S/PV.9732 Security Council

I would like to warmly welcome the Secretary-General, Presidents, Ministers and other high-level representatives present in the Security Council Chamber. Their presence today underscores the importance of the subject matter under discussion. Before each member is a list of speakers who have requested to participate in accordance with rules 37 and 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, as well as the previous practice of the Council in this regard. We propose that they be invited to participate in this meeting. There being no objection, it is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2024/662, which contains the text of a letter dated 6 September 2024 from the representative of Slovenia to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General, transmitting a concept note on the item under consideration. After consultations among Council members, I have been authorized to make the following statement on their behalf. “The Security Council recalls that the United Nations was established to save mankind from the scourge of war. It reaffirms the principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and underscores that the need to strengthen resolve to maintain international peace and security, consistent with the Charter, is more pressing than ever. “The Security Council reaffirms its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. The Council further reaffirms its commitment to international law, including the Charter of the United Nations, including its purposes and principles in their entirety, which are universal, indispensable and irreplaceable foundations of a more safe, peaceful, just, equal, inclusive, sustainable and prosperous world. “The Security Council recognizes the need for universal adherence to and implementation of international law obligations, including obligations arising from relevant Security Council resolutions, and emphasizes the vital importance it attaches to promoting justice and the rule of law, as an indispensable element for peaceful coexistence and the prevention of armed conflict, and reiterates the need to promote women’s full, equal, meaningful and safe participation and leadership at all levels of decision-making, in line with resolution 1325 (2000) and related resolutions. “The Security Council acknowledges the complexity of challenges and threats to international peace and security and emphasizes the importance of a comprehensive approach to sustaining peace. It reiterates its strong support for the protection of civilians in armed conflict and underscores the obligations under international humanitarian law concerning the protection of civilians in armed conflict. The Council calls upon all parties to armed conflict to comply fully with their obligations under international humanitarian law, in order to respect and protect civilians, including humanitarian personnel, and reiterates its commitment towards accountability for violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. “The Security Council underscores the importance of upholding multilateralism and the central role of the United Nations in the multilateral system, as well as its support to strengthened coordination within the United Nations system, delivering change for the most vulnerable including through pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals and preventing and reducing conflict, and commends humanitarian personnel for their work in alleviating the suffering of the civilian population and protecting human dignity as well as the actions of the United Nations and its agencies in supporting the maintenance of peace and security. The Council reaffirms that development, peace and security, and human rights are interlinked and mutually reinforcing. “The Security Council is fully aware of the responsibilities bestowed upon it by the Charter of the United Nations, and of the collective aspirations of the peoples of the world, which impel it to take effective action to maintain international peace and security. The Council expresses its commitment to fulfilling its responsibilities in the most effective manner. It further recognizes that the spirit that guided the creation of the United Nations should prevail and inspire mankind to persist on the path of peace.” This statement will be issued as a document of the Security Council under the symbol S/PRST/2024/5. I now give the floor to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. António Guterres.

I thank the Government of Slovenia for convening this high-level debate on leadership for peace. The topic is rooted in a fundamental truth — peace is never automatic, peace demands action, and peace demands leadership. Instead, we are seeing deepening geopolitical divisions and mistrust. Impunity is spreading, with repeated violations of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. Conflicts are multiplying, becoming more complex and deadlier. All regions are affected, and civilians are paying the steepest price. From Gaza to Ukraine to the Sudan and beyond, wars grind on, suffering grows, hunger deepens, lives are upended, and the legitimacy and effectiveness of the United Nations and the Council are undermined. Leadership for peace requires action in at least two key areas. First, leadership for peace means all Member States living up to their commitments in the United Nations Charter, in international law and in recent agreements such as the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1). Among other things, the Pact calls for strengthening tools and frameworks to prevent conflict, sustain peace and advance sustainable development, with the full, equal and meaningful participation of women. It calls for updating our tools for peace operations to allow for more agile, tailored responses to existing, emerging and future challenges. It reinforces the commitment to all human rights — civil, political, economic, social and cultural. It includes initiatives around disarmament, peacebuilding and managing threats posed by lethal autonomous weapons and artificial intelligence, and in new domains, including outer space and cyberspace. It calls for measures to quickly address complex global shocks. And it contains a new push to reform key institutions of global governance, including the global financial architecture and the Council. The Pact is a down payment on those reforms. But we will need strong political will to implement them and rebuild the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Council. This brings me to my second point about leadership for peace. Leadership for peace means ensuring that the Security Council acts in a meaningful way to ease global tensions and help to address the conflicts that are inflicting so much suffering around the world. Geopolitical divisions continue to block effective solutions. A united Council can make a tremendous difference for peace. A divided Council cannot. It is imperative that Council members spare no effort to work together to find common ground. And it has proven capable of doing so in some key areas — from currently overseeing 11 peacekeeping operations on three continents, involving nearly 70,000 uniformed peacekeeping personnel, to resolutions that help to keep vital humanitarian aid flowing to the world’s hotspots, to the landmark resolution 2719 (2023), which provides for African Union-led peace support operations authorized by the Council to have access to United Nations assessed contributions, to the groundbreaking resolutions that recognize the clear implications of peace and security challenges on the lives of women and youth, and to the Council’s growing ties to regional and subregional organizations to foster consensus and peace. Those examples and more prove that forging peace is possible. When you consider the most difficult and intractable conflicts on the Council’s agenda, peace can seem an impossible dream. But I strongly believe that peace is possible if we stick to principles. Peace in Ukraine is possible by following the United Nations Charter and abiding by international law. Peace in Gaza is possible by sparing no efforts for an immediate ceasefire, the immediate release of all hostages and the beginning of an irreversible process towards the two-State solution. Peace in the Sudan is possible, by sending a clear message to the warring parties that all members of the Council, including the five permanent members, will not tolerate the horrific violence and desperate humanitarian crisis being unleashed on innocent civilians. (spoke in French) The situations on the Council’s agenda are complex and cannot be resolved in a day, but we must not be discouraged by the scale of the challenge. Our only hope of making progress on the road to peace lies in active collaboration and unity between the members of the Council. Today I call on all Member States to live up to that great responsibility, to live up to the promise of the United Nations Charter. Let us contribute to the success of the Council, not to its weakening. Let us ensure that the Council is an effective and representative forum for peace, now and in the years to come.

I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Spoljaric Egger. Ms. Spoljaric Egger: What allows humans to commit atrocities in war? Horrific events throughout history are rooted in a common element: dehumanization  — the process of stripping away the humanity of others to justify violence, numb empathy and rationalize senseless torture, abuse and killing. The Security Council’s success is measured by how its members overcome global divisions and how they overcome the base definition of politics as “you are either with us or against us”. Bridging those differences requires leadership, as only leadership can open the door to meaningful negotiations. What the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is witnessing today are emboldened warring parties disregarding their legal obligations and, at times, using overly permissive interpretations of international humanitarian law to justify violations, destruction and impediments to humanitarian action. While we also know this is not systematically the case, collective inertia and an acceptance of the abhorrent reality are unfortunately setting a new low threshold when it comes to placing human lives on a scale, disregarding the fact that all human lives have equal value. Normalized and seemingly tolerated misinterpretations of international humanitarian law that happen under the watch of the international community warp other conflicts far from the public gaze. Violations happen with full knowledge of the international community but with little corrective action. Council members must be aware that one conflict informs the other. The boundaries of what is acceptable are pushed, and more human suffering follows. International humanitarian law was created to move beyond division, paving the way from polarization to peace. The laws and treaties that members’ States created and ratified, compel restraint. Under the Geneva Conventions, even the enemy must be treated with humanity. International humanitarian law is not transactional. Let members’ military commanders understand this: wars can be fought and won while adhering to the letter and spirit of the law. After all, what does victory really mean? Does it mean the destruction of villages and the killing of civilians? Annihilation may bring military success but not political or moral victory. If security systems take over every political decision, the option to negotiate is forfeited. We commend all members of the Security Council for systematically calling on parties in conflict to comply with international humanitarian law and for recalling the letter of those obligations. But we must go beyond that and make sure that the true meaning of international humanitarian law is adhered to. That means taking all feasible precautions to minimize civilian harm. It means not misrepresenting acceptable proportionality calculations. It means respecting the rules of war even if the enemy does not. It means accepting that neutral humanitarian actors can bring humanitarian assistance to areas the enemy controls. It also means ensuring that hospitals are not hit, civilians can flee to safety, and food supplies are not cut off. Inhumanity fuels violence. Preserving humanity fosters de-escalation. States and militaries must fully integrate international humanitarian law into their defence strategies, not just for the purposes of war but to achieve victory that allows for long-term stability. We must see the Council’s rhetorical support for international humanitarian law put into action. Members determine whether the Geneva Conventions are a tool for peace that saves lives. When your ally targets civilians, pick up the phone and demand that it stops. When your ally denies detainees or prisoners of war visits from the ICRC, pick up the phone and demand compliance. When your ally bends the rules of war beyond recognition, use the means you have to stop it. International humanitarian law saves lives. It enabled the release of thousands of detainees in Yemen and the Chibok girls in Nigeria, and helped the ICRC escort orphans to safety in Khartoum. It is not the law that fails but the will to enforce it. The chances of protecting the economic interests and security of your own people are best preserved if universally ratified agreements are respected, because you never know when war may reach your own borders and you may find yourselves on the wrong side of the line. Upholding the Geneva Conventions is in your own core interest. International humanitarian law offers a pathway to peace. Council members must declare it their political priority.

