A/1/PV.33 General Assembly

We shall now continue the discussion of the proposa1 concerning wheat and rice (Annex 25, page 665). 1 cal1 upon Mr. Colban, representative of Norway. Mr. COLBAN (Norway) : We must a11 feel greatly disturbed by the dark picture before us of . the food situation throughout the world, especially in the previously occupied and devastated arcas; what we heard yesterday from different speakers, what, for instance, the United Kingdom delegate said to us about the situation in India, did but add to the gloom of the situation. It is, therefore, obvious that we a11 welcome the proposa1 submitted to us by the five Powers. The people of Norway learned, during long years of enemy occupation, what it means to be deprived of the elementary necessities of life. Our grateful thanks go to those who assisted us at that time by sending food parcels and in other ways. 1 have the definite impression that, if this assistance had not been given, a very serious situation in Norway might have turned into a real disaster in our towns. Our gratitude also goes out to the Powers from which Norway received urgently needed supplies after the liberation of its territory. Our understanding sympathy is therefore with the peoples now threatened with hunger, after having already suffered SO’ much in the war. 1 am convinced that Norway Will do its best. Our contribution is ,perhaps not of great importance in the present situation, but if the qnited Nations do what they cari, the common effort will give considerable results. We worked together in the war for a common purpose. It has often been said that we must work together to establish peace in a world fret The statements made here by previous speakers promise well and should inspire us with confident hope.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Rasmussen, representative of Denmark. Mr. RASMUSSEN (Denmark) : On behalf of the Danish delegation 1 would’like to give our full support to the resolution proposed by the delegations of China, France, the Union of Soviet Social& Republics, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. In the period which has elapsed since the cessation of hostilities in Europe, Denmark has fortunately been in a position to make an appreciable contribution by supplying other countries with animal agricultural products. In the present situation, however, the vital pioblem is how to procure and distribute the grain without which milli6ns of people Will hardly be abla to survive until the next trop is harvested. In this task, Denmark, with its highly industrialized agriculture, cari only be of little help. The soil of Denmark is not well suited for wheat growing, and we have no stocks of grain, and as the proportion of the soi1 under cultivation and the trop yields per acre are greater in Denmark than in almost any other country, the prospects of increasing Danish production of grain in the coming season are very small. There cari be no doubt that in the present emergency the quickest possible aid is essential, and consequently direct human consumption of grain must have priority over the utilization of grain for feeding animals. As a consequence of this view, my country, which normally imports considerable quantities of grain, not only for feeding animals but also for direct human consumption has, in the common interest, abstained from demanding any allocation of wheat imports during the present harvest year. Taking a longer view, we consider it in the general interest that the countries whose economy is largely based on exports of industrialized agricultural produce should, within the limits set by the immediate requirements of grain by starving populations, make every effort to maintain the machinery of production and, if possible, expand their” experts. In this connexion, 1 think it would be worth while to bear in mind that, under the present system of world economy, the volume of pro- The combined efforts to feed the starving populations of the world will require some measure of resignation by those who have to share what is available in the interval until supplies cari be regulated. In harniony with the spirit of the United Nations, certain countries bave tut their rations, and 1 might perhaps mention that we in Denmark, in order to increase our exports, have tut down the allocation of bacon for the Danish market. Similarly, we reduced the butter ration, after Denmark’s liberation, to a lower level than that maintained during German occupation. This is perhaps not all. In addition, we cari make more fish available for export. At the same time we cannot strongly enough support the recommendation that a11 nations should reconsider their food situation and contribute to the great and immediate task of distributing a11 available supplies in order to alleviate distress and thereby materially contribute to that social security which is one of the main aims of the United Nations. In any case 1 would like to state, in conclusion, that Denmark is ready to participate to its full capacity in the solution of thc urgent problem which now threatens the world.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Gromyko, representative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Mr. GROMYKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Rcpublics) : The draft resolution under discussion, submitted to the General Assembly by the delegations of the United Kingdom, the United States of America, France, China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, de& with important questions. It is, of course, difllcult to determine, without full information on the world supplies and requirements of food, how great is the danger of famine. Yet, the importance of this question must not be under-estimated. Therefore, adequate measures for conserving food supplies and for ensuring maximum production of grain in the coming season should be taken. Particular difficulties are confronting countries which were occupied by the enemy, the countries in which the dislocation of agricultural production reached threatening dimensions. The whole of the efforts of those countries directed towards mously by the General Assembly. The PRESIDENT (Translation from the French) : 1 cal1 upon Mr, Beasley, representative of Australia. Mr. BEASLEY (Australia) : The Australian delegation knows it expresses the views of this Assembly in paying tribute to the clear-tut statement made by Mr. Bevin on this important subject. We welcome the introduction of this resolution by the sponsoring Governments because we think it important that the peoples as well as the Governments of the world should know the seriousness of the grain situation. For those countries threatened with famine on the top of ap palling sufferings during the war this resolution Will bring comfort. It is a cal1 for drastic action, and 1 believe that, in this emergency, the peoples of the United Nations Will respond. The resolution also gives an opportunity to the grain-producing countries to say what the prospects are of shifting .more grain to importing countries in the next few months. Only if we give the plain facts cari we avoid the possibility of misunderstandings which would add to the bitteness of those in want. SO far as rice is concerned, Australia is not a large producer. Our annual trop is only 30,000 tons. During the war the whole of the rice trop has been earmarked for the Australian armed forces and for export, mainly to the Pacifie consumer areas. Rice has not appeared in civilian consumption in Australia during that time, and is still being withheld from our civilian population. Production has been increased, and the whole of the coming trop will be allocated by the London Food Council. The Austral& wheat position is this: Our average planting in the five years before the war was about 13 million acres, and average yearly production was about 155 million bushels. Production was maintained at this figure, or better, .during the first two years of the war. But, as our manpower was drained away from farms during the worst phases of the war with Japan, wheat acreage fell to less than 8 million acres in 1943- 44. Some increase in planting was made in 1944-45, but then a disastrous drought throughout the Continent reduced production to only 52 million bushels. In December 1945, only three months ago, we found ourselves with a stock of previous year’s wheat amounting to 6 million bushels, which included only four weeks’ consumption of Aour. Last year, our farmers sowed about 11 million acres and, as’ far as cari be judged, the harvest just comple:ed has yielded 125 million bushels. This year, the target for rowing in two or three months’ time is 15 million acres, an increase on last year of 38 per cent. Sowings depend on manpower, and especially on fertilizers being available. Given a reasonably good season, our harvest might be restored to or exceed the average pre-war figure. But our next harvest is, of course, ten months off. In deciding how much we cari ship now, we have to gamble, like a11 other grain-producing countries, on what the coming season will bring. In recent discussions with the Combined Food Board in Washington we agreed to make available for shipment during the first six months’ of 1946 every ounce of wheat and flour that cari possibly be spared and transported. The Australian Government is collaborating with the State Railway authorities to increase rail capacity as far as we cari, SO that we cari move wheat to the ports. We especially need a regular slow, of ships, and for this must look to other Governments. Australian flour mills are being asked to work three shifts daily, and we have tut our allocation of wheat for stock food by another 17 per cent. Every tut in stock food in order to export more wheat does, however, threaten the export of eggs, dairy produce and meat. We are making our decisions as to the best course of action after full consultation with the Cereals Committee of the Combined Food Board, where the world grain situation is under constant review. 1 cari assure the Assembly that, in the present crisis, we are prepared to take risks with our stocks, and to ship to the maximum possible. 1 shall not fail to inform my Government of what is said here today. Both the Government and the Australian people will contribute in whatever way they cari to overcome the present shortage and to check the threat of famine. Finally, it would be convenient at this point to make an announcement concerning Australian contributions to UNRRA. When the UNRRA resolution, which we supported, was before the Second Committee of the Assembly, the Australian delegate was unable to give any assurance about a second Australian contribution until it became clearer that supplies of the actual goods that UNRRA wanted would be available. Our Cabinet has reviewed the position since then and 1 cari now hiform the Assembly that we are ad-

