embargo and implementing it in accordance with the terms set out in the relevant Security Council resolutions. The Council has to find unity as it calls on the Libyan parties to put aside their differences and move forward in a genuinely Libyan- led and -owned political process.

We thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Ambassador Ruchira Kamboj, Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011), concerning Libya, for their briefings. We are extremely concerned about the latest developments in Libya. The protracted tangle of disagreements between the opposing sides, which developed as a result of the internal political stalemate, has brought the country to a new era of dual competing authorities and a disastrous destabilization of the situation. Libya was first rocked by a wave of popular protests in which the people demanded that the Government resolve the urgent tasks of unifying State structures, ensuring security and improving the socioeconomic situation. Now the armed clashes in Tripoli over the past weekend  — which included the use of heavy weapons, among other things — are the sad culmination of that process. The city has repeatedly been used as an arena for armed groups to settle their differences, but the scale of the current tragedy is unprecedented in the past two years. As a result of the fighting, dozens of people have been killed and hundreds injured. While the situation has stabilized slightly, there could be another spiral of violence at any moment. Any steps leading to further escalation in the former Jamahiriya are categorically unacceptable. We call on the Libyan leaders to return to dialogue and warn them against using violence to achieve their goals, which will lead nowhere and contribute only to deepening the country’s divisions. Heated exchanges of accusatory rhetoric and attempts to punish opponents after the fact will hardly help the cause. We would like to point out that the root causes of Libya’s current plight are well known, although our partners prefer not to mention them. The current chaos is a direct result of the NATO military intervention in 2011, when the provisions of the pertinent Security Council resolution were grossly perverted. There was nothing left of Libya. The country went through a de facto dismantling of its statehood, the State administrative system was destroyed and interregional and intertribal relations were upended. Eleven years later, we are still trying to overcome the disastrous effects of that period, so any declarations calling for peace are dubious at the very least. We wish to draw attention to the passivity of the representatives of the United Kingdom, in its role of informal sponsor, who did not even try to convene the Council in the light of the bloody events in Tripoli — just as is currently happening in Baghdad. It seems that our Western colleagues are far more concerned about other topics, including ensuring the continuation of oil production, rather than about the welfare and security of ordinary Libyans and Iraqis. We once again reaffirm our consistent approach to a peaceful settlement in Libya. The central role in coordinating the parameters of the political process should belong to the Libyans themselves, without the imposition of any external ready-made recipes. The way out of the current complicated situation should take the form of duly prepared national elections held on an inclusive basis, but Libyan politicians still have not reached a common position on the procedural aspects of the elections. Establishing artificial deadlines, as experience has repeatedly shown, does not produce the desired results. We firmly believe that, in the current critical situation, all States capable of influencing the warring parties should do everything in their power to restore order in Libya. It is no secret that a number of influential countries have competing interests that clash in Libya, which hinders efforts to achieve stability there. For its part, Russia welcomes any negotiation format that genuinely represents a road to peace, as opposed to fruitless geopolitical projects with a hidden agenda. It will be impossible to achieve balanced solutions without inclusiveness, and that same principle is key to the success of the national reconciliation process, which presupposes the involvement of all leading political forces in the country, including representatives of the former regime. In that connection, we welcome the efforts of the African Union to organize an all-Libyan conference on national reconciliation. We will try to provide whatever assistance we can in implementing that step. Regarding the issue of eliminating the foreign military presence, we have always advocated for a synchronized, balanced, gradual and phased withdrawal of all non-Libyan armed groups and military units without exception, so as not to undermine the balance of forces. We are convinced that the central role in promoting the Libyan settlement should be played by the United Nations, whose most important instrument remains the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL). Unfortunately, the Mission continues to operate today without a Security Council-mandated leader, which is fatal to its effectiveness. Against the backdrop of the de facto dual Governments and the aggravated threat of a full-scale armed conflict, it is unacceptable to leave the United Nations presence in Libya without an intermediary with the appropriate status and authority. We hope that a new Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of UNSMIL will be appointed as soon as possible. We have agreed to the candidate proposed by the Secretariat. That individual will undoubtedly be able to help break the current deadlock in the political process and bring together and use the existing initiatives and ideas in the right way. It is important that the appointee enjoy the support of the key players in Libya and the region, as well as the approval of the members of the Security Council.

I thank Under-Secretary- General Rosemary DiCarlo for her briefing today and welcome the presence of the Ambassador of Libya in today’s meeting. The political stalemate in Libya and subsequent mobilization of armed groups are a matter of concern. As we keep repeating, there can be no military or armed solution to the issues facing the country. It is therefore imperative that all the outstanding political issues be resolved peacefully by the parties concerned, keeping in mind the larger interests of the Libyan people. We hope that all the parties will work together to maintain peace and stability in Libya. The immediate priority for Libya is to hold presidential and parliamentary elections as soon as possible in a free, fair, inclusive and credible manner. In that regard, it is disappointing that consensus still eludes the parties on transitional measures governing the period leading to national elections. We hope that all the outstanding issues will be resolved and a consensus will be achieved on the constitutional basis for holding the elections without delay. We remain concerned about the resurgence of terrorist activity in Libya and reiterate that terrorist groups and affiliated entities must not be allowed to operate there unchallenged. Terrorism emanating from Libya is bound to have cascading effects on the Sahel region and it is therefore important for the international community to focus on it and nip it in the bud at its current stage in order to avoid collateral consequences for the wider African continent. The situation in Libya and the armed mobilizations once again highlight the critical necessity for a full and complete withdrawal of foreign forces and mercenaries. We have yet to see signs of tangible progress on that front. The continued presence of foreign forces and mercenaries is detrimental to the peace and stability of the country and the region. There have been blatant violations of the arms embargo in Libya. In that regard, the Panel of Experts on Libya of the Committee pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) affirmed categorically in its recent report that “[t]he remainder of the training provided by Turkey to the Government of National Unity Affiliated Forces is military or naval in nature and thus a violation of paragraph 9 of resolution 1970 (2011).” (S/2022/427, para. 77) Moreover, in the same report, the Panel of Experts “noted the continuous presence of Turkish-backed Syrian fighters in Government of National Unity- Affiliated Forces military camps in Tripoli.” (ibid., para. 30) Such blatant disregard for Security Council resolutions on Libya is cause for serious concern. Such activities are also in violation of the ceasefire agreement agreed to by the Libyan parties themselves in 2020, and we believe that in the enduring political stalemate we are seeing the adverse effects of such actions. We reiterate that Libya’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity must be safeguarded. The political process must be fully Libyan-led and -owned, with no imposition or external interference. India has traditionally enjoyed close and mutually beneficial bilateral ties with the Libyan people, and we remain committed to supporting Libya and its people in their endeavour to seek lasting peace and stability.

I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo for her update on the current situation in Libya. I also thank Ambassador Kamboj for her briefing, and the United States welcomes her leadership of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. The violence that erupted in Tripoli on Saturday and Sunday was the outcome of Libya’s political leaders’ abject failure to place the common good above their political interests and work towards long-term peace and stability for the Libyan people. For months now, inflammatory rhetoric and sporadic incidents of violence among militias, foreign fighters and foreign forces have punctuated a tense and unsustainable status quo. On two occasions, first in May and now again this past weekend, we have seen incendiary remarks and unilateral action escalate into open violence, with the latest incident claiming civilian lives and destroying homes and buildings. The United States is deeply concerned about the continuing belligerence of the rival leaders and manoeuvring by militias for political and military advantage, as well as the continued flow of weapons and other military hardware into the country, in contravention of the arms embargo. The Libyan people are losing hope as to whether Libya’s leaders can set aside personal ambition and achieve agreement on a constitutional framework for elections that would grant Libyans their rightful opportunity to select their leaders peacefully. They are losing hope that their country can be free of corruption and foreign influence, their armed forces unified and foreign fighters, forces and mercenaries withdrawn. They are deprived of basic public services while the powerful cut deals to divvy up hydrocarbon revenues according to their own interests — particularly those of the militias controlled by various factions — robbing the Libyan people of their national wealth. At the same time, economic opportunities for Libyans have decreased because of uncertainty about the country’s