I thank Ms. Spoljaric Egger for her briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Ms. Johnson Sirleaf: It is an honour to speak to the Council today as a member of The Elders, the group of independent leaders founded by Nelson Mandela. Preserving peace should be the primary responsibility of any leader. Yet the leadership for peace that the world desperately needs is sorely lacking. Today The Elders are calling for action on all three of the following issues. First, leaders must uphold international law consistently. From Ukraine to Gaza and beyond, we increasingly see systematic violations of international law in conflict settings and impunity for those who commit atrocities. Powerful States, including some permanent members of the Council, are deliberately ignoring international norms. Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine is a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations, with the Council paralysed and not responding. We are seeing some Council members undermine decisions of the International Court of Justice and threaten the International Criminal Court and its officials. It is vital that our international judicial institutions are supported and their decisions upheld. International law must be applied consistently, regardless of who is being held accountable. In conflict situations in the Middle East, the Sudan, Myanmar and elsewhere, influential States are intervening in ways that inflame aggression. Arms transfers to parties to conflicts in which there are clear violations of international law must end. Secondly, conflict resolution and peacebuilding must be truly inclusive. Next year will mark 25 years since the Council adopted resolution 1325 (2000), which recognized the crucial role that women must play in peace and security. Yet the decisions that most affect peace and security are still primarily, in some contexts, exclusively made by men  — often the same men who initiated the conflict. The Elders call for the necessary participation of senior women in peacemaking and peacebuilding processes and at the forefront of leadership at the United Nations. Throughout my career, I have seen how the inclusion and empowerment of women can drive real change. If we are serious about fostering leadership for peace, women must be represented in international bodies, national parliaments, communities and defence and security establishments. Finally, it is leaders who must restore the credibility of the international peace and security architecture. The United Nations is known worldwide for its peacekeeping, including in my own country, Liberia, where after 14 years of civil war, a peacekeeping operation played a crucial role in restoring peace. Sadly, peacekeeping is broken, at a time when it is more needed than ever. Existing missions are closing without resolution of the underlying conflict, and in the emerging conflicts, there is neither the political will to engage peacekeepers nor sufficient troops to place on the ground, as many countries that might normally commit personnel have to deal with conflicts within their own borders. Leadership for peace is essential to address those destabilizing conflicts and the existential threats facing all humankind  — the climate crisis, nuclear proliferation and the risk of pandemics. When the world looks to the United Nations for leadership in the face of those threats, it looks first to the Security Council. But the Council is widely seen to be ineffective. Reform is urgent and overdue. The Council must be fit for the world of 2025 and beyond, not a relic from 1945. To build on the momentum of the Pact for the Future, the Elders call for a coalition to launch a reform process and drive negotiations for a more representative and effective Security Council. The General Assembly should play a critical role, as it did during the only successful previous reform of the Council. We live in daunting times, and these times demand honesty, integrity and commitment. Therefore, let me close by asking the leaders of today: how long can we go on working under a system that is clearly failing? How long until it breaks and we are faced with a catastrophe similar to that which forced the United Nations into being? The time for excuses is past, and with great respect, we ask those leaders to act and not to let us down.

I thank Ms. Johnson Sirleaf for her briefing. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Prime Minister of Slovenia. I wish to thank the Secretary-General for his clear and insightful remarks, and I want to thank him for his service to humankind. He has our strongest support in these challenging times for the Organization. I also want to thank International Committee for the Red Cross President Spoljaric Egger and former President Johnson Sirleaf for their important contributions to this event. Since the beginning of our membership in the Security Council, we Slovenians have been observing a gradual but steady erosion of the power of rules and a complete disrespect of the rules that we have built since the Second World War, in addition to the inability to respond decisively to major conflicts, such as the ones in Gaza, Ukraine and the Sudan. That led us to design the signature event in which Council members are participating today, on the theme “Leadership for peace”. Peace is under threat globally, and the world is in desperate need of leadership to reverse that dangerous direction. I will begin with the war in Ukraine. In the twenty- first century, we are witnessing a conventional war of aggression and invasion waged by a stronger and powerful neighbour on a smaller and seemingly weaker one. That is a blatant violation of the Charter of the United Nations. If we let that aggression pass, we open the door to many similar wars across the globe. In the case of Ukraine, we are defending the Charter, which represents the nucleus of our Organization. There are no words strong enough to describe the catastrophe that has been unfolding in the occupied Palestinian territories for years, and not only since 7 October 2023. It is unacceptable that, despite all the atrocities committed against the Palestinian people and the four most recent Council resolutions (resolutions 2712 (2023), 2720 (2023), 2728 (2024) and 2735 (2024)), we, the Council, have not been able to intervene decisively to alleviate their suffering or to free the hostages. In the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem, violence against and the dehumanization of Palestinians is increasing. All of that is taking us farther away from the two-State solution consisting of Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. As we sit here today, we are witnessing the fire of Gaza turn into a raging inferno across all the Middle East. The war in the Sudan is another tragic war for power  — a human-made humanitarian catastrophe with unimaginable destruction and human suffering. After 20 years, we again find ourselves staring at the unspeakable ugliness of inhumanity. We find ourselves on the brink of another genocide in Darfur and of the failure of our collective commitment to “never again”. The humanitarian situation is extremely bleak, with spreading famine, lack of access to basic medical care and extremely dangerous working conditions for humanitarian workers. The concern and pain that we feel for civilians and condemnation of violations of the Charter and of international law should not depend on our geographical or political proximity to the conflict. The impression of double standards is damaging the credibility and authority of the Council and contributing to the erosion of compliance with its decisions. Slovenia aspires to be an honest broker and a bridge- and consensus-builder. Our policy is driven by the core values and principles of the United Nations. What we committed to in the campaign for a Council seat, we are trying to implement. We seek to apply the same standards to all conflicts throughout the world. National interests are, too often, being put ahead of common values and principles. If we all made stronger efforts to prioritize our common interests, the world would be a better place. The global public wants to hear that commitment from us today and every day thereafter. The Council has several tools in its toolbox to deal with crises and conflicts. Yet, it is increasingly reluctant to use any of them. The past success stories of Liberia, Timor-Leste and Sierra Leone speak to the Council’s efficiency, when consensus can be reached. During the wars in the Balkans, the Council was willing and able to adopt a resolution (resolution 827 (1993)) establishing accountability mechanisms through the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Similar atrocities are happening today in many conflicts, and yet, unfortunately, the adoption of such a resolution by the Council seems unthinkable. When the Council lacks strong unity and determination to act, warring parties read that as weakness. In times of weakened conflict management, warring parties sense impunity for violations of the Charter and international humanitarian law. That is how we can explain that last year, the world marked the largest number of civilians and record numbers of humanitarian medical workers and journalists being killed. That is entirely unacceptable, and the Security Council bears its share of responsibility. Conflict management is being gradually moved out of the Council owing to the polarization, lack of solidarity and geopolitical competition among its most powerful members. The United Nations is being increasingly pushed aside and supplanted by bilateral and regional diplomacy. That trend must be reversed. The situation requires self-reflection on the part of the Council and Member States with respect to the way forward. We must restore trust in the United Nations. We must put efforts into building an effective and relevant Security Council  — a Council that fits the world of today. Permanent members bear, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, special responsibility in that regard. We need a renewed commitment to the respect of the Charter of the United Nations to restore the unity of the Council, putting global interests first, reflecting on all tools at the Council’s disposal and using the most effective ones, as well as follow-up on our resolutions to ensure compliance. The Security Council must exercise its power with greater ambition regarding the prevention of conflicts and must play a stronger role in peacebuilding activities involving all aspects of the United Nations system. Regional organizations are increasingly taking ownership of finding solutions to their problems. Strengthening cooperation with them opens up to the Council new ways of dealing with crises. Let me conclude by saying that the principles of multilateralism and the idea that nations must work together to preserve peace are as important today as they were 79 years ago. Earlier today, we were able to unite around the presidential statement (S/PRST/2024/5). Let us build on those foundations, and let us re-energize our collective work for a better, more peaceful and more humane world. I look forward to listening carefully to the views, suggestions and guidance of all participants. I resume my functions as President of the Council. I now call on Her Excellency Ms. Viola Amherd, President of the Swiss Confederation. President Amherd (spoke in French): I thank you, Mr. President, for giving us the opportunity to discuss the topic of leadership for peace. This discussion makes us aware of the importance of shouldering our responsibilities, in particular as members of the Security Council. When it was elected to the Council, Switzerland set about bringing added value to peace and being a plus for peace. We are now entering the last 100 days of our term. It is a good time to think about the state of the Security Council and the way in which it can best carry out its duties. I would like to underscore two points in particular. First, leadership involves establishing standards, ensuring that they are upheld and ensuring accountability for those who violate the law. Today international law, including international humanitarian law, is being seriously violated very often, whether in Ukraine, the Middle East, the Sudan or Myanmar. The international community cannot stand idly by, given the violations of the rule of law in those contexts and the international disorder caused by such violations. We condemn the disastrous consequences of the hostilities on the civilian population, including many children. The Security Council must speak with one voice, ensure that international law is upheld and protect civilian populations. Given the current climate, I would like to reiterate that my country is extremely concerned about the Israeli air strikes in Lebanon and the rockets fired by Hizbullah into Israel. I would like to reiterate our call for a cessation of hostilities and a return to diplomacy to resolve the conflict and for the full respect of resolution 1701 (2006) and international humanitarian law. The civilian population must be protected. As a member of the Security Council, Switzerland is resolutely committed to international peace and security. The extension of the peacekeeping operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina facilitated by Switzerland in 2023 and the call by the 10 elected members of the Council for a ceasefire in Gaza are two examples of that. With the resolution presented by Switzerland on the protection of humanitarian and United Nations personnel (resolution 2730 (2024)) and the commemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Geneva Conventions, we reaffirm our commitment to helping vulnerable civilian populations. We have been the host country for discussions on the Sudan. We also advocate for equitable procedures in United Nations sanctions regimes. To that end, we undertake to implement humanitarian exemptions and to enable humanitarian stakeholders to continue their life-saving activities. Whatever the context, Switzerland will not cease to reiterate its call for respect for international law. We are grateful that many within the Council share that responsibility. That brings me to my second point, namely, our responsibility to anticipate challenges, prevent dangers and identify opportunities. The effects of climate change are having an impact on and fuelling existing crises and conflicts. Switzerland is committed, both within the Security Council and outside it, to ensuring that the global community finds solutions together. Given the multiple challenges, there is a need to ensure that peacekeeping missions are more agile in the future. We also believe that there is an urgent need for efforts in favour of peace to be more inclusive. Women make important contributions to peacebuilding. In particular, that involves addressing the consequences of conflicts and crises for women in a targeted manner. It will be a great honour for me to preside over a debate within the Council in a month’s time on the role of women in peace processes. Prevention is especially important. In the Pact for the Future, which has just been adopted (General Assembly resolution 79/1), States have committed to preventing further conflict rather than simply mitigating its consequences. The New Agenda for Peace is largely focused on conflict prevention. Prevention includes aspects of development and security, but above all the respect for human rights. There can be no lasting peace without the protection and promotion of universal human rights. In conclusion, I would like to say that we can only lead together. That principle applies both to the multilateral system in general and to the Security Council. Nobody can be successful alone. There is a need for partnerships of courage and trust between States. Dialogues with civil society, the economy and science are equally important. International Geneva has, for some time now, been a place where humanitarian traditions and scientific innovations come together in the spirit of Geneva. Switzerland is proud to promote that spirit through the organizations in Geneva. Regional partnerships are also precious, as shown, for example, by the African Union in the promotion of peace. I am therefore delighted that we are able to host the Peace and Security Council of the African Union in New York next month, during the Swiss presidency. Lasting solutions require the will of all of the parties concerned. Peace remains possible, in particular if States and leaders recall our shared human values. By agreeing to cooperate with one another, we help everyone, including ourselves.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Robert Abela, Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta.

I thank you, Mr. President, and the Slovenian presidency for organizing this important and open debate. There can be no more important thing for the Security Council than to restate and reaffirm both the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the need for every Member State to respect the Charter in practice. I would therefore also like to thank the Secretary-General for sending another strong and clear message today on the importance of multilateralism, the Charter and international law. Malta has been honoured to serve as a member of the Security Council for the past two years. As our term is coming to its conclusion, now is a moment for reflection. In convening today’s conversation, Slovenia spoke of its alarm at the erosion of the international order, in general, and of adherence to the United Nations Charter, in particular. Malta shares its concerns on both fronts. Without the renewal of the rules-based international order, our world is in serious trouble. Ahead of this discussion, you gave us a stark reminder, Mr. President, that we live in a world of grim statistics  — and indeed we do. And those statistics are a vital tool in charting the state of our world. But statistics can never tell us the whole story. Only human stories can give us the true picture because behind every grim statistic is grim human reality. It is a source of shame for our world that 2024 has brought far too many heartbreaking statistics and far too many stories of heartbreaking human misery. We must never lose sight of those stories. As leaders, we must never hide behind statistics. We must not forget the mothers in Gaza whose sons and daughters were taken from them or those who are living in constant fear of losing their child in the next strikes. We must not forget the families and friends of hostages being held by Hamas, who do not know if or when they will ever see their loved ones again. We must not forget the orphans and widows in Ukraine who lost everything when their city was bombed and razed to the ground. Each and every person suffering shares the same hopes, dreams and aspirations as the rest of us. The difference is that they have been let down by leaders whose actions have shown contempt for the principles upon which the United Nations was founded. Every citizen of the planet, no matter where they live, what they believe in or who they worship is united by the most fundamental human instinct of all  — to deliver peace, security and prosperity for them and their family. The founding of this United Nations codified the most fundamental of human instincts into the most fundamental of human rights. If we lose sight of that common humanity, we lose sight of our own humanity. We must therefore never lose sight of those suffering the most, of those paying the highest price. We must never lose sight of the plight of families in the Sudan, where parents struggle daily to secure food for their children amid a devastating conflict; or of the women and girls in Afghanistan, who are being erased from society through the enactment of oppressive and repressive edicts; or of the children in Syria and Yemen, who had to endure over a decade of conflict, dire humanitarian conditions, disease and stunted growth; or of those in Venezuela, deprived of their freedom because of their steadfast commitment to democracy; or of the teenagers in Haiti, who are being deprived of an education and recruited by ruthless gangs instead; or of the Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, including those killed as collateral damage in frequent military raids and settler violence, as well as those who lost their homes and suffered displacement. Even when conflict comes to an end, we must never lose sight of its ramifications and the suffering left behind, like the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Iraq, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Somalia, who continue to suffer the horrific consequences of landmines long after the fighting has ceased, leaving many with life-altering injuries. We must never forget any of these people or any of the countless others suffering from the effects of poverty and/or conflict. On the contrary, we must listen to and learn from their stories. Their horrific experiences must inspire us, motivate us to do more, to strive harder, to fulfil the aims set out so plainly and so powerfully in the United Nations Charter. We must all do more, but especially those of us who are gathered around this table today, who have the honour and privilege to serve on the Security Council. We are the ones entrusted by the international community to ensure the maintenance of international peace and security. We are the ones who must seek compromise and craft innovative solutions for a better world. We are the ones who must lead and take bold and decisive action to replace war and violence with peace and justice. We are the ones who must act to overcome political barriers preventing safe, timely and unimpeded humanitarian access. We are the ones who must ensure that women play a central role in conflict resolution, peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction efforts. Knowing that peace cannot be sustained without women’s full, equal, meaningful and safe inclusion, we are the ones who must listen to and learn from survivors of rape and sexual violence in conflict zones all over the world. Those brave women, girls, boys and men who have found the courage to share their harrowing accounts of this despicable and reprehensible tactic of war. We are the ones who must utilize all available tools, including sanctions and international justice mechanisms, to hold violators of human rights and international law accountable and ensure that all perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity do not go unpunished. We are the ones who must continue our fight against impunity for the crime of aggression. The use of force in a manner inconsistent with the Charter is illegal, unjustifiable and unacceptable. In a world of grim statistics, the last thing we can therefore afford to do is go numb. The last thing we can afford to do is give up, and that is why, as a committed multilateralist, Malta will continue to stand firm in its wholehearted support for the United Nations. We are not naive. We know, just as the Secretary-General outlined, that the United Nations can and must reform to increase its effectiveness. But one cannot walk away when one notices imperfections. Instead, we must redouble our efforts to fix them. At a moment in history where everyone is excited about the potential of artificial intelligence, let us not forget that alongside intelligence, there are two other core human competencies — humanity and compassion. The United Nations, at its heart and at its best, is an expression of all three — showing the intelligence to come together to solve problems, showing humanity and working for the best of values and showing practical compassion by delivering aid assistance and hope to the most vulnerable. This institution belongs to all of us. Let us nurture it, invest more in it and counter contempt for it. Let us all play our part in the other vital structures that bring us together regionally in order to do exactly what the United Nations does for the world, as a whole. As a small nation at the crossroads of three continents, Malta knows just how important regional cooperation is. In May, Malta celebrated its twentieth anniversary as a member of the European Union, a living example of what can be achieved through solidarity and cooperation. And this year Malta has taken up the Chair of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, an organization whose mission is as vital as ever because, tragically, war and aggression have raised their ugly heads again in Europe. Just because solutions are hard to find and just because differences can seem dauntingly insurmountable does not mean that we should ever stop trying. Take climate change, an existential threat to each and every nation and to each and every citizen of the planet. That is the very definition of an issue that can be addressed only by nations working together, whatever their differences. In conclusion, as Malta’s term as an elected member of the Security Council is now drawing to a close, I once again thank all the members of the General Assembly for placing their trust in us. We never took it for granted, and we worked hard each and every day to maintain it. As we conclude our term, let me conclude my remarks with a conclusion reached over the past two years. I am convinced today more than ever that every member of this Organization, regardless of size or wealth, has a role to play in the maintenance of international peace and security. We all have unique histories, unique experiences and unique ways of seeing things, but there is strength in this diversity. Together we can build bridges, overcome barriers and address common challenges. Malta has tried to do just that over the past two years on the Security Council. Malta will always do just that as a proud and committed Member of the United Nations

I now call on His Excellency Sir Keir Starmer, Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Sir Keir Starmer (United Kingdom): I thank you, Mr. President, and our briefers. I want to start by paying tribute to those who see the terrible conflicts and walk towards them with no agenda other than helping those in need. The United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross have both lost staff this month in Gaza, Lebanon and Donetsk. More than 200 aid workers have been killed so far this year, including British citizens. Their humanity should illuminate the work of the Security Council, because we heard again today just how dire the situation has become. The Security Council must deliver on its responsibility for global peace and security. I want to use this meeting to issue a call to action in three key areas. First, we need to renew the international consensus on delivering humanitarian support. That should be a bare minimum, yet too often we are falling short. We must address the situation in Gaza. The day 7 October 2023 was the bloodiest day for the Jewish people since the Holocaust. I utterly condemn the terrorist actions of Hamas. The ordeal of the hostages and their loved ones continues almost a year later. Six of them were killed in cold blood just a few weeks ago. So, I say again let the hostages go. And we must face up to the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza which continues to deepen by the day. Israel must grant humanitarian access to civilians in line with its obligations under international humanitarian law. There can be no more excuses. Israel must open more crossings, allow vital life-saving aid to flow and provide a safe environment in which the United Nations and other humanitarian organizations can operate. The civilian suffering in Gaza is beyond belief. We have restarted our funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. We are supporting UK-Med in operating their field hospitals, and we are supporting UNICEF in delivering water, healthcare and specialist treatment for malnourished children. But the most fundamental need is even more basic: civilians need the fighting to stop. The situation in the Sudan also demands our urgent attention. Millions are facing emergency or famine conditions exacerbated by deliberate attempts to prevent aid from reaching those in need. That is now the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today and the worst displacement crisis, with more than 10 million people driven from their homes. It also risks destabilizing South Sudan and Chad, which are already suffering their own humanitarian crises. The United Kingdom has doubled its aid for the victims of the war to almost £100 million, but much more is needed. The world must step in. Secondly, I call on the Security Council to seek political solutions that can break repeated cycles of violence such as that in the Middle East. The region is on the brink. We need an immediate ceasefire between Israel and Lebanese Hizbullah and the implementation of a political plan that allows Israeli and Lebanese civilians to return to their homes to live in peace and security. That security will come through diplomacy, not escalation. There is no military solution there, nor is there a military-only solution to the conflict in Gaza. The Council must demand again an immediate, full and complete ceasefire in Gaza, with the release of all the hostages. We need a political route to that agreement that provides a bridge to a better future, a credible and irreversible path towards a viable Palestinian State, alongside a safe and secure State of Israel. That is the only way to provide security and justice for both Israelis and Palestinians. In June, the United Kingdom brought resolution 2736 (2024) on the war in the Sudan to the Council, calling for both parties to commit to a ceasefire. I repeat that call today. The warring parties must engage in ceasefire talks. We support the Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy in his efforts towards peace. We must keep working to bring the war to an end, and we must ensure that those responsible for committing atrocities are held accountable. This leads me to my third and final point. We must ensure accountability for those violating the Charter of the United Nations. And the Security Council must recommit now to the values it sets out. That should go without saying, yet the greatest violation of the Charter of the United Nations in a generation has been committed by one of the Security Council’s permanent members. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is illegal. It threatens global security. It has caused colossal human suffering. More than 35,000 civilians have been killed or injured; 6 million, forced to flee; and almost 20,000 Ukrainian children, forcefully deported — kidnapped, to put it bluntly. I think of Yaroslav Bazylevych, whose wife and three daughters were killed earlier this month by a Russian strike on civilians in Lviv. And I wonder how Russia can show its face in this building. There have been 600,000 Russian soldiers killed or wounded in this war. And for what? The Charter of the United Nations, which Russia’s representatives sit here to uphold, speaks of human dignity — not treating its own citizens as bits of meat to fling into the grinder. Russia’s war has triggered a global energy crisis and a global food crisis, causing hunger in the Horn of Africa. Russia entered into a United Nations-brokered Black Sea grain deal, then withdrew. It tried to block the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1). Now the world looks on as Russia deepens its military ties with the likes of North Korea and Iran. There can be no equivocation here. They must be held accountable. Aggression cannot pay. Borders cannot be redrawn by force. Russia started this illegal war. It must end it and get out of Ukraine. We stand with the 89 countries that made clear at the Swiss Summit on Peace in Ukraine that Ukraine’s territorial integrity must be the basis of any just and lasting peace. Any process that does not recognize that will only be used as a pretext by Russia to regroup and come again. In this moment of deepening conflict, the world looks to the Security Council more than ever to provide leadership for peace, preserve our collective security and protect the most vulnerable. The United Kingdom will always play its full part in fulfilling that responsibility.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China and member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee.