1 cal1 upon Sir Ramaswami Mudaliar, representative of India. Sir Ramaswami MUDALIAR (India) : It is a very great privilege to me to corne to this platform, not indeed to assure you that my country Will do whatever it cari to relieve suffering humanity, but rather to plead that the eyes of a11 the nations which have surpluses and cari spare surpluses should be turned on my unfortunate country at the present time. The resolution bas been sponsored by the five permanent members of the Security Council, and it is an indication that not only is this.a great humanitarian problem with which this Assembly is faced today, but that it is equally a problem which goes to the whole root of security and peace itself. But this afternoon, if you will pardon me, 1 should like to emphasize and to speak of the humanitarian aspect of this problem and to give - very brief review of the, position of my country in this regard at the present time. 1 do not propose to put statistics before the Assembly, but 1 wish to review the general position of my country during the last three or four years. The Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom has told you that, apart from countries which have suffered ravages owing to the occupation of the enemy, there are countries today which are in an equally unfortunate position because of the ravages of nature itself. In my own country, cyclones, storms and droughts have a11 combined,. during the Iast three months, to wreck the hopes that we had entertained that we might be able, in reasonable measure, to be self-suffitient in the matter of food. But we are now faced with the problem that the importation of the very necessary cereals upon which the whoIe life of India is based may be at the very minimum possible. We realize that the countries of Europe needed to be fed by imports from abroad. We were doping, therefore, that our own claims, our own appeals (1 shall not and dare not cal1 them demands) would be at the minimum possible. It was because we had heard of the oppression of the whole of humanity that we’ hoped and prayed that our own demands would be at the minimum possible. But, alas, nature has played a trick on us which is of a very sorry kind. We find ourselves, at the present time, faced with a calamitous prospect for the future and with deficiencies for which we could not possibly in any way provide, whatever measures of rationing we introduced in our country. It js estimated that if each individual were to re- You Will easily realize what eight ounces of cereal means when 1 say further that the people of India cannot possibly use the other foodstuffs that cari be taken by other countries. We do not want frozen meat, and we do not want and cannot eat ham and beef and things like that, Most of the people live purely on cereal, wheat, rice, maize and barley and such things. Therefore the problem has become a very serious one indeed. But you Will pardon me if 1 take you back to the last two or three years and give you a picture of India in 1942 and 1943 because 1 believe it bas a very vital bearing on the present situation. 1 need not tel1 this audience of the efforts that India has made, through its armies, for the successful termination of the war. But 1 shall tel1 you what India did in another direction, a story which has not been told. india rationed more than two or three years ago, many of its foodstuffs, clothing, shoes and other commodities, and in the year 1942-43 there occurred that famine of which practically every member of this audience is aware, a dreadful famine in .which, according to officia1 accounts, a million and a half people died of food starvation-not in concentration camps, not in occupied countries, not through the crueIty and torture of the enemy, but merely because they could not have enough to sustain body and SOU~: 1,500,000 according to officia1 accounts, 3 or 4 million according to nonofficia1 accounts. .,In the streets of Calcutta, the second largest aty in the British Commonwealth, it was a common sight to see in the morning, on the pavement, women, cbildren, men, dead just because they could not have enough to eat. That is a terrible experience and an experience which has seared our brain and burned itself into our hearts, and we cannot, dare not, face the prospect of similar starvation in our country again. That is why 1 emphasize that the resolution which the five great Powers have sponsored has as much a political and security bearing as a humanitarian bearing. But, what did we do, even when we were suffering like that, when our people were dying by the millions of starvation? We tried to help, not merely in the armed conflicts but in every other way, the fighting and needy people in other countries, in directions in which we could help them. We did not steel our hearts in bitterness because of what was happening, in bitterness because we could not get imports of grain, in bitterness because the shipping we needed was unavailable and had to be used to meet the needs of the armed forces and for the successful ter- While a million and a half people, officially, were dying of starvation and three millions, as 1 have said, unoff~cially were estimated to have died, not one foreign person in my country, man, woman or Child, prisoners of war from, Italy or Germany, refugees from Poland by the thousands, not one foreign person was allowed to starve or suffer in any way during a11 that terrible period. It may be a very fantastic way of exercising that traditional hospitality for which our country is known, but it was done and it is a fact. And now, when we dare not and cannot face another experience like that, we turn to the countries which we tried to help even when we were in sore need. We turn to Russia and say, “Would you not help us? Would you not tel1 us what surplus you have?” 1 heard the other day, in an electioneering speech that the great General, Marshal Stalin, made on the eve of that , wonderful election which returned him by a hundred per cent vote, I heard Marshal Stalin say he was removing rationing from Russia. 1 was happy, really happy, to know that the stage had been reached in that country where rationing could be removed, and 1 appeal to my colleagues from Russia, colleagues in this United Nations, colleagues in humanitarian activities, colleagues who know what it is to take tare of the working man, who have established in their owh country a tradition of helpfulness to the working man and want to see established in ail parts of the world the same tradition, 1 turn to them, humbly, respectfully, and make an appeal. Shall we not have from Russia, when we are in sore need, that which Will keep our bodies and SOU~S together, the bare food grains you cari spare to us, even as we have sent you what we could spare, that help for the people in the cold of 1 am certain that India does not appeal in vain. 1 was glad, 1 was overcome with appreciation, to hear the delegate for the United States of America speak of the sacrifices they propose to make, the cuts they propose, the restrictions they propose to adopt SO as to get a greater surplus and to be able to send it to suffering humanity in the West and in the East. The American people have proved what a great heart they have during a11 thii time; they have proved, by their wonderful contributions in the form of Lend-Lease to various countries, how they could sustain the war and the lives of the people. It is no wonder that the delegate for the United States should have made a similar gesture at the present time. Yes, people a11 over the world have the measure of goodwill to help those who cannot help themselves in this crincal period when starvation endangers not only the few, but many, and cari be stopped only b-1 the generous help of many other countries. Onc has only to make an appeal to the people of the various countries. The Government may be a little conservative, a little afraid. Governments may feel that their position may be a little shaky. But 1 tel1 them to take their courage in their hands, to put the position as they see it, SO that the pcople of their countries may understand it ; there will then be no question of any Government being refused that help which cornes from the common man in every country in the world for the prevention of the auffering of humanity. 1 told you that 1 was fully aware of the conditions in Europe, and let there be no mistake, no misunderstanding whatsoever, as to there being any competition between the West and the East in this matter; while we are acutely aware of the needs of Europe we must present our own case, SO that some little attention may be directed to affairs in the East also, and particularly to my country, India. The Prime Minister of a great country some years back deprecated any undue mtere.st being taken by his country and his people in the affairs of a nation which was far off and in its people, of whom little was known. What a tragedy that attitude led to history knows, and the delegates who are assembled here in this hall know. “Man wants but little here below, Nor wants that little long.” How true, how tragically true that is, particularly of the people of the East. It is that little, those few grains from the rich table of those who have, that now is asked for by the countries SO unfortunately placed. The United Nations are gathered here. This is the testing time of the United Nations. It is that touch of common humanity which the United Nations has proved it has, which Will prove the work of this United Nations Organization and bring home to the people as nothing else will that this Organization is concerned with the welfare of the common man and that the common man must stand solidly behind the Organization. What is the peace that one cari offer, what is the security that one cari offer to the men and women and to the babies who are dying of starvation? 1s it the peace of the grave, the security of six feet of untrodden earth? That is not what we are going to offer to them. We must offer the consolation that a common feeling of humanity moves us all, that in the interests of that common humanity a11 of us are willing to make fairly equal sacrifices, as we did during the war and as we shah do in times of peace. 1 have had assurances from that large-hearted gentleman, the Prime Minister of New Zealand, on behalf of that large-hearted country, that they Will do what they cari to alleviate the miseries of the people who are suffering from pure want. 1 have had assurances from my colleague from Canada that he Will ask his Government to do what it cari. My friend from Australia has just given a similar assurance. Whatever differences we may have had among the members of the British Commonwealth of Nations on the platform, in the ballot box, in common service to humanity we stand four-square. That is the message that 1 want to take back to my people from the members of the Commonwealth. And may 1 not extend that area of common humanity? 1 am sure that 1 cari from the speeches that 1 bave heard from my colleague from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, from my colleague from the United States, from my colleague from Norway, who said that out of the little Norway cari spare it Will do what it cari to help humanity. That abundant human sympathy has now to be Pardon me. 1 feel this problem SO acutely. The administrators of India, who have administered the affairs of four hundred million people, have gone through agony during the last years. There have been restless days and sleepless nights over this problem. Believe me, the torture and the agony of the sou1 through which they have gone cannot be described by me; and we have corne at long last to this Assembly, to this world platform of humanity, to plead our cause to people who are more favourably situated. 1 trust my plea will not be in vain. Thank you.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Martin, representative of Canada. Mr. MARTIN (Canada) : Moved as 1 am by the very great speech of the delegate for India, the distinguished President of the Economie and Social Council, and having in mind the representations which he made to me during the course of yesterday, 1 wish to assure him that 1 Will bring the matter in a very vigorous way to the attention of the Prime Minister of Canada and my colleagues in the Government of my country. Not only was 1 touched by bis great speech, but 1 was also touched bv the saeeches delivered yesterday, including that ‘of the Foreign Minister. of France. Canada not only strongly supports this resolution, but has in effect anticipated the spirit of it by several months, and has already adopted its principles, which serve as a guide for her own food policies in relation to the present critical hunger situation in the world. On 6 July 1945, the Right Honourable W. L. Mackenzie King, Prime Minister of Canada, in a statement on the gravity of the world situation, made it clear that the Canadian Government was fully aware of the special responsibilities of the chief food producing countries of the world. In introducing the resumption of meat rationing in Canada, my Prime Minister said, in part: “For some time past the question of world supply requirements has been under review by officiais of the Canadian Government in joint discussion with those of the United Nations. This review has disclosed the great need for immediate steps being taken to lend a hand, on the part of countries which are in a position to assist. Here in Canada there has been a growing knowledge of the great and even desperate needs of liberated areas for supplies of food. The seriousness of the situation, as regards Our agricultural development, in accordance with the necessities of the war, followed two main lines : ( 1) The maintenance of cereal production and the building up of an unprecedented stock of wheat, totalling 600 million bushels as a wartime’reserve. (2) The expansion of production of livestock and livestock products to the level of wartime needs. TO make supplies available for export, certain foods, including meat, sugar and butter, have been rationed in Canada. It Will, 1 am sure, be appreciated that, when a country is producing foodstuffs at SO high a level and has been exporting food products at such a level for a period of nearly three years, the possibilities of any large and rapid increase in food exports are limited. Commencing in the spring of 1944, the great wartime reserve of Canadian wheat started to move abroad to the limit of interna1 transport and port capacity. Since that time, Canada has exported an average of l,OOO,OOO bushels of wheat (including flour) per working day. In the three trop years ending 31 July 1946, Canada Will have exported over 1,000,000,000 bushels of wheat, or wheat in the form of flour, including her entire wartime reserve of 600 million bushels, and the surplus from her 1945 production which, incidentally, suffered from severe drought. These shipments of Canadian wheat and flour for the three-year period were sufficient to provide a normal bread ration for 250 million people We are, however, by no means prepared to rest on our record of war performance in the matter of supplying food to the United Nations. Canadian exports of foodstuffs in short supply have been concerted with experts from other countries through the Combined Food Board and UNRRA, from their first establishment. Great quantities of food wçre made available to several Allied Governments during the war, without charge, under the Canadian mutual aid system. Since the fighting ended, we have extended export credits to a number of countries to finance the purchase in Canada of supplies needed for relief and reconstruction. We have given our fullest moral and material support to the Food and Agriculture Organization, and will continue to do SO. We are again examining the present position to see what further increase cari be made in our shipments of food to Overseas countries. We shall keep on shipping wheat at the average rate of approximately. one million bushels per working day. In the fïrst 185 days of the current trop year, wheat exports have reached a figure of 204 million bushels, As at the beginning of this month, Canada had an exportable stock of 140 million bushels of wheat. This Will be shipped abroad before 3 1 July 1946. Every effort Will be put forward by Canada to speed up the shipment of these wheat supplies, with the abject of making as much wheat as possible available at the earliest possible date. Interna1 transportation is being reviewed with this objective in mind. Furthermore, we are making every effort to speed up deliveries of the remaining stocks of wheat, oats and barley on farms in Canada. We are also exploring the possibility of increasing the remaining wheat stocks position over and above 140 million bushels. This may result in, an increase of export supply by from 5 to 19 million bushels. Shipments of other food products are at virtually maximum levels, but the position of each product Will be reviewed to see if quantities cari be raised even further, no matter how slight the increase. Our present position may be graphically illustrated by the fact that in the past month, from the port of Halifax alone, 25 ships have sai.led with one and a half million bushels of wheat and vast quantities of eggs and flour. With the opening, in April, of the great ports of Montreal and Quebec, the pace of shipping Will be greatly accelerated. In the meantime, 2,000 dockers are working at top speed in Halifax to ensure rapid delivery of food products. 1 reaffirm to this Assembly, on behalf of Canada, that we shall do our utmost to meet the food demands of the United Nations in time of peace as we bave done in time of war. I have corne to the end of what I have to say. 1 havè confined myself to a statement of the facts of the present situation as scen through Canadian eyes and have not sought to Paint a dramatic picture of the gravity of the food position, The hungering peoples of the world cannot eat fine phrases. They cannot eat resounding resolutions. They, and history, will judge us, not by what we say here today but by what we do to relieve their suffering. 1 tel1 this Assembly that it is the prime determination of the whole Canadian people that in the judgment of history they shall not be found to have failed in their duty to mankind.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Pérez, representative of Cuba. Mr. PÉREZ (Cuba) : The Cuban delegation wishes to give its unqualified support to the draft resolution which calls upon a11 the United Nations to extend vital assistance to numbers of men and women who are threatened with hunger, suffering and death. It seems to the Cuban delegation that the emergency is SO great and SO far-reaching in its effects that the responsible authors of this resolution should continue, with our full support, their endeavours to secure the fullest measure of concerted action on the part of a11 the United Nations and should see that no means are spared to give the utmost help possible to the peoples menaced by hunger and starvation. 1 ( ; 7 S ; ; The Assembly, while placing its confidence in the Executive Committee of the Food and Agriculture Organisation which will meet in Washington on 19 March, would also expect it to contribute its utmost efforts to meet this great emergency. Nothing but the most vigorous and prompt action will suffice in the face of this appalling crisis. C C r : Statistics regarding the full situation will be useful, but if we wait too long for figures in order to take adequate measures, masses of people who are on the verge of starvation wiIl be doomed. It will therefore bc necessary to act on the basis ,Df such information as is immediately available. t F C s. E It seems to the Cuban delegation, that, while it is vitally important to ensure supplies of grain for the starving peoples of the world, it is equally necessary to make every effort to obtain supplies of such other foods as may be suitable, and that the most serious consideration should therefore be given to the possibility of making up the deficiencies of grain, as far as it is feasible toa do SO, by means of substitute foods. The difficulty of replacing grain and concentrated foods with other foodstuffs which are more bulky could be partly solved by dehydration and other methods, and by mobilizing to the full the shipping resources and means of land transportation availd able to the United Nations. The problem of distribution, that is, of getting the food to the people who need it before it is too late, is as important as securing the food itself. This, then, must be a major consideration in carrying out the purposes of the draft resolution. These suggestions are intended to stress the necessity of effective measures for the attainment of the great humanitarian purposes of the draft resolution. No amount of planning and good Will without adequate action, Will win the battle against widespread hunger and starvation. We must meet the challenge in the only way in which it cari be met, speedily and by intense, concerted action on the part of a11 the United Nations.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Rendis, representative of Greece. Mr. RENDIS (Greece) (Translation from the French) : The Greek delegation wishes to express its gratitude to the supplying countries for the measures they are preparing to take with a view to increasing exports of wheat to the countries in need of cereals. We should like to assure them, in the name of the Greek people, for whom imports of wheat constitute literally a matter of life and death, that their undertaking Will decide the fate of millions of persons already weakened by the privations resulting from five years of war and occupation, who would not be able to endure any fresh trials. Even in normal times, our population depended upon importations for up to fifty per cent of its wheat requirements. If it has been able to survive the war it is thanks to the shipments of wheat generously provided by Canada, and even today our population is kept alive consignments provided by UNRRA, only by the At the present time wheat furnishes eighty per cent of the calories consumed by the majority of the Greek people. Nevertheless, the shortage of foodstuffs is SO serious in Greece that, in spite of the generous aid which is being brought by ‘UNRRA, the supplies of food permit a diswhich it contains to both the producing and the consuming countries, and the recommendations for concerted effort, Will contribute powerfully to ward off the disaster which looms ahead, Furthermore, the action of the Assembly Will give new courage and comfort to the allied peoples who, having already experienced the tragedy of general famine, desire an assurance that this scourge Will not descend upon them a second time. Those who have been spared the daily spectacle of hundreds of persons collapsing from exhaustion, or of haggard children reduced to skeletons wandering about like spectres, Will be unablc to imagine the pictures of horror which remain in tbe minds of those who have survived this drama, or the panic in which they are plunged at the very possibility that they may find themselves once again without their daily bread. The present crisis is great, but the material and moral resources of the United Nations are no less. We have faith in the success of this great enterprise, arld we are convinced that those who, more than others, have known the hardship resulting from famine await with gratitude its practical execution. If we allow this panic to develop, we shall compromise a11 the progress already made in these countries, and stultify the courageous efforts being made by UNRRA to help their recovery.

The debate is closed. I now put to the vote the resolution contained in document A/49. 1 assume there is no opposition. Decision: The resolution was adopted. 75. REQUEST FOR AN ADVISORY OPXNION FROIM THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE ON THE INTERPRETATION OF RRTI~LES Il AND 12 0~ THE STATUTE OF THE COURT: REPORT OF THE GENERAL COMMITTEE (DOCU- MENT A/591 : WITHDRAWAL OF THE ITEM FROM THE AGENDA OF TESE ~IEETING

The General Committee has with- Mr. NOEL-BAKER (United Kingdom) : 1 ask permission to speak.