future. That ongoing instability is a reminder of the urgent need to immediately appoint a new Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya in order to resume mediation efforts, with the united support of the international community, including the members of the Security Council. United Nations leadership on the Libya file remains essential to re-establishing stability and achieving progress on the political process. The United States will continue to fully support United Nations efforts to secure a constitutional framework for elections and a concrete timeline to election day. We reiterate that persons who obstruct or undermine the political process, including those providing support for armed groups or criminal networks through the illicit exploitation of crude oil or any other natural resources in Libya, may be subject to United Nations sanctions. Under the leadership of former Special Adviser Stephanie Williams, the delegations from the House of Representatives and the High State Council made important progress on election issues. We urge Aguila Saleh Issa, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Khaled Mishri, the President of the High State Council, to continue their efforts by engaging constructively with the United Nations Support Mission in Libya and the Special Representative, once he or she is appointed, to finalize the eligibility requirements for the candidates running in the presidential elections and commit to an election calendar. Libya is on a precipice. We call on all the parties in Libya to refrain from violence and from actions that would precipitate violence. We call on all who are once again risking being dragged into violence to put down their arms. We call on all outside Libya who have encouraged violence through political, financial and military support to cease their interference and respect the arms embargo. We call on all the parties to turn away from a path of war and to work together for peace and stability.

I would like to thank Under- Secretary-General DiCarlo for her information on the recent developments in Libya, as well as Ambassador Kamboj for introducing the report on the work of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. We are outraged by the explosion in violence of the past few days and the brazen use of heavy weaponry in densely populated neighbourhoods of the Libyan capital. We deplore the loss of life in the recent wave of senseless violence, and we wish a speedy recovery to the wounded. The protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure is an obligation to be respected by all parties in all circumstances, and that is something that must be repeated again and again. The fighting of the past few days has been a long time coming. The protracted political impasse has intensified a legitimacy vacuum that in turn has exacerbated an increasingly volatile security situation in Libya. Sadly, what we are dealing with today is the worst possible display of institutional rivalry through militias. The divisions and stalemate in Libya generate a false impression that the long-standing crisis can be resolved by imposing a solution rather than through dialogue, compromise and political process. These tragic events in Tripoli clearly demonstrate that the country’s future is closely intertwined with the success of the political process and the holding of national elections. The decision about who should run the country and how its wealth should be distributed cannot and will not be decided by guns but by ballots, and not by strongmen but by the free will of the people. We firmly condemn any and all actions that inject instability, insecurity and violence. We condemn the use of force for political purposes and for achieving political gains. While foreign interference must cease in Libya, we urge all the parties to take advantage of the support of the United Nations to ensure the full implementation of the ceasefire agreement and to restart the political process. With full respect for Libyan sovereignty, Albania reaffirms its support to the United Nations mediation efforts to facilitate the intra-Libyan dialogue that is so urgently needed to overcome the current impasse. Libyan stakeholders must put the welfare of the Libyan people first and above their own narrow interests. That includes respect for human rights for all Libyans. We reiterate our firm belief that elections in Libya are the only way to do justice to the Libyan people’s suffering, act on their demand for democracy and respect their right to the national wealth and resources. Only an elected and legitimate Government will be able to deal with and meet the urgent needs of the Libyan people, and that makes the electoral process a matter of absolute priority. We commend the Secretary-General’s tireless efforts to find a suitable candidate for the position of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya and move towards balanced, inclusive and sustainable solutions to Libya’s situation. We reiterate our support for a Libyan-owned and Libyan-led process with United Nations facilitation and mediation. The recent events show that every day without a solution is a lost day for Libya. It is up to the Libyans and their political class to make sure that every day matters.