China welcomes the initiative of Slovenia, as the current President of the Security Council, of convening this open debate on leadership for peace. I thank Prime Minister Golob for presiding over the meeting. I listened carefully to the briefing by the Secretary- General, and I commend him for all his efforts on behalf of world peace. Since ancient times, peace has remained the deepest aspiration of humankind. After two world wars and the cold war that separated East from West, the commitment to peace has become more deeply rooted, and the pursuit of peace has become even stronger. However, the world today is far from tranquil, and there remains a long way to go in international peace. There is the protraction of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the escalation and spillover of the Ukraine crisis, the resurgence of the cold war mentality and growing risks of division in the world. Global development faces difficulties, and emerging technologies are often abused. The United Nations carries the sincere aspiration of the peoples of the world to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and has a sacred mission to beat swords into ploughshares. Sitting at Headquarters and facing changes that have not been seen in a century, what should we humans do? Here is China’s answer. For peace, we should follow the right vision on security. Vision should come before actions. Chinese President Xi Jinping has proposed the Global Security Initiative, which provides fundamental guidance to address security deficits and pursue lasting peace, and, to that end, we must observe the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries. We must abandon the cold war mentality and the zero-sum game and oppose group politics and bloc confrontation. And we must safeguard security in both traditional and non-traditional domains, and work together to address new security challenges brought by artificial intelligence and cyber and digital advancement. At the same time, we should adopt a vision of collective, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security and improve the global security governance system in the light of the changing times. For peace, we should uphold international fairness and justice. Justice is a common pursuit of humans, and fairness lies in all countries being equal, regardless of their size. Countries should stand tall and not be afraid of any hegemonism or power politics. We should practise true multilateralism; firmly safeguard the international order, with international law at its centre; jointly discuss security governance, on the basis of mutual respect; and build lasting peace, on the basis of fairness and justice. It is important to uphold the authority of the Security Council, support its central role in the collective security framework, and oppose any illegal unilateral sanctions not authorized by the Council. The question of Palestine ia a wound on the conscience of humankind, and tests fairness and justice. The Security Council should bravely take its responsibilities and play an effective role. General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on Palestine should be implemented, and Palestine should become a full State Member of the United Nations. The top priority is to achieve a permanent ceasefire and the full withdrawal of troops from Gaza, stop the humanitarian crisis in Lebanon, and prevent further expansion and escalation of the conflict. China calls for the implementation of the principle of Palestinian-led, Palestinian-owned and Palestinian-ruled, and proposes the convening of a more broad-based and more effective international peace conference. It is imperative to restart, as soon as possible, the two-State solution, and work towards a comprehensive, just and sustainable solution to the Palestinian question. For peace, we should commit ourselves to political and diplomatic solutions. Throughout history, only diplomatic negotiations have led to genuine peace, and only political settlements have made peace sustainable. Parties that respect each other’s justified concerns seek common ground while putting aside their differences and meet each other half way. It is important to promote contributions to preventative diplomacy and better leverage the United Nations peacebuilding architecture. The Security Council should give full play to the tools of mediation, pursuant to the United Nations Charter, and avoid wantonly using, or threatening to use, forcible measures such as sanctions. The international community should jointly establish conditions and forums for political settlement rather than sit idly by, let alone seek selfish gains. The Ukraine crisis is now in its third year, with growing risks of spillover and escalation. China’s position has been consistent  — to promote talks for peace and a political settlement of the crisis. China has issued a position paper on the political settlement of the Ukraine crisis, sent its special envoy for shuttle diplomacy, and has published, with Brazil, a six- point common understanding in order to ensure a more balanced objective and rational voice, establish the conditions for a ceasefire, build the momentum for dialogue and negotiation, and promote efforts towards peace. And for peace, we should promote common and sustainable development. Peace and development are profoundly and intrinsically connected. Most of the hotspot issues on the Security Council’s agenda occurred in developing regions. It is important to support developing countries, in particular post- conflict countries, to realize independent development in ways suited to their national conditions and eradicate the root causes of conflict. The international community should, while respecting the leading role of countries involved, provide constructive help instead of finding excuses to interfere in countries’ internal affairs, let alone imposing models of governance. Not long ago, the Beijing Summit of the Forum on China- Africa Cooperation was successfully concluded, and President Xi Jinping announced 10 partnership actions for modernization that will help to achieve the vision of silencing the guns in Africa. On peace and security, China has the best track record as a major country in the world and is the only major country to include the commitment to peaceful development in its Constitution. The Chinese people have always held the belief that peace is the most precious thing and have pursued common interests for all. Seventy-five years since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, we have remained committed to a path of peaceful development. We have never provoked a war and never started a proxy war, let alone occupied foreign land. Among the five permanent members of the Council, China is the largest contributor of peacekeepers and the second-largest financial contributor to United Nations peacekeeping operations, China has contributed to world peace through real actions. This year marks the seventieth anniversary of the five principles of peaceful coexistence. For 70 years, the five principles have become ever more relevant, and have become open, inclusive and universally applicable basic norms for international relations and principles of international law, making important contributions to peaceful coexistence among States and world peace and development. China is ready to work with all countries to champion the essence of the five principles and build a world that enjoys enduring peace and universal security.

I now call on the Permanent Representative of the United States and member of President Biden’s Cabinet.

I thank you, Prime Minister Golob, for convening this important open debate on leadership for peace, and for Slovenia’s efforts to strengthen the Security Council and the multilateral system. I welcome all of the leaders who have joined us here today. I also want to thank International Committee of the Red Cross President Egger for her critical perspective as a humanitarian. I thank Secretary-General Guterres, here during the busiest of weeks, for his leadership on the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1), which will bolster the United Nations’ ability to prevent and resolve conflict and, for the first time, sets out parameters for Council reform. Last, but not definitely least, I want to thank my dear friend and mentor, President Sirleaf, for being here as the representative of The Elders. I believe we can learn so much from President Sirleaf’s legacy of leadership and from the story of Liberia’s path to peace — a story in which the United Nations played a critical role and to which I had a front row-seat as United States Ambassador. After all, it was United Nations peacekeepers who helped to secure the peace in Liberia, following a long and bloody civil war, and it was Blue Helmets who facilitated the country’s democratic elections in 2005, which brought President Sirleaf into office as the first woman elected to lead an African nation. United Nations Mission in Liberia forces left the country in 2018, but peace and democracy have endured, and now Liberia is making its own contributions to peacekeeping missions across Africa. I thank President Sirleaf. Let us look to Liberia as an example, as we look for solutions to today’s most pressing global challenges. And right now, there is no shortage of challenges — from the existential threat posed by the climate crisis to the spike in global food insecurity and to the proliferation of devastating conflicts and crises in Ukraine, the Sudan, Haiti and the Democratic Republic of the Congo and, of course, in Israel, Gaza and Lebanon. As President Biden said yesterday, since 7 October 2023, the United States has been determined to prevent a wider war that engulfs the entire region. Full-scale war is not in anyone’s interest. And even though the situation has escalated, a diplomatic solution to end the suffering in Gaza, to allow the residents from both countries to return to their homes and to forge peace is possible — it has to be. As those crises have metastasized, some have come to see the United Nations and the broader multilateral system as, to put it bluntly, inept. And we heard some of that today. I understand where that comes from. People have a right to be frustrated. Still, I believe to my core that the role of the United Nations in the world has never been more critical or more important, and that our capacity for change means that change is still possible. But there is a catch, and it is a big one. The United Nations can meet this moment if, and only if, it undergoes some real change itself. That will not be easy, but it is vital. As Council members heard President Biden say yesterday in the general debate, “we must build a stronger, more effective and more inclusive United Nations”. That reform needs to happen across the United Nations system, including in this very body. A few weeks ago, I announced three new Security Council reform commitments on behalf of the Biden- Harris Administration: our support for two permanent Security Council seats for Africa, a non-permanent seat for small island developing States and text-based negotiations through the intergovernmental negotiations process, so that we can move from talk to action. I also want to reiterate our support for the permanent representation on the Council of countries in Latin America and the Caribbean and those countries whose permanent representation we have long supported. The intergovernmental negotiations session will kick off in the coming weeks, and we hope that our announcement will spur others to renew their reform efforts and commit to text-based negotiations. As we move reform forward, the fundamental principles guiding our efforts must be rooted in the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, including full respect for international law, human rights, sovereign equality and territorial integrity. Just yesterday, the Council met to discuss Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine (see S/PV.9731), which has been a direct attack on the Charter’s foundational values. Since launching its full-scale invasion, Russia has committed atrocity after atrocity. President Putin remains hell-bent on redrawing the borders of a sovereign country by force. But the Ukrainian people have not relented. They have stood strong. We must continue to stand together in the face of that attack on the United Nations Charter, just as we must reaffirm our commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other relevant international obligations and commitments. To that end, we cannot be silent as the Taliban attempts to erase Afghan women and girls from public life through archaic edicts, or as the Iranian regime responds to its people’s demand for women, life and freedom with repression and brutality. The United Nations must be a place that continues to advocate for women and girls, in all of their diversity. Together, we must also do more, much more, to address dire humanitarian crises that disproportionately affect women and girls. That requires revitalizing what has become an overstretched humanitarian system. It is far past time for Member States of the United Nations to engage a broader range of actors that can support a sustainable humanitarian system capable of adapting and responding to rapidly changing demands. The private sector, non-traditional donors, international organizations and the multilateral development banks have a critical role to play in that work. As the largest single-country donor to the United Nations humanitarian system, the United States will continue to lead, but all countries must step up, especially those with the most means. The United States has continued to look for ways to improve the tools of peacekeeping and peacebuilding and bolster our collective efforts to create missions that are fit for purpose. Peacekeeping operations create space for political solutions to advance, as we saw in Liberia. And we know that the only durable political solutions are those that are genuinely inclusive of opposition voices and the voices of women, youth and other systemically marginalized groups. Finally, I want to stress the United States commitment to working with all Member States to address the grave threat posed by terrorism, violence and extremism — an issue on which, historically, the Security Council has been united. It is critical that we work together to develop counter-terrorism-related resolutions, including sanctions-related resolutions, and the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy and its reviews. And let us be clear: counter-terrorism efforts must be consistent with international law and a whole-of-society approach that includes gender as a cross-cutting issue. I am often asked which one issue keeps me up at night. What I always say is this: we cannot afford to limit our attention to just one issue. We have to focus on, as President Sirleaf would often say, the priorities of the priorities. Ending protracted conflict must be at the top of our agenda. Advancing the fundamental freedoms of all must be at the top of our agenda. Making progress on all Sustainable Development Goals must be at the top of our agenda. Reforming this very institution must be at the top of our agenda. All issues of peace and security must be at the top of our agenda. At this moment of peril, the world’s most vulnerable are counting on us. Let us act with urgency.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs and National Community Abroad of Algeria.