I cannot allow you to speak on the substance of this item, but only on the General Committee’s decision to withdraw it. Mr. NOEL-BAKER (United Kingdom) : 1 am extremely reluctant to raise a matter that you said the General Committee had withdrawn from consideration, namely, the resolution proposed by the delegations of El Salvador, France and the United Kingdom that the International Court of Justice should be asked to give an advisory opinion on the meaning of the word “meeting” in Articles 11 and 12 of the Statute of the Court. 1 only mise the rnatter because, in the proceedings of the Security Council, in which 1 took part on behalf of my Government, 1 only agreed to the solution adopted for the elections that the word “meeting” should be interpreted as meaning “ballots” (which seems to me to violate the canons of legal practice and of common sense, if 1 may say SO with respect), 1 only agreed to that course on the clear understanding that an opinion of the Court should subsequently be sought. As 1 read the minutes of the Security Council in the Verbatim record which 1 have in my hand, dated Tuesday, 12 February, pages 163 and 164, the Security Council adopted a proposa1 which 1 made, namely, that the Security Council should, in any case, ask the Court for an advisory opinion which, as 1 understand it, it is in its power to do; and, secondly, that we should propose to the General Assembly that the Assembly should do the samc. We attempted to do that by drafting a resolution which was, as 1 understood, transmitted to the Secretariat immediately, that is, some time ago (document A/59). But 1 now learn that, for reasons which 1 cannet fathom, it only reached the Secretariat after the dead-line for resolutions had expired, and that for that, among other reasons, which 1 regard as net valid, the General Committee thi,s afternoon decided that it should not be dealt with at ‘this meeting of the Assembly. 1 regret that decision. 1 think much the best way of getting rid of this question would be to have an advisory opinion from the Court. 1 cannot believe that there would be any advantage in a political discussion on this matter in a Gommittee at the next part of this session of the Assembly, and 1 hope that the solution which 1 propose, in view of the decision taken by the Security Council, will be adopted by the Assembly as well. 76. REPRESENTATION OF NON-GOVERN- MENTAL BODIES ON THE ECONOMIC AN? SOCIAL COUNCIL: REPORT OF THE FIRST COMMITTEE: RESOLU- TION (DOCUMENT A/54/R~v.l) la Première des organisations seil économique

We Will now examine the report of the First Committee on the representation of non-governmental bodies on the Economie and Social Council (Annex 27, page 667). I cal1 upon the Rapporteur of the First Committee, Mr. Viteri Lafronte, representative of tant de l’Equateur, Ecuador. Commission. teur rapport me suffira de donner nos travaux. Mr. VITERI LAFRONTE (Ecuador) , Rapporteur: AI1 the delegations have the document and 1 believe that a11 that is necessary is for me to give a very short explanation of our proceedings. sité et la commodité, et social, de faire appel, aux fins de consultation, à la coopération mentales, leurs connaissances, pétence l’accomplissement The Charter of San Francisco contemplates the necessity and convenience for the Economie and Social Council to avail itself of the advisory co-operation of non-governmental organizations, both international and national, which through their knowledge, experience and authority would help effectively with the solving of the important functions of the Council. Charte, [‘Alliance tion américaine cions non gouvernementales admises à coopérer paux des Nations Otudiée avec tions du Bureau, des sous-comités ces réunions, minées en vue de définir l’attitude Commission qu’elle des délibérations, du présent rapport été mise aux voix questions verez au paragraphe du scrutin pour chacune des questions, Les propositions As provided by Article 71 of the Charter, the World Federation of Trade Unions, the International Co-operative Alliance, the American Federation of Labor and other non-governmental organizations have asked to ca-operate with the main organs of the United Nations. Such a request has been carefully studied and taken into consideration in the General Committee, in the First Committee and in the corresponding subcommittees. Many proposals were considered at these meetings in order to define the opinion of the First Committee as to the recommendation to be presented to the Assembly. Finahy, the resolution was approved as it now appears at the end of the report. This resolution was voted in separate parts in relation to the distinct points of substance therein contained, and paragraph 15 of the report gives the result of the voting on each part. The main proposais as presented by the delegations of the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and Belgium “The General Assembly recommends: “(a) That the Economie and Social Council should, as soon as possible, adopt suitable arrangements enabling the World Federation of Trade Unions and the International Cooperative Alliance as well as other international non-governmental organizations whose experience the Economie and Social Council Will find necessary to use, to collaborate for purposes of consultation with the Economie and Social Council; “(b) That the Economie and Social Council should likewise adopt as soon as possible suitable arrangements enabling the American Federation of Labor as well as other national and regconal non-governmental organizations whose experience the Economie and Social Council Will find necessary to use, to collaborate for purposes of consultation with the Economie and Social Council.”

1 call upon Mr. Dehousse, representative of Belgium. Mr. DEHOUSSE (Belgium) (Translation from the French) : The Belgian delegation Will abstain from voting on the report submitted to us and on the recommendation contained therein. As a matter of fact, the Belgian view is that none of the main drafts submitted in turn to the General Committee, the First Committee and the Assembly, is satisfactory. From the outset, the Belgian delegation has been in favour of the request made by the World Federation of Trade Unions. This was stated on 23 January, in the Belgian representative’s speech at the opening meeting of the Economie and Social Council, and later confirmed in the General Committee, as well as at the meeting of the First Committee which took place on 2 February. The Belgian point of view is set forth in. the . amendment we presented to the Sub-Committee ,, of the First Committee, reproduced on page 5 of document A/C. VW.6, We should have liked to see the World Federation of Trade Unions admitted to take part, in an advisory capacity, in the work of both the Economie and Social Council and the General Assembly. We hàve failed to achieve this. The On the other hand, the Belgian delegation cannot agree to any other draft which does not expressly mention the American Federation of Labor among the non-governmental bodies to be admitted, in an advisory capacity, to the Economic and Social Council, lors, l’abstention tue pas un moyen détourné nos responsabilités, d’une varié, représentant listes sovietiques.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Gromyko, representative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. listes soviétiques) délégation mise aujourd’hui plénière haute aux délégués que, depuis le début de la discussion sur cette question tion participation Conseil lers, la délégation rable à cette requête. pour que l’on y fasse droit, car elle la considérait comme pleinement We submitted, for the consideration first of the General Committee, and later of the First Committee, the following proposa1 on this subject: “Taking into consideration the question raised by the World Federation of Trade Unions concerning its participation in the work of the Economie and Social Council, the General Assembly decides to recommend to the Economie and Social Council to invite the representatives of the World Federation of Trade Unions to participate in the work of the Council in an advisory capacity.” During the discussion on this question in the General Committee, and later in the First Committee of the Assembly, some delegations adopted an attitude which differed from the clear and definite decision of the Soviet delegation on this Mr. GROMYKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) : The Soviet delegation considers that the question under discussion at today’s plenary meeting of the General Assembly is a very important one. 1 wish to remind delegates that, from the very beginning of the discussion of the question put forward by the World Federation of Trade Unions with regard to the participation of its representatives in the work of the Economie and Social Council in an advisory capacity, the Soviet delegation took a favourable attitude towards this request. The Soviet delegation has, consequently, insisted on this request being met, because we consider it entirely justified. d’abord, la proposition sujet au sein du Bureau Première délégués désaccord avec la décision tr& nette de la délé- gation principales suivantes. First? those delegations which were opposed t. grvmg the representatrves of the World Federation of Trade Unions the opportunity of subject. The main objections of those delegations were as f0llOWS: à accorder mondiale 1. That the request of the World Federation of Trade Unions to be given,the opportunity to participate in the activities of the Economie and Social Council in an advisory capacity will not be met; 2. That the participationof the World Federation in the activities of the Council will be to the same extent and on the same basis as that of the American Federation of Labor and the International Co-operative Alliance. Thus, the World Federation of Trade Uni&s, from the very outset of the consideration of this question, is put on the same basis with the American Federation of Labor, which, as is known, is a national trade union organization. The latter cari in no degree be compared with the World Federation of Trade Unions, either from the point of view of its membership, its authoritv and influence, or from the point of view of its ex’. perience, which may be used by the Economie and Social Council in the interests of strengthening economic co-operation among the nations, The World Federation of Trade Unions is a unique trade union organization. It unites over sixty million workers of more than fifty countries. Its experience is the accumulated experience of many national trade unions. The very nature of the World Federation of Trade Unions is indicative of the fact that it is able to give great as&- ance to the United Nations in the solution of :he acute complicated and important economic If the proposa1 now under discussion is adopted, there Will be created a strange situation whereby one national trade union organization would be put in a privileged position, for it alone would have separate, independent representation on the Economie and Social Council. Such a situation would in fact mean inequality of treatment for national trade union organizations. It would appear as a reward to such an organization for not joining the World Federation of Trade Unions. Such a situation would certainly create an unfavourable impression among the other national trade unions. 1 wish the position of the Soviet delegation in this question to be understood correctly. The Soviet delegation does not raise the question of the merits of one or another national trade union organization, including the American Federation of Labor. It is well known to everybody that during the years of the war the workers of a11 the Allied countries made enormous efforts to achieve the victory over the common enemy. The workers of the United States have also made a great contribution to the cause of victory over the enemy. But, in considering the proposed draft resolution, it is not enough to be guided by this consideration only, since from this point of vicw the national trade union organizations of the other Allied countries are in a similar position. Therefore, under equal circumstances it is necessary to be guided by other considerations. In the opinion of the Soviet delegation we should not put the World Federation of Trade Unions on the same basis as any national trade union. In view of the aforesaid, the Soviet delegation cannot support the proposa1 of the First Committee, since that proposa1 does not place the World Federation of Trade Unions in the position it should occupy, in the position it deserves. It limits the possibilities of utilizing the wide experience of this organization in sohing a numbcr of economic and social probleme. There should not be the slightest doubt that, in solving acute and important problems of economic, social and political co-operation among the nations in the interests of the maintenance of peace and security and the strengthening of mutual understanding among the peace-loving nations, the voice of the Soviet trade unions will resound loudly in the future as well.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Manuilsky, representative of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Mr. MANUILSKY (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) (Translation from the French) : After a month of heated discussion in the various Committees, at last we corne before the Assembly with a draft proposal. In the course of that month we have debated at great length and were able to put forward a11 our arguments. 1 must confess that when this question of the World Federation of Trade Unions first appeared on the agenda of the General Assembly, and each time 1 heard the arguments of certain statesmen against our case, 1 formed a mental picture of the millions of human beings who took up arms in the war to defend freedom and justice and to save our planet from fascist barbarism. Amongst them were workers in the towns, in industry, on the land. Not only did these visions corne to my mind, but it struck me that if those who have died could appear at our discussions they might well say: “It is thanks to our efforts that you are able to corne here today to safeguard international peace and security. Never again, we say, must you repeat the mistakes made by the League of Nations in the past-mistakes which, moreover, led the samc League of Nations to disaster and involved us in another war!” But, quite apart from these war victims, I thought of the millions of workers in the factories who carried on even while the shells were drapping. They were the targets of enemy aircraft. The railway workers carried on with their job of transporting ammunition even in the most frightful conditions. 1 remember seeing these ordinary drivers under the very walls of Stalingrad: with complete contempt for death they saved our lives. It was then that 1 understood the words used by Stalin, our Commander-in- For a11 these reasons we pressed the matter of the World Federation of Trade Unions from the start. For the same reasons, and in order to pay the working classes the tribute they deserve, we must be unanimous in voting for the admission of the World Federation of Trade Unions. Its purposes are the same as ours. In the Committees and Sub-Committees we said: “Do not forget that the chief task confronting the world is the rebuilding of a11 that has been wrecked and trampled underfoot by the German and Japanese barbarians.” Who cari provide a solid foundation for this work? By what medium and by whose effort is Europe, and particularly Eastern Europe, to be rebuilt? By the working classes, of course. Our experience has plainly demonstrated that the working classes have always been the guardians of peace, without discrimination of race or sex. The workers have always fought for peace. Why not join hands with this organization? 1 ask you, gentlemen, to let me know your rcasons. Why should we net go hand-in-hand with the World Federation of Trade Unions? Great changes have taken place in the world, in Britain and elsewhere. We hoped that for instance Mr. Fraser, the head of the New Zealand IGovernment, who made such a moving speech at San Francisco, would join our ranks and share our view wholeheartedly. We quite understand the position of the United States delegation. Senator Connally, the United States delegate, said right away: “No. This request is inadmissible and is contrary to the Charter.” We contested that, and tried to convince him it was not SO. Later on, in bringing fogward the request from the American Federation of Labor, he vindicated our standpoint by saying : “Very well ! It is not contrary to the Charter, but in that case let us admit both organizations to the United Nations.” 1 understand the principle which makes him take this stand, and 1 do not propose to argue about it. What 1 fail to understand is the attitude adopted by the United Kingdom delegate, Mr. Noel-Baker, and the delegate for New Zea- Iand, Mr. Fraser. ._ wish to admit the World Federation of Trade Unions? Well, here is another candidate: the International Co-operative Alliance.” Another document was pulled out of a second pocket: “Here is yet another request: from the International Chambers of Commerce.” Other papers were produced from a third: an application from the international contractors. And finally, the American Federation of Labor: “Hâve you anything to say against that? Al1 these applications must be allowed.” That was the main argument. We understood perfectly; we have already acquired some experience of such political manœuvres. That is what might be called drowning the issue rather than giving a definite answer. 1 stress this point because 1 wish to show that from the outset we wanted a frank and thorough debate in the Assembly, Unfortunately, after long discussion, we still have not reached a decision. 1 now have an amendment to the South American proposal. It consists of the following : 1 should like to emphasize that the World Federation of Trade Unions must not be treated on the same level as the other organizations. It is an organization of productive industry, an organization of workers, of trade unions which constitute the essential basis of modern democracy. We cannot build a democratic world if we debar that organization from our political constitution. That is why, in my first amendment, 1 urged that the World Federation of Trade Unions be admitted in an advisory capacity to a11 meetings of the Economie and Social Council. There is another point of view. Senator Connally has attacked us. He even mentioned the service he rendered the Ukraine by voting for our admission into the United Nations, 1 wish to thank him for that ; but it must be clearly understood that 1 have not bound myself always to vote with Senator Connally. Other difficulties will trop up; but nevertheless I hope we shall see eye to eye on certain questions, Senator Connally said: “You are being unfair; you propose ta admit a world federation, saying that it represents fifty-nine countries. The American Federation of Labor should likewise be admitted.” I should like to recall briefly the history of this matter, for I am not sure that a11 the delegates are SO conversant with labour problems as 1 myself, who have made a special study of the subject. for years, Sir Walter Citrine, General Secretary of the British Trades Union Congress, has made strenuous efforts. He even went to the United States in order to persuade the American Federation of Labor to join the World Federation of Trade Unions. The American Federation did net want to listen to reason, and 1 wonder why? Perhaps a certain feeling of isolationism as regards things European; perhaps a sort of Par- UB~~U attitude of superiority toward8 the peoples You know how during the discussions in the Preparatory Commission on the permanent headquarters of the United Nations, 1 took up the cudgels for the United States and opposed the ‘arguments put forward by Europeans against such a choice. Those who upheld the European thesis argued that some sort of privilege would be conferred on America if the seat were located there. 1 personally did not share this apprehension, because 1 believed that America must be our companion in peace just as she was our companion in war; for that reason 1 voted in favour of the United States as the seat of the Organization. Furthermore, 1 should like to draw Senator Connally’s attention to an argument which is advanced when certain privilegcs are mentioned. We are told: “The United Nations Will derive some prestige from the fact that the American Federation of Labor represents a section of the working classes, and that it weighs as heavily in the international scales as the World Federation of Trade Unions.” For that reason 1 move that the passage re- Iating to the American Federation of Labor be deleted from the draft recommendation. The Economie and Social Council must be free to decide which organizations it Will cal1 upon for the benefit of their experience; but we must be careful not to injure the sense of equality which ia highly developed, in the South American countries more particularly. If we mention the American Federation of Labor, what is to prevent the delegate for Panama, for instance, from saying: “Include also the South American Federation of Labour”? It is precisely to avoid any inequality and to eliminate a uossible source of difhculties that 1 introduce mi amendment. 1 would ask you to consider it from the standpoint of the general interest, as our tribute to the working classes. 1 am convinced you will find it fair and reasonable.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Connally, representative of the United States of America. Mr. CONNALLY (United States of America) : The opportunity which is presented to me to speak, 1 hope for a little while, in this closing session of the Assembly of the United Nations Organization is very greatly appreciated. We internationales” que l’Assemblée organisation de caractère national dant le texte de la Charte dit explicitement ganisations” les demandes doivent être faites par les organisations elles-mêmes. mandes ont déjà été présentées. Elles ont été renvoyées au Bureau qui a recommandg tion fût inscrite à l’ordre gCnérale les a, a son tour, renvoyées à la Premi&re Commission Ce sont: la Fédération la FédEration américaine coopérative internationale, et une autre organisation demandes. Elles furent toutes soumises à la Première Commission. What did the First Committee do? At this point, 1 want to appeal to the Assembly on behalf of the integrity of its Committees. When you appoint a Committee to perform a task and the Committee performs that task, you ought to approve it ; you ought to stand by it unless there is some compelling reason to demonstrate that it is wrong. If you have a servant or an employee in your employ and you delegate a task to him and he performs it faithfully and cornes back and reports to yq you ought to commend him and tfiche? Permettez-moi l’Assemblée, la confiance que méritent missions. Lorsqu’une d’une certaine tâche et qu’elle quittée, à moins qu’il ne soit démontré qu’elle a fait fausse route. Si vous avez à votre service un serviteur ou un employé et si vous le chargez d’une tâche, VOUS s’il accomplit en rendre compte, de sa tâche? A ses conclusions, elle n’est parvenue qu’après une étude attentive libérations. noncés, et vous les avez entendus reprises, celui que je fais, que je refais probablement, ne sont que l’écho des débats prolongés qui ont eu lieu au sein de cette Commission. qu’elle eût examiné toutes les modifications avaient été apportées au texte, la Commission fit son rapport Projet qu’on trouve dans le document YOU ought to approve it. What did the First Committee do? After a long ‘debate, after the greatest tare, after argumentation upon argumentation (these speeches here today have been echoes from the Committees, we have a11 heard them repeatedly; you bave heard this speech 1 am making, probably several times) what did the Committee do? When it had considered them ail, when it had looked at the alterations that had been made, it reported back to the Assembly the draft proposa1 in document A/54, and 1 invite you to look at that draft. VOUS Now Mr. Manuilsky, for whom 1 have the highest respect-and if he were not SO contumacious, 1 would have the highest affection for him -Mr. Manuilsky makes the proposa1 that paragraph (b) of the resolution be struck out. He Will have none of it, He says that under paragraph (b) organizations other than the Americ cari Federation of Labor are not mentioned. Thcy are mentioned. “Other national and regional organizations.” The reason they were not mentioned by name was that they had not applied. Their names did not go before the Committee. But whenever they do apply to the Economie and Social Council, then this phrase cornes mto operation and effect, and it is recommended to the Council that when they apply they shall be recognized. Mr. Manuilsky worked himself UP into a great ferveur of interest in regard to certain South American labour unions. Yes. He, is willing to Now, why did the San Francisco Conference adopt Article 717 It was adopted for the benefit of the Economie and Social Council. The Conference wanted to make available to the Economic and Social Council advice and consultation from any kind of organization that was worthy and had information. But the attitude of Mr. Manuilsky is that we will close one eye, we Will look only with one eye; we Will not see all that we cari see, we Will not hear a11 that we cari hear, we will use one ear and one eye alone. 1 believe that the Economie and Social Council is entitled to a11 the life, a11 the information, a11 the advice that it cari get from any organization. It does not have to accept; it considers, it weighs, and then it passes on. We are not against the World Federation of Trade Unions. We give it a preferred place. We give it a seat on the high level in paragraph (a) of the resolution. But we do not think that recognition of the World Federation of Trade Unions ought to mean the exclusion of everybody else on earth. If that had been the case, Article 7 1 would have read : “The Economie and Social Council may admit the World Federation of Trade Unions” and would have stopped there. It would have read “will admit the World Federation of Trade Unions whenever Mr. Manu$ sky asks for it,” and stop right there. I think this Assembly understands the issue. 1 think the American Federation of Labor has had a great many years of experience in labour and social matters, and it has been a great force in our country, its influence has radiated out to other countries. Its advice would be valuable for the Economie and Social Council. It would be of service to the World Federation of Trade Unions itself, because the American Federation is much older. We are not trying to draw any invidious comparisons, but it would raise the level of the Economie and Social Council. Mr. Manuilsky made some reference to the fact that the workers in Russia were manufacturing war munitions. Fine! 1 take my hat off to them. God bless them ! While the Russian armies In conclusion, let me say that the United States was not a Member of the old League of Nations. I wish it had been, but it was not. But we are now a Member of this Organization. Do you want to discriminate against us? Do you want to put us off in one little corner and say, “This is the United States corner. We Will recognize a11 the r-est of you, but the United States over here must sit in a back Seat, occupy an obscure position”? 1 do not think you want to do that. 1 think you want us to corne and work with you. Well, if you do, give us a chance to work with you. Let us share your problems. We helped during the war; we sent our armies, our navies, our munitions and our tanks, our airplanes and our food. We are ready to do our part to salve the problems of peace. - Today, when 1 listened to the appeal for wheat and for food my heart responded, and my country Will respond. We Will help in that; of course we shall help in that. But we do not want, because we help, to be penalized, socially ostracized, We bave helped with UNRRA, have we not? We have helped with UNRRA and we are going to continue to help. We voted another i,300,000 dollars, before 1 left Washington, for UNRRA to feed the hungry, the sick and the weak of other lands. That money was not voted under compulsion, it was not voted by force or by pressure. It was voted because the American people want to send across the seas help and succour to the distressed of other lands. And now, since we are part of the new Organization, we want to co-operate with it and we do not want the United Nations to ostracize US. Finally, 1 ask YOU to stand by your Committee. Vote down any amendments that may be offered. When the time cornes, vote for this draft, which recognizes, first among a11 the organization% the World Federation of Trade Unions and the International Go-operative Alliance, and then in paragraph ( b ) recogees the American Federatien of Labor, not on the same basis, but as a national or regional organization, and then reoommends that other organizations maY be admitted upon the same terms.

There are still five speakers on the list : the representatives of Norway, Poland, France, the United Kingdom and New Zealand. After they have been heard, 1 suggest that no further speakers be inscribed and that the Assembly declare the discussion closed. 1s there any objection to thii proposal? If not the list is closed. 1 cal1 upon Mr. Moe, representative of Norway. Mr. MOE (Norway) : The Norwegian delegation proposes an amendment to the resolution now before the Assembly. We propose to substitute for the words “to collaborate for purposes of consultation with the Economie and Social Council” at the end of paragraph (a), the words “to participate in the Council in an advisory capacity.” This new paragraph (a) would then read as follows: “That the Economie and Social Council should, as soon as possible, adopt suitable arrangements enabling the World Federation of Trade Unions and the International Co-operative Alliance as well as other international non-governmental organizations whose experience the Economie and Social Council Will find necessary to use, to participate in the Council in an advisory capacity.” The Norwegian delegation moves this amendment in order to give expression to a feeling that 1 believe is shared by many delegations in this hall. It SO happened in the First Committee that it was impossible for many delegations to express, by voting, their reaI attitude on this question. The Norwegian delegation would have voted for the resolution proposed by the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, but it was impossible to do SO without at the same time voting against including the International COoperative Alliance among those international In the opinion of the Norwegian delegation this is also true of the work of the United Nations. That is why we have in our delegation the President of the Norwegian Trade Union Federation, the President of the Employers Association and a distinguished representative of a11 the important activities of Norwegian women. , It is, therefore, quite evident to the Norwegian delegation that,. first and foremost, the powerful voice of world labour should be heard in the deliberations of the Economie and Social Council. But we should also get the active support of other important and representative international organizations. 1 repeat, however, that they must be important and representative. It is this urgent need of getting the hacking of world labour and of a11 positive and constructive forces for the Economie and Social Council, it is this urgent need that the Norwegian delegation wants to express by strengthening this part of the resolution. l l l ; ; I ( ( ( Inspired by the same spirit, we are in no way opposed to consultation with national and regional organizations, when they are important and representative enough; but it is evident that national and regional organizations cannot be put on the same level as international organizations. In the case of the national and regional organizations, they Will be consulted from time to time when the Council is dealing with matters of special interest to these organizations. With organizations of an international character the Economie and Social Council must have a more permanent collaboration. That is why in the case of international organizations, we should use the expression “participate in the Council in an advisory capacity”, but in the case of national organizations use the somewhat weaker expression “collaborate for purposes of consultation”. r c S I r C r S C t 1$ Il T t ‘ t r c C In our opinion this is the best way to meet the reproach that an international organization cannet be placed on an equal footing with a national f This United Nations Organization, which we are going to cernent into a firm bulwark of peace and security, must take tare not to isolate itself. We should not refuse any assistance, any collaboration, Labour bas offcred to make its millions of members active fighters for the aims of the United Nations. Let us accept the offer, accept it in the conviction that our deliberations and decisions would be in vain if we are not able to mobilize the peoples themselves and mobilize a11 the positive forces of mankind behind our Organization in its fight against fascism and war, for democracy and peace.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Winiewicz, representative of Poland. Mr. WINIEWICZ (Poland) : The report which we now have before us points clearly to the diflï- culties which have arisen in the Committee when letters received from the representatives of the World Federation of Trade Unions were considered and when the discussion on the collaboration with the Economie and Social Council of other non-governmental organizations started. May 1 be allowed to point out here once more that the Polish délegation has considered and considers the letter of the World Federation of Trade Unions as right and deserving of support. As a result of a discussion conducted for many days during many meetings the Assembly, however, has to pass today a resolution which does not advance matters. After we have adopted the resolution, the World Federation of Trabc Unions, for instance, Will be faced with a decision which does not even welcome the offer of this important organization, We cannot consider Article 71 of the Charter to be nearer realization by the addition of a paraphrase of what bas been said in the Charter in the words “as soon as possible” ; nor is the matter advanced by introducing, instead of the general terms of the Charter, instead of the words ‘hon-govcrnmental and national organisations”, tlne name of the World Federation of Tradc Unions or those other organizations which have also expressed their desire for a closer co-operation with the United Nations, The attitude of the Assembly should be, to our mind, to aim at a speedy realization of the principles of the Charter. The building of peace demands steps which are as quick as those undcrtaken in wartime. The view that decisions may be postponed by stamping them as “premature” does not well serve our purposes. The PRINDENT (Translation from the French) : 1 cal1 upon Mr. Paul-Boncour, representative of France. Mr. PAUL-BONCOUR (France) (Translation from the Prench) : 1 asked to speak a short while ago, while the representative of Belgium was speaking, in order to say that the French delegation would adopt the same attitude in the vote as he did, not only out of a feeling of sympathy for a friendly and neighbouring country, but also because he adduced reasons in support of his attitude which to me seem pertinent. In tbe General Committee of this Assembly, the French delegation was the first to support Mr. Manuilsky’s proposa1 that the question should be brought before the Assembly and that the application of the World Federation of Trade Unions should be answered in the affirmative. That means that we cannot vote against a motion which provides for constant collaboration of the World Federation of Trade Unions with the Economie and Social Council. As a result of the long discussions which we have had, and which are not useless nor SO idle as might appear, since tbey provide an opportunity of bringing nearer to each other different points of view, evcn those who at the beginning seemed most strongly opposed have accepted the principle of the constant collaboration of the World Federation of Trade Unions, Mr. Connally himself, in bis own picturesque language, said that now the Federation has found a place in the choir of the church by the side of the priest, and, at the opera, in the first boxes. Nevertheless, in spite of recognizing this fact, which admittedlv onens un boundless vistas for I * ’ See O&ial Record of the*meetinge of the General Committes (first part of the first swion of the O~neral Awombly), page 99. Nobody is more awake to the importance of some of these bodies than myself. 1 know the resources and the value of the American labour organizations. Through their magnificent work, SO cheerfully given, they made it possible to send forty billion dollars’ worth of goods to Europe. Because 1 know this, 1 hope from the bottom of my heart that one day this great working-class organization Will become a member of the great world-embracing working-class movemcnt. But whatever its merits, whatever the merits of other similar organizations, 1 believe that they and the World Federation of Trade Unions cannot be measured by the same standard. The latter comprises fifty-nine nations and has more than seventy million members; markmy words, seventy million men and women who have placed their hope in this trade union movement, the world CO-ordination of which gives them definite guarantees-such an organization is essential to US, Its help is indispensable to us if we wisll to complete the work of reconstruction to which we are committed. How cari you rcconstruct the world at peace without the support of the internation- ?ly organized working class? it wouId prove EU Impassible a praject ap if we had tried to wage Some of the faces which 1 see here take me back to the first days of the Disarmament Conference, where a11 the international organizations gave expression to the hopes which they placed in our work. If those hopes were disappointed it was not their fault. 1 say again, we would have liked one or two meetings at each of our sessions to be devoted to hearing the claims of the working classes. In that way a breath of fresh air from outside would have been brought into our discussions. We S~OL@ have obtained a view of the outside world and that, in my opinion, would have been a good thing. Moreover, we shall not vote for the motion because, while Mr. Connally recognizes in his picturesque metaphors the important and overriding part played by the World Federation of Trade Unions, the text of the motion does not recognize it. Paragraphs (a) and (b) are perfectly balanced and equal; both merely invite the Economie and Social Council to take the necessary steps to ensure collaboration in an advisory capacity. Now, 1 am of the opinion that the World Federation of Trade Unions and the . other national and regional organizations whose assistance is quite rightly to be invoked by the Economie and Social Council, cannot be measured by a common standard. Moreover, at the back of our minds, there is always the possibility of aggression, there are always the decisions of the Security Council, economic sanctions against the aggressor. Can you imagine that any action of this sort cari be taken against the aggressor-after all, we havc to be prepared for such a contingency-without the internationally organized working class? y a toujours Conseil contre l’agresseur. l’action nous préparer, ouvrière organisée internationalement? The French delegation feels that it is a mistake to place the World Federation of Trade Unions and other great international organizations of a similar kind and the national and regional organizations, however important they may be, on an equal footing, as envisaged in the proposal before us. For that reason, when we were discussing this in the First Committee, 1 was going to put forward an amendment which seemed to me to fulfil exactly the spirit and even the letter of the Charter. Article 71 of the Charter, 1 would remind you, enables the Economie and Social Council to arrange for consultations with international organizations which have experience that cari be of use to it. But that same Article contains a double proviso showing clearly that the Charter did not place national and regional organizations on the same level as international organizations, since it states that the Council may, where appropriate, consult national and regional organizations, after consultation with the Member of the United Nations concerned. It is therefore quite clear that Article 71 itself draws a distinction which we fail to find in thd proposa1 before us. For that reason 1 was about to put forward an amendment based on the provision of ArticIe 71 of the Charter according to which national and regional organizations would be consulted only when the Economie and Social Council was dealing with matters concerning the country or region to which such organizations belong; but before 1 could proceed with my amendment a motion was adopted which put a stop to amendments and thus 1 was not able to introduce mine. I. did not feel that 1 should bring this matter up again before this Assembly. 1 have the greatest respect, on the grounds of method and good order, for the work and the decisions of Committees where a11 States are represented. I did not wish to overload these discussions by bringing forward my amendment, but as 1 was unable to move it and for that reason unable to procure its adoption, the French delegation regrets that it cannot take part in the vote on this resolution. When 1 say that it regrets, 1 mean this sincerely. 1 should like to end on the note on which 1 began by reiterating my goodwill and my ideas regarding this motion and the important step which we are going to take; in doing SO, the French delegation sincerely hopes that the ECOnomic and Social Council Will make the fullest possible use of the invitation it will receive to secure the co-operation in its work of the World Federation of Trade Unions. recommandation des Syndicats nisations internationales tions soient-elles, une erreur. bats a la Première déposer un amendement pondre exactement la Charte. L’Article pas, invite s’assurer de la colIaboration ternationales ce même Article montre tions nationales que les organisations spécifie que le Conseil peut consulter, s’il y a lieu, et après consultation organisations bien clair que YArticle férence que nous ne retrouvons commandation amendement dispositions lequel seraient seulement économique cernant le pays ou la région auxquels appartiennent cès organisations, lablement ments ne m’a pas cru devoir le reprendre blée. J’ai pour des raisons de méthode ordre, le plus grand décisions des Commissions représentés. Je n’ai pas voulu bats par cet amendement, proposer ni par conséquent délégation s’associer au vote de la résolution. qu’elle en aura le regret, j’exprime 6ncère car, par ailleurs, je veux terminer i’ai commend l’idée que j’ai portant :lle souhaite Conseil 4conomique‘ ie l’invitation ration mondiale Mr. Manuilsky helped us a great deal in those debates. My feelings for him are rather warmer than the Senator’s-perhaps because the alphabet determined that in many, many meetings 1 have been his neighbour, as close to him as anybody could desire that the World Federation should be to us. Tonight he accused me of “manœuvres”. It is not a very friendly Word. He said that always if he brought up the World Federation the Senator and 1 pulled other applications out of our pockets. But the other applications were not in our pockets; they are in the Secretariat’s pocket. The International Go-operative Alliance has had its application there sirice San Francisco. 1 did not invent it. The Alliance has renewed it now, it is true, as has the World Federation. What did 1 say about these applications? 1 said that if Mr. Manuilsky and 1 agreed that it would be desirable to bring in some trade union, and as 1 think, co-operative organizations, then we should be perfectly certain that, under the Charter, other Governments would be entitled to demand that other organizations should make a similar application, and that those applications should be similarly received. The applications have been made; they are not in my pocket ; they are in the Secretariat’s-for example, the applications of the International Chamber of Commerce, the International Federation of Employers, and many more, Sir, 1 regret the use of the word “manoeuvres”. The suggestion has been made that my Government has been against the World Federation of Of course, we desire to help in the co-operation of the trade union movement; of course, we desire from it everything it has to give; of course, we desire to grant to it every privilege which the Charter allows, and this resolution does SO. That is why we ask the Assembly to accept it. This resolution secures us the co-operation of the World Federation in the fullest measure which the Charter allows, but it does SO without limiting us to one organization alone. We ask you to accept it. Mr. Manuilsky and the others ask you not to; they ask you to limit it, to de-nature it by various amendments. Let me look at them one by one. Our Norwegian colleagues ask us to tut out the words “suitable arrangements.” But look at Article 7 1 of the Charter; you have it before you. The only thing that the Economie and Social r Council is empowered to do is to make “suitable arrangements.” 1 would ask Mr. Manuilsky, and I would ask Mr. Gromyko: Do they think that we cari start amending the Charter by an Assembly resolution, leaving out the vital word in a clause which imposes a specific duty on one of our Councils? If they agree to that proposition, 1 think that they will give me, and the world, a great surprise. 1 turn to Mr. Manuilsky’s amendments. What are they designed to do? Not to grant anything to the World Federation of Trade Unions that it cari have under the Charter. That is done by the Committee’s resolution. They are designed to tut out a11 other organizations. Therefore, if we vote against his amendments we are not voting against the World Federation, as Will certainly be said outside. That is a lie, and 1 say it is a lie from here because 1 know it is going to be said. We are voting for the World Federation of Trade Unions but we are voting for others, too, because, under Article 71, it is not possible Iegally to exclude them. Ris second amendment deals specifically with the American Federation of Labor. He said it Mr. Manuilsky’s first amendment is designed primarily to tut out the International Co-operative Alliance. 1 asked Mr. Manuilsky in Committee, 1 asked him in the General Committee, and 1 asked him time, after time, on what grounds he could tut out the International Cooperative Alliance, and 1 never got an answer, never. The International Co-operative Alliance was not created last October. It was created fifty years ago. It has a .long record of international conferences and international work. Its membership before the war comprised 85,000,OOO families. It has an immense economic activity in industrial production, agricultural production, wholesale marketing and exchange, retail distribution, banking. Does anybody deny that in any phase of the world’s economic life and in many nations of the world the co-operative movement has now become a tremendous force? Mr. Manuilsky paid an eloquent tribute to the working classes and the sacrifices they made throughout the war. 1 join with him. But is he suggesting that, by its origin or by its present nature, the International Co-operative Alliance is not a working class movement? Let him ask the workers of any country where the movement exists, 1 ask the Assembly to vote against these amendments, to vote the resolution without change, confident that in SO doing we are voting for the fu!lest co-operation on the part of the World Federation which we cari give. For reasons which any student of our electoral history Will understand, 1 have spent a great part of my life in non-governmental organizatiens. 1 cari say from experience that there is nothing SO dangerous as allowing to grow UP, among non-governmental organizations, institutional rivalries, rivalries of prestige. 1 should regret it deeply if this debate ended on the differences that there are between us. 1 think this resolution is one of the most important results of the whole Assembly. We are going to bring these movements in to help us. 1 agree with Mr. Paul-Boncour that the General Assembly might well set aside a meeting at which to hear these organizations. 1 helped to organize that sitting in Geneva at the Disarmament Conference of which he spoke. 1 heard the Of course we want, as Mr. Paul-Boncour said, the help of movements which will stand against aggression, of mass movements of public opinion which are ready to stand for sanctions in the hour of crisis, whatever the governments may do, and whoever the aggressor may be. One of my masters in the past, Arthur Henderson, who worked with Mr. Paul-Boncour, once said that in matters of war and peace the peoples are always ahead of the governments. That was proved to be true in 1935, for such action as was taken over Abyssinia was the result of the work of private’ non-governmental organizations. 1 appeal to the delegates for France and Belgium, to the delegates for the Union of Soviet Socialist RepubIics and for the Ukraine not to stand on the small points that divide us but to accept the resolution, take this great decision with the votes and the hearts of the whole Assembly behind it.