I have the honour to deliver this statement on behalf of the three African members of the Security Council — Gabon, Ghana and Kenya. We thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo and Ambassador Ruchira Kamboj, Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya, for their briefings. We welcome the participation of Ambassador Elsonni, Permanent Representative of Libya. We are extremely concerned about the clashes that have broken out in Tripoli in the past few days. We offer our deepest condolences to the bereaved families and call for an immediate cessation of the violence. We call for Libya’s leaders to heed their people’s desire for peace and security. That can be achieved only by wholly embracing the belief that the destiny of the Libyan people is to be united, and therefore accepting that no one side of the political divide, whether in Tripoli or Benghazi, will ever have a monopoly on force or political domination. These clashes may appear to offer temporary advantage, but that is a dangerous illusion. All they really offer is an opportunity for those who would benefit from a reversal of the path to reconciliation. We therefore call for an end to all inflammatory remarks by political leaders, as well as the corresponding heightened movement and mobilization of armed groups. We recommend to all parties the mediating role of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya and other international support in that regard. We also invite Libya to take advantage of the African Union’s offer in line with resolution 2647 (2022). That is also in line with the commitment of the African Union Peace and Security Council expressed in its communiqué of 29 June. We look forward to the speedy nomination of an African Special Representative of the Secretary-General. It is time to offer sustained mediation accepted by all sides in order to enable Libya to end its transitional phase and elect an inclusive Government. The elections require a firm constitutional basis, adopted through inclusive dialogue and consensus, if they are to be credible. We call on all the relevant Libyan parties to make every effort to deliver that kind of constitutional framework. We are painfully aware that as we urge Libyans to exert themselves in resolving their differences, they are having to contend with external interests that undermine their push for unity. We call on the political leadership and the people of Libya to make the courageous choice to resist those external influences. Libya has suffered enough. Africa has suffered enough. It is time we collectively resisted being divided by powerful foreign interests that care only for their own advantage and manoeuvres against each other. We demand the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces, foreign fighters and mercenaries from the territory of Libya. Their continued presence undermines the territorial integrity of Libya and the peace and security of the Libyan people. We commend the 5+5 Joint Military Commission for its work in helping sustain the ceasefire agreement and urge it to press on with the implementation of the agreement and the reunification of the armed forces. We urge close collaboration between Libya, the United Nations, neighbouring countries and the African Union in monitoring their withdrawal to avoid the transfer of armed conflict into the region, and to ensure the conduct of the corresponding work of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration to the various countries of origin. In preserving Libya’s frozen assets for the country’s future generations, and cognizant of the external interests competing for Libya’s resources and wealth, we urge that any action on those assets be undertaken in consultation with the Libyan authorities. We also call for the protection of Libya’s oil sector from politicization and manipulation by external influences. We continue to be disturbed by the continuing inhumane treatment of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers both on land and at sea. We demand that those involved, whether directly or indirectly, cease such abuse of human rights. We want to see the United Nations monitor more closely the resources and information channels that enable it and expect the Secretary- General’s report on migrant smuggling to shed more light on the issue. We also call for considering more practical ways of addressing its root causes. Finally, we reaffirm our respect for Libya’s territorial integrity and sovereignty and our support for a truly Libyan-led and -owned peace process.

At the outset, I would like to thank Ms. DiCarlo and Ambassador Kamboj for their thorough briefings. We also welcome the participation of Ambassador Elsonni in today’s meeting and thank him for his important briefing about the situation in Libya. We express our sincere condolences and sympathy to the Ambassador and the Libyan people, including the families of the civilian victims of the recent clashes in Tripoli and of the fuel-tanker accident in Bint Bayyah municipality earlier this month. Such incidents unfortunately represent yet another aspect of the daily suffering of our brother people of Libya, who are still dealing with many hardships and crises, first among them those related to the provision of energy, water and electricity services amid the rising prices of basic commodities. The security situation is also increasingly dangerous, owing to the continued armed clashes, particularly in the capital. The United Arab Emirates condemns the recent acts of armed violence in Libya and calls on all the parties to immediately halt their military operations. We also underscore the importance of the swift departure of all armed groups and militias from civilian areas in the city of Tripoli. And it is vital to ensure the security and safety of unarmed civilians, especially women and children, as well as civilian infrastructure and medical facilities. They must not be exposed to any further danger. In that regard, we want to remind the relevant stakeholders and all the parties in Libya of their obligations under international humanitarian law. We call on them to exercise the utmost restraint and to listen to the voice of reason and wisdom with a view to finding a solution to the ongoing crisis. All the parties should work to overcome discord, restore calm, engage in serious dialogue, prioritize the national interests and restore security and stability in Libya. A return to fighting and escalation is not the solution and will bring only devastation to all Libyans. In the light of the current situation, we would like to focus our statement on four critical aspects. First, we call on all Libyan parties to take concrete steps to unify the military institutions and address the lawlessness and fighting among armed groups in Tripoli and its suburbs. In that regard, we support the statement from the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) about the immediate need to cease hostilities, and we reiterate the firm position of the United Arab Emirates on the importance of a simultaneous phased, gradual and balanced withdrawal of all foreign forces, foreign fighters and mercenaries from Libya. We also call for maintaining the gains through the comprehensive ceasefire agreement, the outcomes of the road map and the relevant Security Council resolutions. Secondly, the time has come for the Libyan parties to make the necessary concessions to reach an agreement on the remaining contentious issues in the draft Constitution and then hold parliamentary and presidential elections. Those are the steps needed to end the political stalemate. Considering recent developments, the reasons for the obstacles in the electoral process have become apparent to all. That electoral process has become hostage to polarization, alliances and shifting interests that do not serve the aspirations of the Libyan people and are not in line with the hopes of the nearly 3 million Libyan men, women and young people who registered to vote in the elections. We also stress the importance of the national reconciliation project, led by the Presidency Council and based on the principles of Libyan ownership and inclusiveness. It has a fundamental role to play in supporting the political process and ensuring lasting peace throughout Libya. Thirdly, in accordance with Security Council resolutions and the concerns of Libyans, the rights of the Libyan people and the protection of their resources and frozen assets should remain a top priority. We welcome all steps taken to unify and depoliticize Libyan financial and other critical sectors, including the energy and oil sectors. While prioritizing the security and political situations in Libya, we should not neglect the economic situation, which plays an important role in supporting stability in the country. Fourthly, we look forward to the appointment of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya to lead UNSMIL from Tripoli and enjoy sufficient consensus in order to support Libyans in their efforts to defuse tensions and advance the political process, as well as the security and economic tracks. In conclusion, we reiterate that our brother people of Libya deserve to live in peace. We hope that all the Libyan parties will take into consideration the measures needed to realize their people’s desire to achieve peace, security and development in Libya.

I too thank the Under-Secretary-General and the Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya for their briefings. I also welcome the Permanent Representative of Libya to today’s meeting. Like others, France has been following the renewed tensions in Libya with concern. The violence that broke out in Tripoli in the past few days demonstrates that the status quo is untenable. We call on all stakeholders to refrain from violence and to fully comply with the ceasefire agreement of 23 October 2020. We also encourage all Libyan stakeholders to engage in constructive dialogue with a view to easing tensions and preserving the country’s unity and stability. France reiterates the urgency of reaching a viable political solution, which means forming a unified, inclusive Government that can exert its authority throughout the territory and organize and ensure safe presidential and parliamentary elections as soon as possible. We call on Libyan stakeholders to finalize the constitutional basis necessary for those elections without delay. On the security front, it is crucial to preserve the gains of the ceasefire agreement  — first and foremost, freedom of movement throughout the Libyan territory, but also the dialogue among the main security stakeholders. That is essential to launching a demobilization, disarmament and reintegration process and for making progress in implementing the plan for the withdrawal of foreign forces and mercenaries. The arms embargo must also be fully respected, and France stands ready to contribute to all of those measures, as well as to efforts to unify the Libyan armed forces. On the economic front, the resumption of oil production is a positive step forward that must be sustained. France reiterates its call for the implementation of an equitable and transparent redistribution mechanism for oil revenue for the benefit of the entire population. France remains concerned about the violations of the rights of migrants and refugees and will continue to work to combat impunity. We point to the primary responsibility of the Libyan authorities in that regard. We will work with all members of the Security Council to ensure the extension in September of the authorization to intercept vessels suspected of smuggling migrants off the coast of Libya. In conclusion, it is more important than ever for the Council and the United Nations to be on the spot, which is why France calls for the swift appointment of a Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya and for all stakeholders to demonstrate the flexibility needed to facilitate this long-overdue appointment.