I thank you, Mr. President, and I congratulate you on your timely choice of today’s topic. This meeting highlights the acute crisis affecting international multilateralism. The crisis has been accompanied by the neutralization, absenteeism and even exclusion of the role of the Security Council. The crisis is, in our view, the most serious and severe in the history of our Organisation. That is due to the gravity of its manifestations at various levels. In the first place, we note with concern the escalation of the mindset of the balance of power and the return of unilateralism, individualism and introversion at the expense of multilateralism, which our Organization embodies and consecrates, as it was originally established to build and diversify interdependencies among its Members. In the second place, we are sadly witnessing the increase, exacerbation and accumulation of crises, conflicts and wars in an unprecedented manner in the contemporary history of international relations, in the light of a growing decline in adhering to and respecting entire provisions of international law. In the third and final place, we note with sorrow the scarcity and sterility of international initiatives aimed at resolving those crises, conflicts and wars given the remarkable weakening of our Organisation in the global diplomatic scene. Those three facts are clear indicators of the fractured state of the collective security system and the dangers facing it, namely, fading, decay and disappearance. Today the Security Council records the succession and accumulation of crises as permanent items on its agenda without taking any decisive decision, any prominent role or any say in defining and imposing the desired solutions, as mandated to it by the United Nations Charter. Such a situation would give a green light for the instigators of crises and those who seek to fuel and prolong them, those who still see international legitimacy and the Charter as a barrier to achieving their goals and plans. We have seen how this situation has encouraged the continuation of the genocidal war imposed on the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, while the Israeli settler colonial occupation remains unchecked in stopping its criminal practices, immoral and inhumane violations. The same applies to the remaining crises and conflicts that burden the international community and weigh on the agenda of the Council, not least of which is the ongoing war in Ukraine, with its repercussions on all parts of the world. There are also others, such as the raging war in the Sudan, with its heartbreaking toll; the chronic crisis in Libya, which has exceeded its thirteenth year; the destruction, devastation and bloodshed that have plagued Yemen by Yemenis; the developments and unrest in the Sahel region, which cause concern and are not at all comforting; and the ongoing conflict in the last African colony in Western Sahara. From that perspective, Algeria calls for the mobilization of efforts to rehabilitate the role of the Security Council in particular, and that of the United Nations in general, by focusing on five main axes. First, it is necessary to overcome the mindset of polarization and improve the working environment in the Council by giving more space to the group of elected countries. That group has proven its ability to bring points of view closer by building bridges of communication and understanding among the permanent members of the Council, with the aim of reaching consensual solutions that satisfy everyone, promote the common good and serve international peace and security. Secondly, there is a need to follow up on the implementation of Council resolutions and hold accountable the parties that prove their defiance of those resolutions and their disregard for the will of the international community. The mandatory character remains attached to all Council resolutions, as well as those adopted with regard to the Palestinian question. Therefore, ensuring that they are activated and enforced on the ground remains at the core of the mandate of the Council. Thirdly, it is important to improve coordination between the Security Council and the General Assembly on matters related to international peace and security. Taking action by the General Assembly in situations where the Council is unable to act should be encouraged and valued to build a complementary rather than confrontational relationship between those two main organs of the United Nations. Fourthly, tasks and responsibilities are entrusted to the Secretary-General as the first to oversee the Organisation, and the first responsible for its performance. The Secretary-General must have the full and absolute freedom to initiate any diplomatic endeavour in the service of international peace and security. Under no circumstances should his actions be restricted by prior consensus, which is often impossible to achieve at the level of the Security Council. Fifthly and lastly, there is a need to reform the Security Council by democratizing its working methods and expanding its membership through a broader composition that is more representative of the international community at the current stage. Such an endeavour would aim to correct the historical injustice done to our African continent, which remains the only absentee in the category of permanent seats and the least represented in the non-permanent seats.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana.

Please accept my commendations for the timely initiative to convene the Security Council to deliberate on this important topic. I also extend my gratitude to His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General, Her Excellency Ms. Ellen Jonhson Sirleaf, former President of Liberia and member of The Elders, and Ms. Mirjana Spoljaric Egger, President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, for their valuable insights and perspectives. The United Nations was created nearly 80 years ago with the solid determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to reaffirm faith in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small. While actions attributable to some States Members of the Organization have not always aligned with that determination, inviting criticism about the Organization’s efficacy, Guyana firmly believes that the United Nations is as relevant today as it was in 1945 and that its purposes and principles must continue to be the standard that drives our actions. In fact, there is no alternative to the United Nations in the global political economy. We acknowledge that the Organization’s efficacy and legitimacy continue to be undermined, especially in an environment where national priorities and self-interest that go against what is right and just now dominate the global narrative. Yet we must reject the prevailing culture of cynicism and address those shortcomings. We must demonstrate through our collective action that the United Nations remains the world’s moral compass. Turning to the question on how to address the emerging trend of eroding respect for the Charter of the United Nations and recommit to its purposes and principles, I would like to make three points. First, at the heart of every instance of deviation from the ideals of the United Nations is disregard for the provisions of the Charter and international law more generally. We must therefore guarantee consequences for those Members who violate established global norms and standards, including international law. That brings me to my second point: the selective application of international law. We as Member States of the United Nations must not — and cannot — accept double standards in the application of the legal norms to which we have all agreed. We must make it a priority to promote the consistent application of the Charter and international law. After all, only we as Member States can ensure that that happens, and I take this opportunity to urge us all to recommit to uphold the Charter as the standard for all decisions and actions. Membership of this Organization is voluntary, but adherence to the purposes and principles of the Charter is not — it is a legal obligation. Our world is replete with painful examples of the consequences of violating the provisions of the Charter. Gaza, the Sudan, and Ukraine are three such cases that are particularly concerning owing to the depth of human suffering and destruction taking place. Though there is political will on the part of most Council members to make the right decisions to bring those wars to an end and create conditions for the protection of civilians, the Council is stymied by one or another veto. Let us recall that one of the central pillars on which the United Nations was built is the dignity and worth of the human person, and that must be the driving force for action. War strips away a person’s dignity, as we have seen in the case of the Palestinians struggling for decades to exercise their right to self-determination, or in the case of Ukrainians defending their sovereignty and territorial integrity — a principle that is fundamental to the international legal order. As for the Sudanese people, they too remain trapped, victimized and brutalized in a war of political ambitions fuelled by external interests. We must use all of the tools at our disposal to protect civilians wherever they are. Every human life is valuable, and we cannot make distinctions about the protection needs of civilians based on invalid criteria, such as race, religion, nationality or political interests. Finally, Guyana believes that the maintenance of international peace and security is a collective endeavour that also involves regional organizations. It is therefore important for the Security Council to continue working closely with regional organizations, such as the African Union, the European Union and my own Caribbean Community, inter alia, to jointly develop responses to threats to peace and security in the respective regions. Peace is the foundation for development, and development itself is critical for sustainable peace. Guyana therefore urges bold and visionary leadership for development and sustainable peace and commits to doing its part towards that global endeavour.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea.

I would like to thank you, Madam President, for convening this important meeting. I would also like to thank Secretary- General Guterres, the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Ms. Spoljaric Egger, and the former President of Liberia, Ms. Johnson Sirleaf, for their briefings. Plagued by an unprecedented number of conflicts since the Second World War, now more than ever, the world is calling on the Security Council to play its entrusted role of maintaining international peace and security. Regrettably, however, recent developments have exposed the Council’s limitations in effectively addressing pressing issues. In the Sudan, the Council has not succeeded in preventing the situation from escalating into the worst possible crisis of internal displacement, exacerbated by looming famine and outbreaks of disease. Regarding Gaza, the Council has yet to take decisive action, despite the loss of more than 40,000 lives and deepening humanitarian crises. In the meantime, the Russian Federation, a permanent member of the Council, has waged a war against Ukraine, in blatant breach of core principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international humanitarian law. Even in the face of mounting civilian casualties, the Council has failed to adopt a single resolution in response to that aggression. Adding to the frustration is the fact that the Russian Federation obtains arms and munitions from North Korea, in flagrant violation of multiple Council resolutions, while using its veto power to undermine the international non-proliferation regime. We strongly urge Russia and North Korea to comply with the relevant Security Council resolutions, all of which were unanimously adopted in this Chamber. In those challenging circumstances, it is imperative that all members of the Security Council guard the principles of the Charter, in recognition of their greater responsibility for promoting global peace and security. It is usually the most vulnerable, particularly women and children, who bear the brunt of conflict. I call upon all parties to conflicts to comply with international humanitarian law, including the Geneva Conventions. Specifically, attacks on medical and humanitarian personnel must immediately cease, as they disrupt the delivery of life-saving assistance to those most in need. The most effective way to alleviate human suffering is to prevent conflicts in the first place. The Council should strengthen its engagement in the entire peace process, with a particular focus on conflict prevention. To that end, it must advance efforts to address the underlying causes of conflicts. Many of today’s humanitarian challenges — ranging from poverty and refugee crises to resource allocation — are interlinked with security and development. Tackling root causes therefore requires an integrated and coherent approach that links humanitarian assistance and development to peace and security. The Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), with its unique role as an advisory body and its convening power to mobilize resources in and out of the United Nations system, can make significant contributions to the Council’s work on conflict prevention. Strengthening cooperation between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations is also important. With their deep understanding of the root causes of conflicts, those organizations can contribute to the Council’s conflict prevention efforts. The Republic of Korea has supported the African Union’s efforts in that regard by financing the African Union budget for political affairs, peace and security. In recent years, to support the Organization’s efforts towards conflict prevention and peacekeeping, we have also increased our contributions to the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and the Peacebuilding Fund to reach approximately $3.5 million and $8 million, respectively, this year. Given the conflicting dynamics and interests of the permanent members of the Council, the role of non-permanent members is becoming increasingly important. They facilitate dialogue and bridge the gap between permanent members by bringing diverse views and perspectives to the table. The Republic of Korea is committed to fulfilling its mandate as an elected member for the 2024–25 term and to supporting the Council’s efforts to organize a swift and effective response. Elected members are also contributing to the Council’s efforts to address new and emerging challenges. The Republic of Korea is prioritizing issues such as cybersecurity, as well as climate and security. In June, as President of the Council, we hosted an open debate on cybersecurity (see S/PV.9662), paving the way for the Council’s effective response to cyberthreats. Enabling the Security Council to function effectively is an essential step towards rebuilding trust and strengthening the multilateral system. The Republic of Korea remains a firm believer in multilateralism and is fully committed to playing a greater role, befitting a country of its stature, in promoting global peace and prosperity.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Sierra Leone.

