A/1/PV.59 General Assembly

We shall continue the discussion on the report of the First Committee concerning relations of Members of the United Nations with Spain (annex 69). I call upon Mr. Bottomley, representative of the United Kingdom. Mr. BOTTOMLEY (United Kingdom): The United Kingdom delegation opposes now, as it opposed in committee, the paragraph in the resolution which reads as follows: "Recommends that, if within a reasonable time, there is not established a government which derives its authority from the consent of the governed, committed to respect freedom of speech, religion and assembly, and to the prompt holding of an election in which the Spanish people, free from force and intimidation and regardless of party, may express their will, the Security Council consider the adequate measures to be taken in order to remedy the situation." In the view of my Government it is not for the General Assembly, but for the Security Council itself to decide whether to take action in this La seance est levee a19 h. 10. , CINQUANTE"NEUVIEME SEANCE PLENIERE T enue' le jeudi 12 decembre 1946) a 20 h. 15 TABLE DES MATIERES Pag8s 169. Relations entre les Membres des Nations Unies et l'Espagne: Rapport de la Pre~ miere Commission; resolution (suite de la discussion) .: 1198 170. Election de six membres du Conseil economique et social (suite) 12~2 . President: M. P.-H. SPAAK (Belgique). 169. Relations entre les Membres des Nations Unies et I'Espagne. Rapport de la Premiere Commission. Resolu" tion (document A/24l> (suite de la discussion) Le PRESIDENT: Nous alIons poursuivre la discu~sion sur le Rapport de la Premiere Commission relatif aux relations entre les Membres des Nations U nies et l'Espagne (annexe 69). .le donne la' parole Et M. Bottomley, representant du Royaumc-Uni. M. BOTTOMLEY (Royaume-Uni) (traduit de l'anglais): La delegation du Royaume-Uni est opposee maintenant, comme elle l'etait a la Commission, Et l'adoption du paragraphe de la resolution dont le texte est le suivant: "Recommande que si, dans un delai raisonnable il n'est pas etabli un gouvernement tenant son autorite du consentement des citoyens, qui s'engage a respecter la liberte de parole, de culte et de reunion et a organiser sans delai des elections par lesquelIes le peuple espagnol, lipere de toute contrainte ou intimidation, et sans consideration de partis puisse exprimer sa volonte, le Conseil de secu: rite etudie les mesures adequates a prendre pour remedier a cette situation." Le Gouvemernent du Royaume-Uni estime que ce n'est pas a!'Assemblee generale, mais au Conseil de securite, qu'il appartient de decider, I wish to declare that my Government is strongly opposed to the imposition of sanctions in these circumstances. I ask that this resolution be voted paragraph by paragraph. I must add that when we indicated our agree* ment to the proposal to withdraw ambassadors, we did so in the belief that other amendments would not be added that would make our position more difficult. I hope, therefore, that the Assembly will understand our position in this matter and show its understanding by rejecting this paragraph.

I call upon Mr. Clementis, representative of Czechoslovakia. M. CLEMENTIS (Tchecoslovaquie) (tradllit de ranglais): La delegation tchecoslovaque a vote a la Commission, et votera de nouveau ici, avec des sentiments partages, la resolution presentee par la Commission des questions politiques concemant l'Espagne. Nous nous felicitons vivement du fait que la regime franquiste ait ete condamne d'une maniere si claire et si nette par la plus haute instance des nations democratiques, et de ce que nous ayons depasse la phase difficile ou I'on parlait encore de la necessite de proceder a des enquetcs en vue d'etablir les origines de ce regime. Nous, qui des le debut avons suivi et aide dans la mesure du possible le peuple espagnol dans sa lutte pour la liberte et la democratie, n'avons jamais eprouve le moindre doute aeet egard; toutefois, nous sommes heureux de voir que notre opinion est consideree maintenant, sur le plan international, comme une verite reconnue. La lutte mence par le peuple espagnol pour la democratie a etc, des le debut, une cpreuve pour la democratie en general, et pour le~ grands Etats dCmocratiques en particulier. MalheureusementJ on se saurait dire que, ju~qu'id, la democratie mondiale ait passe, dans de bonnes conditions, cette epreuve. Nous nous tournons avec confiance vers cctte Assemblce des Nations Unies, esperant que ce qui dans le passe, n'a pas ete fait, ou bien a ete mal fait--:ce qui est piresera fait DU repare cette fois. L'heroique nation espagnole, qui a consenti a s'immoler, a un droit absolu a notre aide. EUe y a droit au meme titre que les autres nations europeennes que le fascisme a attaquces•. La nation espagnole a cte la premiere victime de l'attaque trahresse lancee par une conspiration ourdie et souteriue Mr. CLEMENTIS (Czechoslovakia): The Czechoslovak delegation has voted in the Com M mittee, and wi11 vote again now, with mixed feelings as regards the resolution submitted by the Political Committee concerning Spain. We welcome heartily the fact that Franco's regime has been condemned so clearly and unequivocally by this highest tribunal of democratic nations, and that we have overcome the awkward phase during which it was possible to speak about the necessity of investigating and ascertaining the origin of Franco's reg-ime. While all this was plain to us, who, from the very beginning, followed and supported, ab far as possible, the fight of the Spanish people for freedom and democracy, we heartily welcome the fact that this now becomes an inter- Ilationally recognized truth. The fight of the Spanish people for democracy was from it!! beginning a test case of world democracy in general and of the great democnitic States in particular. Unfortunately, we cannot assert, so far, that world democracy has passed this test with a good record. We look trustfully towards thi~ session of the Assembly of the United Nations in the hope that this time everything which in the past was left undone, or worse still, was badly done, wiU be rectified. To this help the heroic and self-sacrificing Spanish nation is fully entitled. It is entitled to our help just as other nations of, Europe, attacked by fascism were entitled. The Spanish nation was the first to be treacherously attacked by a conspiracy prepared and supported by nazi Germany and fascist Italy. Fascism waged a war against the Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole aM. Clementis, representant de la Tchecoslovaquie. The United Nations has taken a small, actually a very small, step in granting this help. The Czechoslovak delegation fully supports this step in the belief, however, that it will be followed by more decisive help which will return the government of their own affairs into the hands of the sorely tried Spanish people.

The .speech by the representative of Nicaragua will be interpreted into English. The next speech delivered in Spanish will be interpreted into French. I call upon Mr. Sevilla-Sacasa, representative of Nicaragua. Mr. SEVILLA-SACASA (Nicaragua) (translated from Spanish): In compliance with our President's wise suggestion I shall try to be brief. When the Franco question was discussed in the Political Committee, the Nicaraguan delegation took a clearly defined attitude. For the benefit 6f the Assembly, I shall summarize the main points of the view we maintained on the various occasions when we took part in the debates in that Committee. Wc said: 1. That we accepted without discussion the part of the official report of the investigating Sub-Committee of the Security COl,lncil which stated that the Franco regime was established with the aid of the Axis Powers and imposed upon the Spanish people in that form. 2. That if Franco constituted a real and not merely a potential threat to world peace, Nicaragua would willingly agree that all the sanctions provided for by the Charter should be applied to him. 3. That Spain, in our opinion, should not be admitted to the United Nations so long as she had not a dem?cratic regime representing the. aspirations of her heroic people. 4. That, for the above reasons, we supported the proposal of Senator Connally, which, if we understood it correctly, fulfilled our own essential conditions, namely, to censure severely the existence of a regime described as a residue of nazifascist dictatorship, while expressing the hope that it might be replaced by a provisional government truly representative of the Spanish people; and at the same time to impose international sanctions, the aim of which would be publicly to condemn Francoism and to debar the Franco Government from membership of this Assembly. 5. That we paid tribute to the principle of Le PRESIDENT: L'interpretation du discours du representant du Nicaragua sera faite en anglais. Le prochain discours en langue espagnole sera interpr6te en fran~ais. Je donne la parole a M. Sevilla-Sacasa, representant du Nicaragua. M. SEVILLA-SACASA (Nicaragua) (traduit de l'espagnol): Je m'efforcerai d'etre bref pour me confbrmer a la sage suggestion de notre President. Quant on a discute la question de Franco, au sein de la Commission des questions polltiques, la delegation du Nicaragua a pris une attitude bien definie;' resumant ce point de vue, je vais exposer a l'Assembh~e la these que nous avons soutenue toutes les fois que nous avons participe aux debats. Nous avons dit: 1. Que nous acceptions sans discussion le rapport officiel de .la Sous-Commission d'enqu~te du Conseil de securite dans la partie qui etablit que le regime de Franco a ete institue avec l'aide de l'Axe totalitaire et impose, sous cette forme, au peuple espagnol. 2. Que si Franco constituait une menace reelle, et non pas seulement virtuelIe, pour la paix du monde, le Nicaragua envisagerait volontiers qu'on lui appliqu~t toutes les sanctions que la Charte prevoit. 3. Que l'Espagne, a notre avis, ne devait pas etre admise au sein de l'Organisation des Nations Unies, tant qu'elIe n'aurait pas un regime democratique qui repondit aux aspirations de son peuple heroique. 4. Que, pour les raisons susdites, nous avons appuye la proposition du senateur Connally qui, anotre sens, repondait entierement ace qui nous interessait, a savoir: censurer energiquement l'existence d'un regime qui a ete c1asse 'comme le vestige des dictatures nazies et fascistes, en exprimant l'espoir qu'il soit remplace par un gouvernement provisoire authentiquement representif du peuple espagnol; imposer en meme temps des sanctions internationales qui aient pour objet de condamner publiquement le regime franquiste et de lui interdire d'occuper un siege au sein de cette Assemblee. 5. Que nous rendons hommage au principe This Spanish problem directly touches Indo- America as few other items on the agenda do. We are all aware of the links which bind us to Spain, and all of us, great and small, in this hemisphere of liberty, desire to see Spain freed from perverted regimes, takiIlg her place with us here and fulfilling her high democratic obligations with the best among us. There is no doubt, then, that a change of regime must come about in Spain. Spain must regain her normal life, and all nations must help her to recover and live at peace with the rest of the world. Taking account of these aims, so firmly rooted in the Nicaraguan conscience, we have studied the problem with growing interest. We have borne in mind the dark origin of the Franco regime, and its praise and support of the dictat<;>rships. We have considered all the proposals and documents available to us, especially the various legal opinions expressed by the representatives in the First Committee. The following are the conclusions we have reached: 1. In the interests of international conciliation, Nicaragua desires to do all she can to co-operate in the attainment of a satisfactory solution. In our speech on 6 December we emphasized this desire in the promise we made before the Committee that Nicaragua would accept the majority decision with a true sense of responsibility, provided that certain rights, which constitute the greatest achievements in our international relations and which are fully recognized by the San Francisco Charter, were not violated. 2. The original Polish proposal asking for coercive sanctions, in the form of severance of diplomatic relations, was not acceptable to us, being contrary to our views upon the mainten~ ance of relations with the outside world. 3. The ConnalIy proposal, though it did not sacrifice the principle of non-intervention, spoke in strong terms against the Franco regime. We were favourably impressed, by the statement of the distinguished Senator from Texas to the effect that non-intervention in the internal affairs severa~ce of diplomatic relations with Spain was not an act of intervention. We also heard the representative of Belgium, Mr. Loridan, express the view that the withdrawal, by States Members of the United Nations, of their ambassadors and ministers' from Madrid should not be regarded as an act of intervention in Spain's domestic affairs. , We listened with close attention to Mr. Padilla Nervo's warm defence of the principle of nonintervention, and, finally, we carefully studied the joint amendment presented by Mexico, Venezuela, Guatemala, Panama and Chile, stating that the severance of diplomatic relations was purely an act of sovereignty. In the presence of such legal opinions as to the interpretation of the principle of non-intervention, our legitimate fears have been set at rest. Thus, in our sincere desire to defend this principle against any violation, we are naturally glad to note that if jurists of standing from various parts of the world maintain that the collective severance of relations with a specific country is not intervention, still less can the mere withdrawal of the head of a mission accredited to a country be taken to mean intervention. I wish therefore to state, on behalf of my Government, that the Nicaraguan delegation will vote in favour of the resolution approved by the Sub-Committee and by the First Committee, in the form now before us, on the firm understanding that the withdrawal of heads of missions from Spain does not in any. way violate the sacred principle of "non-intervention", and that in accepting that withdrawal, we 'thus give Spain the opportunity to obtain a truly representative government. so that without delay she may take her place among us, the representatives of world sovereignty as constituted by the free peoples of the world.

I call upon Mr. Lange, representative of Poland. Mr. LANCE (Poland): We are called upon this evening .to take an important ·step towards redressing the wrong which Hitler and Mussolini have done to the Spanish people b.y estahlishing with thc,ir military aid. a f~ci1)t government in Nous avons entendu le representant de la Norvege, M. Wold, affirmer que l'action proposee a l'AssembIee doit ~tre consideree uniquement comme un reglement pacifique de la question espagnole. Ensuite, est venue la dissertation juridique de M. Alfaro, qui nous a declare, dans l'une de ses conclusions, que la rupture des relations diplomatiques avec l'Espagne ne constitue pas un acte d'intervention. Nous avons encore entendu M. Loridan, representant de la Be1gique, soutenir que le rappe1, par Ies Membres des Nations Unies, de leuTS ambassadeurs et ministres a Madrid, ne doit pas ~tre tenu pour un aete d'intervention dans les affaires interieures de l'Espagne. Nous avons ecoute attentivement M. Padilla Nervo, dans sa chaleureuse defense du principe de la non-intervention, enfin nous avons etudie avec une grande attention l'amendement commun du Mexique, du Venezuela, du Guatemala, de Panama et du Chili, ameudement qui declare que la rupture des relations diplomatiques est un pur acte de souverainete. Devant des avis juridiques aussi aut~rises sur l'interpretation du principe de la non-intervention, nos justes craintes se sont apaisees. Logiquement done, avec le sincere souci de d6£endre ce principe contre toute violation, nous avoilS constate avec satisfaction que si des juristes eminents de diverses parties du monde soutiennent qu'une rupture collective des relations avec un pays determine n'est pas une intervention, le rappe1 du chef de la mission accreditee dans ledit pays petit encore moins en constituer une. En consequence, je dois declarer, au nom de man Gouvernement, que la delegation du Nicaragua votera ,pour le projet approuve par la Sous-Commission et par la Premiere Commission, teI qu'il a ete presente, mais ctant entendu de la fac;on la plus absolue que, par le rappel des chefs de mission en Espagne, on ne parte atteinte, en aucune maniere, au principe sacre de la "non-intervention", et qu'cn permettant ce rappel, nous donnons a l'Espagne I'oc.casion d'avoir un gouvernement vraiment representatif lui assurant une place parmi nous qui repre- .sentons la souverainete moncliale etablie par les peuples libres de la terre. Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole a M. Lange, representant de la Pologne. M. LANCE (Pologne) (traduit de l'anglais): Nous sommes appeles ce soir 11. prendre une mesure importante en vue de rrparer le tort qu'Hjtler et Mussolini ont, cause all 'peuple espagnol en aidant militairement un gquverneh~to our fold. There was some divergence of· vIe:vs as to the proper ways and means of taking actIOn. I am very happy, therefore, that this divergence as to means of action has been substantially overcome and that in the Committee we have been able to agree, with an overwhelming majority of twenty-three to four, upon a course of action. This course of action is embodied in the resolution before the Assembly. I know that this resolution does not satisfy all of us. Some of us find in it less than we desire. Some, maybe, find a bit more than they desire. But, still, it is the first concrete agreement upon a positive course of action, and this is the important feature of the resolution. I should like, therefore, to urge this Assembly to pass the resolution unanimously, or at least with an overwhelming majority, and to pass it as a whole. Let us show to the world that we can do more than make speeches. Let us show to the world that our Organization means business and that it is capable of action. Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole a M. Acosta, representant du Paraguay.

[ .call upon Mr. Acosta, representative of Paraguay. M. ACOSTA (Paraguay) (traduit de ['espa. gnol): Conformement a. la position democratique que nous avons adoptee aSan-Francisco et aLondres, et etant entendu, comme nous l'avons deja declare, que notre vote ne signifie pas que nous sommes partisans de l'intervention, je tiens a dire que le Paraguay appuiera la resolution de la Commission des questions politiques et de la securite. Nous sommes partisans d'une action mesuree et pratique en ce qui concerne l'affaire espagnole; c'est en ce sens que nous avons appuye la motion presentee par la delegation colombienne. Mais cette motion qui n'a reuni que la minorite des voix de la Commission, a ete repoussee. Nous avons declare que ni la motion polonaise ni la motion americaine ne nous paraissaient acceptables. Nous etions partisans d'une mesure qui fQt conforme a l'attitude que nous avons adoptee a San-Francisco et a Londres, cl'une mesure qui, sans violer la Charte, demontrlit, une fois de plus, que notre Organisation n'approuve pas le regime espagnol, en raison de son origine, de sa nature, de sa politique, et parce que c'est le regime d'un Etat antidemocratique ou l'esclavage et le despotisme sont eleves ala hauteur d'une institution. La resolution dont nous sommes saisis, bien qu'elle ne reflete pas tout a fait nos desirs, Mr. ACOSTA (Paraguay) (transla'ted from Spanish): In conformity with the democratic position adopted by our delegation at San Francisco and in London, and making it clear, as we have already done, that our vote does not mean that we are in favour of intervention, I wish to say that Paraguay will support the resolution of the Political and Security Committee. We are in favour of a moderate and practical step with regard to the Spanish case, and that is why we supported the motion put forward by Colombia. However, it received a minority vote in the Committee and was rejected. We said that neither the Polish nor the American motion appeared acceptable to, us. We were, however, in favour of a measure which was in conformity with the attitude we adopted at San Francisco and in London: a measure which, without violating the Charter, would once again . show that this Organization does not approve of the present Spanish regime, because of its origin, its nature, its policy, and also because of the fact that it represents an anti-democratic State, where slavery and despotism have been raised to the level of a system. Although the resolution before us does not completely reflect our wishes, we shall neverthe-

I call upon Mr. Saenz, representative of Guatemala. Mr. SAENZ (Gu~temala) (translated from Spanish): The delegation of Guatemala confirms its Government's definite attitude towards Spanish falangisI'I} and the subject of diplomatic isolation, which, in some inexplicable way, has been alleged in this General Assembly to mean intervention. Collective repudiation of the Franco regime, the sympathy of the democratic countries towards a people which fought heroically for thirty-two months against the invading armies of Hitler and Mussolini, cannot possibly be confused with the old unilateral interference in the internal life of weak nations by a single great Power, and not wholly in defence of President Roosevelt's four freedoms. This collective action which the conscience of the civilized world will take in support of Spanish democracy, by approving and implementing the resolution to withdraw from Madrid heads of diplomatic missions, does not contUct with the spirit of the Act of Chapultepec in so far as it concerns the aspirations of human beings to justice and freedom. Nor does it conflict with the spirit of the post-war conception of universal jus gentium, 'solemnly consecrated in the San Francisco Charter. To prove to what extent this premise is either correct or questionable, and being unable in the allotted four minutes to give' a juridical exposition, I think it will be sufficient, in order to be brief, to recall that all the delegations to this Assembly refused unanimously to ,admit Franco to this world orga,nization, and that it did not occur to anyone to describe that decision as a sin of intervention or a violation of the falangist sovereignty of Don Francisco Franco. No, gentlemen, the isolation of dictatorial regimes is a prophylactic measure, a cordon sani- Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole a M. Saenz, representant du' Guatemala. M. SAENZ (Guatemala) ,(traduit de l'espagnol): La deh~gation du Guatemala confirme I'attitude concrete de son Gouvernement en ce qui concerne le phalangisme espagnol et la these de l'isolement dipJomatique, a laquelle on a pretendu, d'une fa~on inexplicable, attribuer un caractere interventionniste. ""-L'action collective qui rejette le regime de Franco, la sympathie des pays democratiques pour un peuple qui a su lutter heroiquement pendant trente-deux mois contre les armees d'invasion de Hitler et de Mussolini, it n'est pas possible qu'on les confonde avec la vieille intrusion unilaterale d'une grande Puissance intervenant dans la vie interieure des nations faibles dans son seul interet, et non pas precisement pour defendt:e les quatre libertes du President Roosevelt. Cette action collective que la conscience du monde civilise exercera pour appuyer la democratic espagnole, en adoptant la resolution et en appliquant la decision qu'elIe prevoit de rappeler de Madrid les chefs des missions diplomatiques, n'est pas opposee a I'esprit de I'Acte de Chapultepec, dans la mesure au eUe concerne les aspirations de l'ctre humain a la justice et a la liberte. Cette action n'est pas non plus op- ,posee a la conception d'aprcs-guerre d'un jus gentium universel, ,conception consacree solennellement par la Charte de San-Francisco. Desirant que l'on puisse juger si cette premisse est exacte ou discutable, et me trouvant dans I'impossibilite de presenter en quatre minutes un expose d'ordre juridique, je dirai-sans faire de phrases-.qu'il suffit de rappeler que cette Assemblee a unanimement rejete Franco du sein de notre Organisation mondiale, et sans q u'il soit venu a l'esprit d'aucun representant de declarer que, ce faisant, on tombait dans le peche d'interventionnisme, ou que l'on violait la souverainete phalangiste du sieur Francisco Franco. Non, Messieurs, I'isolement des regimes dicta. toriaux est une mesure prophylactique, c'est un Again, the Assistant Secretary of State made a very interesting speech at New Haven, Connecticut, on 18 December 1945, of which the following two sentences are relevant: "If a nation derives its sovereignty, internal and external, solely from the people of which it is composed, is a government that violates the popular will at home vested with popular sovereignty in its dealings abroad? "The ideal of popular sovereignty is today being frustrated in the countries that smother under the several national varieties of international fascism. Even in our day, the world is still confronted by the spectacle of governments which arrogate to themselves more irresponsible power than did the prince of Galilean times. It should be inconceivable to us that a government which does not believe in the sovereign authority of the people, should still rule in the name of the people." We have noted the great care and diplomacy with which the Spanish case has been treated in this great Assembly, the highest tribunal of contemporary civilization. Franco, in reply, whilst we were still in session here, ordered thousands of his falangists to march through the streets of Madrid shouting hostile and provocative slogans against the United Nations. It was the same Franco who challenged the Allies in 1941 and 1942, uttering such threats as this against democracy: "The Axis is now a triangle, compnsmg Germany, Italy and Spain. War has come and the Allies have lost it. Now the German armies are waging the war to which they have been looking forward for many years. The blood of our young men will be united with the blood of our comrades of the Axis as a living expression of solidarity. Dem·ocracy Rappelons, par exemple,la declaration du secretaire d'Etat, James F. Byrnes, dans les derniers jours de novembre 1945: "L'enorme somme de vies, de sang et d'argent que nous a coute, a nos Allies et a nous, la victoire, donne al'homme le droit d'exiger, comme condition essentielle du maintien de la paix et de la securite mondiales, que la dignite .et les· droits de l'homme soient respectes dans quelque pays que ce soit... La violation de ces droits fondamentaux par un gouvernement fonde sur la force .•. est un probleme qui interesse toutes les republiques I.americaines]." Le secretaire d'Etat adjoint, a son tour, It. 18 decembre 1945, a prononce a New-Haven (Connecticut) un discours plein d'interct, dont il paralt opportun d'extraire, entre autres, le!! deux phrases suivantes: "Si un gouvernement viole la volonte populaire, seul fondement de la souverainete intericure et exterieure de l'Etat, ce gouvernement pourra-t-il ctre investi de la souverainete dans ses relations avec l'etranger? "La fin supreme de la souverainete populaire est mise en echec dans les pays qu'ecrasent les divers regimes derives du fascisme international. De nos jours, le monde a devant lui le spectacle de gouvernements que s'arrogent plus de pouvoirs qu'un prince du temps de Galilee. Il est inconcevable pour nous qu'un gouvernement qui ne croit pas a l'autorite souveraine du peuple continue a gouverner au nom du peuple." Au sein de cette grande AssembMe, tribune la plus elevee de la civilisation contemporaine, nous avons observe tout le doigte, toute la diplomatie dont on a use dans le cas espagnoI. Franco, en guise de reponse, a fait defiler dans les rues de Madrid, alors que nous etions encore reunis, des milliers de ses phalangistes, hurlant des cris de mort et provoquant ouvertement les Nations Unies. C'est toujours le mcme Franco qui, en 1941 et en 1942, jetait le gant aux Allies et pronon<;ait des menaces contre la democratie, dani;i le genre de celles-ci: "L'Axe est devenu un triangle, car il comprend l'Allemagne, l'Italieet l'Espagne. La guerre a eu lieu et les Allies l'on perdue. A l'heure actuelle, les armees aIIemandes menent la bataille qU'eIIeS desiraient ardemment depuis de long-ues annees. Le sang de notre jeunesse va s'unir a. ceIui de nos carnarades de l'Axe, dans l'expression vivante de la soli- There is no time to say anything more, in the four minutes allotted to us by the President, on other points which have been raised and discussed here. I need only say, in conclusion, that we defend Spain, the Spanish people, taking as our example and guide the figures of our own illustrious liberators and thinkers. They would have opposed Franco as they opposed the absolutism of Ferdinand VII in the victorious battles which they fought-and which are still being fought-for justice and freedom.

I call upon Mr. Arce, representative of Argentina. . Mr. ARCE (Argentina) (translated from Spanish): The "Spanish question," since many people refer to it, exists in fact; but it does not exist in such a form as to give this Organization the right to intervene in the internal affairs of the Spanish State., A little more than a year has passed since the war came to an end, and we have not yet been able to forget its horrors, nor the atrocities committed by men who were not content to rule inside the frontiers of their own country, but aspired to the domination of the world. We have just drafted a general scheme of disarmament, with the consent of the great, medium and small Powers, and we only hope that it will reach this Assembly so that the latter, with its high authority, may urge the Security Council to prepare the necessary plans to reduce armaments and establish an international police force. We all ardently wish to maintain peace. Yet, because of hatred for the men who were victorious in the Spanish civil war more than ten years ago, we have been devoting many hours of our time, which is short enough for the performance of our tasks, in proposing, drafting and voting on resolutions aiming at intervention in questions which have been specifically reserved by the San Francisco Charter for each sovereign State, in the present case, the Spanish State. It has been said that the present Government is a potential menace to international peace and security. That assertion is doubtful; nobodyean prove it. Further, events which have occurred recently show that the dangers threatening more or less openly international peace and security would not, if they exist, appear to' be coming from the direction of Spain. Are there not people who state that com- Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole aM. Aree, representant de l'Argentine. M. ARCE (Argentine) (traduit de l'espagnol) : "L'afi'aire espagnole" existe en fait, puisque de nombreuses personnes y font allusion; mais eUe n'existe pas avec assez de nettete pour que notre Organisation ait le droit d'intervenir dans les affaires interieures de l'Etat espagnol. La guerre est terminee depuis un peu plus d'un an. Nous ne pouvons toutefois, oublier ses horreurs, et les atrocites commises par des hommes qui ne se contentent pas de gouverner a l'interieur des frontieres de leur propre pays, mais aspirent a dominer le monde. Nous venous de rediger un projet d'ensemble pour le desarmement avec l'assentiment gene~ ral des grandes, moyennes, et petites Puissances, et nous n'attendons plus que l'occasion de le soumettre a cette AssembIee, qui forte de son autorite, va inciter a son tour le Conseil de securite a elaborer les plans necessaires a la reduction des armements et a la cr·eation d'une police internationale. Notre ardent d6lir a tous est de maintenir la paix. Cependant, pour assouvir notre haine contre les hommes qui l'emporterent, i1 y a plus de dix ans, dans la guerre civile d'Espagne, noUB consacrons de longues heures, prises sur un temps deja court eu egard aux taches qui nous ineornbent, a proposer, rediger et voter des resolutions tendant a intervenir en des questions reservees d'une maniere precise, par la Charte de San- Francisco, achacun des Etats souverains et, dans le cas present, a l'Etat espagnol. On a dit que le gouvernement espagnol actue1 compromet virtuellement la paix et la securite internationales. La veracite de cette affirmation est douteuse; personne ne saurait la demontrer. De plus, les faits survenus ces derniers temps font apparaitre que les dangers mena- ~ant plus ou moins ouvertement la paix et la securite internationales, s'ils se manifestaient, ne se manifesteraient pas precisement du c8te de l'Espagne. N'y a-toil pas des gens pour affinner que le At a time when we are preparing to guarantee peace, I appeal· particularly to the great Powers, those which have the power to unleash war, not to sponsor, or vote for, any resolution which is contrary to the provisions of the Charter. Above all, we ask them to refrain from acting in that domineering spirit which they themselves so rightly criticized in the Germany of Hitler and the Italy of Mussolini. Let us remember what history teaches us. No people is more independent, more proud of their independence, than the Spanish people. After ten· million men have lost their lives in the second world war, it should not be necessary to kill twenty million Spaniards to subjugate Spain. Let us leave the Spanish people to solve their own problems. Let us leave each Member State of this Organization to act as it thinks best with regard to the Government of Spain. Many of the countries here represented have no diplomatic relations with Spain. How can they withdraw the chiefs of their missions? I would go so far as to say that I am sure the Spanish people will have solved their own problem before the next Assembly. Meanwhile, let us forget this question, which has· more to do with preparations for another war than with the maintenance of peace, and let, us. apply, ourselves to our own tasks. Spain There are two great tasks which should engage all our efforts: the first is to bring the great Powers to an agreement on disannament and the maintenance of peace, and the second, to improve the food and health conditions of many millions of men, women and children in all parts of the world. The so-called Spanish question is one which excites politicians and those ingenuous people who believe false promises of a false democracy. The peace and welfare of the two thousand million human beings upon this earth is a social question, and is the concern of men who rule, of statesmen, and of all humane men. The Spanish question is a political one; it is outside the duties of the United Nations. The questions of peace, of providing food for all and improving the social conditions of the less fortunate are the specific tasks of the United Nations. Let us leave the former and press on with the latter. The Argentine delegation will continue the fight to secure peace and prevent war. In this task it will be fortified by its clear international record of non-intervention, as well as by the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

I call upon Mr. Romulo, representative of the Philippine Republic. Mr. ROMULO (Philippine Republic): The Philippine deleRation abstained, when the re..'!Olution as a whole, which is now before us, was voted upon in the First Committee. My Government, from the very beginning, was not in favour of any step that might serve unwittingly to strengthen rather than weaken the Franco regime. But, apart from the question of method and strategy, there was never any doubt in our minds that the Franco regime is a fascist regime imposed upon the Spanish people by fascist military intervention, and that we would welcome any appropriate measure that will hasten the re-establishment of democratic government in Spain. My Government is keenly aware of the grave danger to the prestige of the United Nations of failure on its part to take some concrete action on Spain, or to express in one way .or another its sympathy for the Spanish people and its condemnation of the Franco regime. It has become obvious that the General Assembly cannot pass over the Spanish question in ,silence, lest 'its silence be regarded as an indirect condonation of the Franco Government. In weighing the possible consequences of the course of action indicated in the resolution now Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole a M. Romulo, representant de la Republique des Philippines. M. ROMuLo (Republique des Philippines) (traduit de l'anglais): La delegation des Philippines s'est abstenue lorsque l'ensemble de la resolution que nous discutons aujourd'hui a ete mis aux voix, a la Premiere Commission. Des le dc5but, mon Gouvernement n'a ete partisan d'aucune demarche qui puisse, sans qu'on le veuille, renforcer plut6t qu'affaiblir le regime de Franco. Neanmoins, toute consideration de methode ou de tactique mise a part, il n'y a jamais eu de doute dans notre esprit q uant au fait que le regime de Franco est Un regime fasciste, impose au peuple espagnol par l'intervention militaire fasciste; i1 est certain que nous sedons heureux de voir prendre toute mesure propre a hater le rctablissement d'un gouvernement ,democratique en Espagne. Mon Gouvernement a pleinement conscience du grave danger auque1 les Nations Unies exposeraient leur prestige si elles ne reussissaient pas aprendre quelque mesure positive a·l'egard de l'Espagne ou aexprimer, d'ul).e maniere quelconque, que leur sympathie va au peuple espagnol et qu'elles condamnent le regime de Franco. Il est devenu evident que l'Assemblee generale ne peut pas passer sous silence la question espagnolc, de peur que ce silence puisse etre inter-. prete comme une absolution· tacite donnee au Gouvernement de Franco. En pesant les consequences possibles des mesures preconisees dans la resolution qui nous est The resolution before us is a compromise which recommends itself to the frank and honest consideration of all our delegations. The General Assembly has reached a point in its development, and this is very important, where it has become the sensitive instrument of the living conscience of the world. This is a wholesome development which we of the Philippine delegation would not wish to stultify~ On this very floor, on two previous occasions, this august body has expressed its stout adherence to the principle of advancing human rights and defending fundamental freedoms. The taking of some concrete action on the Franco regime in Spain is a logical and necessary consequence of the policies which the Assembly has adopted on questions of similar import. . Les Nations Unies doivent maintenant se prononcer sur la question de I'Espagne franquiste; si .elles decident de parler de la maniere preconisee par la resolution, il faut qu'elles le fassent sur le ton le. plus energique possible. En efIet, si notre voix se fait entendre, elle doit etre celle de la conscience du monde qui eondamneelle les condamne sans aucun doute-Ies doctrines et les pratiques du fascisme et de ses survivances, partout ou eIles peuvent subsister. La ligne de conduite de mon Gouvernement sur la question de l'Espagne franquiste consiste a participer et a. se confonner a. taute decision approuvee par la majorite· de l'AssembIee qui montrera clairement a tous les peuples du monde, et en particulier au peuple espagnol, que nous tenons le fascisme en complete derision et que nous le meprisons. Aussi est-ce avec pJaisir que je declare que la delegation des .Philippines votera la resolution telle qu'elle est presentee al'AssembIee. The United Nations must speak on the question of Franco Spain, and if it elects to speak in the manner set forth in the resolution before us, then let it do so, and with as powerful a voice as possible. For our voice, if it speaks at all, must be that of the conscience of the world condemning, as undoubtedly it condemns, the doctrines and practices of fasciSm and of its survivals wherever they may exist. On the question of Franco Spain, the policy of my Government is to participate in, and to abide by, any decision approved by the majority of the Assembly that will make it clear to the world, and. to the people of Spain, that we hold fascism in utter derision and contempt. It is therefore my pleasure to announce that the Philippine delegation will vote in favour of the resolution as it now stands. Mr. MORA (Uruguay) (translated from Spanish): The Uruguayan delegation will vote in favour of the resolution on the Spanish question approved by the First Committee. The Uruguayan' Government has a carefully formed opinion on the Spanish situation. The Senate and House of Representatives have repeatedly expressed themselves in favour of the severance of relations with the present Spanish Government. At San Francisco, the Uruguayan Foreign Minister firmly supported the Mexican motion to debar from membership of the United Nations governments established with the military aid of enemy countries. At the first part of the first session of this Assembly in London, the head of the Uruguayan delegation supported the declaration made at San Francisco and ex~ pressed his adherence to the principles of the Potsdam declaration which, as you know, were opposed to Spain's becoming a member of the United Nations. In spite of what has been said, it has always been and still is the fervent desire of the Uruguayan Government that a solution of the Spanish situation may come of its own accord; but time goes on and the regime subsists on a basis of violence and persecution. The Sub-Committee appointed by the Security Council to investigate the Spanish question could not fail to point out that the Franco regime "continued to practise those methods of persecution of political opponents and police supervision over its people which are characteristic of fascist regimes and which are inconsistent with the principles of the United Nations cODce"rning respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms." The indefinite continuance of this regime implies a latent threat to domestic and international peace. The General Assembly, exercising its powers, should therefore take a calm but firm attitude to help bring this state of affairs to an end. The Uruguayan Government is not improvising principles to be applied in this case. It is following a carefully thought out policy, which it has explained at various conferences and on every. occasion when it considered it necessary to do so. Accordirig to the tc::rms of Article 2, paragraph 6, of the United Nations Charter, "the Organization shall ensure that States which are not members of the United Nations act in accordance with these principles so far as may be necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security", and the, first of these principles is' a reaffirmation of faith in fundamental him1an rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person. Article' 13, paragraph 1bJ of the Charter empowers the Assembly to make recommendations for the pUl:pose of "assisting in the realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms . M. MORA (Uruguay) (traduit de l'espagnol): La delegation de l'Uruguay votera pOUf la resolution qu'a approuvee la Premiere Commission, au sujet de l'affaire espagnole. Le Gouvernement de l'Uruguay a une opinion definie sur la situation en Espagne. La Chambre des representants et le Senat se sont maintes {ois prononces pour la rupture des relations avec le Gouvernement actuel de l'Espagne. A San-Francisco, le Ministre des Affaires etrangeres de l'Uruguay a appuye resolument la motion mexicaine tendant ainterdire l'acces de l'Organisation des Nations Unies aU;ll: gouvernements instaures gra.ce al'appui militaire des pays ennemis. A Londres, au cours de la premiere partie de la premiere session de cette AssembIee, le chef de notre delegation a confirme la declaration faite anterieurement a San-Francisco, et a adhere aux principes de la declaration de Potsdam, qui s'opposent, comme on sait, a l'admission de l'Espagne dans l'Organisation des Nations Unies. En depit de ce qui a ete dit, le Gouvernement de l'Uruguay a toujours desire et desire encore ardemment que cette situation se regIe d'ellemcme; mais le temps passe, et un regime se maintient par la violence et la persecution. Le Sous-Comite cree par le Conseil de securite et charge d'enqueter sur la question espagnole, n'a pu manquer de signaler que "le regime franquiste persiste a employer les methodes de persecution de l'opposition politique et de surveillance policiere du' peuple caracterisant les regimes fascistes et qui sont incompatibles avec les principes des Nations Vnies concernant le respect des droits de l'homrne et des libertes fondamentales." La prolongation indefinie de ce regime porte en elle une menace latente contre la paix interieure et extcrieure. L'Assemblee generale doit, par consequent, dans I'exercice de ses {onctions, assumer une attitude sereine mais energique, pour tacher de mettre fin a un tel etat de choses. Le Gouvernement uruguayen n'improvise pas des. conceptions pour les appliquer a ce cas concreto Il suit une ligne de conduite longuement murie, qu'il a exposee a diverses conferences et toutes les fois qu'il l'a juge necessaire. Ainsi que le stipule le paragraphe 6 de I'Article 2 de la Charte des Nations Unies, "1'Organisation fait en sorte que les Etats qui ne sont pas Membres des Nations Unies agisscnt conformement a ces principes dans la mesure necessaire au rnaintien de lapaix et de la securite internationales"; le premier de ces principes, c'est la reaffirmation de leur foi dansles. droitIJ fondamentaux de l'homme, dans lavaleur et la; dignitc de la personne humaine. L'Artic1e 13, paragraphe lb, de la Gharte, permet a l'Assemblee de formuler des recommandations .en vue de "faciliter pour tous, sans. distinction de race, de sexe, de langueou de The V ruguayan Government, for its part, believes that certain concepts should be established in connexion with various assertions, made in the course of the debates, on the principle of nonintervention and the way in which that principle might affect the application of the Charter in the matter we are now considering. It feels that to evoke the principle of non-intervention in order to paralyse collective action by organs expressly constituted to act on behalf of the international community is a manifest contradiction. Uruguay respects, and has always supported, the principle adopted by inter-American conventions repudiating intervention by any State in the internal or external affairs of other States; but it holds that this principle refers always to unilateral intervention only, or possibly to intervention by a group of States acting arbitrarily or on their own initiative. It cannot be maintained that the principle, as accepted at San Francisco, could apply to the actions of the basic organs of the United Nations community. The United Nations Charter brings to international relations a new judicial system which inevitably modifies some of the classic conceptions of international law. In accordance with her repeatedly expressed doctrine, Uruguay views with satisfaction the fact that the General Assembly's powers have been consolidated to deal with questions of this type. For this reason the Uruguayan delegation also refuses to accept, without comment, the assertions we have heard. to the effect that the General Assembly is trespassing upori the province of the Security Council. Article 10 of the Charter states that the General Assembly may make recommendations on any matters within the scope of the Charter or relating to the powers and functions of any organs. pr~vided for. in th~ Charter. T~e only ~­ ceptlOn IS a case ID whlch the Secunty Council is dealing with a specific problem in accordance with Article 12, but, in the case now before US, the Security Council decided to forward the matter to the Assembly for its elucidation; that is to say, the Security Council is awaiting the

I call upon Mr. Gromyko, representative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Mr. GROMYKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): The Soviet delegation' considers that the resolution adopted by the First Committee on the question of the Franco fascist regime is of great importance. This decision of the First Committee was preceded by prolonged discussion, during which all delegations had an opportunity to express their views on this matter. The delegations of a number of States, Members of the United Nations, rightly consider that previous decisions in regard to the Franco fascist regime were insufficient, and that it was essential for the United Nations to take more ·decisive steps in regard to Franco. That is why the question of the relations with the Franco regime was raised again at this session of the General Assembly. In discussing the resolution, adopted by the First Committee by an overwhelming majority, we must first of all understand what the existing political regime in Spain represents. As is known, Franco and his clique came to power as a result of the intervention of Hitlerite Germany and fascist Italy. With the help of German and Italian fascism, the Spanish Republic was strangled and the puppet of Hitler and Mussolini assumed power. During the whole course of the war, Spanish fascism, having assumed power with the help of foreign bayonets, remained the true ally of Hitler and Mussolini; furthennore, the facts show that Franco Spain was not only a political ally of Hitlerite Germany and fascist Italy, but also gave the Axis Powers military aid by sending regular military formations to the eastern front to fight against the Soviet armies. The United Nations should not confine itself to the adoption of general declarations on this matter, but should be solicitous about the adoption of a more effective decision in conformity with the gravity of the problem. This is the moral political obligation of the United Nations towards the peace-loving nations. This is its responsibility as well as that of the Member States of our Organization. The Soviet delegation considers that the decision, recommended by the First Committee, regarding the recall from Spain by all the Member States of the Organization of their ambassadors and ministers, and the exclusion of Spain from international organizations, either created by or in relationship with the United Nations, is the minimum the General Assembly can adopt as a result of the consideration of this matter. As before, the Soviet delegation considers that Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole a. M. Gromyko, representant de l'Union des Republiques socialistes sovietiques. M. GROMYKO (Union'des Republiques socia~ listes sovictiques) (traduit du russe) : La delegation sovietique estime que la resolution adoptee par la Premiere Commission sur la question du regime fasciste de Franco a une grande importance. La Premiere Commission a adopte cette resolution apres une discussion prolongee au cours de laquelle toutes les delegations ont eu l'occasion de se prononcer sur la question. Les defegations d'un certain nombre d'Etats Membres de l'Organisation des Nations Unies estiment a juste titre que les decisions qui ont ete prises jusqu'a present contre le regime fasciste de Franco sont insuffisantes, et qu'i! est indispensable que 1'0rganisation des Nations Vnies prenne des mesures plus eoergiques contre Franco. C'est precisement pour ceUe raison que la question de I'attitude a adopter a l'egard de ce regime a etesoulevee a nouveau a la preseote session de l'Assemblee generale. En examinant la resolution adoptee par la Premiere Commission a une majorite ecrasante, nous devons tout d'abord nous rendre compte de ce que represente le regime politique existant actuellement en Espagne. On sait que Franco et sa clique ont accede au pouvoir grace al'intervention de l'Allemagne hitlericnne et de l'Italie fasciste. C'est avec le concours du fascisme allemand et italien que la Republique espagnole a ete etranglee, et qu'un protege d'Hitler et de Mussolini a pris le pouvoir. Le fascisme espagnol, venu au pouvoir avec l'aide des baionnettes etrangeres, est reste pendant toute la d un~e de la guerre l'allie fidele d'Hitler et de Mussolini. Les faits montrent que l'Espagne de Franco a ete non seulement l'alliee politique de l'Allemagne hit1erienne et de l'Italie fasciste, mais qu'elle a apporte une aide militaire aux pays de l'Axe en envoyant des troupes regulicres sur le front de I'Est pour lutter contre les' armees 50- vietiques. VOrganisation des Nations Unies ne doit plus se contenter d'approuver des declarations d'ordre general; elle doit avoir soin de prendre une decision plus efficace,. qui tienne compte de la gravite de ceUe affaire. Telle est l'obligation morale et politique quenotre Organisation a assumee a l'egard des nations pacifiques. Tel est son devoir, te1 est le devoir de tous les Etats Membres de l'Organisation. La resolution recommandee par la Premiere Commission, resolution qui prevoit le rappel par tous les Etats Membres de l'Organisation de leurs ambassadeurs et ministres accredites en Espagne, et qui interdit a l'Espagne de faire partie des organisations internationales ereees par l'Organisation des Nations Unies ou en relations avec ceUe-ci, constitue, de l'avis de la delegation sovietique, le minimum que l'Assemblee generale puisse adopter en conclusion du present debat. La delegation sovietique continue a estimer The Soviet delegation cannot overlook the fact that here also, in the General Assembly, voices are raised in the defence of the fascist regime in Spain, foisted on the Spanish people from outside with the support of Hitler and Mussolini. We are told that the United Nations should not, and has not the right to, disturb Franco and his clique, because a decision by the General Assembly to adopt practical measures in regard to the Franco regime would amount to intervention by the United Nations in the internal affairs of Spain. After all that has been said, it is not difficult to understand that such statements are without any foundation: fascism has long ceased to be the internal affair of this or that country. The tragic lessons of the past show that fascism and aggression are inseparable, and the United Nations has not the right to ignore the lessons of history if it really wishes to be the guardian of peace and of the security of nations. The attempts on the part of certain delegations to prevent the adoption, by the United Nations, of practical measures in regard to the Franco regime show that not all the States represented in the United Nations fully realize the danger which the existence of the Spanish fascist regime represents. From the very beginning of the discussion on thi::; question at previous conferences, the Soviet Union has followed a clear and consistent line. It will also in the future carry on energetically the struggle against fascists and war-mongers. The Soviet delegation considers it necessary to re.. peat that it would be dangerous to bury the political substance and contents of the question now being discussed under all kinds of legal definitions put forward to justify the policy of inaction in regard to Spanish fascism. The United Nations must give a clear and unequiyocal answer to the question whether it

I call upon Mr. Wold, representative of Norway. Mr. WOLD (Norway): The Norwegian delegation has already stated its views on the Spanish question, and at this stage I only wish to say a few words. The recommendation now before the Assembly is not directed against the Spanish people, but against Franco and the' Franco regime, a regime which we all condemn and wish to see abolished as soon as possible. For that reason, it is necessary that the decision we take now should, to the largest possible extent, weaken the Franco regime. Therefore my appeal to the Assembly is that we should adopt, the resolution before us with the largest possible majority. The resolution is a compromise. The Spanish question has been discussed in the Sub-Committee and in the First Committee, and in the end we obtained a very large majority in favour of the resolution. I think, therefore, the time has come when we should stand together in the spirit of solidarity and common action. I want to thank the Philippine representative for the speech he made a few moments ago. That was a speech in the spirit which I think we in this Organization will always need. The time has come when we should stand together. The time has come when Franco must realize that the game is up; and, at the same time, he must also realize the real strength and the real solidarity of the United Nations. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): I call upon Mr. de la Colina, representative of Mexico. Mr. DE LA COLINA (Mexico): As one of the few countries which, from the very outset of the military insurrection against the freely elected RepUblican Government of Spain, took a clearcut, definite anti-fascist position, Mexico. feels entitled to speak with authority on this issue. We have never deviated from the jollowing principles and aims: condemnation of a regime born out of a fascist-nazi spirit to subjugate the world; co-operation with the democratic people of Spain; and the constant expression of our hope that the brave and generous people of Spain may soon be able to establish a government deriving its authority from the consent of its people. I paroles qu'il a prononcees tout a l'heure; e1les temoignent d'un esprit qui sera toujours necessaire au sein de l'Organisation. L'heure est venue de nous unir. Il est temps que Franco comprenne qu'il a perdu la partie et qu'il sente la force et la solidarite reelles des Nations Unies. Le 'PRiSIDENT: Je doune la parole a M. de la Colina, representant du Mexique. M. DE LA COLINA (Mexique) (traduit de ranglais): Comme le Mexique est l'un des rares pays qui aient adopte, sans equivoque, des le debut de l'insurrection militaire fomentee contre I le Gouvernement republicain espagnol issu d'61ections libres, une attitude nettement antifasciste, mon pays estime etre en droit de faire entendre sa voix avec autorite sur cette question. Nous ne nous sommes jamais ecartes des principes et des buts suivants: condamnation cl'un regime ne de l'esprit fascisto-nazi de domination du monde; cooperation avec le peuple espagnol 'cpris de democratie; espoir sans cesse exprime de voir bientot le vaillant et genereux peuple espagnol etre en mesure d'etablir un gouvernement qui tire son autorite du consentement des citoyens. Only one regime of that type remains in the world-Franco's. Only one quisling remains to be tried and punished-Franco. Only one centre of fascist intrigue is still in operation throughout the world-Franco's. Yet, we do not ask, in the Committee resolution, for what Our moral conscience might dictate us to do. We simply recommend that all Members of our Organization immediately recall from Madrid their ambassadors and ministers plenipotentiary accredited there. Mild indeed is the Committee's recommendation. We are not establishing any precedent, such as has been suggested here. Franco's case is unique. We are not condemning him just because he is dictatorial and antidemocratic. Our principal and overriding concern in this case is that he has been created by the Axis. That is why we 'have debarred Franco from membership in this Organization. Certain representatives, whose personal opinions I respect deeply, however different they may be from mine, have asserted that this recommendation ,involves intervention. As long as they expressed their personal opinions or those of their Govermnents, my delegation listened to them with all the attention and respect they deserved, even if we are not able to admit the validity of their arguments. But the moment that they attempt to interpret the Charter for uS and, even more, when they charge that by accepting this resolution We shall violate the provisions of the Charter, I must declare emphatically and categorically that, as far as my delegation is concerned, ~nly the Ge~eral ~seI?­ bly, acting' as a body 10 conformIty WIth Its constitutional procedure and methods, has the power to determine what it may or m~y not. do in each case that comes under Its consIderatIOn. " Let our votes bespeak the opinions of the individual Members. The result of the voting, and only that result, I repeat, shall ~onstitute the decision of the General Assembly 10 accordance with the Charter. Whatever that decision may be my delegation will willingly abide by it. Let us' strengthen and reaffirm the functions and Mr. DE LAVALLE (Peru) (translated from Spanish): In a public statement, which has been widely circulated, the Peruvian Minister for Foreign Affairs dealt with the various aspects of the problem of the relation of the United Nations to Spain. Consequently, I shall not dwell now upon the same doctrinaire aspect of Peru's legal attitude, which I have already explained tQ the committee concerned. In explaining the reasons for our delegation's vote, I shall confine myself to stating that Peru, by tradition and by political and legal conviction, is a determined supporter of the principle of non-intervention, one of the fundamental conceptions of American law. Peru believes that that principle must be zealously guarded, but without prejudice to cases of collective action envisaged in the United .Nations Charter as a safeguard against any threat or danger to peace. The principle of non-intervention is the supreme safeguard of the small States, and a legal instrument like the United Nations Charter cannot be allowed to become a threat to their sovereignty and independence. The formula proposed by the Committee thus strikes at one of the most solid foundations of the Inter- American system, which is based on non-intervention agreements; that is why the Peruvian delegation votes against any proposal which directly or implicitly involves any fonn of intervention. We are glad to expz:~ our agreement and solidarity with those delegations which have eloquently reaffirmed this principle in today's historic debate. As the Security Council has not decided that any actual threat to world peace exists, the measures proposed in the resolution do not conform to Article 39 of the Charter, and the Government of Peru considers that the withdrawal of ambassadors and ministers constitutes a collective measure not provided for in Article 41 of the Charter. Owing to the same lack of legal justification, the Peruvian delegation voted against the proposal for economic sanctions against Spain. Peru remains faithful to the San Francisco agreements, the Potsdam declaration and the recommendations of the United Nations General Assembly in London last February, in maintaining that it is impossible to allow the present Spanish Government to have any place in the United Nations Organization. But Peru considers that the exclusion of Spain from the concert of nations has encouraged the demand for the re~establishment of democratic freedom Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole a M. de Lavalle, representant du Perou. M. DE LAVALLE (Perou) (traduit de l'espagnol): Dans une declaration qui a re~u une publicite considerable, le Ministre des Relations exterieures du Perou a exprime les diffCrents aspects du probleme des relations de l'Organisa~ tion des Nations Unies avec 1'Espagne. Cela nous dispense d'insister maintenant sur les memes points de doctrine qui determinent la position juridique du Perou, position que j'ai eu l'honneur d'exposer devant la Commission competente. Pour justifier le vote de ma delegation, je me bomerai a affinner que le Perou est, par tradition et par conviction politique et juridique,. partisan convaincu du principe de non-intervention, notion fondamentale du droit public arnericain. Nous estimons devoir defendre jalousement ce principe, mais sans prejudice des cas ou la Charte des Nations Unies prevoit une action collective pour sauvegarder la paix menacee ou mise en peril. Le principe de non-intervention est la garantie supreme des petits Etats, et i1 serait inadmissible que 1'on plit faire d'un instrument juridique comme la Ch~rte des Nations Unies une menace contre la souverainete et l'independance de ces petits Etats. La formule proposee par la Com~ mission porte ainsi atteinte al'une des bases les plus solides du systeme interamericain fonde sur des accords de non-intervention; et c'est pour cette raison que la delegation du Perou se prononce contre toute proposition qui equivaudrait, soit directement, soit implicitement, aune intervention. Nous sornmes heureux d'exprimer notre accord et de manifester notre solidarite avec Ies delegations qui, dans ce dCbat historique, ont affirme de nouveau avec eloquence le principe de non-intervention. En l'absence d'une resolution du Conseil de securite declarant effectivement menacee la paix du monde, les mesures proposees par la resolu~ tion s'ecartent du texte de l'Article 39 de la Charte, et le Gouvernement du Perou estime que le retrait des ambassadeurs et ministres constitue une mesure collective non prevue par l'Article 41 de la Charte. Pour la meme raison, c'e~t-a.dire I'absence de base juridique, la delegation du Pcrou a vote contre les sanctions 'economiques que 1'on proposait contre l'Espagne. Le PerOtl maintient son adhesion aux accords de San-Francisco, ala Declaration de Potsdam; ainsi qu'aux recommandations de l'AssembIee generale des Nations Unies formuIees dans sa session de Londres, en fevrier dernier, en ce sens qu'il n'est pas possible de recevoir I'actuel gouvernement espagnol dans I'Organisation des Nations Unies. Le Pereu estime que l'exclusion de l'Espagne du concert international a encou~ rage ceux qui demandent le retabIissement des Peru, a country devoted to juridical concep, tions and having a deep respect for democratic institutions, shares the conviction expressed in the declaration of 4 March 1916 by the United States of America, France and the United Kingdom, to the effect that any truly democratic regime must be the outcome of the freely expressed will of the people. Hence she is not prepared to interfere in Spain's internal affairs. In view of the warm sympathy that the delegations at this Assembly feel for the Spanish people, Peru trusts that Spain will succeed in finding for herself a solution of her political problem, and that the peoples of the world will thereby be enabled to welcome her co-operation in the immense and difficult task undertaken by the United Nations Organization.

I call upon Mr. Stevenson, representative of the United States of America. Mr. STEVENSON (United States of America): I will ask for the attention of the Assembly for less than one minute, not because we attach less importance to the subject of Franco than my predecessors on this platform, but because the views of my Government have been stated and restated repeatedly in the Committee and in the Sub-Committee. However, since a request has been made for a paragraph-by-paragraph vote on this resolution, we wish to comment on the clause recommending that the Security Council consider measures to remedy the situation if within a reasonable time a government which derives its authority from the consent of the governed has not been established in Spain. The United States delegation has grave doubts as to whether the Charter authorizes the Security Council to take measures in the circumstances recommended in this resolution, and because of these constitutional doubts we are obliged to abstain from voting on this paragraph. We believe that the resolution originally introduced by the United States delegation was preferable to the resolution as now amended. In our opinion, it would have been more effective in accomplishing the peaceful removal of J;he Franco regime by all elements of the Spamsh people. . However, in the interests of harmony and of obtaining the closest possible approach to unanimity in the Gene~al Assembly oJ? the Spa?- ish problem, the Umted States will ~ote III favour of the resolution as a whole WIth the Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole a M. Stevenson, representant des Etats-Unis d'Amerique. M. STEvENsaN (Etats-Unis d'Amerique) (traduit de l'anglais): Je ne demande a l'Assemblee qu'un instant d'attention, non parce que ma delegation attache moins d'importance a la question de Franco que lesorateurs qui m'ont precede a la tribune, mais parce que les vues de mon Gouvernement a cet egard ont He exposees amaintes reprises ala Commission et ala Sous-Commission. Toutefois, etant donne que l'on a demande que la resolution soit mise aux voix, paragraphe par paragraphe, je tiens a formuler quelques observations sur le paragraphe qui prevoit que le Conseil de securite etudiera les mesures a prendre pour remMier a la situation si, dans un delai raisonnable, 'un gouvemement tenant son autorite du consentement des citoyens n'est pas etabli en Espagne. La delegation des Etats-Unis doute fortement que la Charte autorise le Conseil de securite a prendre des mesures dans les circonstances que precise la resolution. En raison de ce doute sur un point d'ordre constitutionnel, nous nous voyons obliges de nous abstenir de voter sur ce paragraphe. . La delegation des Etats-Unis estime que la resolution qu'elle avait tout d'abord presentee etait preferable au texte amende en presence duquel l'Assemblee se.trou;e .actueIlement. A son avis, cette resolution etalt plus propre a favoriser une elimination pacifique du regime franquiste par tous les elements de la nation espagnole. Toutefois, par egard pour l'harmonie et afin d'approcher le plus possible de l'unanimite au sein de l'AssembIee generale a propos de la question espagnole, la delegation des Etats-Unis votera en faveur de l'ensemble de la resolution,

I call upon Mr. Costa du Rels, representatIve of Bolivia. Mr. COSTA DU RELS (Bolivia) (translated M. COSTA DU RELS (Bolivie): Etant I'un d~ from French) : As I am one of the I~t speakers derniers orateurs portes sur la liste, je ne prendrai on the list, I shall only take up thIrty seconds que trente secondes de chaque minute qui m'est of each of the minutes allotted to me. My stateallouee. La declaration que je vais faire n'est ment will simply be an explanatio~ ?f our vote. qu'une explication de vote. . At the end of last year the BolIvIan Govern- Vers la fin de l'annee dermere, le Gouvemement broke off diplomatic. rel~tio~s with. t?e ment de la Bolivie a rompu ses relations diplopresent Government of Spam.; It dId.so wIthIn matiques avec le Gouvernement actuel de I'Es~ the province of its oWn sovereIgn~~, wIthout any pagne; il l'a fait da~ .le cadre d,e sa southought of influencing. th~ decIsIOns of ?t~ler, verainete, sans songer a mfluencer dlrectement States either directly or mdlrectly. The BolIVIan ou indirectement les decisions des autre.'lEtats. Gove~ment has noted that since that tim~ the Depuis, le Gouvernement .de la Bolivie constate Spanish Government has come no nearer, elth:r que ni dans son essence, m dans ses methodes, le in essence or in methods, to the democ~atlc Go~vernement de l'Espagne ne s'est rapproche ideal which is the pride of the South Amencan de l'ideal democratique qui est l'honneur du continent and of North America. , continent sud-americain et de l'Amerique du Nord. La delegation de la Bolivie avait donne son accord, au sein de la Premiere Commis-- sion, a, la resolution presentee par la delegation des Etats-Unis d'Amerique; cette resolution ayant ete rejetee, la delegation de la Bolivie donnera son approbation au projet de resolution presente par le Gouvernement beIge. The Bolivian delegation accepted, in the First Committee, the resolution presente? by !he United States of America; that resolutIOn havmg been rejected, the Bolivian del~gation ~ill give its approval to the draft resolution submItted by the Belgian Government.

I call upon Mr. Cassell, representative of Liberia. Mr. CASSELL (Liberia): It is admitted that the Franco Government is fascist in its character and nature; that it played the full part of its character during the late war; that today it harbours nazi and fascist elements escaped from countries where they had carried on their diabolical work; it must also be admitted that a breeding ground for identical or similar' ideologies exists in Spain, and that these further endanger the peace of the world. Here and now must start the march against dictatorship governments, totalitarianism, suppression, oppression, enslavement and every form of restraint of liberty and freedom, and of prejudice to the rights of peoples and groups; it is urgent, it is important, it must be undertaken and followed through until the last vestige of all these evil systems shall have disappeared before the forces of democracy. That is the challenge before us, and our prestige rises or falls according to the decision we take this evening. As I have just said, the time must come when. every vestige of oppression shall and must vanish before the forces of right. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, hear ye not the tramp, tramp tramp of the voices of freedom, like distant thunder, marching with measured tread from the Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole a M. Cassell, representant du Liberia. M. CASSELL (Liberia) (traduit de ['anglais): Il est reconnu que le Gouvemement de Franco est fasciste par son caractere et par sa nature; qu'il a joue pleinement le role de gouvernement fasciste au cours de la demiere guerrej qu'aujourd'hui, il donne asile a des elements nazis et fascistes qui se sont enfuis des pays ou ils avaient poursuivi leur ceuvre diabolique. Il faut egalement reconnaltre que l'Espagne offre un terrain propice au developpement d'ideologies de ce genre qui constituent encore une menace pour la paix du monde. n faut commencer sur l'heure, ici-m~me, la lutte contre les formes dictatoriales de gouvemement contre le totalitarisme, la repression, I'oppression, la servitude, contre toutes les fonnes d'entraves a la liberte, a. l'independance, toutes les formes d'atteinte aux droits des peuples et des groupes humains. Cette lutte est urgente et importante; il faut l'entreprendre et la conduire jusqu'a cc que les derniers vestiges de ces regimes funestes aient cte balayes par le.'! forces de la democratie. Telle est la tache qui s'impose a. nous; le prestige des Nations Unies va se trouver grandi ou diminue, selon la decision que nous allons prendre cc soir. Comme je viens de le dire, l'heure viendra ou toute trace d'oppression devra disparaltre devant les forces du droit. Monsieur le President, Mesdames, Messieurs, n'entendez-vous pas le grondement des voix de la libertc qui, tel un roulement lointain du tonnerre, nous viennent Freedom of all peoples is inevitable. The free people of Spain fought to maintain their freedom against overwhelming odds. All the new weapons made for the destruction of mankind which the devilish ingenuity of criminal minds could conceive were used against them. The battle was uneven and still remains so. The least that we can do is to throw the full moral force of this great body against Franco, who, I am informed, laughs with scorn at the United Nations. The unanimous adoption of this resolution should be our answer to him, and full and prompt compliance, followed through with unabated speed.

I call upon Mr. Alfaro, representative of Panama. Mr. ALFARO (Panama): This is a very seri L ous debate, which at times would provoke laughter if it were not so heavily loaded with tragedy. Here we are, the delegations of the Latin American Republics, and the delegations of all the other countries of the world, which unanimously declare our abhorrence of intervention by one State in the internal or the external affairs of another State. In these words an American multilateral pact defines the universally respected principle of non-intervention; the meaning of this treaty clause, as well as the history of its establishment, combine to show in an indisputable manner, that it had only in mind unilateral intervention, arbitrary intervention, unauthorized military intervention of the type we saw in Spain when Hitler and Mussolini entered into a conspiracy to convert that noble and unfortunate country into the field of experimentation for their future aggression, to destroy its democratic Government and to build up between the Mediterranean and the Pyrenees a redoubtable bulwark of fascism. That is the kind of intervention we all hate; that is the kind of intervention that is barred, condemned, outlawed, by the principle of sovereignty and by the principle of equality. But the dogma of non-intervention has nothing to do with the great system of collective action that we have set up by the Charter of San Francisco. Arbitrary intervention infringes upon the principles of independence. Collective action is based upon the doctrine of interdependence. Collective action is foreseeij., authorized, and agreed upon in specific provisions of the Charter; it is indispensable for the United Nations to exert this col~ lective action, because without it we cannot have peace and security, we cannot promote human rights, we cannot have disarmament, we cannot make the trusteeship regime work, we cannot have international,co-operation, we cannot put into effect any of the great, vital, basic Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole a M. Alfaro, representant de Panama. M. ALFARO (Panama) (traduit de l'anglais): Dans ce debat d'une telie gravite, on serait parfois tente de me si le tragique de la situation n'etait pas aussi grand. Nous voici, representants des republiques americaines latines et de tous les autres pays du monde, reunis ici et proc1amant unanimernent l'aversion que nous inspire l'intervention d'un Etat dans les affaires interieures ou exterieures d'un autre Etat. C'est en ces tennes qu'un pacte plurilateraI' americain definit le principe univer~ellement respecte de la nonintervention; et le sens de l'article qui definit ce principe, ainsi que sa genese, temoignent peremptoirement que les redacteurs avaient uniquement present a l'esprit l'intervention unilaterale, arbitraire, l'intervention militaire injustifiee du genre de celle dont l'Espagne a ete le theatre lorsque Hitler et Mussolini ont cornplote de transfonner ce noble et malheureux pays en champ d'experiences pour l'agression qu'ils preparaient, de supprimer son gouvernement democratique et d'edifier, entre la Mediterranee et les Pyrenees, un redoutable bastion du fascisme. Te! est le genre d'intervention que HOus halSsons tous; tel est le genre d'intervention que le principe de la souverainete et le principe de l'egalite des Etats ecartent, condarnnent, mettent hors la loi. Mais la doctrine de la non~interven­ tion n'a rien a voir avec le grand systeme d'action collective que nous avons mis sur pied en signant la Charte de San-Francisco. L'intervention arbitraire est une infraction au principe de l'independance. L'action collective se fonde sur la doctrine de l'interdependance. L'action collective est prevue, autorisee et acceptee par des dispositions precises de la Charte; et il est indispensable que les Nations Unies l'exercent car, sans action collective, on ne saurait avoir ni paix ni securite, on ne saurait assurer le respect des droits de l'homme, on ne saurait parvenir au desarmement, ni mettre en reuvre le regime de tutelle, ni etablir la collaboration internationale, But, despite all this, the argument against the proposition under consideration is reduced to hurling, at those of us who advocate it, that hateful word: "intervention". Where is the intervention? What does the resolution say? Nothing . that implies physical or material action in Spain; nothing that is not within the sovereign rights of any and all Powers to do; nothing that goes beyond expressing condemnation of the present Spanish regime; nothing that is not in absolute conformity with the opinions, the desires and the aspirations that we all have expressed, namely, that the Franco Government must go, that it must be replaced by a democratic government, because it is the incarnation of everything we condemn, everything we hate, everything we have fought against, everything we yearn to see disappear from the face of the earth. To invoke Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter against this resolution is to miss the point entirely. We are not dealing here with any matter essentially within the domestic jurisdiction.of Spain. We are making recommendations that concern only the individual sovereignty of the Members of the United Nations, because each nation is absolutely free to maintain or not t~ maintain ambassadors or ministers in any glVen country. I shall conclude by stating that situations that are an actual or potential danger to the peace of the world, and constitute a continuous, notorious, grave and shocking violation of the most elementary human rights, are not matters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any particular State; they are essentially within international jurisdiction, essentially within the powers and the duties of tHe United Nations.. The delegation of Panama thinks that v6tin~ for this resolution means that we shall not stumble in our march towards the goal of universal peace, freedom and democracy. .

I call upon Mr. Menon, representative of India. Mr. MENON (India): The delegation of India desires that the voice of India should be ~eard from this rostrum in support of this very Important resolution, in which this Assembly calls upon Member States to take initial action which will enable the peoples of Spain to participate in this Assembly. The Government of India would have been prepared to support a resolution which went much farther than this one, but we are anxious to add the voice of our country and of our people, Le PRESIDENT: Je donne la parole a M. Menon, representant de I'Inde. ,~. ~ENON (~nde) (traduit de I'anglais): La delegatlOn de 1lnde desire faire entendre la voix de son pays du haut de cette tribune en faveur de la resolution si importante par laquelle l'Assemb!~e invite les Etats Membres a prendre les premIeres mesures destinees a permettre au peuple d'Espagne d'etre represente au sein de l'Assemblee. . Le Gouvernement de l'Inde aurait ete dispose adonner son appui a une resolution ayant plus. de portee q~e cell: qui est soumise aujourdhUl aI Assembleej malS nous tenons a apporter We have heard, in this debate and in the debate in the Committee, the word "intervention" mentioned time after time. Some of us, many of us, have been associated with the issue of Spain a~d the struggle of the people to establish a government there and to resist fascist aggression. We are familiar with another word, and that is "noninterventibn". We know where non-intervention led us. It resulted in Hitler and Mussolini being able to rehearse in Spain their war on the continent and to bring havoc to the world a few years later. So, today, we are adding our voice to proclaim our support for this first step, however limited, which will enable the people of Spain t9 .liberate themselves and join the community of nations as a respected member of the family of nations.. . For that reason, we are glad to support the resolution and also to proclaim that this issue is not one which concerns only Latin America, or America as a whole, or Europe, but the peoples of the entire world. We shall vote for the resolu~ tion paragraph by paragraph, if it is so put, and we shall vote for the resolution as a whole.

The general discussion is closed. The United Kingdom delegation asks for a separate vote to be taken on the paragraph of the resolution which begins with the words: "Recommends that, if within a reasonable time, there is not established a government which derives its authority ..." I think we can therefore take a separate vote on that paragraph alone. I shall read the paragraph in full: "Recommends that, if within a reasonable time, there is not established a government which derives its authority from the consent of the governed, committed to respect freedom of speech, religion and assembly and to the prompt h,olding of an election in' which th-e Spanish people, free from force and intimidation and regardless of party, may express their. will, the Security Council consider the adequate measures to be taken in order to remedy the situation." A'vote was taken by a show of hands. Decision: Le texte du paragraphe est adopte par vingt-neuf voix contre huit, et 01!ze abstentions. Decision: The text of the paragraph was adopted by twenty-nine votes to eight, with eleven abstentions.

Et. quoi la non-intervention nous a conduits. C'est grace ala non-intervention qu'Hitler et Mussolini ant pu faire en Espagne la repetition generale. de la guerre qu'ils voulaient entreprendre sur le continent et qu'ils ont pu, quelques annees plus tard, ravager le monde entier.·C'est pourquoi aujourd'hui nous ajoutons notre voix a ceIles des autres representants et nous appuyons cette premiere mesure qui, malgre sa portee restreinte, permettra au peuple espagnol de se liberer, cl'entrer dans la communaute des nations comme membre respecte de la famille des Nations. C'est pour cette raison que nous sommes heureux d'appuyer la resolution et de declarer hautement que cette question n'interesse pas uniquement l'Amerique latinc ni m~me le continent americain, ou l'Europe seulement, mais tous les peuples du monde. Nous voterans la resolution, paragraphe par paragraphe, si telle est la procedure choisie, et nollS la voterons dans son ensemble. Le PRESIDENT: La discussion generale est tenninee. La delegation britannique demande qu'~ soit procMe a un vote separe sur le paragraphe de la resolution qui commence par IC!l ' mots: "recommande que si, dans un deIai raisonnable, iI n'est pas etabli un gouvernement tenant son autorite ... ". Nons pouvons done proceder a un vote separe. uniquementsur ce paragraphe.' Dans ces conditions, je vais VOllS lire le paragraphe en entier: "Recommande que, si, dans un delai raisonnable, il n'est pas etabli un gouvemement tenant son autorite du consentement des citoyens, qui s'engage a respecter la liberte de parole, de culte et de reunion, et a organiser sans delai des elections par lesquelles le peuple espagnol, libere de toute contrainte Oll intimidation, et sans consideration de partis, puisse exprimer sa volonte, le Conseil de securite etudie les mesures adequates a prendre pour remedier a cette situation." Le vote alieu amain levee. Le PRESIDENT: Nous alIons maintenant pas- A vote was taken by roll-call. The result of the voting is as follows: The United Kingdom representative, voting in favour of the resolution, made a reservation concerning the paragraph on which a vote had already been taken. The President thereupon pointed out that the vote .should not be accompanied by any comment. Vates for: Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Chile, China, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Ethiopia, France, Guatemala, Haiti, Iceland, India, Iran, Liberia, Luxembourg, Mexico, New zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Philippine Republic, Poland, Sweden, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, United Kingdom, United States of America, Uruguay, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Venezuela, Yugoslavia. Votes against: Argentina, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Peru. Abstentions: Afghanistan, Canada, Colombia, Cuba, Egypt, Greece, Honduras, Lebanon, Netherl.ands, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, Union of South Mrica. Decision: The resolution was adopted by a two-thirds majority, by thirty-four votes to six, with thirteen abstentions. Mr. BOITOMLEY (United Kingdom): I thought any delegation had a right to explain its vote.

Representatives are entitled to explain their reasons for voting for or against; but there are only three ways of voting: for, against, or abstention. I note that the Unite~ Kingdom representative voted in favour, but with a reservation concerning the .paragraph mentioned. 170. Election of six members of the Economic and Social Council (continuation)

The next item on the agenda is the election of a member of the Economic and Social Council to fill the seat still vacant. I call upon Mr. van Langenhove, representative of Belgium. , Mr. F. VAN LANGENHOVE (Belgium) (translated from French): In spite of having taken , several votes, the Assembly has not yet succeeded in electing a member to fill the last vacant seat on the Economic and Social Council. The Belgian delegation would like to help the Assembly to solve this difficulty. The Netherlands and Turkey, the candidates now remaining, received more or less equal support in the Assembly. It seems probable that a solution which would permit the election of M. BOTTOMLEY (Royaume-Uni) (traduit de IJanglais): Je croyais que toute deU:gation avait le droit de donner l'explication de son vote. Le PRESIDENT: On a le droit d'expliquer pourquoi I'on vote "oui" ou pourquoi l'on vote "non"; mais il n'y a que trois manieres de voter: "oui", "non" ou "abstention". Je constate que le representant du Royaume-Uni a vote lCoui", mais qu'il a fait une reserve sur le paragraphe mentionne. 170. Election de six membres du Conseil economique et social (suite) Le PRESIDENT: Le point suivant a l'ordre du jour est I'election d'un membre du Conseil economique et social, pour pourvoir au demier siege qui demeure vacant. Je donne la parole a M. van Langenhove, representant de la Belgique. M. F. VAN LANGENHOVE (Belgique): L'Assemblee n'est pas parvenue jusqu'ici, m~lgre plusieurs tours de scrlltin, a pourvoir au dernier siege qui demeure vacant au Conseil economique et social. La delegation beIge voudrait aider l'ABsemblee a sortir de cette difficulte. Les Pays-Bas et la Turquie, qui sont restes en presenc~ ont beneficie d'un appui a peu prell egal au sein de l'AssembIee. 11 semble qu'l1ne solution permettant l'election de l'un et l'autre M. BARTOS (Yougoslavie): La deU:gation yougoslave n'a rien a objecter a la demission de la Belgique. Mais, une fois la demission donnee, une place se trouve vacante et il convient alors de proceder d'apres les regles constitutionnelles et d'apres notre procedure reguliere, it l'election d'un nouveau membre. Telle est la declaration que tenait it faire la delegation yougoslave. Nous prions le President de vouloir bien faire le necessaire pour que soient observees les dispositions imperatives de notre Oharte et de notre procedure. Mr. BA.RTOS (Yugoslavia) (translated from French) : The Yugoslav delegation has no objection to the resignation of Belgium. But after such withdrawal a place is left vacant, and a new member must be elected in accordance with the constitutional rules and our own rules of procedure. That is the yugoslav delegation's view in this matter. We ask the President to take the necessary steps to ensure that the provisions of the Charter and the Assembly's rules of procedure are observed. The PRESIPENT (translated from French): The Belgian delegation is not willingly renouncing the position to which it has been elected by the General Assembly's expression of confidence in it; but it is suggesting a solution to help the Assembly out of its present difficulty, a suggestion which must be accepted or rejected as it stands. If the Assembly does not accept it, I do not think the Belgian representative will relinquish Belgium's seat on the Economic and Social Council. Le PRESIDENT: Ce n'est pas volontiers que la d6Iegationbelge renonce au siege auquell'avait appelee la confiance de l'Assemblee; mais eUe suggere une solution pour aider l'Assemblee a sortir de l'impasse dans laquelle nous nous trouvons, solution qui doit etre pris~ ou rejetee dans son ensemble. Si l'AssembIee n'accepte pas cette solution, je ne pense pas que le representant de la Belgique de~onnera du Oonscil economique et social. M. BARTOS (Yougoslavie): Excusez:moi de devoir prendre a nouveau la parole, mais notre reglement interieur a defendu qu'il soit procede ala nomination d'un candidat, malgre les propositions formelles de certaines delegations, parmi lesquelles se trouve la delegation yougoslave. Naus ne pouvons done pas accepter cette nomination foreee, en l'espece, une demission conditionnee par une clause de nomination. Il nous faudrait, dans ee cas, changer le reglement interieur a la prochaine Assemblee, puis accepter l'offre faite par la delegation belge. Mr. BARTOS (Yugoslavia) (translated from French): I am sorry to have to speak again, but our rules of procedure forbid the nomination of a candidate, in spite of the fonnal proposals made by certain delegations, among them the Yugoslav delegation. Hence we cannot accept this unsolicited nomination, which is in fact a resignation conditional upon a nomination. If we wished to do that, we should have to change the rules of procedure at the next Assembly and then accept the Belgian delegation's offer. M. ARCE (Argentine) (traduit de l'espagnol) : le regrette beaucaup de devoir, pour la premiere fois, me trouver en desaccord avec notre President. Son argumentation me paralt erronee. Etant donne' qu'il y a quelque temps, un representant a voulu se desister de son poste en faveur d'un autre et que le scrutin secret a repousse ce desistement, il n'es~ pas possible que la Belgique renonce a son poste en y mettant des conditions. Si la Be1gique se retire et si nous aeceptons sa demission, cela signifie que nous devrons choisir librement entre la Turquie et la HoUande pour l'un des postes; mais l'Assemblee peut disposer de l'autre poste avec une liberte absalue. J'appuie en consequence le point de v~e sou~ tenu par le representant de la Yougoslavie; cela est non seulement conforme an reglement in- Mr. ARCE (Argentina) (translated from Spanish): I deeply regret that, for the. first time, I am obliged to disagree with our President. His argument, in my view, is wrong. Some time ago a representative wished to give up his place in favour of another, and a secret vote refused him that right; it is therefore not permissible that Belgium should relinquish her seat conditionally. If Belgium withdraws and we accept her resignation, we shall have to choose freely between Turkey or the Netherlands to fill one vacancy; as regards the other, the Assembly is completely free to decide as it thinks fit. . I therefore support the Yugoslav representative's view, which is in eonfonnity not only with the Assembly's rules of procedure, but also with

It is difficult to help this Assembly. The representative of Argentina is right, and I do not oppose his view. But, if the Belgian proposal had been accepted, one of the two candidates, Turkey or the Netherlands, could have withdrawn and have given up its place to the other. We could then have had an election; the remaining candidate would probably have been elected by a two-thirds majority and we could then have had another election. Delegations are free to act as they wish. However, if they had accepted the Belgian proposal, it would have constituted a ."gentlemen's agreement" and the candidate who had withdrawn to facilitate the election of the other could have been elected subsequently. If the Assembly does not wish to adopt the Belgian representative's proposal, there is no point in pressing it; -yve can continue to vote, and we can even contmue to reach no solution. In these circumstances, we might perhaps begin to vote, and if by two 0'clock in the morning we have still not achieved any result, perhaps the Assembly will then accept the Belgian sacrifice! Mr. BARTOS (Yugoslavia) (translated from French) : The Yugoslav delegation has no objection to the election of either Turkey or the Netherlands; nor.is it opposed to a "gentlemen's agreement," but such an agreement should pe concluded outside the Assembly and should not figure in our records. We are afraid that we may be'setting a very dangerous precedent and -though I hasten to say that it is not so in the present case-perhaps forming electoral combines of the kind familiar in certain countries, where candidates undertake to withdraw in favour of others after a certain time. We must n()t establish in this Assembly a practice contrary td democratic principles. In the circumstances, however, I should like to pay tribute to the· Belgian delegation for its praiseworthy desire to render a service to the Assembly. Mr. VAN KLEFFENS (Netherlands): We are greatly indebted to the Government of our sister nation, Belgium, for declaring its readiness to relinquish her seat on the Economic and Social Council on condition that both the Netherlands and Turkey be elected to membership of that body. I feel sure that the Assembly will agree when I say that rarely has there been given a more signal proof of good neighbourliness, of the best international spirit, of most praiseworthy self-denial and restraint. This admirable act would enable two countries to be represented on the Economic and Social Council whose candidatures have found in this Assembly a measure of support and sympathy which are, for all practical purposes, equal. M. BARTOS (Yo,ugoslavie): La delegation yougoslave n'a pas d'objection a l'election de la Turquie ou des Pays-Bas; nous ne nous opposons pas a un gentlemen's agreement, mais que ceci soit fait hors de notre Asserriblee et ne figure pas dans nos annales. Nous craignons de creer un precedent tres dangereux et de constituer peutetre, je m'empresse de dire que ce n'est pas le ' cas en ce moment, des trusts d'election comme on a coutume de le faire dans certains pays ou les ca,ndidats s'engagent a renoncer a leur poste au profit d'un autre candidat apres un certain delai; nous ne pouvons pas consacrer ici une pratique contraire aux principes democratiques. En la circonst~ce, je rends hommage a la delegation belge qu'inspire l'intention louable de rendre service acette Assemblee.. f M. VAN KLEFFENS (Pays-Bas) (traduit de l)anglais): La delegation neerlandaise est profondement reconnaissante a la Belgique, nation sreur, qui s'est declaree prete a renoncer a son siege au Conseil economique et social, a condition que les Pays-Bas et la Turquie soient elus membres de ce Conseil. Je suis sur que l'Assemblee sera d'accord avec moi pour dire qu'on a rarement vu une manifestation aussi eclatante de sentiments de bon voisinage, d'excellent esprit international, et d'un esprit de sacrifice et de moderation des plus louables. Ce geste admirable permettrait a deux pays, ·dont la candidature a rencontre darts cette AssembIee un appui et une sympathie pratiquement egaux, d'etre representes au Conseil economique et social. And now, we too want to walk in the path of generosity; I should therefore like to add that, given our special relations with Belgium and our geographical proximity, we, in case the Assembly should think fit to adopt this exceptional procedure, shall be glad to be the successors of Belgium, the consequence being that we should stay on the Economic and Social Council for' two years, whilst Turkey would obtain the ordinary assignment of three years. Of course, if this procedure does· not commend itself to your adoption, We shall have to proceed with the elections in the usual way. M. ARCE (Argentine) (traduit del'espagnol): Je desire affirmer non seulement que je ne m'oppose pas a l'entree de la Hollande au Conseil de securite, mais que je l'envisagerais avec un tres grand plaisir. Ce que je ne voudrais pas, toutefois, .c'est que s'etabIisse ainsi un _precedent mauvais. Mr. AIWE (Argentina) (translated from Spanish) : I desire to state that I have no objection whatever to the Netherlands being a member of the Economic and Social Council. On the contrary, I should be very happy to see that country taking part in the Council's work. I wish simply to avoid the creation of a bad precedent. . Mr. AUSTIN (United StateS of America): This is an extraordinary circumstance. The great country of Belgium has made a generous offer that is not provided for in the rules. The situation that confronts us is one that is not exactly within any rule. . This is a deliberative body that can always construct its own rules when confronted by a unique situation, and certainly this is a unique situation. In the circumstances, I think it is entirely within the customary procedure of parliamentary bodies to submit to the Assembly the question whether the proposition of Belgium should be accepted or not; if it is accepted, then the atmosphere will be clear and we can fill the two vacancies according to the generous offer of Belgium. Mr. l3AYDUR (Turkey) (translated from French): I should like most sincerely to thank Nous nous rendons parfaitement compte que la procedure suggeree constitue une derogation au reglement interieur. Je ne dis pas qu'elle soit incompatible avec celui-ci. C'est une procedure exceptionnelle, qui exige la sanction expresse de l'Assemblee; mais la situation, eIle aussi, est exceptionnelIe et peut tres bien ne jamais se representer. En tout cas, nous sammes prets aaccepter que, si l'AssembIee le desire ou si dIe estime que cela resoudrait la question, cette procedure ne soit pas consideree comme constituant un precedent. Nous voulons· nous aussi faire un geste genereux. Je tiens done a ajouter que, etant donne les relatiolls toutes speeiales que nous entretenons avec la Belgique, notre voisine geographique, nous serions heureux, au cas ou l'Assemblee jugerait bon d'adopter cette procedure excep- ,tionnelIe, de prendre, au Conseil economique et social, la successiotl de la Belgique telIe qu'elIe se pr€sente~c'est-a-dire de sieger deux ans seulement, tandis. que la durc~e du mandat de la Turquie serait, comrne a l'ordinaire, de trois ans. Bien entendu, si cette procedure ne recueille pas I'approbation de l'Assemblee, nous devrons recounr a une election suivant la procedure normale. M. AUSTIN (Etats~Unisd'Amerique) (traduit de l!anglais): Nous nous trouvons en presence d'une circonstance extraordinaire. La Belgique fait une ofire genereuse, que le reglement interieur .ne prevoit pas. Dne teIle situation ne releve d'aucun regIement. Notre AssembIee est un organe deliberatif qui ' peut toujours se dortner de nouvelles regles lorsqu'il se trouve en presence d'une situation sans precedent, ce qui est incontestablement le cas mamtenant. Etant donm~ les circonstances, j'estime qu'il est parfaitcment conforme a la procedure parlementaire habituelle de demander a l'Assemblee de se prononcer sur la question de savoir si la proposition de la Belgique doit ou non etre adoptee. Si elle l'est, la situation se trouvera echi.ircie et nous pourrons pourvoir aux deux postes vacants, conformement a la genereuse proposition de la Be1gique. M. BAYDUR(Turquie): Je voudrais remerci~ bien sinceremcnt la Belgique pour son ofire Mr. Koo (China): On behalf of the Chinese delegation, I wish to express our very sincere appreciation of this ge~ture of goodwill and co-operation on the part of Belgium in offering to resign its seat on the Econorp,ic and Social Council in order to fumish a solution for the Assembly, which finds itself in a difficult position. It is unprecedented, but I think it is certainly a very good precedent for any·delegation to be willing and so self-denying as to make such an offer. Therefore, we hope that this offer will be accepted by the Assembly. May I point out that it is one thing for the Assembly to accept this conditional resignation -and that it would not in any way involve a departure from the rules of procedure-and it is another thing for the Assembly to fill the vacancy thus created after the conditional resignation is accepted. The Assembly can then I proceed to hold an election in accordance with rule 88, which, as you are aware, says: "Should a member cease to belong to a Council before his term of office expires, a by-election shall be held . . . to elect a member for the unexpired term." As it is understood that the election to fill the vacancy thus created by Belgium's.voluntary resignation would be only for the unexpired term, that makes tlle situation all the clearer. I do hope, therefore, that the Assembly will understand the sense of this generous offer, and will accept it. Mr. GROMYKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): Without doubt the gesture made by the Belgian delegation merits praise, hut we must not be governed only by that; we must be governed by the rules which the General Assembly has itself established, in particular in the determination of the procedure for the election of members of organs of the United Nations. It seems to me that, however attractive the Belgian delegation's proposal may be, it should not be adopted by the General Assembly. In the first place, as certain representatives have rightly pointed. out, it contravenes the rules of procedure. Secondly, in the event of adoption, it would create an undesirable precedent for the future. In that case, what would result? At the time of the election .of a member of the Economic and Social Council, it would not be the opinion of the General Assembly that was of .decisive importance, but that of one of its members. There is a great difference. It might be said that the General Assembly is giving its approval in advance, but is not doing so in a way that would be in accordance with the rules established by the General Assembly, the rules of procedure. ' M. KOD (Chine) (traduit de l'anglais): Au nom de la delCgation chinoise, je tiens a dire que nous attachons· une haute valeur au geste de bonne volonte et de cooperation accompli par la Be1gique, qui s'est declaree prete a. renoncer a. son siege au Conseil economique et social afin de permettre a l'AssembIee de sortir de la difficulte dans laquelle eHe se trouve. Ce geste est sans precedent, mais j'estitne qu'une offre de ce genre, qui temoigne de tant de bonne volonte et d'abnegation, constitue un excellent precedent pour toutes les delegations. J'espere donc que l'Assemblee l'acceptera. Je me permettrai de faire observer que, pour I'Assemblee, c'est une chose que d'accepter cette demission conditionnelle - ce qui n'hnpliquerait aucun manquement aux regles de procedureet que c'est une autre chose que de pourvoir a. la vacance qui se produirait du fait que la demission conditionnelle aurait ete acceptee. L'Assemblee peut proceder a une election conformement a. l'article 88 qui, cornme VOllS le savez, stipule que "si un membre cesse d'appartenir a. un Conseil avant l'expiration de son mandat, il est pourvu ason remplacernent, pour la dun~e restant a courir de son mandat, au moyen d'une election partieUe". Cornme il est entendu que le membre elu pour occuper le siege rendu vacant par la renonciation volontaire de la Belgique ne siegera que pendant la duree restant a. courir du mandat de la Belgique, IfL situation est claire; et j'espere viven1ent que. l'Assemblee, penetree de la signification de cette ofire genereuse, l'acceptera. M. GROMYKO (Union des Republiques socialistes sovi€tiques) (traduit du russe): Il est hors de doute que le geste fait par le representant de la Belgique merite des eloges. Mais nous ne devons pas tenir compte uniquement de cda. Nous devons tenir compte des regles etablies par l'Assemblee generale elle-meme, notarnment en ce qui concerne la procedure prevue pour l'election des membres des differents organes des Nations Unies. Si grands que soient les merites de la proposi- ' tion faite par la delegation beIge, il me semble que l'Assemblee generale ne devrait pas l'accepter. Tout d'abord, en effet, cette proposition e&t contraire au reglement interieur, comrne 1'0nt dit avec raison certains representants. En second lieu, si cette proposition etait acceptee, dIe creerait un precedent peu souhaitable. Que se passerait-il en effet? Lors de l'election d'un membre du Conseil economique et social, l'iInportance decisive n'appartiendrait plus a l'opinion de l'AssembIee generale, mais a l'opinion d'un seul de ses membres - et ce1a fait une grande difference. On peut dire que I'approbation de l'AssembIee generale a ete donnee par avance, mais cette approbation n'a pas e16 obtenue dans les regles, d'une fa~on conforme au reglement interieur de l'Assemblee. Mr. AOHNIDES (Greece): There is no doubt that the procedure proposed is a derogation, but the rules of prqcedure are not the dominant factor. The Assembly dominates even the rules of procedure. It can even change them or suspend them. There is another case which, although it is not absolutely identical, is an analogous case in which one country made a similar gallant gesture. You all remember when New Zealand made this gallant gesture and another country was elected. I do not think we should, as an Assembly, discourage such gestures. I am sure nobody contradicts the representative of Yugoslavia. I think that, from the point of view of the strict application of the rules of procedure, I would agree with him. But, in a matter like this, the sovereignty of the Assembly remains intact. Nobody says that Belgium is getting around this Assembly by a trick. Belgium comes here very gallantly and says, "¥ou are in a difficulty. Your rules of procedure do not allow you to do anything else. You made the rules of procedure, but the rules are not above you. Will you accept a facility I am affording you? I am not forcing you. If you like to suspend the strict application of your rules in order to get out of a difficult position, Belgium is willing to make this sacrifice." I do not think -aelgiuIn is proposing anything mor.e .than that. t Being the representative of a very small country, I prize this sort of gesture more than anything else. In a hardened world where nobody seems to be willing to make any sacrifice, I think this is a very gallant gesture, and I think we should show that we can appreciate it at a moment when there are so few examples of this self-sacrificing attitude. . Mr. BARTOS (Yugoslavia) (translated from French) : I feel very unhappy in having to intervene with regard to a matter concerning allied countries whose people are very good. friends of my' own. However, this is not a question of candidature, it is a question of saving a principle and preserving the legal nature of , our institution. I pay a tribute to Belgium's fine and wellintentioned gesture, of a kind somewhat rare in international life these days. Nevertheless, I feel obliged to explain the motives of the Yugoslav delegation in speaking on this matter. In the first place, when our rules of procedure were established, a proposal was introduced providing for the possibility of suspending them. M. AOHNIDES (Greee) (traduit de l'anglais): 11 ne fait aueun doute que la procedure proposee constitue une derogation, mais le reglement interieur n'est pas, en l'occurrence, l'autorite supreme. L'Assemblee est au-dessus du reglement interieur; eIle peut en modifier les dispositions ou en sllspendre l'application. Il s'est deja produit un cas ou un pays a fait un geste de generosite semblable; ce cas, sans etre absolument identique, offrait pourtant une certaine analogie avec celui q~i nous occupe. Vous VOllS rappelez tous le geste genereux accompli par la Nouve1le-2elande, qui a permis a un autre pays d'etre eIu. Je ne crois pas que I'AssembICe poive decourager des gestes de cette nature. Je suis certain que personne ne contredira le representant de la Yougoslavie. Du point de vue de la stri.cte application du reglement interieur de l'Assemblee, je serais, je crois, de son avis. Cependant, dans une question comme celle qui nous occupe, la souverainete de l'Assemblee reste enticre. Personne ne pretend que la Belgique cherche a circonvenir l'Assemblee par un tour d'adresse. La Belgique a fait un geste tres genereux. Elle a dit: "Vous etes en presence d'une difficulte. Le reglement intedeur ne vous permet pas de la resoudre. C'est vous qui avez etabli le reglement interieur, mais ce reglement interieur n'est pas au-dessus de l'Assemblee. Accepterez-vous la solution que je vais offrir? J e ne vous y force pas. Si vous consentez a suspendre l'application rigoureuse du reglement interieur de l'Assemblee afin de sortir d'une situation difficile, la Belgique est prete a faire ce sacrifice." Je ne crois pas que la proposition de la Belgique soit autre chose que cela. I En ma qualit6 de representant d'un tres petit pays, j'apprecie par.dessus tout les gestes de ceUe nature. Dans un monde endurci OU personne ne semble dispose a consentir un sacrifice, j'estirne que ce geste temoigne d'une grande ge~ nerosite et quenous devrions montrer que nous savons l'apprecier, a un moment OU les exemples d'une telle abnegation sont si rares. M. BARTOS (Yougoslavie): Je suis tres'peine d'avoir aintervenir dans ce cas, alors qu'il s'agit de pays allies <;iont les fils sont les meilleuTS amis des notres. Cependant, il ne s'agit pas id d'une question de candidature, mjl.is il s'agit de sauver un principe ainsi que la lCgalite de notre institu~ tion. Je rends hommage au geste sympathique et bien intentionne de la Belgique, geste qu'il est peutetre rare de rencontrer actuellement dans la vie internationale. Je suis pourtant oblige d'expliquer les motifs qui guident la delegation yougoslave 10rsqu'eUe intervient sur cette question. En premier lieu, lors de 1'6laboration de notre reglement interieur, on a introduit un projet prevoyant la possibilite. de suspendre les regles The Greek representative attempted to take as an analogy the understanding between New Zealand and Yugoslavia when the former renounced its candidature in favour of Yugoslavia. But since there was no question of the seat, the position is quite different. If the Netherlands and Turkey were to come to a friendly arrangement to present only one candidature between them, a precedent would have been created, but it would be quite a different matter from the Belgian proposal. Finally, we are faced with the choice of· infringing our rules of procedure or of not infringing them. If we infringe them now for a case that is not serious and in fact even has its good points, we have no guarantee that we shall not do so tomorrow in circumstances which might be decisive for international peace and security. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): It is late to discuss procedure now. Moreover, ~he application of rule 117 is not involved here, and Belgium is not asking us to -infringe our rules of procedure. She is only proposing a special application of the rules, in order to be helpful. Let me repeat: rule 117 does not enter into this question. I propose to put the Belgian suggestion to the vote and only to consider it adopted if it receives a two-thirds majority in favour. Article 18 of the Charter, which deals with elections, in effect requires that they shall receive a two-thirds majority. If the proposal is adopted by a two~thirds majority we shall then proceed to a vote by roll-call: . Le PRESIDENT: 11 est tard pour discuter de procedure. L'article 117 ne trouve d'ailleurs pas son application ici, et la Belgique ne demande pas que le reglement ne soit pas respecte. EIle propose seulement, pour vous €tre agreable une application spedale du reglement. 11 ne ~'agit donc pas, encore une fois, de I'article 117. Je propose de mettre aux voix la proposition de la Belgi9-ue et de ne la considerer cornme adoptee que SI elle est votee a la majorite des deux tiers. ~'Ar.ticle 1~ de l~ Ch~rte exige en 'e~et, que les e.lectlOns alent heu a la majorite des deux t~ers. Si la. pr~position est adoptee aux deuX tiers des VOIX, il sera ensuite procede au vote par appel 1lOminaI. Le PRESIDENT: "A condition que l'Assemblee se rallie a. la solution consistant a tSlire a la fois les Pays- Bas et la Turquie, la Belgique renoncera ason siege pour rendre cette solution possible." L'election n'aura pas lieu en meme temps. 11 est entendu, au contraire, que, si la proposition est adoptee, il y aura deux elections.

"On condition that the Assembly adopts the solution of electing both the Netherlands and Turkey, Belgium will relinquish her seat in order to make this solution possible." The election will not take place at the Same time. On the contrary, it is understood that if the proposal is adopted there will be two elections. r M. BARTOS (Yougoslavie): Slil n'y a pas election en rneme temps, alors nous sommes d'accord. S'il s'agit, pour la Belgique, de re-- noncer a son siege et s'il s'agit, d'autre part, d'elire les Pays-Bas, nouS ne voyons acela aucune objection. Ce que nous ne pouvons admettre, c'est que la renonciation de la Belgique a son poste soit lice a une possibilite d'election des Pays-Bas. Si c'est de cette £a~on que se pose la question, nous n'avons rien a dire contre la proposition. Mr. BARTOS (Yugoslavia) (translated from French): If the elections are not to be at the same timeI we agree. If the procedure is to be that Belgium relinquishes her seat and, as a separate step, the Netherlands is elected, we have no objection. What we cannot accept is that Belgium's withdrawal and the possibility of the Netherlands being elected should be interdependent factors. If the fOImer is the procedure to be adopted, we have nothing to say against I the suggestion. Le PRESIDENT: Je n'ai jamais dit que l'election aurait lieu Hen mcme temps" et pcrsonne ne l'a dit non plus. Je me suis contente de relire le texte que le representant de la Bc1gique avait In a la tribune, et j'ai donne tout de suite satisfaction au representant de l'Argentine en disant qu'il y aurait deux elections. Si la proposition de la Belgique est accept6e, les Pays-Bas d6c1arent qu'ils ne sont plus candidats au premier tour de scrutin; ils viennent de le dire. Nous devrons proceder al'election de la Turquic et il faudra qu'elIe obtienne les deux tiers des voix. Apres cela, nous procedcrons a relection du siege rendu vacant pas la demission de la Belgique. Seulement, i1 faut etre de bon compte. Je dis "seulement" parce que, si Pon doit recommencer entre deux autres pays la mcme aventure que celle dans laquelle nous sommes maintenant, il n'y a aucune raison pour la Belgique,de demissioner. C'est la seule explication du "seulementll.

Neither I nor anyone else ever said the elections would be held "at the same time'l. I simply repeated the text which the Belgian representative read at the rostrum, and I at once answered the Argentine representative's query by stating that there would be two elections. The Netherlands says that if the Belgian proposal is accepted it will withdraw its candidature in the first vote. We should therefore proceed to the election of Turkey, and she must receive a two-thirds majority. After that, we shall proceed with the election to fill the vacancy left by the resignation of Belgium. But we must know how we stand. I say "but" because, if we are to find ourselves again in the same situation as regards two countries as that which noW exist$, there will be no point in Belgiumls resignation. That is the reason I say "but". Il ~st procMe a un vote par appel nominal sur la proposition de la Belgique. Votent pour: Afghanistan, Argentine, Australie, Belgique, Bolivie, Bresil, 9anada, Chili, Chinel Colombie'l Cuba, Danemark, Republique Dominicaine, Ethiopie, France, Grece, Islande, Iran, Irak, Liban, Luxembourg, Pays-Bas, Nouvelle-Zelande, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Perou, Republique des Philippines, Arabie Raouditel Syrie, Turquie, Union Sud-Africaine, Rnvaume-Uni, Etats-Unis d'Amerique, Uruguay, Venezuela. Volent contre: Republique socialiste sovietique de Bi6lorussiel R6publique socialiste sovietique d'Ukraine, Union des Republiques soda· listes sovietiques, Yougoslavie. S'abstiennent: TcMcoslovaquie, Egypte, Gua. temala, Haiti, Inde, Liberia, Nonrcge, Pologne, Suede. A vote on the Belgian proposal was taken by roll-call. Votes for: Afghanistan, Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, C~ina, Colombia, Cuba, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ethiopia, Francel Greece, Iceland, Iran, IraqI Lebanon, Luxembourgl Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippine Republic, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, Union of South Africa, United Kingdom, United States of America, Uruguay, Venezuela. Votes against: Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Yugoslavia. \ Abstentions: Czechoslovakia, Egypt, Guatemala, Haiti, India, Liberia, Norway, Poland, Sweden. Decision: The Belgian pro!Josal was adopted bJ' thirt}'wsix votes to four, with nine abstentions.

I think we can take note of the decision of the Netherlands representative to withdraw the Netherlands candidature for the next vote; therefore Turkey is the only candidate. I wish to explain that we must now proceed to the election of one member of the Economic and Social CounciL We must vote by secret ballot. In order to be elected, Turkey must obtain at least a two-thirds majority of those present and voting. The !.Iotes of the del.egations were. taken in turn by secret ballot.

The roll-call is completed. I call upon the tellers to count the votes. The tellers proceeded to count the votes.

The result of the voting is as follows: Number of Members voting . . . .. 50 Number of invalid votes. . • . . . . • 1 Abstentions .................• 9 Number of votes cast .........• 49 The two-thirds majority required for election is thirtywthree. The number of votes obtained is as follows: Turkey ......•.............•.• 40 Decision: Turkey was elected a member oj the Economic and Social Council.

We shall now proceed to the election of a member of the Economic and Social Council to fill the post left vacant by the resignation of Belgium. Delegations may vote for one candidate only. The votes of the delegations were taken in turn by secret ballot.

The roll-call is completed. I call upon the tellers to count the votes. The tellers proceeded to count the votes.

The result of the voting is as follows: Number of Members voting. • . .. 49 Number of invalid votes .. . . • . .. 1 Abstention ...........•........ 1 Number of votes cast ....•.•... 48 The two-thirds majority required is thirty. three. Decision: La proposition de la Belgique est ado/JlCe !Jar trelltc-si:r: '{}oix contre quatre, et ncul abstentions. Le PRESIDENT: Je crois que nous pouvons prendre acte de la decision du representant des Pays-Bas qui retire la candidature des Pays-Bas du prochain tour de scrutin. La Turquie reste done seulc candidate. Je precise qu'il s'agit d'elire un seul membre au Conseil eeonomique et social. Nous allons proceder au vote au scrutin secret. Pour etre clue, la Turquie doit recueillir les deux tiers des voix des Membres presents et votants. Le PRESIDENT: Le Berutin est dos. J'invite les scrutateurs a proceder au depouillement du vote. Les scrutateuTS procedent au depouillement du vote. Le PRiSIDENT: Void le resultat du scrutin: Nombre de votants. •. • • . . • • . •• 50 Bulletin nul 1 Abstentions " l .. .. • .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 9 Suffrages exprimes •••..••...• 49 La majoritC requise des deux. tiers est done de trente·troa. Nombre de voix obtenues: rrurquie .••...••..•.•.•..•....40 Decision: La Turquie est elu membre du Conseil cconomique et social. Le PRESIDENT: Nous allons maintenant pro· ceder al'election d'un membre du Conseil eco- nomique et social pOUf le poste devenu vacant. ala suite de la d6mission de la Belgique. VOllS ne devez porter sur le bulletin qutun seul nom. Le PRfSIDENT: Le scrutin est dos. J'invite les scrutateurs a proceder au depouillernent du vote. Les scrutat6UfS procUent au depouillemcnt du vote. Le PRESIDENT: Void le resultat du vote: Nombre de votants........... 49 Bulletin nul ...••.•......••.. 1 Abstention ••.•..........•... 1 Suffrages exprimes •.•....••.. 48 La majorit~ requise ddl deux tiers est done de trente·trois. Decision: The Netherlands was elected a member of the Economic and Social Council for a period of two years. SIXTIETH PLENARY MEETING Held on Friday. 13 December 1946, at 11 a.m. CONTENTS PagIJ 171. Application of Article 27 of the Charter dealing with the method of voting in the Security Council. Calling of a general conference of Members of the United Na- tions under Article 109 of the Charter: report of the First Committee: resolution 1231 President: Mr. Wellington Koo (China). 171. Application of Article 27 of the Charter dealing with the method of voting in the Security Council. Calling of a genral conference of Members of the United Nations under Article 109 of the Charter: report of the First CommiHee (document A/23S)

The first item on the agenda is the report of the First Committee on the application of Article 27 of the Charter and calling of a general conference of Members of the United Nations under Article 109 of the Charter (annex 71). ,The Rapporteur is Mr. Viteri Lafronte of Ecuador. As he has not yet arrived, I shall read the resolution, which is very brief. (The President then read the text of the resolution contained in document A/235.) I call upon Mr. Makin, representative of Australia. Mr. MAKIN (Australia): During the ,eneral debate at the opening of this Assembly, many ddegations referred to the way in which the veto had been used in the Security Council during the past year, and they expressed concern at the effect which the application of the veto was having on the working of the Security Council. Previously the delegations of Australia and Cuba had placed items on the agenda of the Assembly concerning the application of the voting procedures laid down in Article 27 of the Charter and when these items were discussed in the Political and Security Decision: Les Pays-Bas sont tlus membre du Conseil economique et social pour une durie de deux am, ' La seance est levie a1 h. 05. SOIXAN'r1EME SEANCE PLENIERE Tenue le vendredi 13 decembre 1946 a 11 Mures. TABLE DES :M:Al'IERES PagIJs 171. Application de l'Article 27 de la Charte concernant la procedure de vote au Conseil de securite. Convocation d'une conference generale des Membres des Nations Unies, confonnement a l'Article 109. Rapport de la Premiere Commission. . Resolution 1231 President: M. Wellington Koo (Chine). 171. Application de l'Article 27 de la Charte concernant la procedure de vote au Conseil de securite. Convocation d'une conference generale des Nations Unies, conformement al'Art,ide 109. Rapport de la Premiere C9mmission. Re~olution (document A/23S) Le PRESIDENT (traduit de lJanglais): L'ordre du jour appeUe la dIscussion du rapport de la Premiere Commission rdatif ala mise en application de l'Article 27 de la Charte concernant la procedure de vote au Conseil de securite, et a la convocation d'une conference generale des Membres des Nations Unies, confonnement a l'Article 109 (annexe 71). Le Rapporteur, M. Viteri Lafronte, representant de l'Equateur, n'etant pas encore id, je vais vous donner moi-meme lecture de la breve resolution -que ce rapport contient. I (Le President donne lecture du texte de lA resolution inclus dansle document A/235.) Je donne la parole a M. Makin, representallt de l'Australie. M. MAKIN (AustraJ.ie) (traduit de l'anglais): Au cours de la discussion generale gui a eu.lieu au debut de cette session de r AssembIee, un grand nombre de Membres ont fait allusion a la fa~on dont le privilege du "veto" avait ete exerce au Conseil de securite durant rannee qui vient de s'ecouler et ils se sont montres inquiets . 1'" d "" des repercussIons que exerCIce e ce veto avait sur le foilctionnement du Conseil de securite. Les delegations australienne et cubainc avaient precedemment fait inscrire a 1'ordre du jour de l'Assemblee des questions concernant l'application de la procedure de vote etablie par