First of all, I thank Under-Secretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo and Ambassador Ruchira Kamboj for their briefings. Mexico is deeply concerned about the armed clashes that took place last weekend in Tripoli. We especially deplore the civilian deaths and the damage done to hospitals and other civilian infrastructure. We call on the Security Council to condemn the violence and demand respect for the ceasefire agreement and international humanitarian law. This futile attempt to break the political deadlock by force demonstrates the high price that civilians have paid for the stalemate in the negotiations on the legal framework for the holding of free and inclusive elections. It is unacceptable that the lives and heritage of more than 6 million Libyans are under constant threat from the opportunism of militias and the irresponsible conduct of some political actors, not to mention the indifference and at times complicity of the international community. We also reiterate our concern about the situation faced by migrants in Libya. In the light of the disturbing situation, Mexico would like to make two points. First, my country’s history and experience with conflicts in Latin America has shown us that regional mobilization is crucial in resolving situations such as the one in Libya. We believe that regional bodies, particularly the African Union and the League of Arab States, should step up their efforts to revive the political process in the country, in line with Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations and the parameters agreed on in the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum. Regional action is particularly crucial given the Council’s inability to reach an agreement on the leadership and mandate of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL). Secondly, my country reiterates the importance of continuing to monitor and prevent the illicit trade in weapons through the strict application of the embargoes imposed by the Council. We urge all States to cooperate to prevent arms, ammunition and explosives from exacerbating the violence in Libya. The humanitarian consequences of the irresponsible flow of weapons have become apparent during this conflict and we were again reminded of their destructive potential last weekend. At the same time, the withdrawal of foreign fighters and mercenaries and the unification of Libyan security forces will be crucial to the continued stabilization of the country. In conclusion, we believe that the speedy appointment of a Special Representative of the Secretary-General is vital to continuing the work of bringing the parties closer together and leading UNSMIL’s efforts. We call on members to adopt a constructive and flexible stance so that the Mission can contribute to establishing peace and stability in Libya and the entire region.

I thank our briefers, Under- Secretary-General DiCarlo and Ambassador Kamboj, Permanent Representative of India, in her capacity as Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya. I also welcome the participation of the representative of Libya at this meeting. The violent confrontations that we have seen in Tripoli in recent days are deeply concerning and serve only to raise tensions while exacting a terrible toll on the civilian population. We sympathize with those who have lost loved ones or been injured over the past couple of days. We unequivocally reject all attempts to gain legitimacy or control over State institutions through the threat of the use of force. To Libya’s leaders we say that legitimacy can come from the Libyan people and from the ballot box alone. The current executive impasse can only be addressed through the holding of free, fair and inclusive elections. The fact that 3 million Libyans registered to vote in December should have been incentive enough to find agreement on a way forward, capitalizing on the progress made in Cairo and Geneva. Today Libyans are increasingly facing deteriorating living conditions, with their access to basic services, including water, food and health care, seriously curtailed. They neither want nor can cope with another conflict. Responsible and transparent governance is urgently needed. An independent and unified judiciary is also key. We hope that the recent decision to reactivate the Constitutional Chamber will contribute to safeguarding Libyans’ rights and freedoms, paving a way towards elections as soon as possible. We remain gravely concerned about the human rights situation in Libya, including recent reports of arbitrary detentions and enforced disappearances around the July demonstrations. Libya’s democratic future is being jeopardized by the deepening restrictions on civil society, which regrettably include an increase in incidents of online hate speech and incitements to violence targeting women activists. We condemn those deplorable acts. Women’s full, equal, meaningful and safe participation in public life, including a future electoral process, must be guaranteed. We echo the statements by former Special Adviser Stephanie Williams calling for young people’s voices to be lifted in that regard as well. Restrictions on the activities of international organizations working with migrants are particularly worrisome in the light of the ongoing denials of access for United Nations agencies and humanitarian partners to detention centres. Recent reports of the Secretary- General and the Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Libya lay bare the abhorrent human rights violations