I wish to thank Slovenia for convening this timely high-level open debate. Let me also thank Secretary-General António Guterres; Ms. Egger, President of the International Committee of the Red Cross; and Ms. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Member of The Elders and former President of Liberia, for their very useful and insightful presentations. The Security Council, entrusted with the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, must lead by example. Today, as we discuss the theme “Leadership for peace: united in respect of the United Nations Charter, in search of a secure future”, we must ask ourselves — how did we arrive here and what steps should we take to restore the peace and stability that people around the world so desperately seek? First and admittedly, we have to acknowledge that there is a significant erosion of trust in global peace and security discourse. For decades, we have witnessed increasing disregard for the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. More recently, in conflicts across the world, including in Gaza, the Sudan, Ukraine and in the troubling developments in Lebanon, we note a disturbing trend, including but not limited to violations of international law, sadly, with impunity. We also note humanitarian crises that worsen with every passing day and a global public looking to the Council for solutions that, all too often, remain elusive. The Geneva Conventions, pillars of our shared humanity, which have stood the test of time for 75 years, are under immense strain. The impunity with which some warring parties act, erodes not only the rule of law, but also the very foundation of multilateralism. This organ, the Security Council, must reclaim its authority, credibility, relevance and legitimacy. Secondly, geopolitical competition must not hinder our common goal of peace. Presently, the Security Council faces an unprecedented challenge  — an internal one. Increasingly, our deliberations are clouded by geopolitical rivalry, turning the Council from a forum for diplomacy into a battleground for national interests. The stalemate and deadlock that results are damaging  — not only to our credibility, but to the lives of millions of innocent women, men and children. Every moment of disunity sends the wrong signal; it emboldens those who seek to undermine international law, and it leaves the vulnerable without hope. We cannot afford the status quo. Thirdly, peacekeeping and mediation must be revitalized. In recent years, United Nations peacekeeping operations have faced dwindling support, accelerated withdrawal of peacekeeping missions and mounting operational challenges. Yet peacekeeping, sanctions and mediation remain vital tools in our effort to prevent and resolve conflict. We must use them strategically and decisively. We cannot shy away from timely interventions, nor can we afford to let conflicts simmer until they threaten entire regions. In Africa, for instance, there are clear examples of countries taking leadership to foster peace  — not only in conflict situations in Africa, but also in other regions of the world. The leadership of President João Lourenço of Angola in the Luanda peace process has been critical in fostering dialogue and promoting peace between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda. His efforts have helped bring attention to the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo and have contributed to regional diplomacy aimed at resolving one of Africa’s most protracted and complex conflicts. While challenges remain, including the enforcement of ceasefires and the withdrawal of armed groups, President Lourenço’s commitment to the peace process continues to be a driving force behind regional stabilization efforts. Additionally, over the past weekend, President Ruto of Kenya paid a visit to Haiti to express solidarity with the Haitian people and commend Kenyan police for collaborating with Haitian forces to bring much- needed stability to the country. He announced that 600 additional Kenyan police officers would arrive within the next two months, fulfilling Kenya’s commitment to the Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti, which represents a crucial international effort, led by Kenya, to address the escalating crisis in Haiti. Furthermore, in an effort to address the rise of terrorism in West Africa and the Sahel, His Excellency Mr. Julius Maada Bio, President of the Republic of Sierra Leone, engaged with his Burkinabe counterpart just prior to Sierra Leone’s presidency of the Security Council. That engagement was also an effort to mediate on the issue of their withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States. That is how leadership for peace can be demonstrated using the tools in Article 33 of the United Nations Charter to great effect. We are not naive enough, though, to think that we have found a silver bullet, as there are still significant challenges in the Sudan and even in the Sahel region of West Africa. Leadership for peace is therefore especially relevant as we converge in search of solutions to the significant and grave global peace and security challenges. The statistics that define our present reality are alarming: the highest number of ongoing conflicts since the cold war, staggering civilian casualties and a historic number of displaced persons. The rise of sea levels, environmental degradation, climate change and water insecurity serve only to exacerbate those risks. It is against that backdrop that this gathering is more than an opportunity for reflection — it is a call to action. It is in that regard that we supported the Security Council’s adoption today of the presidential statement on leadership for peace (S/PRST/2024/5). In that connection, we are also delighted to have called, along with Slovenia and Switzerland, for Joint Action for the New Agenda for Peace during our presidency of the Security Council in August. At its core, the Secretary- General’s New Agenda for Peace has provided a useful blueprint for our joint common action, grounded in the principles of trust, solidarity and universality. Our firm commitment is therefore essential to the effective and urgent implementation of the recommendations contained in that document. In a bid to strengthen leadership for peace, we must restore mutual trust and reaffirm our commitment to the Charter of the United Nations. The world order established in the aftermath of the Second World War is in danger, not only because it is outdated, but also because its core principles are being ignored. Respect for international law and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations is not optional — it is the foundation of global peace and security. In addition, reforming the Security Council to reflect present-day geopolitical realities, particularly African permanent representation, will not only enhance the legitimacy of the Security Council but also engender more trust and credibility. The calls for Security Council reform are long overdue. It is not just a matter of fairness but also a question of justice. To rectify the historical injustice against Africa, we must ensure that Africa has permanent seats on the Council with full rights and privileges. Only then can we hope for decisions that are truly reflective of our shared interests. To rebuild trust, the Security Council must act with impartiality, ensuring that its decisions are guided by a commitment to uphold international law, human rights and the rules of war. We must also ensure that women and youth, so often excluded from peace processes, are brought into the fold of leadership, negotiation and decision-making. Furthermore, regional organizations such as the African Union (AU) must be empowered to reinforce the Council’s efforts. Conflict is often regional in nature, and solutions must also be regionally oriented. The Council must work closely with regional organizations, whose understanding of local dynamics is critical for conflict resolution. Cooperation between the United Nations and those bodies will amplify our collective efforts to prevent conflict and sustain peace. The effective implementation of resolution 2719 (2023) on financing for AU-led peace operations is thus very crucial in that regard. In conclusion, we must reflect on our collective responsibility. We cannot allow the disregard for international law, the escalation of conflicts and the suffering of civilians to become the status quo. The Security Council has the mandate and the tools to prevent that outcome, but only if we choose unity over division and decisive action over stalemate. Let today be a turning point  — a moment when we recommit ourselves to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, restore the credibility of the Council and work together for a secure and peaceful future. We owe it to the millions who look to us for leadership in these perilous times.

Mozambique warmly welcomes the initiative of the Slovenia presidency to convene this high-level open debate under the theme “Maintenance of international peace and security: Leadership for peace”. We thank His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, Secretary-General; Her Excellency Ms. Mirjana Spoljaric Egger, President of the International Committee of the Red Cross; and Her Excellency Ms. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, member of The Elders and former President of Liberia, for their insightful briefings. As we gather today in this Chamber, we face a world grappling with unprecedented challenges to peace and security. We are witnessing the highest number of ongoing conflicts since the cold war, record casualties among civilians and historic highs of forcibly displaced people. The disregard for the Charter of the United Nations, international law and Security Council resolutions seen in these conflicts poses a significant challenge to multilateralism and the very foundations of our global order. The signing of the Charter of the United Nations, on 26 June 1945, in the aftermath of the Second World War, marked a pivotal moment in inter-State relations, fostering mutual cooperation for the maintenance of international peace and security. We interpret that foundational purpose as providing Member States a forum for cooperative and collective efforts to resolve disputes peacefully and to prevent the outbreak of another world war. The United Nations, as the most representative intergovernmental organization and the expression of multilateralism, bears the critical responsibility of addressing complex global challenges through collective action. Leadership for peace implies that United Nations Members adhere to common objectives founded on respect for the basic norms enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and guided by the principles of sovereignty, non-intervention in internal affairs and the pacific settlement of disputes. And diplomacy must remain at the core, with consultation, inclusion and solidarity among Member States as primary tools. The theme of today’s debate, “Leadership for peace: united in respect of the Charter of the United Nations, in search of a secure future”, could not be more timely or crucial. As we mark the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Geneva Conventions, we find those cornerstones of international humanitarian law under severe strain. The erosion of respect for those principles not only threatens our present but also casts a long shadow over our collective future. We are deeply alarmed by the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of the wars and conflicts in Gaza, Ukraine, the Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Syria, Somalia, the Sahel and other regions of the world. We must put a halt to the erosion of international humanitarian law’s protective power. Parties to conflicts must fully comply with those laws, and those who commit war crimes must be held accountable. Elected members of the Security Council can play a critical role in building bridges of confidence and trust, seeking common grounds and narrowing differences among parties to conflicts. They are well positioned to propose constructive solutions for peace in the current polarized international system. Regional and subregional organizations can also complement and reinforce the work of the Security Council, as recognized by Article 53 of the Charter of the United Nations. We anticipate continued cooperation between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations in implementing resolution 2719 (2023), on financing for African Union-led peace support operations, which provides a framework for enforcement actions led by the African Union. The Security Council, vested with the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, must rise to meet those challenges. The global public continues to look to the Council for leadership and solutions. However, increasing geopolitical competition has often turned this Chamber into a political battleground, ending in stalemate rather than serving as a unique place for diplomacy and the resolution of conflicts. The Security Council’s effectiveness depends on its capacity to deliver to the benefit of humankind and on its capacity to adopt decisive and non-ambiguous resolutions, presidential statements and press statements that promote positive change and enhance peace and security, when and where needed. To that end, we call for improvements in the Security Council’s working methods to collectively address the current peace and security challenges. It is imperative that we recommit to the United Nations Charter and take concrete steps towards mutual respect, trust and consensus. That includes reinforcing respect for the Geneva Conventions and fostering a culture of compliance with international humanitarian law. We should also address ongoing conflicts with renewed vigour and impartiality. Gaza, the Sudan and Ukraine, among others, are situations where the Council must restore its credibility and relevance. Therefore, Mozambique reiterates its call on the need for Security Council reform, which also takes into consideration the African Common Position, based on the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. In conclusion, we are of the view that leadership for peace within the United Nations can be effective only if all Member States respect and are guided by the rules, treaties, principles and institutions agreed upon and established in the framework of the United Nations Charter.

I now call on the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France.

I would like to thank Slovenia for organizing this open debate. I would also like to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Ms. Mirjana Spoljaric Egger, and President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf for their briefings. It was essential to bring the Council together at a time when the world is being beaten and broken by major conflicts of an exceptional severity that are, unfortunately, multiplying. To alleviate that, the Council must do more. It is our shared responsibility. That responsibility means, first and foremost, ensuring respect for the rules governing the international order. It means upholding the Charter of the United Nations. Consequently, it demands that we condemn without hesitation the war of aggression waged by Russia against Ukraine, its neighbour. As I said yesterday (see S/PV.9731), the Ukrainian people have been subjected to daily atrocities, war crimes and the indiscriminate bombing of civilian targets for over 900 days. They live, unjustly, in fear and suffering. That responsibility means condemning all violations committed by Russia. That responsibility means demanding that Russia stop, immediately, its aggression against Ukraine and the withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukrainian territory. The General Assembly has made that demand, unambiguously, seven times. That responsibility means supporting Ukraine in its exercise of the right to legitimate defence. France and its partners will continue to support the Ukrainian people, for as long as necessary, in defeating Russian aggression and in the search for a just peace. And a just peace can be based only on respect for our shared Charter. That lies at the heart of President Zelenskyy’s peace plan, which we support. That responsibility means ensuring that the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter prevail over what is unequivocally an illegal and unjustifiable war of aggression. I believe that we all hold those principles dear, in particular respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States. Without those principles, we have the law of the jungle, instead of the law that limits force. Without those principles, borders will no longer be inviolable. Without those principles, States will no longer be secure and will fear invasion by their neighbour. Therefore, we must respect those principles, and we must ensure that they are respected. As the Council will have understood, we are guided in all circumstances by respect for international law. As we have made clear since the barbaric terrorist attacks committed by Hamas and other terrorist groups on 7 October 2023, which we condemn in the strongest possible terms, Israel has the right to defend itself against aggression and the duty to do so in compliance with international law, in particular international humanitarian law. That law is binding on everyone, including Israel. Today the war in Gaza must come to an end — for the civilians, the women and men of Gaza, whose suffering must finally come to an end; for the hostages, who must finally all be freed; and for the stability of the region, which is now being shaken to its core. The situation is untenable. The number of civilian casualties is intolerable. In the face of that humanitarian disaster, there is an urgent and imperative need to establish an immediate and permanent ceasefire and to finally allow the massive and unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid. The needs of the civilian population are immense. To ensure a lasting solution to the crisis in the Middle East, there is an urgent and imperative need to find a political solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. That solution is a two-State solution. Members can count on France to continue to take the initiative, together with its partners, to encourage a decisive and irreversible relaunch of the peace efforts. There is also an imperative need to build Gaza’s future — the day after — now. It is up to the Palestinian Authority, which we support, to exercise its full authority in the enclave. For that to become a reality, the United Nations has — and will continue to have — a central role to play. Those imperative needs are not going to be met through words, but through deeds. And I repeat — it is our collective responsibility to fulfil them. That is why France will continue to work within the Council to chart the course. Indeed, I have called for a meeting to be held this evening on Lebanon, at a moment when hundreds of Lebanese men and women, including children, have lost their lives as a result of Israeli strikes and at a moment, therefore, when the Council must call for de-escalation in order to avoid a regional conflagration that would bring only devastation. To prevent that, the Council must call for reason, reason that ensures restraint and a cessation of hostilities and achieves what it has been demanding for so long No war or humanitarian tragedy should be forgotten. In the Sudan, more than half the population is suffering from acute food insecurity. The Zamzam camp in North Darfur has been struck by famine. The situation is tragic. And so we must remain mobilized. In order to alert the international community and move it to act in the face of the tragic situation in the Sudan, France hosted in Paris a conference that raised more than €2 billion, including €900 million from the European Union and its member States, to support civilian populations in the Sudan and neighbouring countries. Several States, including France, signed a declaration of principles calling on the parties to the conflict to cease hostilities, respect their commitments and comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law and human rights law. We also called on all States to refrain from any action that would fuel the conflict. I now renew that appeal. Numerous diplomatic efforts have been made in recent months to find a way out of the crisis. Those initiatives have led to progress on the humanitarian front, such as the issuing of visas to humanitarian workers and the reopening of the Adré border crossing. That progress is encouraging but insufficient, given the urgency of the situation. Together, we must do more. As members of the Council, and more broadly as Members of the United Nations, we must strive to ensure that the Council is in a position to fully discharge its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. To that end, France has unequivocally, historically and consistently supported a comprehensive reform of the Security Council, in the belief that the Council needs to expand in terms of both of its categories of members. For two decades, we have campaigned unrelentingly for greater representation of Africa on the Security Council, including among the permanent members. That aspect draws on the Group of Four’s model, which we support, as we do the aspirations of Germany, Brazil, India and Japan to a permanent seat. In that spirit of responsibility, France and Mexico are working together on a separate reform initiative, which does not require any amendments to the Charter and entails a crucial undertaking to not use the veto in the event of mass atrocities. The Organization’s Member States have high expectations, and we owe it to them to forge ahead on the issue. The principle of humanity must prevail. This year we are marking the seventy-fifth anniversary of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, which, I underscore, are universal and apply in all circumstances in the event of armed conflict. We must ensure that they are adhered to. That is something that we will be reiterating at a high level, together with the International Committee of the Red Cross, the guardian of the Conventions. We must ensure that international humanitarian law is adhered to because adherence to those rules saves lives  — the lives of women, children and men who endure war, the lives of the humanitarian workers who try to save them and whose immense courage I salute, and the lives of those who will otherwise grow up with a profoundly scarred memory. There is but one standard: the law, consisting of our Charter and our Conventions, which afford precedence to humanity. France can be relied on to ensure adherence to that standard, and so must our Council in all circumstances.

I thank Prime Minister Golob and the delegation of Slovenia for organizing this important meeting. My appreciation also goes to Secretary-General Guterres, President Spoljaric Egger of the International Committee of the Red Cross and former President Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia for their important contributions. Next year marks the eightieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Despite the United Nations long and tireless efforts to advance peace and security, today the world is facing multiple complex challenges that have global ramifications. It is time to reform the United Nations to meet the needs of the new era. To that end, a coordinated, multilateral approach is crucial, and the United Nations must be at its core. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, which has continued for more than two and a half years, poses a blatant challenge to the international order based on the rule of law and shakes its very foundations. With regard to the situation in Gaza, we are deeply concerned about the catastrophic humanitarian situation as the fighting continues. On top of those situations, there are a host of issues that need to be addressed, such as the advancement of North Korea’s nuclear and missile activities and conflicts and terrorism in Africa, including in the Sudan, where we are witnessing increasingly dire humanitarian conditions, with a soaring number of displaced persons and violence spreading across the region. With a heavy heart, we must say that divisions and confrontations are worsening, leading to crises in many corners of the world. The Security Council must fulfil its responsibility to maintain international peace and security. As a Council member, Japan has exercised leadership, including by hosting signature events on the rule of law, peacebuilding and nuclear disarmament and non­-proliferation. Furthermore, Japan has worked day and night to identify common ground where the Security Council can play the role that has been entrusted it. Divisions in the international community are eroding that narrow ground. However, we must work together to expand common ground. Guided by the New Agenda for Peace, Japan will continue to lead the efforts to advance a new frontier for peacebuilding, particularly through the prevention of conflict and its recurrence. States Members of the United Nations must not overlook the fact that the current structure of the Council has not changed much for almost 80 years and fails to reflect today’s realities. At the Summit of the Future, world leaders issued a clear and strong message on the urgent need to reform the Security Council. We all must take concrete actions to respond to that call. In order to make the Security Council more representative, legitimate, effective and efficient, the Council needs to be reformed, including through an expansion of its membership in both the permanent and non­-permanent categories. Japan is committed to contributing even further to the maintenance of international peace and security in a reformed Council. Now is the time for action. Japan will continue to exercise leadership while working closely with other countries to make the United Nations a platform where we work hand in hand to overcome the challenges of our time.

I would like to begin by congratulating Prime Minister Robert Golob on the work his country accomplished when it held the presidency of the Security Council in September, and I wish Slovenia success as it continues its presidency. Once again, I thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his efforts towards peace, just as I thank the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Ms. Mirjana Spoljaric Egger, and Ms. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, member of The Elders group and former President of Liberia, for their valuable briefings. At this time of global division and upheaval, the Charter of the United Nations is and must remain our beacon for a more peaceful and prosperous world. Principles such as the peaceful settlement of disputes, non-intervention, self-determination, the sovereign equality of States and the rules on the use of force form the bedrock of international law and represent a pillar of peace among peoples. Those principles have saved lives, fostered economic and social progress and averted another world war. History teaches us that, when they are disregarded, the consequences can be catastrophic, and we are now witnessing the greatest number of armed conflicts since the Second World War — a stark reminder that our pledge of peace and prosperity for generations to come at the San Francisco Conference almost 80 years ago is a remote prospect. While the purposes and principles of the Charter remain as relevant as ever, its mechanisms must be tailored to new realities and its tools must be used with greater resolve. Conflict prevention, envisaged in the Charter and endorsed in the Pact for the Future (General Assembly resolution 79/1) that we agreed this week, deserves the utmost attention. Chapter VI identifies the instruments for the peaceful settlement of disputes, which prevent conflicts from escalating when good faith prevails. The Council must avail itself of the power conferred on it by Article 34 of the Charter to investigate any dispute or situation that may threaten the maintenance of international peace and security, and the power set out in Article 96, which provides for advisory opinions on any legal question to be requested of the International Court of Justice. Internal crises can destabilize regions. Therefore, a more dynamic relationship between the Council and regional organizations, in line with Chapter VIII of the Charter, is plausible. Because of their composition and competencies, those organizations have a key role to play in conflict prevention. Similarly, ending impunity and preventing the recurrence of atrocity crimes constitute one of the imperatives for restoring confidence in the United Nations and the multilateral system. The Council must do its part, including by enhancing its cooperation with the International Criminal Court. In conclusion, I will mention two issues to which Ecuador attaches particular importance. he first concerns the indissoluble link between peace and development. We strongly welcome the various initiatives aimed at achieving sustainable development, inclusive prosperity and democracy, aware that sustainability in all its forms is closely linked to a nation’s peace. That is why we are working in line with the Sustainable Development Goals, which has shown that the targets of the much-desired Goal 16, “Peace, justice and strong institutions”, generate synergies and intertwine with 125 of the targets of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The second is related to the growing threat posed by transnational organized crime, which undermines institutions, corrodes the social fabric of our democracies and fuels illicit activities, including corruption, trafficking in persons, arms and drug trafficking and illegal mining in particular. As President Daniel Noboa Azín said in the debate organized by my country last December (see S/PV.9497), Ecuador has been hit by a wave of transnational organized crime and attacks by narco-terrorist groups that threaten the rule of law, State control and border security. Effective international cooperation  — reinforced and in solidarity  — is essential to confront that common enemy, whose resources far exceed our own. Against the backdrop of grave threats to international peace and security, the privilege of Security Council membership carries with it the momentous responsibility to uphold the principles and values of the Charter. Disagreements, present and past, should not be an obstacle to addressing the serious conflicts that have humankind on tenterhooks, as in the cases of Ukraine, Palestine and the Sudan. Ecuador will continue to encourage and support all efforts to combat major threats to international peace and security.

Today’s debate is taking place at a very complex and pivotal moment for the whole world. Quite possibly, not since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962 has our planet been as close to global conflict as it is today. We have an unambiguous answer as to how we ended up in such a dangerous situation: by striving to maintain their own dominance in the world, the United States and its NATO and European Union (EU) allies further drag themselves into war with Russia in order to keep their anti-Russian project in Ukraine afloat. The root cause of this crisis is certainly not in the efforts of the United States to save the Zelenskyy regime at any cost, which is rapidly going broke and losing on the battlefield, and neither is it in Russia’s natural desire to eradicate the security threats that arose after the anti-constitutional coup in Kyiv in 2014. The reasons run much deeper, and we all understand that as well. The recently concluded NATO anniversary summit saw the collective West’s mask finally fall and the clear establishment of the years-long main aim of the alliance: to inflict upon Russia, a nuclear State, a defeat on the battlefield. And, as we have learned from recently declassified documents from the United States Department of State, the aim of destroying Russia and excluding it from any security and cooperation schemes was established in Washington, D.C., immediately after the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Furthermore, that aim is taking on a new hue and more specific dimensions through the efforts of the Russophobic “young Europeans” who are getting the plum jobs in NATO and the EU. Here, for example, is what Ms. Kaja Kallas, who was recently chosen by EU leaders to replace Mr. Borrell Fontelles from the “beautiful garden”, says about Russia: “There are many different nations that are part of Russia. If there were more small nations, it is not a bad thing if the big power becomes much smaller”. How, I wonder, does Brussels envisage the prospects for Russia’s cooperation with politicians with such views? However, the appetites of NATO, which has completely brought the EU to heel and, until the end of the Cold War, positioned itself exclusively as a counterweight to the Warsaw Pact, do not stop just at Russia. Now, including at the anniversary summit I mentioned in Washington, D.C., the leaders of NATO countries have publicly declared their claims to play a leading role not only in the Euro-Atlantic region, but also in the Asia-Pacific region. It is stated that NATO is still guided by the task of defending the territory of its members. However, for that purpose, it must supposedly extend its dominance to the entire Eurasian continent and the surrounding maritime waters. That includes the establishment of closed, “small geometry” alliances, such as the AUKUS partnership — among Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States  — and various kinds of “troikas” and “quartets”. NATO’s military infrastructure is hell-bent on pushing into the Pacific region with an obvious aim to undermine the architecture, centred on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and in place for many decades, that has been built on the principles of equality, mutual interests and consensus. The United States and its allies seek to replace the inclusive mechanisms created around ASEAN with closed, subordinate, confrontational structures that they have cobbled together. In order to contain Russia, China and other countries whose independent policies are perceived as a threat to its hegemony, the West, through its aggressive actions, has doomed to failure a globalization system that was, to a large extent, tailor- made for it. The response to any display of independent policies is the imposition of illegitimate unilateral sanctions. Washington has done everything it can to blow up — including, literally, by recently organizing terrorist attacks on the Nord Stream pipeline  — the foundations of mutually beneficial energy cooperation between Russia and Germany and Europe as a whole. As a result, Europe is promptly losing its independent clout and slipping into the role of an economic and political lightweight dependent on the whims of the American suzerain. Today the deadly threat to the whole of humankind stems from the fact that the Western countries carried away by an indirect war with Russia in Ukraine, headed up by the United States, have lost their understanding that a global conflict between the key players is very likely to lead to a global catastrophe. Still living in the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations established after the Second World War, Western elites have moved away from the principles of realpolitik based on national interests and indivisible security. That presupposes that strengthening the security of one State should not undermine the security of another. The rejection of that understanding, demonstrated in particular by NATO’s unfettered expansion, creates a real threat of uncontrolled escalation, which is well understood by our partners from the global South. The efforts of Washington and its satellites have almost completely destroyed the system of global checks and balances of the fundamental agreements in the area of arms control. The United States is trying, baselessly, to accuse Russia of that but, as they say, we have noted all the moves. Against that backdrop, we see a decline in professional diplomacy and the culture of dialogue, which has been completely replaced by threats and militaristic statements. We see that in full in the “megaphone diplomacy” that dominates the Security Council and the United Nations as a whole. As a result, there has been a deterioration, and in fact, an utter loss in the channels of crisis communication. Accordingly, without an insurance policy, which enabled humankind to survive the cold war, the world is now unprotected, and any provocation or ill-considered step could lead to a global conflict. In the context of NATO’s proxy war with Russia in Ukraine, the danger of such a scenario increases significantly. I will not dwell today on our views of the root causes of the Ukrainian crisis and the events that forced us to launch a special military operation in Ukraine in February 2022, in full compliance with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. We have spoken about this many times, including at the United Nations, and in particular, yesterday (see S/PV.9731). We have repeatedly proposed realistic options for settlement that would have enabled us to stop our military action. It is a matter for Zelenskyy’s clique whether to accept those options or not. They already know from experience that each subsequent peace proposal we make is objectively less advantageous for Ukraine, given the dynamics on the battlefield and the rapid self-destruction of the Ukrainian State. We recall the Minsk agreements and the Istanbul Summit outcome document, which was torpedoed by London and Washington. Now Kyiv is tearing its hair out over its missed opportunities, but that train, as the saying goes, has left the station. Today we heard from our Western colleagues the usual trope, with calls for Russia to withdraw its troops in order to stop the war, but I would like to remind the Council that we sent in troops in 2022 precisely in order to stop the bloodbath that Kyiv unfurled against its own citizens in the east and south-east, which the West has stubbornly decided to ignore since 2014. By having troops in the east and south-east of the country, the Ukrainian regime grossly violated human rights and the United Nations Charter. In fact, it is the regime’s actions that the new Head of the United Kingdom Government emotionally condemned today. However, acting out of habit, he uttered “Russia” instead of “Ukraine”. Therefore, Western solutions to resolve the conflict do not work. That was clearly demonstrated by the pseudo-peace conference in Bürgenstock, which only the Zelenskyy regime and its Western sponsors were enthusiastic about. We have a better understanding of the scheme proposed by Mr. Borrell Fontelles, who said that he knew how to end the war in Ukraine. He said that it would take just a couple of weeks if we stopped supplying it with weapons. However, the very same top European diplomat also specified that the West must prevent a Russian victory at all costs. The same postulate is set forth in the outcome documents of the NATO summit, held in Washington. In other words, the Ukrainian crisis is only a part of the course of confrontation that the West deliberately — and long before the events of 2022 — chose in relation to Russia. And if there is anything we need to discuss with our Western colleagues, it is precisely that and not the issue of saving the skin of Zelenskyy and his acolytes. We would discuss how to escape the spiral of escalation that threatens the destruction of all life on our planet. And, unlike Washington and its allies, we continue to be willing to engage in such a discussion. I hope that everyone sitting in the Chamber understands that this rapid degradation of the international situation must be stopped — at the very least for the sake of coming generations, who cannot reach out to the politicians in Washington, Brussels or London regarding their geopolitical projects, which have been taken too far. That will be difficult to accomplish, but it is necessary. To begin with, as in the past, we need a consensus on basic parameters for peaceful coexistence. Its basis must be the principle of non-interference in internal affairs, respect for the sovereign equality of States and their security interests. A new global security equation must be developed, along with guarantees that it will be upheld. We are convinced that our global Organization can play an important role in that equation, because it is precisely the United Nations Charter that is the cornerstone of the entire international legal system. That stands in sharp contrast to the so-called rules- based order, which is based solely on the interests and whims of Washington and its satellites. It is on the basis of compliance with the United Nations Charter that we can shift, as painlessly as possible, to genuine multilateralism that will benefit all countries, including the United States. The sooner Washington understands that, the safer our planet will become. At the end of 2021, Russia proposed draft treaties to the United States and NATO on mutual security guarantees. They included the principles of the inadmissibility of a nuclear war, non-harm to the security of the parties, non-deployment in border areas of military capabilities that could be perceived as a threat and many other important elements. In essence, these are measures of trust, confidence-building and transparency that were squandered as a result of the destruction of the arms control treaty system. Unfortunately, the West then arrogantly rejected the diplomatic path to resolving disagreements, in its hopes to prolong its hegemony by maintaining the status quo. That was the West’s major geopolitical blunder. The developments since 2021 have confirmed that. In their original form, those guarantee initiatives are no longer relevant. But the time has come to at least resume consideration about what a new security architecture could look like in the Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian region and, perhaps even more broadly, given the spread of the dangerous bloc mindset to the Asia- Pacific region. That is especially important for the global South, which is suffering from the incessant reckless geopolitical adventures of the United States and its allies and is calling for resources to be directed not to militarization, but to development. We must think how much good could have been done for the world if the hundreds of billions allocated by the West to the war in Ukraine had actually gone towards development goals. In fact, even the United Nations today faces a liquidity crisis due to United States actions, not to mention global humanitarian initiatives. Of course, such a conversation is possible under one condition  — the West must abandon its confrontational attitude towards Russia and the illusion that it will be able to defeat us. Those who seek to demonize and threaten our country  — flying in the face of truth and common sense — must recognize that victory over a nuclear Power, especially one with our enormous military and economic potential, is simply impossible in principle. I will be frank: the West today is scared  — not of Russia prevailing, but of truth prevailing. That would lead to countries of the world no longer fearing it, thus undermining the hegemony of the United States and its satellites, without which they cannot imagine their existence. No matter what pleasant and cunning rhetoric Western politicians utilize, including in the Chamber, that is the truth. And since the developing world links its belief in justice and equality with Russia, we have no compunction whatsoever about coming into this Chamber and this building, as was blatantly suggested by the Head of the Government of the country responsible for the most heinous crimes of colonialism and for the majority of crises on the United Nations agenda. We enter the United Nations proudly and with our heads held high. In conclusion, I would like to underscore that the truth will prevail, with our help. The global processes under way are already irreversible. We therefore urge our Western colleagues not to try to hold those processes back, but to instead integrate them and, thus, open a new chapter of equal international cooperation based on the principles outlined in our statement. There is simply no positive alternative to this scenario today. We want to believe that Western States still have common sense and an instinct for self- preservation, which will help them to recognize that as soon as possible.

The representative of the United States has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

I apologize  — I realize it is getting late, and we all want to have lunch, but I must respond to some of the words uttered by the Russian representative here. I will be brief. He presents, as Russia always does here, a very selective, distorted and warped interpretation of history. That is unsurprising — we see it all the time, and it fools no one. His country’s war of aggression isolates Russia further. We do not have to demonize Russia  — Russia is doing a great job of demonizing itself in the eyes of the world. My last point is that its war of aggression against Ukraine will fail. Ukraine will prevail, and Russia just needs to end this destabilizing rhetoric and nuclear sabre-rattling. It is not becoming of a permanent member of the Security Council.

The representative of the Russian Federation has asked for the floor to make a further statement.

Allow me to apologize for my American colleague, Madam President, who is trying to spoil your debate. We do not normally exchange remarks in such a format. But of course, I cannot ignore what he said. It is all the more surprising that those words were uttered by the representative of a State that is responsible for an overwhelming number of acts of aggression, crises, overthrows of democratic regimes and human rights violations in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. We do not need to look far. Even recent crises have been entirely inspired, promoted and supported by the United States, including the Gaza crisis — the worst crisis that we have witnessed in recent times, which has already claimed the lives of approximately 42,000 people. Had it not been for the United States exercising its veto five times and playing along with its Israeli ally, people would have stopped dying in the Middle East long ago. That is what I am asking our American colleague to think about, along with the fact that it is Western countries that have recently become increasingly isolated in the United Nations and the Security Council. Now, let us stop this exchange of remarks out of respect for our Slovenian colleagues.

There are still a number of speakers remaining on my list for this meeting. Given the lateness of the hour, I intend, with the concurrence of members of the Council, to suspend the meeting until 3 p.m.