Do you not think that it might be wiser for us to adjourn the meeting and reconvene at nine-thirty? (The meeting adjourned at 8.30 p.m. and recommenred nt 9.30 p.m.)

1 cal1 upon Mr. Fraser, representative of New Zealand. Mr. FRASER (New Zealand) : 1 had hoped and 1 hope still, even at this hour, that there Will be unanimity about the matter dealt with in the report of the First Committee, the question of the admission to consultation of the World Federation of Trade Unions, the International COoperative Alliance and the American Federation of Labor. 1 am going to claim that admission to consultation, admission to consultation with the Economie and Social Council, is admission in an advisory capacity, and 1 hope that Will be made clear before 1 finish. We have corne a long way since the matter came up first before the General Committee, and the Chairman of the General Committee, and au, the delegates did strive very hard to corne to a unanimous decision in regard to the matter. We are very near it, SO ncar that we are arguing longues et parfois âpres délibérations à San-Francisco. au Comité la question de savoir s’il fallait les organisations consultations organismes I’UNRRA, etc. Francisco. Durant de savoir s’il fallait le bureau de la Fédération cats réuni à ce moment-là côté de la baie de San-Francisco. a tout à fait raison de dire que j’ai de mon mieux pour faire admettre tion. Je le referai encore dans des circonstances analogues. Je le fais ce soir même. A mon avis, il était inconcevable tant les travailleurs quelle que fut la raison mise en avant, et je l’ai affirmé, je n’ai pas changé d’avis. A la Commission des questions économiques ConfErence l’admission cats. Une réunion “The Economie and Social Council may make suitable arrangements for consultation with non-governmental organizations which are concerned with matters within its competente. Such arrangements may be made with international organizations and, where appropriate, with national organizations after consultation with the Member of the United Nations concerned.” Every word in that article is important as embodying a decision that was debated very closely and sometimes very keenly at San Francisco. The question finally was referred to the Economie and Social Committee: should nongovernmental organizations be admitted at alli’ Should the consultation not be confined to intergovernmental bodies, such as UNRRA, the International Labour Office, and SO forth? That was the second round of the battle in San Francisco. The first was whether the Executive of the World Federation of Trade Unions, meeting across the bay of San Francisco at Oakland, should be admitted to be present in an advisory capacity. Mr. Manuilsky is quite right when he says that 1 spoke to the best of.my ability in favour of admission. 1 would do SO again under similar circumstances. 1 am doing the same thing tonight. TO me, it was unthinkable that a body representing the workers ôf the world should not be admitted for any reason whatever, and 1 said SO. 1 think SO still. In the Economie and. Social Committee of the San Francisco Conference we carried the proposa1 to admit the World Federation of Trade Unions. A meeting of the Steering Committee was r,alled, and the Steering Committee reversed the Mr. Manuilsky said in his speech tonight that some of the members of the General Committee were doubtful whether an international body like the World Federation of Trade Unions should be admitted in a consultative capacity; but speedily they acquiesced, and tonight there is no question, no division as to whether the World Federation of Trade Unions Will be admitted or not: everybody is agreed that it should be admitted. There is some doubt, however, as to the bas& of the admission. Now, that doubt derives from the word ‘Lconsultation,” but that is the word used in the Charter, and you cannot abject to the Charter words being used in a resolution. If we go beyond it you cari abject; if we fa11 short of it, you have a grievance; but there cari be no grievance if the words of the Charter are used. But what does the word “consultation” mean? I want to be as clear about this as 1 cari. If it means that the organizations concerned Will only give an opinion when asked to give it, 1 am opposed to that. If that is a11 it means, that they are only to be there to be consulted by the Economic and Social Council when the Economie and Social Council wants to do SO, if that is the status, well, obviously it might develop into a farce. 1 am opposed to that and 1 do not think anybody intended it. This is my definition of what “consultation” means and 1 would like it recorded: it means that the body that is admitted to consultation not only cari give an opinion when it is asked to give it, but cari volunteer an opinion on any occasion on any matter whatever. Now 1 would like to ask the United States delegation if it thinks that is going too far. Mr. CONNALLY (United States of America) : That is a11 right. Mr. FRASER (New Zealand) : Very well, if that is a11 right, then the difference between “advisory” and “consultative” goes by the board. Let me repeat it: that a body admitted will not simply give an opinion when asked to give it, but has the right to offer opinions and advice, at a11 times, in a11 circumstances, to the Economie and Social Council. If it does not mean that, it is not worth anything. If 1 do not hear an objection from any delegate, 1 take it that that is the meaning that Will be attached to the Word, and it should meet the Norwegian proposa1 in regard to the matter. But do not Iet us start arguing about words, if once we get the right meaning. In the course of a very eloquent address reference was very The Charter is based not upon individuals and not upon organizations but upon nations, and if 1 go to a meeting of the Economie and Social Council, not as a member of the Council, I cannot, to use a common colloquialism, butt into the business any more than 1 could butt into the business of the Security Council, because the President would cal1 me to order politely, as Mr. Manuilsky always does. If he were in thei Chair he would say to me, “NO~, Mr. Fraser, you know that you are exceeding your rights, and you will wait until 1 ask you to corne forward and speak.” That is the only way in which, as 1 see it, the words “to take part in” and ‘<participation” differ from “consultation,” and it is far safér to stick to the Charter as it ii. Now, there is the question of the International Co-operative Alliance and the American Federation of Labor. 1 know that, in.their hearts, the representatives of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, of the Ukrainian and Byelorussian Soviet Social& Republics and of Poland and the others do not detract anything from the high opinion of the co-operatives. They have far more experience of them than 1 have in my country, where the co-operation is producers’ cooperation chiefly and, to a much smaller extent, consumer3 co-operation, They know that in the modern State, or the State which, 1 agree with my friend, is developing and must develop, the State where the whole of the economic life is run for the benefit of a11 the people, it is necessary that those bodies should be recognized. Take China as an example; it is necessary, if China is to develop, that the Chinese co-operatives be recognized and encouraged, as they are in the Union of Soviet Social& Republics, where they play a great part, perhaps one of the greatest parts among ail the co-operatives in the world. Such is the case also in our President’s own country, where they play a great part and will play a great part in the future, though they were handicapped for a while; also in many other countries in Europe and in the rest of the world. They are one of the great factors in the forward march of progress. I now corne to the question of the American Federation of Labor. This may not be of particular interest, but, if 1 may, 1 wi1I just give this illustration. The American Federation of Labor was represented at San Francisco through the International Labour Office, and was actually there in an advisory capacity; but the other American labour organization, which is not quite as large as the Federation of Labor (they are both big organizations but the Congress of Industrial Organizations has a membership of about a million or SO less than the American Federation of Labor) was shut out altogether, along with the World Federation of Trade Unions. 1 thought it was wrong to admit one and shut out the other, and 1 said SO, just as 1 said it was wrong to shut out the World Federation of Trade Unions, 1 thought it was wrong to shut them out. I think now it is wrong to shut them out, and 1 am sure nobody would say that the Economie and Social Council should shut them out, or that it should shut out the American Federation of Labor as a national body. The point now is whether or not they should be mentioned in the resolution before us tonight. It a11 cornes down to whether their name will be in the resolution or out of it, and 1 would ask this: 1s it worth while dividing about? 1 regret that the American Federation of Labor is not in the World Federation of Trade Unions. 1 dare not say that they ought to be in because I would be accused of interfering in the interna1 affairs of a country and an organization with which 1 have nothing to do, except that I have great bonds of friendship with them; so I must not go too far in that connexion. But 1 do wish that the workers of the world were ail rePresented in one organization. 1 do net know the The fact remains also that they cari apply’j under the Charter, for representation in the coÜncils of the United Nations, and the only point is whether they are to be admitted tonight or some other time. Now, why tonight? First, because they are sponsored by one of our largest delegations; important as this question is to us all, and whatever our difIerent points of view may be, 1 put the United Nations and the unity and the solidarity and co-operation of a11 the United Nations before any other question. The problem of the prevention of war and the establishing of a world order of peace and brotherhood and justice overpowers everything else and dwarfs every other consideration. 1s it going to be help fui to us to divide on this issue? My friend the Senator will not misunderstand me when 1 say this: If he has to go back to the United States and deliver in the Senate one of bis vigorous speeches, telling them that the United States, one of the five great Powers, with such an enormous potential power for good in the world, has had its request, put forward by its delegation here, turned down without a substantial reason, and that this injustice has been done ta his country, do you think it is going to help to promote the unity of the peoples of the world? If the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics were to corne forward now, along with those of the Ukraine and Byelorussia, and say that they want their unions to be associated with the Economie Council, 1 would say, “Yes, they have a right to be associated, an absolute right” ; and they may have to be yet, because there are questions with which they cari deal much better than the World Federation of Trade Unions or any other national body, and there is room for them. SO my appeal tonight to everybody is not to quarrel and to divide on matters that are of no great importance, because, if the American Federation of Labor were shut out tonight, we should soon have Senator Connally’s protest in the Senate, since never yet have 1 known him to retreat from a struggle when he thought he was right. That is a quality we a11 like to possess. At the same time, it is not a quality to be invoked unnecessarily and not a quality to be called upon if we cari .avoid it. The other point 1 would make is this: If the Federation were shut out today they could apply tomorrow, but they would have to go before the Economie and Social Council with the slur upon them that the Assembly had turned them down. Fellow delegates, you cannot do it. It cannot be done, either with dignity or with honour or with justice. The nation itself plays a big part in regard to this matter because the Charter states that before an organization cari be invited the Member of the United Nations concerned must be consulted, and the nation does Count in the admission of any of these bodies. fr:H%! a rcsolution which, if it had been (~VC ~LLVC flot time to study its terms), ht1 X)WI~ dopt~d wouid have admitted ‘Id Ji:cdcrntion of Tradc Unions; it wouId 11~1t fanvc nltitrticmccl any other organization, and ii w4tl I~:~\V. said that thc door was open to ttthwi tl* r~uskt: in iii thc nrtlinary way. That resollkti(Jt3 t%kS SlOt iIClOpt~d 13CCaUSC it was net, 1 thr”~lk, t~rltlcrst~nd; but, shortly after, Mr. Grotnyklr i~~~r~otlt~ccl a vcry sirnilnr resolution, which SI~~~+*S lu)tv th cielcgates wcrc trying to find soluli<trls 1lnti1 tltey we& home weary at a11 heurs of ihc xri&:ht, hotv the Prcsident did his best as Cihairtirrtri of thc General Committee, and how rrrtyl~~ly clic1 their bcst. Thc Soviet delegate pr*rrlt~cttl IX) lcss thnn thrcc different resolutions, nnrl ~,lnc caf tlncm was net very diflerent from tfrst tvlrich 1 rnyself proposcd, 1 was hoping that he tvottltl linvc stuck to his second drafr. because, witk tl slight amcndment, it might have met the whr& sittxntion, but he did not. In his wisdom he clc4rti PO introciuce a third, which is before us, la tvas rlcfcmed in thc Pirst Committee, and now tllcrr is R Ukrainirrn amendment to be con- Jclrrc~l. %“lic d:ry aftcr tomorrow there Will not in prnctisc hc ttvopencc worth of difl’erence betwrctl 11~ IV~& lot of them. Does the resolution rrf rhc Arr~cricnn dclcgatc mcet the reguest of the Wdtl &‘t:derntion? TX’hat is the last matter with wïtit:h 1 :~FI? poing ta deal. ‘l*jkd: h~orlti pcdcration of Trade Unions, under R rTkisc~lkc!r~ itlcn. as ta what the const~ction a& C:h~ktY.~k’ 1 )F t&c, Unjtccl Nations Organization WC rc ) ztskccl îr1 thcir Confercnce at paris for the f$tflt tn vote. That request was first put before tl~ C’icrltrriLl Committee, but we were a11 unani- R%CKH thnt thc right to vote could not be given, b~auae thc Clmrter made no provisiori for it. l[‘ht*n ;z seccïnd communication was sent in, rnreftklly tlrnfted by the President and, 1 think, thc Vic+I”rcsitlcnt and Secretary of the World E’rGr:~ti(~n of Trncle Unions. I am going to read wll:lt it nsks fur and then I am going to a& tlrr: &1cr+x CO ask themselves: “Does tbe Amerit:;tn r&ltttion givc what they ask for?” You cari jmip:. This is what they ask for: “Wodd pour lstrlic:vcs tllat the United Nations Or$anlzatlon CV SCI’VC. its high purpose of safeguardmg peace &tl (:lcvating the standard of life of tbe PeoPIes ;tl++ if it: is &pported by the full understanding <~rl~l tllc active co-operatiori of the mass of the \v(.jskCrs.” I subscribc to every Word. of that parap’aph. Tlie Govcrnments alone wlll nor. ensure elle peace of the world unless the hearts of the i 529 1 am not going into a11 these government theories, but 1 do say that the resolution, put forward on behalf of the American delegation by Senator Connally gives everything that the World Federation of Trade Unions asks for in its letter. If we are going to shut out the World Federation because we want to shut out the American Federation of Labor and because we want to shut out the World Co-operative Alliance, we shall be making a great mistake. 1 want to see this Assembly vote unanimously for all three to be admitted to a consultative position, which is an advisory position as well, and not to vote oqt any; but 1 am very much afraid that if we vote out any we shall vote out ail, and to me it would be the greatest tragedy if we have to send word to any of them, but above a11 to the World Féderation of Trade Unions, and say: “YCIU have offered your co-operation; we have rejected it,” The only way to get these organizations in at the present hour is to vote for the whole lot. We are not here to shut people out! We are not here to shut out any organization at all, and 1 am glad my friend is going to vote with me now. 1 am very glad of that. We do not want to shut out the World Federation of Trade ‘Unions or the World Co-operative Alliance, because they are as a matter offfact part of the Soviet State. Let us now agree unanimously that we Will vote for two organizations in an international sphere, and one in a national s$ere, according to their scope and functions; let the whole lot go in and thus The PRF;SIDENT (TransZation fmm th French) : The representative of the Ukrainial Soviet Socialist Republic has asked for the floo in order to make a persona1 statement, Le PRESIDENT: blique socialiste soviétique la parole pour un fait personnel. Mr. MANUILSIW (Ukrainian Soviet Socialis Republic) (Translation from the French) : 1 apologize for asking for a few minutes to makc a persona1 statement. M. tique d’Ukraine) ques minutes pour faire une declaration nelle. In the course of the debate, Mr. Noel-Bake: used the word “lie” in arguing against the Cas( I had put forward. Au cours de la discussion, M. Noel-Baker, gageant une polémique dit, a employé le mot “mensonge”. 1 wish to state that 1 maintain everything 1 said. Such a Word, 1 think, should not be usec in the General Assembly. 1 do not know if sim. ilar expressions are permissible in English parlia. mentary debates, for example, but we in thf Soviet Unions were brought up in the idea that we should never use discourteous expressions in public meetings. 1 do not want such customs tc be introduced here, SO 1 make a point of raising .this objection right away. Je tiens à déclarer que je maintiens j’ai méthode générale. Je ne sais pas si de semblables expressions sont de mise, par exemple anglais, sommes élevés dans cette idee qu’il mais, en séance publique, sions qui dépassent la mesure et je voudrais que de telles mœurs ne soient pas introduites db le début, je tiens à le signaIer. En ce qui concerne la déclaration Baker, qui a dit m’avoir question à propos n’avoir pas reçu de réponse de ma part, je demande le témoignage mière Commission orsque Monsieur luestion. Je lui ai répondu orbence de l’Alliance ives comme Economique et social quand il s’agit de questions le distribution - l I l t With regard to Mr. Noel-Baker’s statement that he put the question to me several times in connexion with the Co-operative Alliance, and that 1 never gave him an answer, 1 would refer you to the members of the First Committee wha were present at the meeting when the question was asked. My answer, as they will remember, was that in my opinion it was absolutely essential that the International Co-operative Alliance should be represented in the Economie and Social Council when it was dealing with questions of distribution or the work of UNRRA. . t 1 , 1 ; C En terminant, n’excuserez grand écrivain némoires raconté un fait très intéressant. Il rap- )orte qu’un Autrichien éon qu’il avait même rayé son existence de l’hisoire. Comme 1/1. Noel-Baker, rouve en contradiction In conclusion, Mr. NoelABaker will forgive me for remarking that in my country a great Russian writer called Hertzen has provided us with an interesting detail in bis memoirs. He relates how there was once an Austrian who hated Napoleon so much that he went SO far as to deny the historicaI fact of his existence. As certain facts are not to Mr. Noel-Baker’s liking, he does the same thing and consequently finds himself in contradiction with reality. Le laker, représentant

1 cal1 upon Mr. Noel-Baker, representative of the United Kingdom. M. ‘on de l’andais Mr. NOEL-BAKER (United Kingdom) : 1 am very grateful to you for giving me an opportunity to make a persona1 explanation. ti d U ‘abord de me fournir ne explication Naturellement, 9. ManuiIsky : lui ai posée; a déclare qu’à certaines fins l’Alance coopérative )n activité étendue et de sa grande importance, on moins que de l’appui s classes ouvrières, devrait être consultée. Mais , question à laquelle not reply was why the Alliance should be on a la different basis, under the Charter, from the savoir pourquoi World Pederationof Trade Unions. That quesvertu de la Charte 1 agree, of course, very gladly, that Mr. Manuilsky did say in the course of answering the question which 1 put to him that, for some purposes, the International Co-operative Alliance, with its immense interests, its immense importance and its wide working-class support, should be consulted. But the question to which he did _ ___ As regards the suggestion that 1 should have used an improper word about Mr. Manuilsky, 1 wish to say that it would be the last thing that 1 should desire to do, or even dream of doing. Mr. Manuilsky tonight used the word “manœuvres” against me. He said that in the First Committee we had “manœuvred” to drown the World Federation’s application by pulling scores of other applications from our pockets; those of the Employers, the Chamber of Commerce, and a11 sorts of people. 1 answered that, and then 1 said that other suggestions had been made that we, the British, were against the World Federation of Trade Unions (1 have in my hand a note of what 1 said) not, of course, in the Assembly; that means, not by Mr. Manuilsky, but freely outside. Does anybody deny that it has been said outside? 1 said before, and 1 say again, that when it is said outside it is a lie. 1 do not say that Mr. Manuilsky said it, because 1 do not think he believes it ; and 1 hope that he Will accept my sincere assurance that 1 am hoping to work in many Assemblies with him in the most friendly collaboration,

As there have been neither lies nor manœuvres in this Assembly, the incident is closed. We shah now proceed to the vote. The first amendment is that submitted by the USSR delegation, and reads as follows: “Taking into consideration the question raised by the World Federation of Trade Unions concerning its participation in the work of the Economie and Social Council, the General Assembly decides to recommend to the Economie and Social Council to invite the representatives of the World Federation of Trade Unions to participate in the Council in an advisory capacity.” In the mind of the USSR delegation, the words 1 have just read would replace the entire resolution. This, as you will see, is a radical amendment. 1 therefore put this amendment to the vote; if it is adopted we shah drop therest of the resolution. Mr. MANUILSKY (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) (Translation from the French) : 1 ask for a roll-call.

As a roll-cal1 has been requested, let us proceed to take it. (The vote was taken by roll-call.) Voted in faveur: Bolivia, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Chile, Colombia, Czechoslo- Canada, Chine, Dominicaine, Inde, Libéria, Luxembourg, Zélande, Norvège, Philippines, Royaume-Uni, Venezuela. Abstained: Belgium, Egypt, Iran, Lebanon: Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Saudi Arabia, Syria. ban, Saoudite, Syrie. Absent: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Honduras, Paraguay. . The PRBSLDENT (Tra~2sZntian from the F~~nch) : The amendment is rejected by twentysix votes to twelve with nine delegations ahstaining and four dclegations absent. 1 have before me three amendments: two sitbmitted by the Ukrainian delegation and one by the Norwegian delegation. 1 regret to bave to tel1 the delegation of Norway that 1 cannot accept its amendment. 1 could, under the terms of rule 64, overlook the fact that it has not been submitted in writing and that it has not been circulated; but the dificulty is that 1 cannot possibly translate it into French, because what the Norwegian delegation wants exactly corresponds to the French text of the resolution. 1 must therefore reject the Norwegian and retain only the Ukrainian amendments. Paraguay. vingt-six voix contre douze, et neuf abstentions; il y a quatre délegations gation ukrainienne ment de la délégation Je regrette d’être forcé de dire à la délégation norvégienne que je ne puis accepter son amendement, Je pourrais, en vertu de l’article outre au fait que l’amendement mis par écrit, qu’il trouve devant une difficulté, de traduire cet amendement la délégation exactement au texte en français de la r&olution. Dans ces conditions, l’amendement retiens que les amendements ajouter tion temps, l’Assemblée Fédération sister à toutes les réunions du Conseil économique et social avec rois à miin voix contre huit et neuf abstentions. ukrainienne ration paragraphe L’amendement contre sept et dix abstentions. Tous les amendements vais mettre aux voix le texte de la résolution la Commission. Dans le dernier il y a une erreur dans le texte français. Ce texte doit se lire ainsi : The first is as follows: After paragraph (a) of the Committee’s proposal, add: “At the same time, the General Assembly is of opinion that the World Federation of Trade Unions should take part in meetings of the Economie and Social Council in an advisory capacity.” Those in favour of this amendment please raise their hands. The amendment is rejected by twenty-four votes to eight, with nine abstentions. The second Ukrainian amendment is to delete the words “American Federation of Labor as well as” in paragraph (b) of the resolution. Those in favour please raise their hands. Thc amendment is rejected by twenty-six votes to seven, with ten abstentions. Since a11 the amendments have been rèjected, I now put to the vote the text of the resolution as submitted by the First Commiitcc. There is an error in the French text of the document last circulated, which ought to read as folIows : “L’Assemblée prenne, dès que .possible, les dispositions conviennent mondiale rative internationale, ganisations non gouvernementales “cL’Assemblée générale recommande: a) Que le Conseil économique et social prenne, dès que possible, les dispositions qui cofzoiennent pour permettre à la Fédération mondiale des syndicats et à PAUiance CooPératiue internationale, ainsi qu’aux autres organi- $&On$ non gouvernementales à caractère Mr. PORRA~ (Panama) : 1 ask for a roll-call.

As requested, we shall vote by roll-call. (The vote was taken by roll-call.) Voted in fauour: Argentina, Australia, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, China, Cuba, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Greece, Haiti, Honduras, India, Liberia, Luxembourg, Netherlands, New ‘Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippine Commonwealth, Turkey, Union of South Africa, United Ringdom, United States of America, Uruguay, Venezuela. Voted against: Byelorussian Soviet Sbcialist Republic, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Yugoslavia. A bstained: Belgium, Chile, Colombia, Egypt, France, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, Syria. Absent: Costa Rica, Guatemala. Decision: The resolution was adopted by thirty-two votes to six; eleven delegations abstained and two were absent.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Connally, representative of the United States of America. Mr. CONNALLY (United States of America) : 1 rise to express the deep appreciation of the United States delegation for the action of the General Assembly. We are deeply gratified and hope that it is an augury for the future as to harmony and co-operation in the work of the organs of the United Nations, and we shah give it our earnest support here and at home.

The representative of Egypt wishes to explain bis vote. Mr. RIAZ (Egypt) (Translation from the French) : On behalf of the Egyptian delegation and of the Arab States, 1 must explain why we abstained from voting. If any of the proposals just submitted to us had provided for the cooperation of purely workers’ organizations without any distinction between them, we would certainly have voted for it. But the resolution recommended by the Committee opens the door to a11 organizations, without distinction, and we think it is a dangerous door which should net be opened now. That is why we abstained. Mr. MOE (Norway) : 1 ask permission to speak.

May 1 ,ask in what connexion? 77. MMODITICATION IN TEE TERXKIS OF REF- ERENCE OF THE PERMANENT HEAD- QUARTERS COMMITTEE : REPORT OF THE GENERAL COMMITTEE (DOCU- MENT A/571 77. I

The next item on the agenda is the report of the General Committee on the modification of the terms of reference of the Permanent Headquarters Committee (Annex 28, page 67 1) . This question was discussed by the General Committee at its meeting of 13 February. The Permanent Headquarters Committee set up by decision of the General Assembly on 26 January was authorized to “consider the site of the permanent headquarters of the United Nations.” The General Committee proposes to extend the Committee’s authority by altering its terms of reference to read: ‘Yo consider the site of the permanent and temporary headquarters of the United Nations and other matters directly connected therewith.” rapport dat de la Commission nexe 28, page 671). du 13 février, a examiné fication à apporter du siège permanent. 26 janvier rale, a &C chargée “d’étudier placement reau propose que la mission soit étendue et il propose de rédiger ainsi le texte concernant C‘ . . . d’étudier siège permanent ganisation portant directement 1 cal1 for a vote on the Committee’s report. Decision: The report was adofited. 78. 78. QUESTION OF THE HEADQUARTERS OF THE UNITED NATIONS: REPORT OF THE PERMANENT HEADQUARTERS COMMITTEE : RESOLUTION (DOCU- MENT A/58/R~v.l) du jour est le rapport permanent. [‘Iran, permanent, The PRBIDENT (Translation from the Trench) : The next item is the report of the Permanent Headquarters Committee. 1 cal1 upon the Rapporteur of the Committee, Mr. Entezam, representative of Iran. , port (annexe 29, page 671) . Mr. ENTEZAM (Iran) read the report of the Committee (annex 29, page 671) . reprQentant 1

I cal1 upon Mr. Lopez, representative of the Philippine Commonwealth. (Traduction :ru être appelé un jour que j’aime l’emplacement sion. Comme française nagnifique. :ollines et ses forêts, le cadre en est idyllique, r régne une ambiance propice à la meditation :t à la solution Mr. LOPE~ (Philippine Commonwealth) : Never in my life had 1 expected that 1 would be called upon to vote against a place 1 like best and Iove most. 1 refer to the site recommended by the Committee. As my French-speaking colleagues in the Assembly would say, “The site is just mugnififiqz4e.l’ It is ideal; its surroundings are idyllic, with beautiful hills, trees galore, serenity that is conducive to meditation and contemplation, helpful for our studies to salve a11 these problems that are heaped on us by a suffering and miserable world. The site recommended, Then why should 1 take up your time, and expecially the time of our President here, to rise and say that 1 Will vote against the recommendatien of the Committee? 1 vote against it, not because 1 do not like this lovely place, but because the place does not like and love us. There are undeniable and repeated reports that Greenwich and Stanford have expressed themselves, in tems unmistakable, as not wahting us there. Even if we are a peace-making organization, Stamford and Greenwich want to be left in peace. 1 do not want to meddle in the local affairs of that district, which is purely within the realm of Congresswoman Clare Boothe, but I should like to voice the feelings of those people in Greenwich and Stamford that they should be left in peace. We do not want to go to a place where we are not welcome. By a11 means, we should not impose our presence where it is not wanted. You may say to me that this cannot be true. Can it be true, you Will say, that we, who have been bombarded here by SO many delegations, from Massachusetts and New York and San Francisco, with brochures from SO many chambers of commerce, are not wanted there? Can it be true that we are not welcome in Greenwich and Stamford? Incredible as it may seem, it is true that indignation meetings have occurred with such frequency that officiais of Greenwich and Stamford no longer ignore them; in fact, they are trying to conduct a referendum now to determine the public opinion of those places. It would be most embarrassing if we should go there and find ourselves one morning faced with pickets and placards saying, “We do not want the United Nations here.” It may be argued, and there are many who cari argue here very well; newspaper men have found that out; there have been wonderful arguments about “protecting the Charter”-it may be argued, “1s it not the officia1 view that the United Nations is invited?” It may be said here, “You slmulcl not mind any voice coming from the minority.” 1 do net know how you feel about it, but as far as I am concerned it is quite a delicate matter. If I went there as a delegate of the United Nations 1 should feel like someone invited to a club by the president and board of directors who, on arriving at the doorstep of the club, finds about half the members saying, “We do not want you here in our club.” Must one in suc11 a case argue with the dissenting members and say, “According to the rules of your club 1 am entitled to be here, because the president and the board of directors bave invited me here and want me to be here’? SO far as 1 am concerned, 1 would pack Decision: The resolution was aclofited.

1 cal1 upon Mr. Stettinius, representative of the United States of America. Mr. STPTTINIUS (United States of America) : On behalf of the people and the Government of my country, 1 wish to express our appreciation for the great honour that is bestowed upon the United States of America.

We must now adjourn for a few minutes, as the last part of the meeting will be broadcast. (The meeting ruas adjourned ut 11.25 p.m. and convened again at 11.30 p.m,) 79. CLOSING SPEECHES OF THE FIRST PART OF THE FIRST SESSION OF TNE GENERAL AS~EMBLY

1 cal1 upon Mr. Attlee, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. Mr. ATTLEE (United Kingdom) : We have corne to the end of this long and momentous first meeting of the United Nations, and delegates are now dispersing not to meet again till September. Some of those here have been engagcd on this worlc for a long time. There was first the San Francisco Conference, then the meetings of the Exccutive Committee and the Preparatory Commission, and then the General Assembly. Great progress has been made. But perhaps it is well now that there should be an interval of some duration before we a11 meet again. l’anglais) longue tions Unies; se retrouveront à notre ceuvre depuis longtemps, Conférence exécutif, et enfin à I’AssembIée grès ont que s’écoule maintenant notre prochain 1 should like, before we disperse, to say a word or two on what has been achieved. In my view, the success of these meetings has been very remarkable. Only those who put their expectations far too high Will have experienced any disappointment. The United Nations has now been placed on a firrn basis. The Security COU~~, the Economie and Social Council and the Court have a11 been constituted, and declarations bave been made which should lead to the establishment of the Trusteeship Council in a comparatively short time. 1 think this shows that the work of the Preparatory Commission was well done. The acceptance of the results of contested elections is one of the tests of the democratic system. There have been close contests, but there has been a display of goodwill and give and take, and a rccognition of the overriding interest of the United Nations itself. 1 may instance the mot sur les résultats de nos travaux dont le succès à mon avis a été remarquable. plaçaient éprouvé quelques déceptions. Désormais, I’Organisation Conseil de sécurité, le Conseil économique cial et la Cour ont été constitués; les déclarations qui ont été faites laissent prév0ir que le Conseil de tutelle Ceci atteste, je crois, la qualité du travail pli par la Commission résultats d’élections est l’une des pierres de touche du régime mais tous ont fait preuve de bonne volonté d’esprit de conciliation terêt des Nations Unies devait primer toute autre considération. Ténéreux de la Nouvelle-Zélande I would like here to say how much this SUCcesS bas been due to our President, who bas I would also like to congratulate the new Secretary-General, Mr. Trygve Lie. He has taken on bis shoulders a great responsibility. He bas to be above a11 national loyalties. He has sworn to serve the world and not nationa ends, and he is bound not to yield to national pressures. The article of the Charter which imposes that obligation on him imposes an obligation also on the Governments of the Member States not to exert such pressure, but to respect and help him in maintaining the international character of bis whole administration in a11 its parts. , I May 1, in conclusion, express the hope that, when we meet again, we shall be equally successful and that we shall see quite clearly then how great bas been the achievement of these meetings. l l cle ce soir comme ierminerai ments.

1 shall begin my speech this evening as 1 began my opening address. 1 shall end as 1 started : by an expression of thanks. In the first place, how could 1 let pass, without showing my satisfaction and some confusion, the words spoken by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, who in the generosity of bis thought has clearly overstepped the limits of reality ? HOW could 1 fail to thank the Assembly for the help it has always given me in a task which has sometirnes been difficult? Its COU~~V, fkdliness and discipline have facilitated my work. I take this opportunity of apologizing to those who, on ioccasion, may have felt that I applied the rules ZOO strictly. I would bave them know that at head I was always torn between the de&e to p]ease thym and the necessity of establishing in this first Assembly sound rules of procedure to serve as a precedent for the future. l ;er, sans marquer ?eu ma confusion, lancées par YHonorable Royaume-Uni -osité de sa pensée, dépassaient la réalité. >lée de l’aide ogne qui a été quelquefois on amabilité âche. Je saisis cette occasion de m’excuser aupres le ceux qui ont peut-être trouvé que, quelquefois, ‘appliquais :eance. Qu’ils itait Lgréable et la nécessité, dans cette première embIée, -)ouvant, e ; S S t s f : e 5 S T Nor would 1 let slip this opportunity of recalling one of the most agreeable dinners we were given-that simple yet in many respects sump tuous repast to which we were bidden by the Lord Mayor of London and at which we were SO delighted to be his guests. The list of those 1 have to thank would not bc complete unless, in my capacity as President, 1 addressed a few really heartfelt, really sincere words to the whole staff, the entire Secretariat of this conference. Our work is seen; the public is admitted; the wqrld at large is able to asses its results. But what the public does not know is that, in order to carry through the work we have accomplished here, scores of people behind the scenes have laboured day and r,ight with a devotion and energy to which we must needs pay tribute. They have been able to work like this because they have had at their head a provisional Secretary-General whom 1 cari only describe as a Pearl among provisional Secretaries ! One would like, on some occasions, to give a special and rarer meaning to one’s words. The words “Thank you” are SO often used rather glibly that they have lost something of their value. But, really, those who have seen Mr. Jebb’s work know that if he had not been here neither the Preparatory Commission nor the General Assembly could have transacted its business successfully. 1 like Latin peoples very much; 1 like their keenness, their enthusiasm, and their drive; but at the head of a preparatory conference or a general Assembly what we need is British calm ! Having thus thanked him who was on my right, it would be quite unjust not to thank him who is on my left. Let me from this platform address a word of sound advice to my future successors. Never part with Mr. Cordier, who is the living embodiment of the rules of procedure ! 1 am convinced that every night before he falls asleep-perhaps indeed to send himself to sleep -he recites the whole of the rules of procedure, those contained in the Statute of the Court and a11 those contained in the Charter. But this is extremely valuable when he wakes up, and the President has to watch his step ! 1 want finally to reply, and very briefly, to a question a11 the journalists have been asking for the past two days: “What do you think of this Assembly; are you satisfied with the results?” The answer depends on what was expected of this Assembly. Those who looked for miracles, who thought that by coming together here we a start, who realize that the road is long and le mande, strewn with obstacles and that the goal cari only que la route be reached through courage and willpowerd’obstacles, they, 1 feel sure, are satisfied with this first effort, force de courage convaincu, The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom has told you in a few words-better than 1 my self could have done-a11 that has been accomplished during this first Assembly. He rightly stressed that we have imbued with life the texts that were laid before us; that the organization is now born (and this time, 1 hope, Will live), that it has begun to functjon, and that we have been able to see that the principles on which it is based are apparently sound, and may lead to success. résumé, mieux même, tout ce qui a été acquis au cours de cette Première nous avions donné une vie véritable qui nous avaient né, et cette fois définitivement, commencé constater basé ne semblaient amener le suc&. May 1 be allowed to make one or two criticisms and suggestions? In future it would be better if, whenever possible, the Economie and Social Council and the Security Council did not sit at the same time as the Assembly, because the work of these thrce highly important bodies is too heavy. There are too many meetings, and the Secretariat has very real difficulty in coping with the situation. I would suggest, too, that the agendas of future Assemblies should be carefully prepared in advance, and that too many items should not be included at the last minute, or even when the sessions have already begun, Each Government needs time to consider calmly and carefully any questions it may be called upon to discuss in SO important a body as this one. Finally, may 1 offer a suggestion which has never had the least success in any debating assembly? It is that from time to time-1 am not too optimistic or exacting-a representative might be good enough to realize that the preceding speaker has summed up his thoughts most accurately, and that then, though doubtless with a heavy heart, he might forego the speech he had prepared ! et de faire quelques dans l’avenir, d’une part, chaque fois que la chose est possible, ne siégent pas en mCme temps que l’Assemblée vail de ces trois organismes trop lourd. Les réunions sont trop nombreuses et le Secrétariat situation. du jour de nos prochaines ment étudié, ne soient pas inscrites à la derniére même lorsque nos travaux Il est nécessaire que chaque Gouvernement réfléchir être appelé & discuter dans une Assemblée aussi importante suggestion qui n’a jamais aucune Assemblée délibérative, en temps exigeant) compte résumC sa pensée et qu’il certainement avait prépar Those are the few suggestions and criticisms 1 allow myself. They are small as compared with the positive results. Above all, they are small in comparison with the spirit which, it seems to me, has animated our work; and as President of this Assembly 1 bear witness before the entire world which has been following, studying, and angysing our work that the fifty-one delegates, the fïfty-one United Nations, have shown a genuine love of peace and a real desire for co-operation and friendship. These are sentiments which cari and must lead us to success, and because during these five weeks 1 have seen them reflected in the minds and hearts of the delegates, the message 1 arn now able to send out to the world on your behalf is a message of confidence and optimism. 1 cal1 upon Mr. Gavrilovii, representative of Yugoslavia. je veux me permettre chose en face des résultats surtout peu de chose en face de l’esprit semble-t-il, ,de cette Assemblée se porte garant, monde contrôlés, qu’il part des cinquante et une Nations paix, un r6el désir de coopération Tels sont les sentiments nous conduire ai vus durant cœur les dé.légués, que le message que je puis envoyer au monde un message de confiance et d’optimisme. la Yougoslavie. de Panglaàs) : Unis en qualitk du si&ge des Nations Mr. GAVRILOVI~ (Yugoslavia) : During my stay in the United States, as Chairman of thc United Nations Committee on Headquarters, the children in the achool’system in the City of New In our school work we have learned of the purposes for which the United Nations Organization has been created. We have studied about the peoples of other countries, SO that we may understand them better. In our daily living we practice the principles of friendship, truth, unselfishness and co-operation. It is our hope that the United Nations Organization may succeed in maintaining international peace and security, in developing friendly relations amongst nations, and in establishing a basis of co-operation for solving international problems. The foundation has been laid, but it Will be our continuing responsibility to build and strengthen the structure which Will assure enduring peace. Time and again, men have tried to find a way to permanent peace, but never have they succeeded. In the hearts of the freedom-loving peaple of the world is a prayer for deliverance from future wars and brutalities. Peoples of a11 races, colours and creeds want to be able to lift their heads high, free from fear. We pray for the success of the United Nations Organization and pledge our efforts to the fulfilment of its purposes, in the hope that we a11 may look forward to a bright and happy world. . (Signed) : The Children of the New York City Schools. 25 January, 1946.” I consider it a great privilege to be the bearer of this message. 1 consider this message a great contribution ta the cause for which the United Nations stands. We are building our Organiza- (The scroll bearing the message from the Children of New York City to the United Nations was handed to the President.) fants de New-York à l’Organisation des Nations Unies est remis

1 cal1 upon the ,Secretary-General. taire général.

The first part of the first General Assembly of the United Nations is now ending. It has been a memorable experience for us all. 1 think there are solid grounds for satisfaction. At the outset of our labours sceptical voices from a11 sides questioned the value of what we were doing. As a result of our efforts many of those voices have been stilled. The Parliament of Man may still be a dream, but in the General Assembly we have established a truly democratic forum for a free and open discussion of the great international, political and economic problems of our time. ‘, glais) de l’Assemblée terme. rience vaincu, le début de nos travaux, s’est élevée de toutes parts pour mettre Ieur valeur en doute. L’un de leur imposer Parlement qu’un nous démocratique grands économiques qu’on éluder le courage s’exprimer blèmes. des questions aurions plus importantes. notre Assemblée générale était la première pour la première provisoire point naux n’ont l’espace d’un matin. d’attendre diale puisse Cviter les phases pénibles sance. Celles que nous avons traversées n’ont pas été, je crois, trop douloureuses. coup respectifs, Je regrette sion, depuis ma nomination, membres à Londres. tion lors de notre prochaine d’établir et qui bilités mercier en me proposant No one who has followed thc debates cari say that there has been the slightest disposition to shirk any issue because of its controversial character or to be lacking in candeur when frank speaking seemed to be necessary. Inevitably, we have spent time on procedure which might otherwise have been devoted to more substantial matters. But it must not be forgotten that this is the first Assembly; this is the first time that our provisional rules,of procedure have been put to any practical test, We must not take too short a view of our problem. Our national parliaments did not take perfect form overnight. It would be unreasonable to expect a clemocratic world assembly not to suffer growing pains. Ours, 1 feel, have not been excessive. Tomorrow, many of you will be returning to your own countries. 1 regret that there has been SO little opportunity since my appointment for me to make persona1 contact with members of delegations during your stay in London. We shall be able to correct that when we next corne together. Between now and September, it Will be my duty to establish an interim headquarters in the United States and to recruit a Secretariat which will be equal to the grave responsibilities you have placed upon it. May 1 thank those who have already helped me by suggesting the names of suitable candidates for the Secretariat., 1 shall For those of us who are engaged in ‘international work the programme of the next six months promises to be heavy. The Security Council will be in permanent session and the opening meeting of the International Court of Justice will take place shortly. The final Assembly of the old League of Nations is to be held in April. An International Health Conference is ta take place under the auspices of the Economie and Social Council which is itself to meet again in May. In May, too, the Peace Conference Will open in Paris and during the summer an International Trade Conference Will be held. Meanwhile some of the specialized agencies Will hold their meetings. Finally, in September we shall again corne together for the second part of the first session of the Assembly of the United Nations. This is indeed a full calendar of international co-operation. We are living in a momentous age. The peoples of the world have suffered two disastrous wars within a single generation. They continue to live under the shadow of famine and of the atomic bomb. We must feel humble in the knowledge that untold millions throughout the world are Iooking with new hope to this Organization which we have brought into being. It is upon our will to co-operate in solving the formidable political and economic problems which face the world that the peace and well-being of mankind depend. 1 Will also, on behalf of the United Nations and on behalf of you all, express our deep thanks to Mr. Spaak, President of the Assembly, for the vigour, ski11 and fairness which he has shown in conducting our proceedings. His contribution to the success of our work has been of the utmost importance. Finally, let me thank you a11 on behalf of the United Nations for your labours and wish you welcome back.

Ladies and Gentlemen, ‘1 declare closed the first part of the first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. The meeting rose at 12.35 a.m.