and humanitarian and protection concerns faced by migrants and refugees in Libya. We call on the authorities to grant full humanitarian access without delay to all in need of assistance. We also call on the Security Council to unanimously renew resolution 2240 (2015), on migrant smuggling and human trafficking next month. It has been nearly two years since the ceasefire agreement delivered a fragile stability to war-weary Libyans. It is now past time to fully implement that agreement. We welcome the progress made during a meeting earlier this month between the 5+5 Joint Military Commission and the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in Sirte and the activation of a joint operations room. We hope to see prompt follow-up on the progress made, including with regard to the action plan for the withdrawal of foreign forces and fighters and mercenaries. Finally, in April the Council tasked UNSMIL (see S/PV.9025) with implementing important reforms recommended by the strategic review. A special representative is needed on the ground to carry out that vital task and to steer the Mission through this delicate phase of Libya’s transition. We express our gratitude to Acting Head of Mission Zenenga for his ongoing efforts, and we also take this opportunity to once again acknowledge the sterling work of Stephanie Williams in her role as Special Adviser.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of China. I thank Under-Secretary-General DiCarlo and Ambassador Kamboj of India, in her capacity as Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1970 (2011) concerning Libya, for their briefings. I welcome the presence of the Permanent Representative of Libya, Ambassador Elsonni, at this meeting. I would like to make the following four points. First, the Libyan crisis has entered its eleventh year. The current peaceful situation was hard-earned and should therefore be held especially dear by the Libyan parties. Yet the recent clashes in Tripoli have resulted in more than 200 casualties, and China is deeply concerned about that. We call on the Libyan parties to put their national interests and those of the people first, exercise maximum restraint, resolve their differences peacefully through dialogue and negotiations and spare no effort to avoid violence. China supports the 5+5 Joint Military Commission in continuing to play its critical role in maintaining the ceasefire and facilitating the withdrawal of foreign forces and mercenaries. We hope that the withdrawal of foreign troops and mercenaries from Libya can make progress provided that the balance of forces is ensured. Secondly, the only viable way to resolve the Libyan crisis is through political means. China welcomes the fact that the parties in Libya have reached agreement on most of the items within the constitutional framework for elections. We also hope that they will maintain the momentum for dialogue and negotiations seen during the previous reporting period and strive to reach a middle ground and an agreement within the constitutional framework without delay, with a view to creating conditions favourable to holding the elections as soon as possible. The Libyan parties’ commitment to promoting reconciliation and rebuilding mutual trust will be conducive to fostering the political process. China welcomes the fact that the Libyan parties held a preparatory meeting on reconciliation in the Republic of the Congo under the auspices of the African Union and reached a consensus on the next stage of work. We are confident that Libya will be informed by and benefit from Africa’s rich experience with reconciliation. External interference has been a major root cause of the absence of a solution to the Libyan issue for all these years. The international community should abide by the principle of a Libyan-led and -owned political process, wholeheartedly listen to and consider the concerns of the Libyan parties, provide Libya with constructive assistance and avoid imposing solutions from outside. Thirdly, the United Nations is the main channel for providing for good offices in Libya, and the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) should play an active role in promoting dialogue and negotiations among the Libyan parties. The speedy appointment of a Special Representative of the Secretary-General will increase the ability of the United Nations to provide its good offices and restore UNSMIL to full functionality. The fact that the position has remained vacant for so long is extremely telling with regard to the complexity and sensitivity surrounding the Libyan issue. China encourages the Secretariat to step up its communication and consultations and strengthen mutual trust with the parties concerned, including those directly involved, and hopes that the process of appointing the Special Representative can move forward as soon as possible. Fourthly, restoring and developing the economy and improving people’s livelihoods are the main tools for consolidating peace and stability in the country. Oil is an important source of income for the Libyan economy. China welcomes the full resumption of Libyan oil production and urges the parties to increase their consultations on the distribution of oil revenue to ensure that its dividends benefit the entire population. Libya has long-standing concerns about the losses sustained by its frozen assets and has raised specific claims. The Council and the Sanctions Committee should actively study and address them. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers.