S/PV.9724 Security Council

In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Mrs. Nakamitsu. Mrs. Nakamitsu: Since the most recent briefing to the Security Council on this topic only two weeks ago (see S/PV.9716), the provision of military assistance and transfer of arms and ammunition to the Armed Forces of Ukraine have continued in the context of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine launched by the Russian Federation on 24 February 2022, in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law. Much of the information on transfers of weapons systems and ammunition comes from various Governments and is available through open sources. The transfers have reportedly included heavy conventional weapons, such as battle tanks, armoured combat vehicles, combat aircraft, helicopters, large-calibre artillery systems, missile systems and uncrewed combat aerial vehicles, as well as remotely operated munitions and small arms and light weapons and their ammunition. There have also been reports of States transferring or planning to transfer, weapons such as uncrewed aerial vehicles, ballistic missiles and ammunition to the Russian armed forces and that those weapons have been used and are likely to be used in Ukraine. Needless to say, any transfer of weapons and ammunition must be compliant with the applicable international legal framework, including of course, the relevant Security Council resolutions, which, in certain instances, impose sanctions and restrictive measures on such transfers. Reports related to the use and transfer of cluster munitions since the beginning of the conflict and the widespread contamination with mines and explosive remnants of war in Ukraine are deeply concerning. The universal participation in and the full implementation of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on Their Destruction, the Convention on Cluster Munitions and the Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects must remain a priority. I call on all States to abide by their international humanitarian law obligations and to become parties as a matter of priority to disarmament treaties and comply with the obligations therein. Compliance with those obligations is crucial in preventing the causing of unnecessary suffering or superfluous injury to persons and in protecting civilians. In today’s challenging security context, it is more important than ever to reaffirm the value and importance of international humanitarian law. Importing, transit, producing and exporting States must act responsibly at every step along the arms and ammunition transfer chain to prevent and detect diversion, illicit trafficking and misuse. Pre-transfer risk assessments, marking and record-keeping practices, as well as tracing and investigation capabilities, are of the utmost importance. Effective physical security and stockpile management of arms and ammunition, as well as customs and border control measures, are also key. To prevent the diversion of conventional arms and regulate the international arms trade, States have established a number of arms control treaties and instruments. That includes the Arms Trade Treaty, the Protocol against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, their Parts and Components and Ammunition, the Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects and its International Tracing Instrument and the Global Framework for Through-life Conventional Ammunition Management. Universal participation in the relevant treaties, as well as the full and effective implementation of those treaties and instruments must remain a priority. Hostilities and attacks continue to severely impact civilians and civilian infrastructure, including energy, health and education facilities across Ukraine. Since 24 February 2022, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has recorded more than 11,700 civilians killed and more than 24,600 civilians injured in Ukraine. According to OHCHR, August had the second highest number of civilian casualties in 2024, after July, with at least 184 civilians killed and 856 injured in Ukraine. The use of armed uncrewed aerial vehicles and missiles by the Russian Federation continues to cause civilian deaths and injuries, as well as damage to civilian infrastructure, in Ukraine. In addition, there have been reports of a number of cross-border strikes using missiles and uncrewed aerial vehicles, carried out by Ukraine inside the Russian Federation, with some resulting in civilian casualties and damage to civilian objects. Armed uncrewed aerial vehicles and missiles must not be used in a manner inconsistent with international humanitarian law. The use of explosive weapons in populated areas should be avoided. Their use continues to kill and injure thousands of civilians, including children. In addition, they expose civilian populations to severe and long- lasting indirect harm, including from the disruption of essential services. The continued and intensified attacks affecting civilians and civilian infrastructure are deeply concerning. All parties to any armed conflict have an obligation under international humanitarian law to protect civilians. Civilians and combatants must be distinguished. Civilian objects and military objectives must be distinguished. Attacks must not be directed against civilians and civilian objects. Indiscriminate attacks are prohibited. The United Nations will continue working towards a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, in line with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, international law and relevant General Assembly resolutions. I hope that the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly serves as a moment to mend eroded trust and contributes to finding solutions to bridge political divides and end conflicts, which are causing so much death and suffering.

I thank Mrs. Nakamitsu for her briefing. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

The meetings we convene to discuss Western arms supplies to the Kyiv regime and the role of these weapons in undermining the efforts to find a peaceful solution to the Ukrainian crisis allows everyone to obtain a clear understanding of a real situation there. Since our most recent meeting (see S/PV.9716), the situation has significantly deteriorated. That was foreseeable given the miserable situation of the Ukrainian army, which is rapidly losing town after town — not only on in eastern Ukraine, but also in the area of the Kursk region that it captured in August. Ukraine and its Western sponsors are feverishly searching for some Wunderwaffe that could break the situation on the battleground. No weapons could help the Ukrainian leader, who is past his expiration date, be they Leopards, Abrams or Bradley tanks or long-range Western artillery and high-mobility artillery rocket systems, army tactical missile systems (ATACMS), Storm Shadow and so forth. Enormous hopes were pinned on the F-16 fighter jets, but Ukraine has already lost one. According to the American media, the Ukrainian army has almost exhausted its stock of ATACMS — several hundred were provided to the Kyiv regime by the United States. British media reported on the loss of the stock of Storm Shadow missiles. Now there have also been reports about the forthcoming supplies of American joint air-to-surface standoff missiles to the Ukrainian army, which have a more extensive functionality than the French Scalp and British Storm Shadow missiles. In its most modern modification, that air-to-surface missile is capable of hitting targets at a distance of 800 kilometres. Our Western colleagues are not forgetting to benefit from the hostilities in Ukraine, which, as is well-known, bring them enormous profits. Many other problems are being solved at the expense of Ukraine. For example, judging from the British press, the United Kingdom provided large quantities of military assistance to Ukraine in the form of weaponry that needed to be disposed of. That information was based on data provided by auditors. Therefore, that country’s expenditure on the disposal of old military equipment will be reduced from $3.5 billion to $223 million. That is very convenient, is it not? Against that background, there are increasing reports of the use of chemical weapons by Ukrainian nationalists. According to the Russian Ministry of Defence, the Ukrainian armed forces continue, with the consent and under the leadership of Washington and London, to systematically use chemical agents substances and chemical riot control agents in the area of the special military operation. There have been more than 400 cases of the use by Ukraine of non-lethal toxic chemical substances, in particular chloropicrin, which is a Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) schedule 3 substance, and has been often used together with chloroacetophenone riot control agent. Such incidents occurred in some parts of Donetsk and in Bogdanovka, Gorlovka, Kreminna and Artemivsk. Most of those cases were confirmed by an accredited laboratory of the Russian Ministry of Defence. In addition, there have been 17 cases of the Ukrainian army using chemical weapons for food poisoning, which caused the deaths of 15 people. According to the testimonies of civilians, in attacks on the Kursk region, the Ukrainian army used shells with unidentified gas, which killed livestock. The Russian side has also recorded cases of the Ukrainian army using listed chemicals such as 3-quinuclidinyl benzilate, or BZ; hydrocyanic acid; cyanogen chloride, United States-made gas grenades loaded with 2-chlorobenzalmalononitrile, or CS; and Teren-6 irritant hand grenades. Those are part of the equipment provided to the Ukrainian army’s assault units. We are concerned about the statements by some representatives of the Ukrainian army regarding organophosphorus components, including analogues of them chemical warfare agent tabun, or GA, listed in schedule 1 of the CWC Annex on Chemicals. Furthermore, we would like to recall that the only BZ production facility in the world is based in the United States. In that regard, we are still waiting for explanations from our United States colleagues as to how that chemical came into the possession of the Ukrainian saboteurs in the Zaporizhzhya region of the Russian Federation. The Russian side is carefully recording all cases of the use of chemical weapons by Ukraine in violation of its obligations under the CWC and investigating them in strict compliance with the requirements of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), including on the basis of the chemical analysis laboratory of the Russian Defence Ministry accredited by the Organization. The Russian Federation will continue to inform both the OPCW and the Security Council on the progress of that investigation, as well as on other cases of the use of toxic chemicals and riot control agents by Ukraine. The production of such substances in Ukraine has reached such unprecedented levels that the hazardous chemicals discharged by one of the companies in the Sumy region have poisoned the Seym and Desna rivers. A massive number of fish have died, and now that poisoned water is also threatening Kyiv. The authorities are doing everything they can to hide that fact as this time it is very difficult to shift the blame to Russia, as they normally do. We advise the residents of Kyiv to be cautious when using the tap water in the immediate future. The links between the Kyiv regime and global terrorism are growing. We see Zelenskyy’s clique helping terrorists in the Sahel, and we found out about that at the previous meeting on Western weapons transfers to Ukraine (see S/PV.9716) from the statement of the Permanent Representative of Mali. As all Council members will recall, Mali, the Niger and Burkina Faso have already severed diplomatic relations with Kyiv because of its actions and statements. Furthermore, according to Turkish media, at the end of June in Idlib, Syria, there was a meeting between representatives of Kyiv and terrorists from the Security Council- listed organization Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham, to whom the Zelenskyy regime offered to supply with drones in exchange for the release of a number of radical anti-Russian fighters so that they could participate in combat operations against Russia. However, there is another trend that is the most worrisome and has has become increasingly clear in recent days, and we believe that it is critical to draw the attention of the international community to the situation. For several months now, the accomplices of the Kyiv regime’s crimes have been considering whether to give Zelenskyy carte blanche to use Western-supplied weapons to strike targets deep within the Russian Federation. And to justify such a move they refer to the groundless insinuation about the alleged supplies of Iranian ballistic missiles to Russia, which has been personally and unequivocally rejected by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iran, Mr. Seyed Abbas Araghchi. An active campaign in that regard was also launched by the leader of the neo-Nazi junta himself. As we all understand, he is extremely interested in such a scenario, because the direct involvement of the United States and its NATO allies in the conflict is the only thing that will save him from imminent defeat on the battlefield. The recent meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group in the Ramstein format involved yet another attempt by the Ukrainian leader to cajole his Western masters into authorizing strikes deep into Russia. What is also astonishing is the most egregious justification he provided: the objective is allegedly to encourage Moscow to make peace. However, in October 2022, the gang that had entrenched itself in Kyiv issued a decree banning negotiations with Russia, and that decree is still in place. I would like to recall that we have never rejected negotiations and have always been willing to discuss with Kyiv and its Western masters how to address the problems that compelled us to start our special military operation in February 2022. Zelenskyy also has no reservations about openly expressing disappointment with the indecisiveness of his sponsors and complaining that they do not allow him to strike the Kremlin. Today we consider it very probable that the decision to lift restrictions on the use of long-range weapons to hit Russia has been taken in the West, and now we are simply witnessing the final steps aimed at legitimizing that decision before the eyes of the international community. In terms of our relations with Kyiv, that does not really change anything for us — the neo-Nazi regime has long been striking our territory outside the area of combat and carrying out terrorist attacks against civilians and the civilian infrastructure of our country. However, that potential development in the situation fundamentally alters our relationship with the Western camp. If the decision to lift the restrictions is really taken or will be taken, that will mean that, from that moment on, NATO countries are conducting a direct war with Russia. In that case, we will have to take the appropriate decisions, with all their consequences for the Western aggressors. Therefore, our Western colleagues will no longer be able to wash their hands of responsibility and shift all the blame onto Kyiv. As everyone knows, using such weapons is only possible with intelligence gathered with United States and European Union satellites. Ukraine is not in the position to do it by itself — not even close. Only NATO military personnel can programme missions for missile systems. In fact, it is not about allowing Kyiv to hit any part of Russian territory with long-range weapons. It is actually about making a decision to see direct strikes made on the West. Whether it is Ukrainian nationalists who formally push the button does not signify, since NATO will become a direct party to military action against a nuclear Power. I think there is no need to explain the possible consequences of that. By the way, Western strategists are well aware of the probability of such a scenario. Based on United States Defense Department documents, the Pentagon therefore recently commissioned a model for the consequences of a nuclear war for the Eastern European agricultural sector. As always, the United States clearly expects to sit it out across the ocean, exposing Europe to attack. The rationale behind that reasoning is not entirely clear. Without the support of the West, Kyiv would never have dared launch its foolhardy invasion of the Kursk region, where we are now actively pushing back Ukrainian units that have suffered massive losses. Most of the units of the Ukrainian Armed Forces that participated in this reckless incursion used intelligence data shared by Western countries with Kyiv, were equipped with weapons and means of communication made in NATO countries and carried Western-style small arms. In an attempt to vent his anger over the failures of the Ukrainian Armed Forces on the Donetsk front line, Kyiv’s ringleader has to all intents and purposes unleashed a punitive campaign against civilians. The villages on the border are under constant bombardment from aircraft, drones, high-precision missiles, rockets and artillery. He is doing all of that deliberately, with ostentatious disregard for the norms of international humanitarian law, in the understanding that whatever he does, the West will never condemn him. We have ample evidence that what amount to concentration camps have been set up in a number of settlements controlled by militants and to which civilians unwilling or unable to evacuate have been taken by force. For example, between 70 and 100 civilians were herded into the Sudzha orphanage basement, harassed and used in propaganda photos for Ukrainian and foreign media outlets. Not only did those journalists cross the border of the Russian Federation illegally, but they did it essentially as part of Ukrainian Armed Forces paramilitary units, deliberately becoming part of Ukraine’s propaganda machine. That specifically includes Britain’s The Independent, Germany’s Deutsche Welle, Telegiornale 1 from Italy, Latvijas Televizija from Latvia, HotNews from Romania, 1+1 from Ukraine and CNN from the United States. Trampling on their journalistic ethics, they have all been complicit in deliberately distorting the reality of events and concealing information about Ukrainian militants’ crimes against civilians in the region. However, it is easy to find real evidence on the Internet and social networks of the Ukrainian Armed Forces taunting civilians, looting, robbing stores and private homes and abducting people. Of course, we will never see photos and videos of that on CNN and Fox News. No Western politicians are interested in the truth about what is happening. Their main concern is keeping their own public in the dark. The violation of civil rights and freedoms going on in Ukraine defies description. Western leaders are of course pretending not to notice it, but Ukrainian publications are increasingly calling their country the “Zelenskyy concentration camp”. That definition is particularly relevant for Ukrainian men, who not only cannot leave their country but cannot leave the house for fear of being forcibly conscripted and thrown into an interminable, senseless meat grinder to die for the Western geopolitical interests pursued by a mad Ukrainian dictator. To cite the bitter testimony of one Ukrainian member of Parliament, Ukraine has become a testing ground for political as well as military tactics. The collective West is testing its societies’ reactions to the violation of the same basic human rights that the West itself has committed to championing. Banning elections, violating freedom of movement, speech and religion, the right to life and to speak one’s native language, and introducing a culture where anything is permitted — that is the kind of experiment currently being conducted in Ukraine. Against that backdrop, the words of the United States Secretary of State seem utterly grotesque, since it follows that his country views this extremely dangerous spiral of escalation unleashed by the Ukrainians and Americans as assistance to Ukraine in overcoming “the immediate challenges being posed by the ... intensifying Russian aggression”. There is a sly substitution of concepts going on here in which Washington is trying to present the Ukrainian Armed Forces’ offensive actions, which have resulted in an expansion of the combat zone into a peaceful Russian region, almost as self-defence. In general, no one should be deceived into seeing the United States’ attempts to portray its aid to Ukraine as a desire to enable it to stand on its own feet militarily, economically or democratically. Without getting into deep detail, we can just ask the Libyans, Iraqis, Afghans — to take some of the latest examples — how they have benefited from the United States. Destabilization, economic devastation, human suffering and pain are the results of Washington’s policy towards those and many other countries. The same thing is happening to Ukraine, and its citizens are increasingly aware of it. No one should be fooled. The only country that the United States elite cares about and wants to strengthen militarily, economically and democratically is the United States itself, even if the rest of the world is destroyed in the process. One has to be blind not to see that, as well as utterly devoid of a sense of self- preservation not to understand the dangerous direction in which Washington and its Ukrainian underlings are pushing the whole world. If anyone tries for whatever reason to pretend that all that is not their problem today, it may be too late to change anything tomorrow. We hope that everyone in this Chamber and all who are following our meeting will consider that seriously.

I thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. Wow, that was quite a bit of propaganda and lies. It is quite amazing what we just heard. The United States welcomes the opportunity to address the seriousness of weapons transfers into the conflict in Ukraine, which Russia started. Transfers to the aggressor are enabling the largest invasion in Europe since the Second World War, prolonging the conflict, undermining the Charter of the United Nations and endangering European security. Since the most recent briefing on this topic (see S/PV.9716), we have new developments to share with the Security Council. In late 2023, Iran and Russia signed a contract to supply the hundreds of missiles that Russia needs to carry out its aggression in Ukraine. This past summer, Iranian personnel trained Russian military personnel on the use of Iran’s Project 360 close-range ballistic missiles. This month Russia received Iran’s first shipment of hundreds of those missiles. The missiles have a maximum range of 75 miles, and their deployment enables Russia to preserve its longer-range capabilities for use throughout Ukraine, deepening Russia’s arsenal and giving it the ability to destroy more of Ukraine’s infrastructure ahead of winter. Iran’s transfer represents a dramatic escalation and a highly destabilizing development that is likely to increase the suffering of the Ukrainian people. The missile transfer is in addition to the thousands of uncrewed aerial vehicles (UAVs) that Iran has sent to Russia since 2022, which Russian forces have used to devastating effect against Ukrainian civilians and civilian infrastructure. The partnership between Russia and Iran not only poses a threat to Ukrainian and European security, it also directly enables Iran’s destabilizing activities in the Middle East and around the world. In response to Iran’s ongoing military support to Russia, including its recent delivery of ballistic missiles for use against Ukraine, the United States Department of the Treasury is designating 10 individuals and six entities based in Iran and Russia and identifying as blocked property four vessels that are enabling Iran’s delivery of weapon components and systems, including UAVs and missiles to Russia. Since the Kremlin launched its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has also imported dozens of ballistic missiles and more than 18,000 containers of munitions and munitions-related material from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, in violation of Security Council resolutions that Russia itself supported just a few years ago. Russia has cynically abandoned its support for the principles of non-proliferation and has used its position on the Security Council to attempt to shield the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea from United Nations scrutiny of its unlawful nuclear and ballistic-missile development programmes. It is clear that there is an urgent need to help Ukraine defend itself from missile strikes — attacks that undermine the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and threaten international peace and security, including, it seems, food security. Just yesterday, Russia hit a civilian cargo vessel in the Black Sea that was carrying wheat and was bound for Egypt. Building an integrated air defence capability for Ukraine is a priority for us and others, and it is clear from the attacks that we cannot let up. We are going to work with Ukraine to ensure that it has the capabilities needed to defend itself against Russia’s missile and drone attacks. Let me comment on our joint desire for peace. The fastest way towards peace is for Russia to withdraw its forces from Ukraine and stop its aerial assault. Absent a desire for peace on Russia’s part, the next quickest way is for the world to cut off Russia’s ability to sustain its illegal assault. That is where we need to have a real conversation about China’s role in the conflict. China is prolonging Russia’s aggression through its so-called no-limits partnership and its large-scale support for Russia’s defence industrial base, all of which enable Russia to continue waging war on Ukraine. China’s transfers of dual-use materials, such as weapon components, equipment and raw materials, serve as inputs for Russia’s defence sector. Those exports include nitrocellulose, machine tools, microelectronics, optics and UAV and cruise-missile technology, which Russia is using to kill civilians and destroy Ukrainian infrastructure. How can China be for peace while it is enabling Russia’s war? China is also helping Russia spread propaganda and disinformation about Ukraine by justifying the war on the pretext of legitimate security concerns. There is no legitimate excuse for what Russia is doing in Ukraine. None. Then there is China’s six-point peace proposal for resolving what China calls “the Ukraine crisis” — a plan that is not complementary to Ukraine’s peace formula and omits support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Does China intend to reward Russia for violating the Charter? Its six- point plan would create a dangerous precedent. We are not here to reward violators of the Charter. We call on China, as a permanent Council member with a particular responsibility to uphold the Charter, to respect the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity and to cease all material and political support for Russia’s illegal war. There is no justification for Russia’s attack on Ukraine. Ukraine has an inherent right to defend itself from aggression, as reflected in Article 51 of the Charter, and the United States will continue to support Ukraine’s ability to do so and to ensure that Russia is not rewarded for violating the Charter of the United Nations. We are not alone. We join the efforts of the Member States from every geographical region of the globe that are standing with Ukraine’s democratically elected Government. We will not back down.

I am grateful to High Representative Nakamitsu for her timely briefing. The Republic of Korea has been consistent in condemning Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine since the outbreak of the war. The reason is simple. The invasion violates our guiding fundamental principles, including the principle of refraining from the use of force, which have underpinned international peace and security and steered the Organization over the past seven decades. My country is not the only one that has called on Russia to change its course. Indeed, so far, the General Assembly has adopted six resolutions condemning Russia’s aggression, affirming the clear illegality of its territorial annexations and calling for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine — resolutions supported by an overwhelming majority of Member States. All the while, the Council has remained paralysed when it comes to the situation in Ukraine. As we approach the high-level week of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session, we deplore the fact that Russia has not heeded the repeated calls from the international community. Instead, we have been witnessing a major escalation of the war and an expansion of its fronts in the past few weeks. My delegation hopes that this year’s timely General Assembly high-level gatherings can serve as an opportunity to revitalize our collective commitment to upholding our common values. In that context, my delegation is appalled by yesterday’s killing of three International Committee of the Red Cross staff members as a result of Russian shelling. They had been planning to distribute humanitarian aid in eastern Ukraine. Humanitarian workers must be protected, as must their activities. We also reiterate our strong condemnation of Russia’s continuing indiscriminate attacks on civilians and civilian objects, particularly its destruction of energy infrastructure. Indiscriminate attacks on civilians are prohibited under international humanitarian law, and yet Russia’s ongoing use of weapons from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is causing significant harm to civilians and damage to civilian infrastructure in Ukraine, further compounding the cruelty of the invasion. In that connection, we are deeply concerned about the fact that Russia’s use of North Korean ballistic missiles is increasing in frequency and intensity. A Ukrainian military research institute recently confirmed that the debris from the missiles used to attack Kyiv in August was of North Korean origin. Moreover, the North Korean leader’s recent vow to exponentially increase his country’s nuclear arsenal, in disregard of the Council’s resolutions, must surely be dependent on the prospect of outside support. We therefore urge Russia to immediately cease its military cooperation with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, which is in violation of multiple Council resolutions, and we once again call on Russia to withdraw its troops from Ukraine. At that point the violations of the Charter of the United Nations will end, as will the prolonged suffering of the innocent people of Ukraine. It is our firm belief that any peace deal should be in accordance with the Charter and international law if it is to achieve a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. Given that Russia began this war in violation of those very rules, it is obvious who holds the key to rectifying the situation. For its part, the Republic of Korea supports the international community’s efforts to chart a course towards the end of this war and the restoration of lasting peace in Ukraine. We will also continue to stand with Ukraine until it overcomes its current hardships and will do so by providing vital assistance in the areas of security, humanitarian aid and reconstruction.

I too would like to begin by thanking High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. It is deeply regrettable that the Russian Federation continues to try to justify its aggression and flagrant violations of international law and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations by calling for repeated meetings on the delivery of Western arms to Ukraine. The reality is completely different. The truth is that Ukraine is facing an existential challenge and has been fighting for its survival since February 2022. In recent weeks we have seen an intensification of missile and drone attacks by the Russian Federation across Ukraine, including on Kyiv. The sobering briefings that we have heard in the Chamber confirm that the suffering and the death toll in Ukraine continue to increase. Ukrainian civilians continue to bear the brunt of this unjustified and unprovoked war. More than 10 million people have had to flee their homes. The unrelenting attacks on Ukrainian civilian infrastructure, and energy infrastructure in particular, will have a direct impact on Ukraine’s social and economic development and on preparations for the upcoming winter months. Meanwhile, the humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate. More than 14.6 million people require some form of humanitarian assistance. Access to aid remains difficult, while the working environment for humanitarian workers is perilous. Yesterday three staff members of the International Committee of the Red Cross were killed after shelling hit the site of a planned front-line aid distribution in the Donetsk region. We strongly condemn such blatant disregard for international humanitarian law. The Council must reiterate in no uncertain terms its call on all parties to uphold international humanitarian law and the principles of distinction and proportionality. Turning to the issue at hand, the transfer of arms, Malta is deeply concerned about the recent transfers of weapons from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran to Russia. A number of them are in clear violation of Security Council resolutions and will further escalate the current situation. They also represent a direct threat to European security. In conclusion, we cannot forget that Ukraine is not the aggressor. That must be at the forefront of our considerations. The war can end if Russia chooses to immediately, completely and unconditionally withdraw all its troops and military equipment from the entire territory of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders. That is the only path to a viable and sustainable peace. Until that day comes, it is completely unrealistic to expect Ukraine not to defend itself from this aggression or seek the assistance of its allies. It has every right to do so, as does every other member of the United Nations, in line with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.

I thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her comprehensive briefing. There is no change in Japan’s position on the fact that Security Council meetings such as this one, routinely requested by Russia, are nothing but a waste of time and resources for both the United Nations and the international community. Russia seems to want to discuss solutions to the problem. However, there is only one problem that must be addressed immediately and that is Russia’s violation of the Charter of the United Nations. Our stance is clearly articulated in the resolution adopted by an overwhelming majority of the General Assembly on 2 March 2022, which states that “[t]he General Assembly [...] [d]eplores in the strongest terms the aggression by the Russian Federation against Ukraine in violation of Article 2 (4) of the Charter [and] [d]emands that the Russian Federation immediately cease its use of force against Ukraine and refrain from any further unlawful threat or use of force against any Member State” (resolution ES-11/1, p.3). Russia has continued to ignore that resolution and has violated numerous international laws in furthering its aggression. Russia has procured ballistic missiles from North Korea — in a violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions, which Russia itself voted for — and also reportedly from Iran. It has continued its attacks on Ukraine, causing immense civilian casualties and destroying civilian infrastructure. Russia claims that international support for Ukraine is a problem that must be solved. Its argument is clearly the opposite of the facts and is entirely unacceptable. Today’s meeting is yet another attempt by Russia to divert attention from what it is actually doing in Ukraine. The members of the Security Council and the broader United Nations membership should not allow themselves to be distracted by such tactics. They should also make their argument clear by pointing out that Russia is the one to be blamed before they talk about solutions to the brutal war that Russia initiated. And all Member States should refrain from supporting the aggression, directly or indirectly. We once again emphasize that rewarding an aggressor by failing to make it pay the price of its actions cannot be a solution. Such an approach undermines the Charter of the United Nations and could potentially lead to future aggressions. Our consistent stance — that peace in Ukraine must be in accordance with the Charter — is not mere rhetoric but a demonstration of our firm determination to protect the very foundation of international order based on the rule of law. We reiterate our strong demand for Russia to immediately and unconditionally withdraw from Ukraine, and we reaffirm our commitment to continuing to support Ukraine.

I thank Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for her comprehensive briefing. At the outset, I would like to reiterate Algeria’s deep concern about the flow of arms and ammunition into conflict zones, including in Ukraine. Algeria has repeatedly drawn attention to the fact that sending arms and ammunition to areas of conflict and war will only inflame the situation and escalate tensions while undermining and obstructing every effort to find peaceful solutions to those conflicts. The proliferation of certain weapons, such as mines of all kinds, poses a threat not just in the short term but will remain one for decades, even after a conflict ends, because such weapons are difficult to neutralize. Unfortunately, there are many examples of explosions that have resulted in civilian casualties because of the presence of such weapons both during conflicts and after they have ended. Moreover, flows of arms and ammunition to places of conflict and war increase the risk that they will fall into the hands of terrorist, criminal or extremist groups and thereby enhancing their ability to carry out hostile acts that often target unarmed civilians. From that perspective, I would like to emphasize the following points. First, the parties should keep the protection of civilians at the top of their priorities and strictly abide by the rules of international law, including international humanitarian law. Since the outbreak of this conflict thousands of civilians have been killed on both sides of the border, including women and children, and millions of people have been displaced from the areas of confrontation in very difficult conditions, leaving them vulnerable to hunger and harsh weather, especially in winter. Secondly, it is important that the parties take all possible care to prevent such weapons from falling into the hands of terrorist groups and criminal organizations and to respect their relevant international obligations. When such weapons fall into the wrong hands, they pose a great danger and threaten not only the region but international security as a whole. Thirdly, Algeria reiterates its call on the parties to the conflict to show wisdom and restraint, and to abandon the logic of confrontation and conflict in order to spare the lives of civilians and military personnel alike. If the language of arms is fire and its result is killing and destruction, then the language of diplomacy is dialogue and its result is undoubtedly peace and stability. The parties to the conflict, as well as the international community as a whole, must therefore step up their efforts and direct them towards creating conditions conducive to launching a dialogue and comprehensive and constructive negotiations to find a peaceful solution to the conflict — a solution based on the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and taking into account the legitimate security concerns of both parties, without the logic of polarization, which inevitably prolongs the dispute.

I thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. Sierra Leone takes note of the Russian Federation’s call to discuss the increasing weapon transfers by Western countries to Ukraine, which it believes are aggravating the crisis in Ukraine and undermining the prospects for its resolution. We also take note of Ukraine’s cited imperative to protect its civilians and its right to self-defence. Sierra Leone continues to reiterate its principled position that all transfers of weapons in conflict situations should occur based on the applicable international legal frameworks and relevant Security Council resolutions and should include pre-transfer risk assessments and end-user verifications in order to prevent the diversion of arms and ammunition. Apart from the issue of weapons transfers, we have observed with concern a dramatic escalation in the conflict in Ukraine since March this year. The consequences have been devastating, with an intensification of missile and drone strikes causing increased civilian deaths, injuries and displacement. According to the 9 August report of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, July was recorded as the deadliest month of the conflict in Ukraine, with at least 219 civilians killed and 1,018 injured. We also saw very high casualty levels in August, with at least 184 civilians killed and 856 injured. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has documented a total of 35,865 civilian casualties since the start of the conflict, including at least 11,662 deaths and 24,207 injured, while noting that the true figures are likely to be considerably higher. UNICEF has also confirmed that more than 2,000 children have been killed or injured in Ukraine since the start of the conflict in 2022, and highlights that the number of child fatalities this year has increased by almost 40 per cent compared to 2023. Sierra Leone is also concerned about the effects of the spread of hostilities on civilians in the Kursk, Belgorod and Bryansk regions of Russia. Reports from local Russian officials indicate that since Ukraine’s incursion into the Kursk region in August, at least 12 people have been killed and 121 injured. In addition, more than 130,000 people have reportedly been evacuated from the area. Furthermore, Russian officials reported a large-scale Ukrainian drone attack on populated areas in Moscow on 10 September, resulting in one death and damage to housing facilities. The attack led to the closure of three of Moscow’s airports for several hours and the diversion of almost 50 flights. Sierra Leone reiterates that attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure are prohibited under international law. We call on all sides to ensure compliance with the applicable international law, including international humanitarian law. We are deeply concerned about the worsening impact of the conflict on civilians and civilian infrastructure, which is continuing at an alarming rate, particularly in Ukraine. According to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) situation report, 14.6 million people — roughly 40 per cent of Ukraine’s population — need some form of humanitarian assistance. Entire neighbourhoods and villages have been decimated, leaving millions displaced internally and in other countries. The attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure reported since March have drastically reduced the country’s electricity capacity, leading to daily power cuts for millions across Ukraine. Those outages, often lasting many hours, limit people’s access to water, mobile networks, internet and public transportation. Older people, persons with disabilities and many of the schoolchildren who attend school online have been particularly affected by the disruptions to essential services. Sierra Leone is deeply concerned about that development as Ukraine approaches its third winter since the start of the conflict in February 2022. The alarming civilian casualty figures and the humanitarian crisis in Ukraine, verified by numerous agencies, including UNICEF and OCHA, underscore the urgent need for all parties to the conflict to prioritize the protection of civilians and refrain from further escalation and from pursuing efforts to win the war on the battlefield at all costs. Dialogue and diplomacy should be the primary tools employed to de-escalate tensions and pave the way for a peaceful resolution of the conflict. The international community, including the Council, must remain steadfast in its commitment to supporting the pursuit of a just and sustainable peace in Ukraine. Sierra Leone once more calls for good- faith diplomatic efforts, with the participation of the parties to the conflict, to achieve a peaceful resolution. Meaningful steps must be taken to reach an immediate de-escalation and cessation of the hostilities. We urge the parties to the conflict to engage constructively, including through consideration of their legitimate concerns, in order to find a political and diplomatic solution as envisaged in Article 33 of the Charter of the United Nations. In conclusion, Sierra Leone calls for an immediate cessation of hostilities, for respect for the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of both Ukraine and the Russian Federation within their internationally recognized borders and for genuine diplomatic efforts to achieve a peaceful and lasting resolution to the conflict that takes into account the legitimate concerns of all parties involved.

I thank Mrs. Nakamitsu for her briefing. This is the nineteenth time that Russia has convened the Council to debate the role of Western weapon supplies to Ukraine. It is no longer a surprise to anyone that Russia is distorting reality and trying to pass off Ukraine, a State under attack — and the countries that support it in its exercise of its right to self-defence — as being responsible for prolonging the war. That fallacious picture fools no one. It was Russia alone that took the decision to wage war when it invaded Ukraine. On 16 March 2022 the International Court of Justice ordered Russia to immediately suspend its military operations in Ukraine. The General Assembly has condemned the aggression on numerous occasions and by a huge majority. Russia can decide to end it any day, at no detriment to its own security. If the war continues and its catastrophic human toll remains unabated, it is because Russia is disregarding those appeals. Two days ago, it continued its campaign of massive strikes against Ukraine’s energy infrastructure in a bid to undermine the Ukrainian people’s morale. On 26 and 27 August, it carried out one of the largest attacks since the war started. Since we are here to discuss weapon supplies, we should point out that in its quest for weapons, Russia has shown no compunction about flouting the foundations of the international non-proliferation regime, which guarantees our collective security. Russia is obtaining arms — ballistic missiles and ammunition — from North Korea, in flagrant violation of unanimously adopted Security Council resolutions. Ballistic missiles manufactured in North Korea have been used to strike Ukraine, for example in Kharkiv in January, with some cases documented very recently in July and August. In return for that support, Russia is deepening its military cooperation with North Korea, which could enable Pyongyang to further develop its ballistic-missile and weapons of mass destruction programmes, with grave repercussions for regional and international stability. Since the start of the war Russia has also decided to source armed drones from Iran, in violation of resolution 2231 (2015). Iran has recently stepped up its military support for Russia’s war of aggression by exporting ballistic missiles to Russia. France firmly condemns the transfers, which pose a direct threat to European security and will enable Russia to continue its campaign of destructive strikes in Ukraine as winter nears. We urge Iran to immediately end its transfers. In line with the many warnings issued to the Iranian authorities, we are working with our partners on a firm response to the transfers. That includes working to identify individuals and entities involved in Iran’s ballistic-missile programme and in the transfer of ballistic missiles and other weapons to Russia. France urges all States to refrain from supplying Russia with dual-use equipment and components that can feed its war machine. France will remain at Ukraine’s side and will continue to provide support in all areas to enable it to defend its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity for as long as is necessary. We will continue to seek a settlement of the conflict in accordance with the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which are the only possible basis for a just and lasting peace.

I want to thank Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for her briefing. Ecuador is concerned about the risks posed by flows of arms and ammunitions and supports the recommendations that the High Representative has once again made on the measures needed to mitigate those risks. On the subject that brings us together today, I would like to refer to five points that I consider important. First, the sovereign right of States to self-defence must be strictly in line with the provisions of Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. Secondly, the transfer of arms and ammunitions must be in accordance with the applicable international legal frameworks, including the relevant Security Council resolutions. Thirdly, effective measures must be taken to prevent the diversion, illicit trafficking or misuse of arms and ammunitions in order to avoid further instability and insecurity in Ukraine and the region, including to prevent them from resurfacing and causing damage in other parts of the world, including my region of Latin America. Fourthly, the protection of civilians and the objective of achieving global stability must be prioritized over any other logic of industry, production or distribution. Fifthly, the reports of the use of anti-personnel mines and cluster munitions are alarming, as is the impact of widespread contamination with explosive remnants of war. The full implementation of the Anti-Personnel Mine Convention and the Convention on Cluster Munitions is imperative. The continuing deterioration of the situation in Ukraine and the region is worrisome. As we heard, the increase in violence is fuelling a cycle of destruction that is disproportionately affecting the civilian population and posing serious risks of escalation. Ecuador therefore underscores that the parties must avoid the use of explosive weapons in populated areas and keep combat away from urban areas. We firmly condemn the Russian attacks that claimed the lives of three members of the International Committee of the Red Cross while they were doing their work. Humanitarian workers must be protected and their work facilitated in compliance with resolution 2730 (2024). In conclusion, if there is one thing we can be sure of, it is that peace is not built on the use of force and weapons but on dialogue and cooperation. That is why the Security Council must unite in the quest for peace, recalling that the only way to reach a viable solution is through a process of dialogue that respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and is in line with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, international law and the resolutions of the General Assembly.

I would like to start by thanking Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for her briefing. The ongoing conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine continues to have profound and far-reaching effects. We are deeply alarmed by reports of escalating hostilities, including their multidimensional impacts at the local, regional and international levels. For the second time this week we are convening to consider the situation in Ukraine, with no meaningful progress having been made on the ground. While the frequency of our meetings underscores the gravity of the situation, the Security Council’s current inability to implement decisive measures in fulfilling its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security is a matter of significant concern. The protracted conflict in Ukraine, exacerbated by an escalating arms race, is at risk of expanding across Europe. It is likely that arms may be diverted to criminal and terrorist networks worldwide. Furthermore, the long-term threats to the communities affected will no doubt persist after the guns have been silenced. As we have consistently emphasized, Mozambique recognizes the sovereign right of States to self-defence, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. We acknowledge that the exercise of that right may include arms transfers, among other measures. However, it is our firm belief that arms transfers can lead to devastating consequences if not carefully managed. Those consequences may include conflict escalation, increased insecurity and, ultimately, the diversion of resources from critical social sectors in order to sustain military efforts, as we have seen in the conflict in Ukraine. We therefore call on all Member States to honour their commitments under the relevant international instruments. We also urge all Member States that have not yet done so to adhere to all the relevant international instruments, such as the Register of Conventional Arms, the Arms Trade Treaty, the Firearms Protocol and the Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. Such adherence would promote greater transparency in and accountability for the flow of weapons. We emphasize that transparency in arms control is an indispensable confidence-building measure that can contribute to re-establishing much- needed credible communications channels for achieving a resumption of direct negotiations. We reiterate our appeal that any transfer of weapons and ammunition must be consistent with the applicable international legal frameworks, including the relevant Security Council resolutions. We strongly urge all parties to strictly adhere to their obligations to protect civilians and ensure full compliance with international humanitarian law. It is our view that if they are to be effective, all mitigation measures, including arms control, should be viewed not in isolation but rather as complementary to other necessary measures, including political initiatives. We therefore firmly believe that the only viable path to ending this conflict — now entering its third year — is through political negotiation and dialogue, based on the Charter of the United Nations and taking into account the legitimate concerns of all parties. In conclusion, Mozambique continues to urge the conflicting parties to actively pursue de-escalation measures, achieve a ceasefire and establish the foundations for a sustainable and lasting peace.

I thank Mrs. Izumi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for the update she provided. Guyana remains gravely concerned about the mounting civilian casualties in this war. We deplore the recent shelling of an aid distribution site in the Donetsk region, which claimed the lives of three Red Cross staff. We demand that the parties to the conflict uphold their obligations under international humanitarian law, including by taking constant care to spare civilians, humanitarian workers and civilian objects from harm, and that they grant safe and unhindered access to humanitarian assistance for all in need. We were deeply distressed to learn yesterday of the missile strike on a ship carrying over 26,000 tons of grain in the Black Sea and continue to stress the need for a peaceful end to the conflict. We also continue to demand full adherence to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. More than 11,000 civilians in Ukraine, many of them women and children, have had their lives cut short in a war that appears to have little regard for their protected status. Briefer after briefer has warned of the grave violations being committed, including with weapons that are indiscriminate by nature and whose effects therefore cannot be limited, as is required under international humanitarian law. Several reports indicate that most of the civilian casualties recorded so far were caused by the use in populated areas of explosive weapons with wide-area effects, such as artillery shells, rockets, bombs, missiles, loitering munitions and other explosive munitions dropped by unmanned aerial vehicles. Some of them not only represent an immediate threat to civilians during a conflict but also pose a danger to lives and livelihoods long after the conflict has ended. I am speaking here in particular of anti-personnel landmines and cluster munitions, which can remain dormant and in the ground for decades. As a State party to the Convention on Cluster Munitions and the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention, among other treaties, Guyana calls for full compliance with international law and international disarmament instruments and obligations. We also emphasize, as the United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs has done on many occasions, that conventional arms and ammunition are at risk of diversion throughout their life cycle and even more so when they are transferred into an armed conflict. Guyana continues to urge that all transfers be conducted within the existing international legal frameworks, including the resolutions of the Security Council, and with adequate controls in place to prevent their irregular transfer. In conclusion, we maintain that any lasting solution to the conflict will not be achieved through military action or a cycle of meetings that proffer no solutions and yield no concrete outcomes that can change the situation on the ground. It must be done through diplomacy and good-faith negotiations conducted in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. It is the Council’s responsibility to put an end to the cycle of violence and pain. Guyana therefore reiterates its call for the Russian Federation to withdraw its military forces from the internationally recognized territory of Ukraine and urges the parties to commit to a political and diplomatic process towards ending the conflict.

I thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. By calling this meeting today on Western weapons transfers to Ukraine, Russia has yet again succeeded only in drawing our attention to its continued hypocrisy. Just days ago, it came to light that Russia has received Iranian ballistic missiles for use in prosecuting its illegal war against Ukraine. The transfer poses a direct threat to European security and stability elsewhere and will increase the suffering of the Ukrainian people. That is what should be the focus of today’s meeting, not Western support for a sovereign State’s legitimate and legal right to defend itself. Iranian close-range ballistic missiles will soon reach European soil. The transfer will increase Russia’s capability to launch short-range attacks on the front lines, enabling it to use more of its long-distance missiles to strike deeper inside Ukraine. As we said earlier this week together with our international partners, we can be certain that the suffering of the Ukrainian people will increase as a result. None of us need reminding of the atrocities that Russia will inflict with the aid of those weapons. The United Nations has verified more than 35,000 civilian casualties caused by Russia’s war, and we suspect that the real number is far higher. Russian missiles are hitting schools and children’s hospitals. Humanitarian workers are being killed. And Russia is cynically and brutally targeting Ukrainian energy infrastructure, posing significant risks to the lives of millions of Ukrainians ahead of winter. It seems that only one member of this Council needs reminding that deliberately targeting civilian infrastructure is a war crime. Russia also continues to purchase significant quantities of weapons for use in Ukraine, including ballistic missiles from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, in violation of Security Council resolutions that Russia itself voted for. The increased military cooperation between Russia, Iran and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea poses an unacceptable threat to global as well as European security. In return for weapons needed to prolong its illegal war, Russia is violating sanctions endorsed by the Council and is building the capabilities of, and emboldening, the Iranian and North Korean regimes. That contributes to further destabilization in the Middle East and the Indo- Pacific. Russia’s war in Ukraine is a flagrant violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. We will not be deterred from our unwavering support for Ukraine. We remain committed to providing the political and military support that Ukraine requires to defend itself, in line with its Article 51 rights, against Russia’s unjustified and unprovoked invasion, and to secure a just and lasting peace in line with the Charter. Let me conclude with the words of my Prime Minister yesterday: “Russia started this conflict. Russia illegally invaded Ukraine. Russia can end this conflict straight away. Ukraine has the right to self- defence.”

I thank Mrs. Nakamitsu, the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, for her briefing. As we already stated our views on this subject less than two weeks ago (see S/PV.9716), allow me to reiterate Switzerland’s position with five key points. First, the current grave situation is a direct consequence of Russia’s military aggression, which we condemn. We will not accept attempts to evade responsibility for it or justify such an illegal act. Ukraine is entitled to ensure its security and to defend its territorial integrity and sovereignty. Secondly, the impact of the war on civilians, civilian infrastructure and the humanitarian situation is intolerable. Switzerland extends its condolences to the families and loved ones of the three International Committee of the Red Cross staff members killed yesterday in the Donetsk region. We underscore that humanitarian workers must be protected and respected. We condemn all indiscriminate attacks that cause civilian casualties. We point out that it is the obligation of all parties to the conflict to adhere strictly to international humanitarian law, including the rules governing the conduct of hostilities. Violations of international humanitarian and human rights law are unacceptable in all circumstances. Thirdly, we are deeply alarmed at the fact that the Russian military aggression appears to continue to be fuelled by third-party transfers of arms and ammunition to Russia, which according to some reports include ballistic missiles. Switzerland has consistently urged States to fully observe and abide by their obligations under international arms-control agreements, including the relevant Council resolutions, which are legally binding, and undertakings of a political nature aimed at fostering transparency and trust. Fourthly, genuine efforts are needed for progress towards a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. As the Acting Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs stated in the Chamber two days ago, “[p] rotecting civilians and ultimately ending the war are a matter of will.” (S/PV.9720, p.3) Switzerland will continue to engage in good-faith discussions aimed at bringing the war to an end in full compliance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Finally, in order to restore respect for the Charter of the United Nations, end the suffering and move towards lasting peace, we once again urge Russia to withdraw all its troops from Ukrainian territory. If the devastation of the past two and a half years cannot be undone, there is still time to prevent further tragedy.

I thank High Representative Izumi Nakamitsu for the briefing. In the ongoing Ukraine crisis,  there  has  been a steady influx of large quantities of weapons and ammunition into the battlefield — with widening variety and scope, increasing lethality and anti-personnel effectiveness  and the mounting risk of diversion and proliferation. That is worrisome. The continued inflow of weapons will lead only to an escalated situation  and the loss of more innocent civilian lives. It will have an extensive negative impact on international and regional peace and security. China is deeply concerned about the recent spiralling of the intensity of the war. The  pressing priority at the moment, in our opinion, is to respect the principles of no-expansion of the battlefield, no-escalation of the fighting and no-provocation  by any party,  with a view to swiftly  de-escalating the situation. We call on the parties to the conflict to demonstrate their political will,  meet each other halfway, put an early end to the hostilities  and relaunch peace talks. We call on the international community to pave the way to that end by providing tangible assistance and facilitation. All the parties concerned should put peace and humanity first and re-channel their resources and energy  to ending hostilities through diplomacy. The United States representative spread a false narrative in his earlier statement, distorting and vilifying China’s position on the Ukraine issue once again, and I feel compelled to respond. China did not create the Ukraine crisis, and much less are we a party to the conflict. China has not supplied weapons to either party, and we have consistent and rigorous controls in place over dual-use items.  We maintain normal trade and economic cooperation with all countries around the world, including Russia and Ukraine. China’s position on the Ukraine issue is objective and impartial. We do not support anyone, and neither do we favour anyone. After the war erupted, we put forward the principled proposition of four “shoulds”, the first of which is that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries should be respected, and the second of which is that the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations should be respected.  For over two years, China has been working hard to promote peace and encourage and facilitate peace talks. We have stayed engaged with both Russia and Ukraine and have had regular exchanges of views with European countries and the United States. The Special Representative  on Eurasian Affairs made four  visits to the countries concerned to conduct good offices and mediation. We have done so for the sole purpose of bringing about an early end to the hostilities  and to restore peace. In May this year, China and Brazil jointly issued a six-point consensus on the political settlement of the Ukraine crisis. It reflects the greatest common denominator of the international community’s efforts to resolve the crisis, which has received positive responses from many countries. In addition to the six- point consensus proposed by China and Brazil, African countries have also contributed a 10-point peace proposal for resolving the crisis. Other countries of the global South have also put forward similar initiatives. That fully demonstrates that diplomatic negotiations and a political settlement meet the common expectations of the majority of countries and represent the will of the international community. We hope that the United States will not continue to turn a deaf ear to those calls for peace, that it will desist from discrediting and obstructing the diplomatic efforts of China and other countries concerned — undermining international solidarity, creating division and antagonism and provoking bloc confrontations — and that it will truly play a constructive role in bringing an early end to the war and achieving peace.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Slovenia. I wish to thank Under-Secretary-General Nakamitsu for her briefing. I would like to make a couple of points on behalf of my delegation. First, Slovenia is gravely concerned with the degree to which this war has escalated. It is now being fought on multiple fronts, and reports of violations of neighbouring countries’ airspaces are becoming commonplace. It is clear, at the same time, that, with higher volumes and with more advanced weaponry being delivered to the battlefield, the potential for destruction is steadily increasing — and with it, the extent to which reconstruction efforts will be needed. Slovenia stands ready to take part in the efforts to remedy the destruction of the past years and make sure that a full recovery is under way. Let me be clear, however: every country has a right to defend itself in line with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations and to procure the necessary means to do so. We will not accept victim-blaming. One cannot attack a country, occupy parts of its territory and intimidate its whole population with daily swarms of drones and ballistic missiles, and then say that their suffering is completely of their own doing, because they dared to resist. Secondly, discussions like this have the potential to misrepresent the situation on the ground. While we are discussing weapons transfers to Ukraine, Russia is waging a war of aggression. Just yesterday, this war hit another low point, when vehicles of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) were subject to a Russian attack, killing and wounding multiple ICRC staff members. We are approaching the discussions on weapons transfers from the wrong end. While transfers to Ukraine are in line with the international legal framework, various reports are suggesting that Russia is replenishing its arsenal by importing missiles and artillery shells from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. That is a clear violation of multiple Security Council resolutions and presents an obvious proliferation risk. In addition to that, Slovenia is deeply concerned about the recently emerged evidence of ballistic missiles transfers from Iran to Russia for use in its war on Ukraine. Such conduct would represent a serious development and an unacceptable act of material support to the ongoing aggression. In conclusion, while all transfers have the potential to intensify the fighting, there is a clear distinction between military aid that supports self-defence and weapons transfers that sustain aggression. With that in mind, my country clearly made its choice and will continue to deliver aid to Ukraine in line with international law. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers.