A/16/PV.1018 General Assembly

I would ask if the members of the Assembly would be good enough to allow me to invite the President of the Argentine Republic to address the Assembly. 2. I have the honour to welcome Mr. Arturo Frondizi, President of the Argentine Republic, who wishes to make a statement 1;0 the Assembly. I take the liberty of expressing the hope that this important statement will' throw new light on the various problems which confront us and will facilitate our efforts to promote peace and to ease international tension. I now invite His Excellency the President'of the ArgeIltine Republic to address the Assembly. ...YJ.~ with one another in see:king to gain control of that wealth. The history of our country is 9. chronicle of the heroic efforts ef .the Argentine people to overcome its internai dissensions, consolidate its national unity and defend its political and economic independence. _ADDRESS BY MR. ARTURO FRONDIZI, PRESIDEN1' OF THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC 3. Mr. FRONDIZI, President of the Argentine Rer:i.olic (translated from Spanish): The people ofArgentina, on whose behalf I am addressing this Assembly, wish to support all those who have spoken here in favour of the maintenance of peace and friendship among all the peoples of the world. There is no more urgent and vital undertaking for the men of todaythose of all regions of the world, of all beliefs and of all social classes-than that of preserving peace. God created man with the mark of brotherhood, so that he might survive and multiply throughout the ages. War and destruction challenge that divine purpose, especially since another war might extinguish man from the face of the earth. The peoples of the whole world, anxious and afraid, come to this universal forum confident that the breath of creation, the supreme act which gave us life, will inspire the hearts and minds of all the statesmen, and thus forever banish war and 7. From the earliest days of the Republic, we Argentines clearly sensed our inviolable national sovereignty, the ties of ideals and interests which bound us to the sister nations of Latin America. and our obligation to be generous and open-handed members of the world community. we were at one and the same tim,~ Argentines, Americans and citizens ofthe world. The patriot armies which gave us independence marched with the Liberator, San Martfn, across the high mountains of the Andes to liber8.te Chile and Peru-to liberate them, but never to dominate them. 8. Invariably, with exemplary consistency, Argentina's international policy has been based OIl the three fundamental principles of internat~onallife-tb.elegal equality of States, non-intervention in domestic affairs, and 1:he self-determination of peoples. These . 19. Disarmament, in its turn, will liberate vast financial and technical resources which the great Powers can use to promote the economic development of the under-developed countries. That contribution cannot be measured solely in terms of money and technical assistance. It involves an active policy of international solidarity which will serve as an example t/,) sustain, throughout the world, the ideals of freedom, justice and respect for human dignity. When the international community succeeds in replacing its present anxieties and tensions by collective actionfer help to the new emerging world, the ideals of democracy and human freedom will have won the battle throughout the globe. 25. The Argentine Republic will work, so far as lies in its power, for a reduction of international tension and for the use of negotiation and the peaceful methods of conciliation and arbitration, in all the international organizations, regional or world-wide, of which it is a member. 26. That is the spirit underlying the most recent international acts of the Argentine Government, such as the Agreement of Uruguayana, signed on 21 April 1961 with the Government of Brazil; the Declaration of Villa del Mar of 11 September 1961, signed with the Government of Chile; andthe Act ofthe Conference of Punta del Este, of 17 August 1961. In all these instruments, the Argentine Republic has confirmed the immutable principles of its international policy and its adherence to the ideal of inter-AIlLerican and world co-operation. 20. We peoples of Latin America, who by tradition and calling belong to the world governedby the ethical and cultural values of the West, are in virtue of those same principlGs bound to side with the peoples that are fighting to establish their freedom and to ensure for all their sons a level of living compatible with their moral dignity. In the same way, we have a right to expect that the great Powers will respect our sovereignty and help us to overcome backwardness and poverty. 21. The philosophical and juridical idea of the international community is, in its origins,' Western and Christian. During the Middle Ages and until the end of the eighteenth century, it was confined to Christian Europe. But the selfsame notion of Christianbrotherhood and of Christianity's world-wide vocation caused that closed, exclusive community to change, little by little, into.an association open to every system ofvalues inthe modernworld. The present international community is a "plural" society, in which different cultures and ethical and legal systems exist side by side. It is based on the principle of the peaceful coexistence of all its members and on mutual respect for ideological and political differences. 'Hence, when we proclaim our Western and Christian filiation, we are postulating no concept of exclusiveness or of hostility towards qther ideas. Nor are we seeking to establish antagonism between blocs or' to set one group of nations against another. On the contrary, the Christian concept of life predisposes us towards tolerance, coexistence in freedom and in justice, and the reign of peace among men and peoples. 27. The Argentine Republic is a member of the Organization of American States, and confirms itS most resolute adherence to the high principles of Pan-Americanism, which have preserved the indestructible cohesion and solidarity of the American family of nations on the basis ofrespectfor individual sovereignty and for the principle ofself-determination and non-intervention. The Argentine Government also believes that Presidp.nt Kennedy's "Alliance for Progress" marks the beginningofa neweraiIi the relations between the United States of America and the Latin American republics. The people of the United States realize that the reinforcement of democratic institutions throughout the hem.isphere is the effective and essential basis of continental solidarity. It also realizes that the fate of those institutions is closely bound up with the economic, social and cultural development of Latin America,for which ithaspledged substantial and urgent assistance. The Argentine Republic expresses its most fervent hope for the success of this co-operative effort, andhas repeatedly declared its conviction that the speedy and generous implementation ~f the "Alliance for Progress" will enable the nations of Latin America to expedite the fulfilment of their own developmentplans and intensify their own efforts to overcome· the backwardness and structural weakness of their economies. 28. Systems and programmes of inter-American collaboration are not incompatible' with Latin Ameri': 22. There is nothing so opposed to this idea of brotherhood than the rivalries and mistrust that are confining the world to this dangerous no man's land between .war and peace which is .identified with the term "cold war". The "cold war" is negative and sterile because it dictates the investment, in weapons which are daily becoming more destructive, of vast resources wh'ch science and modern technology could use to accelerate human progress at an incredible pace. The "cold war" limits and hamp'drs material and cultural exchanges between peoples that are 29. In the past, peace was an aspiration ofmankindan ideal, tragically frustrated at times by man's blindness. Today, with his tremendous powers of invention, man has created such instruments of destruction that peace is no longer a Utopia but has become an absolute necessity. Man, who henceforth can kill his fellows only at the risk of destroying the species, has at the same time becomethe explorer and conqueror of the polar snows, the master of the deep and of stellar space. Science has laid the universe at the feet of the earth's inhabitants. Such science has no frontiers and pays no heed to ideologies or nationalities. It is as universal in nature as the cosmonaut who circles the globe and looks down upon the minuteness of his abode. And it is in this realm, opened up by man's prodigious intellect, that men and Peoples divided by beliefs and interests exist. Man's creative capacity-his ability to transform nature, to w!'est from it its uttermost resources, to produce unlimited matter and energy .from the splitting of the tiny, invisible atom-ushers in an era unparalleled in human history. No wealth, no material achievement is now beyond the immediate reach of mankind, to be distributed freely and fully for the satisfaction of the petty and transitory needs of the human race. 30. The same act which enables man to journey to the stars is a sure instrument for reconciling the hopes of peoples of the greatest diversity and the most conflicting beliefs. The brotherhood of man has received an unprecedented stimulus from this miraculous flowering of the intellect. The Utopia of which man has dreamed throughout history is now within our grasp. And yet, on this earth, where such a miracle has been performed, two thirds of the people are living in poverty and ignorance while nations accumulate weapons of destruction which they know must never be used and which consume gigantic resources. I belong to a country which is part of this "held back" section of humanity.

I thank the President of the Arj?;entine Republic for the eloquent address hehas givenus. We shall certainly all ponder it and give it the serious consideration which its importance deserves. May I now request the members of the Assembly to remain seated while I have the honour of escorting the President from the hall.

It is not to follow a customary practice but rather to express a real feeling that I wish to congratulateyou onyour election, Mr. President. The unanimous vote of the General Assembly is recognition of your high qualifications and the esteem your person deserves as one in whom such confidence can be placed for the fulfilment of a task which is particularly important inthe prevailing circumstances. 35. We were deeply impressed when on assuming your duties as President of the General Assembly you expressed the feelings of the Members of the United Nations on the tragic and untimely death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold. I have already associated myself with the tribute you paid to his memory, but at this particular moment I ask your permission to allow me to convey the heartfelt sorrow and sympathy of His Majesty the King, the Government and the people of Afghanistan to the Members of the General Assembly, the members of the Secretariat and to Mr. Hammarskjold's family and his friends. 36. This message of condolence is also extended to the Swedish Mission to the United Nations and to all those who are related to the devoted members of the United Nations Secretariat who died with the Secretary-General in the line of duty. It ls an expression of our deep respect for men who have died serving the cause of peace, the ultimate goal of mankind, for the achievement of which the United Nations is the only existing human institution. 37. This session Cilf the General As'sembly is being held at a critic'al moment in international affairs. The threat to peace is no longer a fear of war as we have known it in the past. The situation is pregnant with the fear of total destruction. The world is no longer confronted with events which might one day become a source of great anxiety to humanity. We are now faced with a concrete situation in which mankind is living in the shadow of war. This is not an imagined fear, for the possibility of war has been explicitly recognized here by those nations powerful enough to make the possibility a tragic reality. 43. I have no intention of elaborating at this stage of the general debate on these or other problems that will be discussed during this session-partly because our views on them are known, and basically, because we shall have a chance to express ourselves on them when they come up for discussion. 44. I hope that our basi.c views on how to approach the present unfortunate situation in international affairs are clear to our colleagues. As a small country, we have no force behind the thoughts we have expressed except our good intentions, derived from our aspirations for peace, and our expectation that the Members of the Assembly, especially the peaceloving small countries, willtake note ofthe seriousness of the situation and seek ways and means which would secure the interests of humanity as a whole. We do not wish to insist that our own way of thinking be gonerally accepted, but we do insist that if the United Nations is to serve the cause of world peace each Member of it should consider. the interests of the entire world as paramount in the pl'esent crisis. Only by such breadth of vi~ion can the United Nations make that constructive contribution to the solution of world problems for which this Assembly has been convened. 41. The second task in the prevailing circumstances should be the realization that while allofus recognize the existence of many important problems with which the United Nations should deal, it is very urgent that the major political problems of the world, on the solution of which depends the possibility of solVing other problems, should receive the immediate attention of the General Assembly during this session. There are ninety-one items on the agenda of this session. The fact that these items have beeu included in the agenda is sufficient recognition of their importance. At the same time, however, everyone of us re.alizes that a constructive solution to most of these issues is not possible without tue creation of t~e kind of atmosphere which can be expected to prevail onlyjf the efforts of the United Nations are concentrated on the major world problems. There are certain items the discussion of which intensifies international tension aud the cold war, which is graduallybecoming warmer. My delegation would therefore wish that the General Assembly, having recognized the importance of the items by including them in the agenda, would, in dealing with the problems, reach an understanding temporarily to defer a discussion of them until·it had dealt with the major problems, within the limits of a careful analysis ofthe possibilities at its disposal. That, of course, applies only to the controversial political items. 45. Before concluding, I would like to express our general views on one point which shouldbe recognized as the most urgent task of this session, namely the question of how to meet the situation in which this Organization finds itself in the absence of a Secretrry- General. Being well aware of the complexity of the matter in the prevailing circumstances and hoping that an agreement will be reached at the end of the current negotiations, it is our considered opinion that it is far from desirable for anyone to insist upon any controversial position on this matter. Unless full agreement is reached, no hurried measures should be allowed to be taken in the name of urgency. While the urgency of the matter should be emphasized, the lasting interest of the United Nations as an effective world organ for international harmony·· should not be sacrificed as a result of a psychologically disturbing situation which can easily mislead us and can bring about more difficulties. We cannot allow ourselves to fail to search thoroughly the avenues of an agreement satisfactory to all. In our view, it is better not to make a final decision on this matter in the rush imposed upon us by certain difficulties with which we admit we are confronted. An interlm arrangement has been suggested•.The Afghan delegation favours .this view in priiiCiple. Any provisional arrangement which would bring about a unanimous understanding will be acceptable to my delegation. In the case of disagr'.:lement, we shall take astand in the face' of the compelling circumstances which we should not like to foresee at this stage. 46. There is, however, a,n exceptional urgency realized by all of us. as to the responsibilities of the 42. In our view, the major problems confronting the world are the follOWing: the discontinuance of the cold war and the lessening of internationaltension, and the substitution therefore of peaceful coexistence and international co-operation; the. discontinuance of the arms race, and the institution of general and complete disarmament; the discontinuance of war a~d bloodshed where they exist at present andparticular~y ~ts primary task for the oause of peace, every individual Member of the Organization should avoid a hostile attitude in the interest of the restless and troubled world. The United Nations, towhiohwebelong and in which we h&.ve the deepest conviction, is not meant to invite the oold war into the already shaking Organization, or to sendthe coldwar outto the already shivering world.

In offering our heartfelt congratulations upon your unanimous eleotion, Sir, as President of the General Assembly we voice the feelings of a country which is bound to yours by a traditional friendship which goes back across the centuries to distant times When our two peoples met, on the waters of the Mediterranean, to establish fruitful associations. Your wisd~ and experience will be invaluable in the constructive and impartial guidance of our debates. 51. It would be a dangerous mistake to shut our eyes to the harsh realities of the present world situation. The General Assembly meets at a moment which might even mark a crucial turning point in the history of the Organization. Upon how we taokle the prpblems which confront us will depend whether we shall turn onto the path of progress in international co-operation or will see the triumph of those negative forces whioh could shatter once and for all the hopes and beliefs which inspired the founders of the United Nations meeting at San Franoisco after the Seoond World War-hopes and beliefs'that, in subsequent years, led so many new States to join the United Nations. 52. Our responsibility is greatbeoause by our actions we can either dissipate this great moral inheritanoe, showing .that it was nothing but an illusion, or can defend and add to it, proving to the world that the ideals of international oo-operation are a reality in which we firmly belie~e. 53. This is certainly not the time for high-sounding phrases and general declarations ofprinoiple, which are easily made, but for deeds and for deeds alone.' And the facts show that just when the international horizon is clouded by the Berlin orisis, just when 54. How is it to be dealt with? And how is it to be solved? There are some considerations that I would like to submit. 55. The San Francisco Charter clearly embodies a prinoiple, namely, tha.t at the head of the Seoretariat ther3 should be a single individual personally responsible for the implementation of 0\U' decisions and for the administrative work of the UnitedNations. This principle is tacitly reaffirmeduponthe admission of new Member States joining the United Nations, and these States not only accept the rules oontained in the Charter but also automatically acquire-on the same footing as other 'Member States-the right to withdraw in the event of reforms should they be considered unacoeptable. Thus any departure from the institution of a single office ofSeoretary-General! besides jeopardizing the efficiency of our exeoutive! could, we feel, gravely complicate matt~rs by casting doubt on the continued presence in the United Nations of part of its existing membership. 56. At this stage I should like to emphasize that, when the principle of a single Secretary-General was accepted without dispute, the interns.ti.n1'\g:!. community was substantially no different from now. Even then there were Member states ruled by the Communist doctrine, while others foll()wed a policy of neutrality and still others favoured active democratic solidarity. So the present tripartite grouping existed even then. Moreover, the Charter even then provided ID Article 51, for the regional arrangements that were to be concluded in SUbsequent years, inoluding the Atlantic Pact and the WarsawPact. TheCharter evenenvisaged the possibility of disagreem.ent betweenthe permanent members of the Security Council as, in fact, it gave the~ the right of veto. Why, then, did this right of veto not extend to the activities of the Secretary- General? There were several obvious reasons: 57. First, if Seourity Council deoisions already required the consent of all the permanent members, it was generally agreed that the work of the General Assembly should be governedby a differentprinciplethat of the two-thirds majority. It did not occur to anyone at that time that the Assembly's decisions could be vetoed, which would happen, however, once the Secretariat was given the power to obstruot the implementation of its decisions. 58. Secondly, the main executive organ of the United Nations cannot be paralysed at the whim of one party except at the oost of total inefficiency. 59. Thirdly-and this deserves speoial attention-the General Assembly shOuld, like anypoliticalassembly, have to deal with a single responsible individual from whom, in given circumstanoes, it can withdraw its confidence by a vote of censure. But, by accepting the Iltroika11 principle, we would be taking the serious step of sanctioning what would amount to irresponsibility on the part ")f the Secretariat, as it is obvious 60. Once we have shown the legitimacy and the need of having one Secretary-Genel'al. the course we must take to ensure the smoothrunningofthe only executive organ we possess is revealed in its true light. We all know the rules laid down in the Charter. We therefore know that the Security Counci! is competent to make a designatioll which the General Assembly is asked to ratify. But while awaiting that designation. which we hope will be made as speedily as possible. can we just stand back and implicitly abdicate our right to adopt any further valid decisions simply because there is no one to implement them or to continue to carry out decisions already taken in the past? Do we consider that the. problems confronting us are not urgent and that we can complacently postpone their consideration indefinitely? Such an attitude would. in our opinion. be irresponsible and would certainly fall short. ofthe expectations ofpublic opinion in our respective countries. We th,,\refore have no choice but to find a provisionalheadfor our executive. Besides. when the United Nations wasfirst established and when. onthe expiry of thefirst Secretary-General's term of office. the General Assembly was faced with a similar problem-since the Security Council could not agree on a new nominee-it solved it by taking. 'immediate action. Inthe presentinternational situation it is imperative that we should assume the responsibilities that the General Assembly. at an earl~er session. had no hesitation in assuming. 66. From this :rostrum we wish to renew our appeal for negotiations, with. the hope that there will be no misunderstanding as to its meaning.Auyonewhowould today passively agree to a different course might find himself tomorrow the prisoner and victim of his own weakness. 67. In the view of the Italian delegation. the problem of disarmament today is more crucial than ever for the preservation of world peace. This belief springs from the awareness that the solutionto all the cielicate problems that vex us can be more easily found once a bold step has been taken towards a system which. by progressive stages. can bring about general, complete and controlled disarmament. 68. In stressing the Urgency of disarmament in all age when technology conditi~ns the lives of nations :' as a Whole, both in the civilianandthe military fields, we are none the less aware that such priority is conditionalupon a complementarybutequallyi:rnportant requirement. as the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom pointed out this morning [1018th meeting]. that is the simultaneous establishment of a 1 adequate security system. 61. In dealing with the grave problems that cloud the political horizon I have already had occasion to mention the question of Berlin. Let me n.ow make a few brief comments on that subject. 62. Some time before the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries held at Belgrade. the Italian Government. through its Prime Minister and ForeignMinister. who h8.d returned from a jOlU'ney to Moscow. voiced the belief that the time was ripe for direct negotiations between the Powers concerned. This belief still holds firm. But. in our minds, negotiation means the exchanging of viewsl in search of a solution that would take into account the interests of both sides. and not the unconditional acceptance of all the requests ~.d­ vanced by one side. We have a differentword to define that type of exchange: we call it capitulation or surrender. not negotiation. 63. Yesterday the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union pointed out the danger to world peace stemming fromthe presentpartitlonofGermany [1016thmeeting]. But "he forgot to mention where responsibility lies for the failure to reunify Germany. Reunification by means of free elections. which was also reaffirmed in principle at the Conference of Foreign Ministers held at Geneva in 1955. was never permittedprecisely by the Soviet Union. 69. This system should be the cornerstone of any effective and fruitful international reconstruction. Our inclination to proceed towards general and com-" plete disarmament can be justified only in so far as, in our progress towards the ultimate goal. we can be certain of safeguarding an international justice-<' which will guarantee that allpaI'~ies respect their UI"1dertakings. The present balance of terror should therefore be replaced by a .system of guaranteed co-operation which will permit economi~ and social development for all peoples based on freedom and respect for individual opinions. 70.~With these considerations In mind. the Italian delegation heartily welcomed the United States-USSR statement of agreed principles of 20 September 1961 [A/4879]. These principles enunciated for the safeguarding of disarmameL'lt· negotiations fully reflect qur views. We have always held that a programme for general and complete disarmament. in order to cope with the realities ofpresentandfuture situations, should be combinedwithlimitedbutprogressive measures designed to promote that "gradual approach" to the problem, to which P:J:esident Kennedy referred in his address to the Assembly [1013th meeting]. These initial measures, which could even be adopted immediately. as they present no inherent difficulties. would be of great psychological value and would mean a substantial step towards solving the disarmament problem. 64. .Mr. Gromyko. who yesterday so solemnly and firmly assured us that. the Communist countries had chosen that order of their own free will, forgot to mention the reasonwhythe inhabitants ofEastGermany have always been prevented from expressing their free will. It is simply because they have never had the opportunity to do so, that even today a barrier 72. The Italian delegation hopes that the present inconsistency between the readiness to sign a joint statement on the' principles of disarmament and the Soviet Government's decision to resume nuclear tests will soon be overcome. It would not be hard to quote entire pages from speeches made three years earlier by Soviet statesmen and diplomatsinthe Untted Nations and elsewhere prompting separate negotiations on the cessation of nuclear tests as anecessaryprecondition 'tor disarmament, and roundly condemning any Power that would dare to be the first to break the moratorium. But I shall refrain from doing so and shall simply recall here that it was the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union who made a solemn appeal to the conscience of the entire world when he stated: "If in the present circumstances a state should resume nuclear testing, the consequences of this action would be hard to foresee", and he added that it would "assume a heavy burden of responsibility in the eyes of the peoples of the world". 73. On 4 November 1958, in this veryHall, we unanimously approved a resolution [1252 (Xill)] endorsing those principles. Would we be prepared to repudiate them today? Such an attitude would fail to reflect the deep-seated conviction of our pE'oples. Nothing has changed, technically speaking, since the day on which we took that unanimous decision. 78. Italy has already made a substantial contribution toward the goal of economic interdependence and general co-operation and is now taking an active part in the many activities that the United Nations is carrying out in all spheres of economic and social development-be itthe expansion oftrade and increased financial assistance or intensified efforts in the field or pre-investments or the utillzation of human resources. To that end, Italy has also substantially increased its contribution to the Special Fund and the Expanded Progranune of Technical Assistance. Italy's over-all economic effort, up to the end of 1960, had already reached the figure of $930 million. 79. The last session of the Economic and Social Council showed the groviing importance of social and economic factors; and the declaration adopted at Belgrade at the conclusion of the Conference of Non-Alig,led Countries, concerning the st:r~engthening and development of our Organization, reflects the 74. We cannot fail to face two unpleasantfactswhich, belief of those countries that itis thesevery economic alas, do not seem to aim at promoting the climate and social activities of the United Nations which had Which is essential for a constructive resumption of and will have the greatest impact onthe civil progress. negotiations on disarmament and international seof the less developed nationc. We feel that the United curity. The first of these facts is the torpedoing of Nations would do well to explore further the opporthe negotiations Which, in the space of three years, tunities for expanding co-operation especially inthose had almost resolved the difficult task of preparing a regions where appropriate action and methods of draft treaty. The second is the unilateral violation of consultation could promote a greater flow and better the moratorium on nuclear tests, accompanied by the use of economic and social assistance. MyGoverl:lment proclaimed intentiOtl of endowing the arsenals of the is fully aware of the magnitude of the problem and of conununist world with lOO-megaton atomic warheads. its moral and political scope. We therefore propose But what most alarms and even terrifies people are to increase our efforts in order to assist those counthe reasons which the Prime Minister of. the Soviet tries which are ~ow in the process of development. Union has given for his decisions. He has stated Of course, we can'do so within the limits of. our ecoplainly and explicitly that "the resumption of nuclear nomic possibilities and of our basic conunitment to tests is in the interests of theSovietUnion". I confess develop the depressed areas of Souther'l Italy. We that it is hard for me-and perhapsnot only foX' me-to also hope that ....every effort will be made by all of regard this as a contribution to disarmament rather us here to expand and intensify this Organization's than as a new and powerfulincentive to the arma.ments economic and socil:l.l activities. The p:rimary task of race. the Organization is to disoourage, impede and halt 75. My country, however, notwithstanding this bitter any threat to world peace; but this task is closely and frightening situation, considers that every effort linked with economic and social action to combat should be made to leave the door open for an agreepoverty and improve the liVing conditions of mankind. ment. At Geneva we took part in the disarmament 80. In concluding my remarks, I should like solemnly discussions and concurred in the efforts towards a to rea.ffirm the complete.and unreserved support of true agreement. We even tried to curb ourimpatienoe the Italian Government for the principles underlying and that ofothers andto spur ourselves and our friends the United Nations and our firm determinationto on to persevere in the undertaking, however arduous contribute to their qefence and implementation. In· .. ' r:~~ic'{J!>:_>t1;!"l!ii""''''~~!W;Oi~'l.'i''.'O;~'''''"'.X'''.>W:'E';lf~"''''iI''T~~~M·',~'''·~",~",,,,,w.~~j&~. 81. I am sure, Mr. President, that the sixteenth session of the General Assembly will measure up to the challenge of the times and will, under. your able g'Uidance, stand the test and jealously guard its great heritage of ideals so as to hand it down intact, and perhaps even enriched, to further generations. One thing is certain: the future of the United Nations is in our hands and depends solely on. us. For its part the Italian delegatioL pledges all its endeavours to safeguard it.

I invite the Assembly to consider the allocation of the items already approved for inclusion in the agenda. Will representatives please refer to the recommendations contained in section IT (starting at paragraph 13) of the first report of the General Committee [A/4882]. ' 94. In the absence of comment, I take it that the General Assembly approves the General Committee's recommendation that items 10 to 25 should be referred to plenary meetings. It was so deoided. 83. The Assembly will no doubt wish to take into consideration in due course paragraphs 14 to 16 of this document, especially the order and the allocation 'of the items mentioned.

I now ask the Assembly to tak,e a decision with regard to the eight items which the General Committee, in its I'eport, recommends should be referred to· th~ First Committee. The first item is entitled "Question of disarmament", and I wish to recall that the Soviet Union has submitted an amendment [A/L.352] under which the item would be considereddirectly inplellltry meeting. 84. With regard to paragraph 16, the General Committee, at its 139th meeting, recommended that for Consideration of chapter V, paragraph.s 424-432, of tne report of the Economic andSocialCouncil. account should automatically be taken of the General Assembly's final decision as to the allocation of item 87, "Permanent sovereignty over. natural resources". The Assembly will therefore examine that recommendation [A/4895] when it comes to the allocation of items to the Sixth Committee. 96. In accordance with rule 92 of the rules of proc:edure, I shall, following discussion,·first put to the , vote the a1l'.endmr;nt of the Soviet Union. 97. Mr. RAPA(:KI f,?oiand) {translatedfrom French): The motives w~ch have prompted certain states represented in the General Committee to force the allOCation of the question of disarmament to the First Committee, instead of having it considered by the General Assembly in plenary meeting, are neither convincing nor clear to the. Polish delegation. 98. There is nO more important question than that of general and complete disarmament. Not only is it the decisive question for the future of the world, but it is m fact, today, the key question £01' the peaceful evolution ofthe international si..uation. And, in speaking of the role of the United Nations', and of its authority, 85. I draw the attention of the members of the Assembly to an amendment submitted by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics [A/L.352] regarding the allocation of the item entitled "Question of disarmament" . 86. I .propose that the Assembly should proceed with the allocation of items on the basis of the General COmmittee's recommendations, as they appear in paragraph 19, for the reference of itemsto the plenary meetings and the various Committees. 101. We know that. at the beginning of this session. the United States and the Soviet Union did, in fact. reach agreement on the directives to be given the body which will have to prepare a t.reaty on general and complete disarmament. I th.~ wecanallwelcome this step forward and recognize that the main task confronting the First Committee at the fifteenth session. the submission of·draftprinciplesfor general and complete disarmament to the General Assembly nas in fact just beeu accomplished. 102. Now the General Assembly in plenary meeting must express its view. It alone can consider with proper authority the principles,and directives formulated in the Soviet-American document entitled "Joint statement of agreed principles .for ~'sarmament negott.a.tions" [A/4879]. It alone can complete or ccrrect th;m. It alone can assure that they are interpreted in a uniform manner, confirm them, and seE' to it that they are binding upon all the organs of tJ:\e United Nations which \\'ill have to follow up the work. 103. Obviously, the Soviet-Americ&Il agreement has not eliminated all differences of Jpinion on the principles of general and complete disarmament; some of these differences are substantive ones. But it is essentially in pIlilnary meeting that they should be discussed. These are basic q,"olestions and are not appropriate. forsupposed1y more detailed and--more practical debate in the Political Committee. 104. To refer the item again to the Fi:cst Committee and. then from it to plenary meeting would only result in delay, and we have already' wasted too much time. The experience of recent years and of the past few months clearly shows the costof suchprocrastination. 105. If we had already achieved any rea' progrA"ls towards generaland complete disarma.ment~theworld situation would already be very different. There would already .be .some rep] basis for slowing down the armaments race, and· many difficult problems would not have arisenwithsuchurgencyand acuteness. We might have been able to avoid certain measures which have proved inevitable. 106. Thus, experienceSlhowstbat the qUestion· Cf· general and complete disarmament· is not the only most. important item. but al~o the most urgent one.

Permit me, Mr. President, on being given the floor by you for the fix-st time. to congratulate you on your election to the vitally important office of President of the sixteenth session. 109. The delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria supportstheamendment[A/L.352] introduoed by the delegation of the Soviet Union. and urges that the question of general and complete disarmament be discussed, at the sixteenth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, in plenary meeting. 110. It is natural for the most important and urgent questions to be dis'.Iussed by the General Assembly in plenary meeting. There is no doubt that general and complete disarmament, which is on the agenda of the sixteenth session, is one such question. There can be no two opinions about that. The importance of this question and the urgenoy of oonsidering it are not denied even by those delegations whioh urge its consideration in a subsidiary organ. 'but notinplenary meetings, of theGeneraL.\ssembly. TheUnited Nations is already losing prestige in the eyes of the peoples Owing to the fact of its plenary meetings dealing with "questions" like those of Hungary and Tibet-thought up by the narrow-minded policy of certain Powerswhile the question of questions, that of disarmament. is referred to an organ established not bythe Charter but by the Organization's rules of procedure. It is just such adions by the Western Powers. and nothing else. that undermine confidence in the Organization. 111. .The international situation. now more than ever before. requires that the disarmament question be considered not merely as a matter of urgency but with the :ms:ximum degree of publicity, so that all peoples of the world may learn the positions adopte-' by the individual delegations on this question whioi! is so decisive for the fate of the world. . :.,~. Since certain delegations have advanced proceduralarguments in favour of referring the question ' to the First Committee. I take the liberly of reoalling that annex IT (paragraph 23) to Geners:l Assembly' resolutioli362 (IV) of 22 October 1949 contains the following statement on the significance of the dis~ cussion of questions in plenary meetings: "The consideration of.questions in plenal1' meetings would have the benefit of the attendance of leaders of delegations and of greater solemnity and publioity." 113. The question of disarmament has been on the agenda of the General Assembly since its very first session. The declsive significance of this question for world peace and the securlty of peoples has long, and especially in recent years1 made it the centre of publio attention throughout the world. There can thus be no doubt that its "essential aapeots" are weU enough known to aH delegations. Conaequently, not only ls there no procedural objection to the consideration of the question of general and oomplete diaarmament in plenary meeting, but, on the contrary, there are prooedural reasons for considering lhis question in olroumstanoes of substantial pubUcity. A major question should he oonsidered at the plenary meetings of a major organ of the United Nations. 114. This time, tao, oonsiderations of a "praotioal" nature are being advanoed. But, aa already emphaaized, we are not talklng about working out the concrete treaty for general and complete dlsarmament. Even If the First Committee discuased the question of general and oomplete disarmament, it would still not he oharged with the detailed drnftlng of suoh a treaty. We are talldng about the formulation of general principles whioh are to serve as Il basls!or the future treaty on general and oomplete disarmament, and which should be taken into aocount by any organ concerned with the problem of general and complete diaarmament. It ls preoisely the plenary meeting that should issue !ta direotives to a11 other organe of the General Assembly. 115. Two great Powers, the USSR and the United States of America, have presented ta the present. sesslon of the General Assembly the principles, agreed upon between them 1 for general and complete disarmament [A/4879j. The General Assembly will have to pronounce on these prlnclples, adopt them, and thus make them lts own. It can do this Most authoritatively 1 and MOst rapidly, in plenary meeting. 116. The position of the Unlted States delegation seems, Indeed, more than strange. On the one hand, it considers general and complete disarmament to be the Most burnlng question of the day, and puts its signat.ure side by side with that of the USSR delegation under a set of what we regard as entirely correct principles on this question. Onthe other hand, however. it undervalues the consideratioll of thls question and proposes that it should be considered in Il subsidiary organ of the General Aasembly. In view of the taeUes of the United States, designed to drag through a11 the organs of the United Nations the examination of any question in the field of disnrmament and to place obstacles in the way of any practical solution oC the8e questions, the present position of the United States delegation as to where and when the question of goneral and complete disarmament is to be discu8sed at thia session can be interpreted only as a desire ta postpone discussion of the question of goneral and complete disarmament, as an attempt ta avoid acceptance of the clearer and more specifie obligations flowlng from the statement, signed by both the USSR and the United states, on the basic principles of general and complete disBrmament. 118. We aU know that tl1epath to agreement on general and complete disarmament Is still beset by a nllmber oC dLfficultles. As we also know. there are influential people and groups that oppose disarmament and have not yet lost hope that a11 disarmament talks will break down. They enter upon auch negotiations only to the extent that public opinion compeis them ta do sa. This la yet another reason why the question of general and complete dlsarmament ShOllldbe discussed openly, befora aU peoples and with the participation of the most reaponsible plenipotentlary representatives of the Members states. 119. There must be resolute condemnation for any depreciating of the raie of plenary meetings. Such depreciation ls Implicit in the demand that BO serioua El problem as general and complete dlsarmament be consldered not in plenary meeting but ln the First CommlUee. The view of certain delegations appears ta be that the First Commlttee la the place where aetual business Is done and that plenary meetings of the United Nations are not concerned with specific matters. Where an Important question of general Interest ls at issue, let us not be afraid of the word "pt'opaganda~. Propaganda for general and oomplete disarmament ls a noble task, worthy of any international organization. In the present case, however, t,he point 18 not propaganda, nor even ideas that are ln themselv6s good. We consider that a11 the Governments represented in t.he Gene1'B.l Assembly can, by taking a clear-cut position ln plenary meeting, bar the way to manoeuvres, dodgea, formalistic cllicanery and other methods of sabotage whereby the great Powers of the West have, so far, blocked any pra.ctical solution of the disarmarnent question. 120. 1t la hLgh time to bring the problem of general !lnd complete disarmament out of the impasse. For this purpose the JoInt Statement of Agreed Princlples for Disarmament Negotiatlons issued by the Gavernments of the Soviet Union and the United states of Amel"ica serves as a good, concrete basis. At the beglnnlng of the Joint statement, the twogreatPowers reafflrm thelr adherence to 0.11 the prov Lsions of l'asolution 1378 (XIV) ndopted by the General Assembly, 20 November 1959 and expressing the view that "the question of goneral and complete dlsarmament is the most important one facing the world today", and state that the Governments of the Soviet Unlon and the Unlted States of America recommend the principles contained in thel:r Joint Statement "as the basis for future multilateral negotiations on dlsarmament"; they caU upon other States to co-operate in reaching carly agreement on generaland complete diearmament in accordancc wlth those principles. 121. These princlples should be discussed and adopted very S0011, and in the most responslble manner. For thls purpose , thQ most fitting forum ls a plenary meeting of the General Assembly. 123. At the same time, the Bulgarian delegation considers that the most correct course would be for all questions forming part ofthe disarmamentproblem to be discussed together. This would be, not merely entirely logical, but eminently useful for our work. It is more thl'\n obviousthatthe isolation of any question like, for instance, that of the discontinuance ofnuclear weapons testing, or its separate discussion, would be irrational. since in present conditions such questions can be successfully considered only in the context of the i-1roblem of general and complete dlslU'mament. 124. Mr. DAVID (Czechoslovak Socialist Republic) (translated from Russian): The proposal that the General Assembly should consider the question of disarmament in plenary meeting is far from procedural. We are dealing with a matter of great political significance, which is determined by the· importance of the disarmament question itself and the attention with which the peoples of the whole world are following its discussion at the General Assembly's sixteenth session. 125. What we have to do is tocreatethe most favourable oonditions for the achievement of definite progress on this question. There are serious political and practical grounds for considering the question in plenary meeting. 126. The rightness and the usefulness of discussing the most important political problems at plenary meetings of the General Assembly were fully confirmed when the DeclaratioIi on the granting of independence to colonial count.ries andpeoples was being considered at the General Assembly'sfifteer>i:h session [1514 (XV)]. There is no doubt that this discussion did much to underline the political importanGe of the Declaration as adopted, and with it ~he pressing necessity of arriving at an immediate and radical solution of the question of colonialism. 127. It will not be the General Assembly's task to enter, with regard to disarmament, into a detailed discussion of technical questions, which fall to be dealt with in committee work. The General Assembly must, first of all. discuss and approve a directive for the consideration of such details in a smaller disarmament body, and help to set up such a body. 128. In our opinion, the Soviet-United states Joint Statement of Agreed Principles for Disarmament Negotiations [A/4879] of 20 September- 1961 might S8A"Ve as a useful basis for such a directive. 129. Thus it would seem entirely natural that the General Assembly. as the most important forum of the United Nations, should discuss and unanimously approve the Agreed Principles and so demonstrate its genuine concern that progress should be made with oonsideration of the disarmament question, which constitutes the crucial problem of our day. 130. The arguments advanced by those who oppose discussion of disarmament at plenary meetings of the , General Assembly are unconvincing. It is clear that their negative attitude does not spring from a desire to bring about the most propitious circumstances 132. The Czechoslovak delegation repudiates suchan cpproach and fully supports the amendment submitted by the USSR [A/L.352], in which it is pl'oposed that the question of disarmament be considered at plenary meetings of the sixteenth session, immediately after the gene:t:al debate. 133. Mr.. ZORIN (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): The General Assembly has before it the report of the General Committee [A/4882] on the allocation of items and organization of the session. The Soviet delegation considers that the question of g&ilsral and complete disarmament should be discussed in the highest forum ofthe United Nations; and we have submitted a formal amendment [A/L.3521 to the report of the General Committee, to the effect that the disarmament problem should be referred for examination not to the First Committee, but to the General Assembly in plenary meeting. 134. Two years ago in this Hall-on 20 November 1959-we unanimously adopted a resolution [1378 (XIV)) in which the General Assembly recognized that the question of general and complete ,disarmament was the most important one facing the world today and called upon Governments to make every effort to achieve a constructive solution of this problem. By this decision alone we are bound to give the highest priority to the disarmament question, to do everything in our power to ensure it is not thrust into the background but occupies, from the outset, a central place in the work of this session. 135. Everyone will agree that the problem of disarmament, so far from losing its importance since 1959, has become an even more burning and urgent issue. Although two years have passed since the General Assembly adopted that resolution, we are no nearer to a practical solution of this problem than we were then, despite persistent efforts by the Soviet Union and other peace-loving states. Indeed, we have recently witnessed a sharp intensification of the arms :r;ace and of military preparations by several members of the NATO military bloc, and above all by the United states of America. 136. In this heatedatm~sphereofwarlik~speculation, militarist and "revanchard" forces are once again rearing their heads in Western Germany, reckoning on a new war in order to take their revenge and doing everything possible to bring about a clash between the great Powers. In face of the feverish military preparations engaged in by the United states and several other NATO members, the' Soviet Union has been obliged -to take steps for the strengthening of its security and the security of its friends. Butthe Soviet Government is consistently striving for peace, and to this end is a resolute advocate of general and complete disarmament. 137. To remove forever the Damoclean sword of nuclear war which is hanging over the peoples'heads, there is only one course-general and complete disarmament. We cannot procrastinate any longer, referring the question from Committee to Committee and putting off a solution of the problem of general and complete disarmament. As matters noW stand' 138. The General Committee's recommendation that the question of dtsarmament should be referred tothe First Committee is-if we are to speak frankly, with no diplomatic euphemism-in fact a recommendation that the discussion of the problem of general and complete disarmament be protracted and its solution delayed, a reoommendation that the stature of the problem be reduced. The question of general and complete disarmament is not just an agenda item, concerning one or other delegation or even a group of delegations. It concerns all peoples, all States, every human being on earth. It is the major, the fundamental question-that of war andpeace-"affecting the life and death of the peoples. How in such circumstances is it possible to play procedur~l games, referring the question of disarmament to one of the Committees? To whose advantage is that? At all events, it is in our opinion of no advantage to anyone who wants this sessionto succeed,tobe a renl turningpoint in the search for a solution of the disarmament problem. 144. The rea.sons are si,mple and clear. Of course, we all agree that the question of disarmament is a matter of vital importance. The address made by the President of the Unitedstates l11st Monday morning [l013th meeting] clearly reveals my country'sprofound feelings on this score. 145. It does not in any way detract from the importance of an agenda item if the General Assembly asks that it be discussed first in the appropriate Committee. On the contrary, in asking for the normal consideration of this item in the forum where it has always been taken up previously, we are in fact recognizing that the question of disarmament is important and that it is also t:lomplex and difficult. In fact, rule 101 of the rules of procedure specifically describes the First Committee as the Committee charged with the regulation of armaments. 139. The interests ofpeace and security,the interests of the well-being of the peoples, demand that the problem of disarmament be discussed in the highest and the most authoritativeforum ofthe United Nationsat plenary meetings of the General Assembly. On the eve of the opening of the Assembly's sixteenth session, the Soviet Union and the United states of America succeeded, as a result of bilateral talks, in agreleing on the principles which should govern general and complete disarmament [A/4&:9]. Agreed joint documents on such principleshavebeen submitted to 1ihe General Assembly. Thus we have a point of departUlre for the urgent work of preparing a treaty on general and complete disarmament. In these new cirC\umstances, there is all the less justification for attempts to create new delays in the solution of this question. It is the General Assembly's duty to take advantage of this opportunity which has presented itself, and to initiate a businesslike and detailed discussion of general and complete disarmament, with thebroadest and most active possible participation of all Membersbf the United Nations, at its plenary meetings immediately after the general debate. 146. We must not be confused. What is ot everriding importance for all men everywhere is not slogans on disarmament. not speeches on disarmament, but the actual beginning of,negotiations for reductions of national armaments and armed forces under proper safeguards,as a means of approaching the goal of general and complete disarmament. The problem before the Assembly is how best to move towards actual arms reduction. The United states and the Soviet Union have, fortunately, agreed on a statement of principles [A/4879]. However, that is only the beginning-a good beginning. but one which is not binding on other Members of the United Nations. 147. The question is: What shallthe GeneralAssembly do abol'.t principles of disarmament? What, attitudiOi should the Assembly take towards disarmament?What can t..i.e Assembly best do to ensure that disarmament negotiations are started again in conditions best calculated to result in useful agreement? Those ,are questions that require careful andthorough consideration. They will be more likely to receive such consideration in the workmanlike atmosphere ofthe First Committee, a body which customarily deals with such matters, than in plenary meetings of the Assembly. There we can best examine, in the first instance, principles and plans and the utility of the various types of forums in which disarmament negotiations could be carried forward.; The documentation before us is extensive. It covers both general principles on which the Soviet and Un.ited states Governments have reached agreement and specific measures such as those outlined in the United States plan presented to this Assembly [A/4891]. Other delegations will no doubt have proposals of their 'own which they will 140. ThEl General Assembly should eXa.Ir.ine the joint proposals of the USSR and the United states, listen carefully to the opinions of other Members who urge the speediest possible conclusion of a.treaty on general and complete disarmament, and take a decision which will ibegilll the translation into reality of the peoples' agel"'old demand for a world without weapons and without war. 141. ThEI Soviet delegation calls upon Members of the United Nations to support its amendment, to the report of the General Committee, proposing that the question of disarmament be considered at plenary meetilngs of the General Assembly. 142. The General Assembly must not shirk its duty; it must weigh the responsibility resting upon it, approach the question with all seriousness, and decide, not to refer the question of general and complete disarmament to some Committee, but to consider it at Us plenary meetings. 149. Accordingly, I urge that the General Assembly support the recommendation ofthe GeneralCommittee that the question of disarmament should be referred to the l!"irst Committee fer consideration. Mr. Slim (Tunisia) resumed the Chair. 150. Mr. SHTYLLA (Albania) (translatad from French): The delegation of the people's R~pub1ic of Albania. considering the problem of disarmament to be the most important and urgent problem of our age, fully agrees with the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and supports that country's propos:al [A/L.352] that the question should be considered directly in the plenary meetings of , the General Ass1embly immediately after the general debate. 151. The Albanian delegation considers thisproposal fully justified by the importance of the problem of disarmament and by the very serious nature of the present interna1:ional situation. No one can deny that the situation is becoming every day mora grave, or that one of its! most striking aspects is the arms race. Inrespolll5e to the proposals andpeacefulmo'IJes made by the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries in order to strengthen peace and to improve the internation:u situation-such as the proposal to conclude a peal~e treaty with Germany this year-the Western Powers, and particularly the United states of America, M.ve only accelerated the arms race and taken impoltant military measures le.adingtowar. 152. Accordin~rtothe Charter of the United Nations, the General Asslembly may discuss any questionwithin the scope of thia Charter, and in particular any question relating to the maintenance of international peace and secUIity. There is therefore no procedural or practical reslson why the question of disarmament should not be dilJcussed directly in plen~'"'Y meetings. On the coritrarJr, our delegation believes that consideration of thi.s problem by the General Assembly will demonstrat.e' the importance which the, United Nations attaches to this problem and will contribute to, a more' rapid adoption of appropriate measures, with 'a view to the conclusion and implementation of an agreement ongeneraland complete disarmament. 153. The United states delegation is at great pains to force the Gelneral Assembly itself to consider non-existent and provocative issues such as thequestion' of'Tibet and the,question', of Hungary, questions which dO not eXist, but which serve. the cold.war policy of ~he United states. However. when there.is anY que~ionof cOIlsidering problems of vitalimportance, such as disarmament, it tries to prevent ~em from beil1gconsidered directly in plenary meetings. 154. t do I10tthinkthis is a simple question of procedure, or a. procedural quibble: it concerns' the 156. We therefore reaffirm our sUPP9rtforthe Soviet proposal and appeal to the General Assembly to adopt it, rather than the recommendation of the General Committee, and to decide that the question of disarmament will be considered directly in plenary meeting immediately after the general debate.

First, Mr. President, may I congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the sixteenth session of the United Nations General Assembly. 158. The most important problem now facing mankind-the key problem, on which international peace and security chiefly depend-is general and complete disarmament. Only the settlement of this problem will decide, Ultimately, whether mankind istoundergo the infinite sufferings of a nuclear war orto be spared. The achievement ofgeneral and complete disarmament could eliminate all means of making war, abolish the military machines and war potential of all states and end the arms race forever. By depriving aggressors ofthe materialmeans ofmakingwar, general and complete disarmament'would abolish warbetween states and ensure lasting peace on our planet. At the same time, the immense resources released by disarmament could be used to promote the industrialization of the 'developing countries in Asia,. Africa and Latin America, to modernize their agriculture, to improve the living conditions of their peoples, to develop education and to improve public health. 159. General and complete disarmament. which was unanimously approved. by the General Assembly in its resolution 1378 (XlV) of 20 November 1959, has become an imperative necessity and an urgent task which must be fulfilled. 160•. As you will recall, the SOViet Union and the other socialist countries, desiring a, comprehensive debate on the problem of general and c.omplete dis.. armament and the adoption of appropl:iate measures by the General Assembly. proposed at the fifteenth session,that this question should be discussed in plenary meeting. The delegations of the Western Powers,pal";;,1,cularly the United States delegation, opposed this ,arid insisted that the item should be referred to the First Committee which they considered to be the body best qualified to give serious and detailed consideration to the matter. 161. As .experience has shown, and asa result.of the .negative attitude'of the Goyernment of the United. states of America and of other Western countries, the .' debate in the First Committee did not, bring a solution of the problem of disarmament any-closer. 162. The ml1itary expenditure of the United states now amounts to over $50,000 million. This is the first time in history that ast~e has spent such large sums in peace-time for military purposes. 163. All peoples of the world are disturbed by this dangerous development in the international situation, and everywhere they are raising their voices in firm demands for an end to the arms race and the effective achievement of general and complete disarmament. 164. However, we note that the representatives of the United states and of its military a,1lies wish once more to prevent consideration of' the probkm of general and complete disarmament in the most Fepresentative forum of the United Nations-the plenary meeting of the General Assembly. 165. Speaking in favour of referring the problem to the First Committee, these representatives resort to the arguments which were used a year ago, and which were shown to be invalid. The question of the forum in which the question of general and complete disarmament should be discussed is not a question of mere form, of a technical and procedural nature; it is a question of substance with wide political implications. The Government of the Romanian People's Republic considers that the General Assembly is the most appropriate forum in which to organize in co-operation with all states, the means of achieving our common aim which is general and complete disarmament. 166. Reference of the problem of general and complete disarmament to the plenary meetings of the General Assembly would demonstrate the interest and the high sense of responsibility with which' the United Nations approaches this important question. 167. The. debate would then take place in the highest United Nations organ and this might help to create the' necessary conditions for a resumption of negotiations on disarmament. . 168. In the opinion of the Romanian delegation, the Soviet-American agreement on principles for general and complete disarmament is an acceptable basis for the resumption of these negotiations by all states. 16S. The Romanian delegation desires to contribute toa positive solution of the problem of disarmament, and therefore favours discussion of this question in plenary meetings of the General Assembly. We are Convinced that this will facilitate the adoptiOn by the General. Assembly of an appropriate resolution on directives for disarmament negotiations, and will also, help to solve the problem of deciding'in what body these negotiations· should be held, in accordance with the interests of all parties.

I beg to be forgiven for my intervention at this late stage of the discussion of this item. But I do wish to say this in support of what has just been stated by the representative of the United Kingdom: it seems to us that the question of disarmament, although extremely important and very urgent, is a complex question which has many facets, and that it can be much more conveniently dealt with in Committee rather than immediately in the plenary. But I also wish to add a word with regard to what has been said by the representative of Liberia. Were it the concern of those who have moved for the item to be taken in plenary to move on quickly with it, and if there were no other consideration behind it, one would have thought that, as ancillary to the question of disarmament, they would at least have proposed that items 4 ahd 5 also should be taken in plenary, inasmuch as at the moment they have a greater and sharper urgency than the question of disarmament, since the danger from nuclear tests is now present, operative and proceeding. We had intended to makethatpreposal ourselves. But then, thinking that that kind ofproposal might delay matters rather than expedite them, we have intended to move in the First Committee that those items should have priority. We still intend to make that motion when the agenda comes before the Committee and the Committee is engaged in planning its programme. 181. Therefore, the plea that I would wiah to make is that the question of disarmament should go to Committee, as recommended by the General Committee, and should not be taken up first in the plenary. But, if it is likely to be taken up in the plenary, I would then formally move that items 4 and 5 should be discussedinplenary also as ancillarytothe question of disarmament. 182. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): We shall now proceed to vote. In accordance with rule 92 of the rules of procedure, I shall first put to the vote the amendment submittedbythedelegation ofthe Soviet Union [A/L.352]. This amendment aims to have the

The General Committee lists in its report nine items which it proposes should be allocated to the Second Comm.ittee. If there is no comment, I shall take ,t that the Assembly approves the General Committee's recommendation. It was so decided.

We now come to the ten items which the General Committee recommends for allecation to the Third Committee. If there is no comment, I shall take it that the Assembly approves the General Committee's recommendation. It was so decided. 188. The PRESIDENT (translated from FreJ;lch): The General Committee lists in its report fifteen items which it recommends should be allocatedtothe Fourth Committee. If there is no comment, I shall take ~t that the Assembly approves the. recommendation of the General Committee. It was so decided. 189. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): The General Committee lists nineteen items which it recommends should be allocated to the Fifth Committee. If there is no comment, I shall take it that the Assembly approves the recommendation of the General Committee. It was so deqided. .... 190. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): I now invite the Assembly to vote on the five items which the General Committee recommends should be referred to the Sixth Committee. 191. Mr. QUAISON-SACKEY (Ghana): I am very chary of speaking at this late hour as in factI would have wished that we might have admittedthe delegation of Sierra Leone, espeoially as the P:roime Minister himself is here. I have taken the floor to propose to the Assembly that item 5, "Permanent sovereignty over natural resources", recommended for allocation 192. We agree that the item is tinged with legal aspects and, in fact, with political aspects. But it is our view that if it is discussed in the Second Committee. the emphasis would be laid on economic aspects. If. later on. the Second Committee in its wisdom felt that certain aspects of it should be emphasized. political or otherwise, then they could refer the matter to the appropriate Committee. Thus, I move that the item should be referred tothe Second Committee. "

Before giving the floor to the next speaker, I would recall thatthe General Committee, at its 139thmeeting. recommended that paragraphs 424 to 432 of chapter V of the report of the Economic and Social Council should be dealt with in the same manner as agenda item 5 which we are now discussing. 200. Mr. QillNTERO (Panama) (translated from Spanish): I should like to repeat what I said at the meeting of the General Committee [138th meeting] at which this item was first discussed-namely that altJ1ough, in my opinion, this item concerning the permanent sovereignty of peoples and nations over their natural'wealth and resources is quite within the competence of the Sixth Committee, I do not think there is any objection to the question being dealt with by anotheer Committee also, or to its being allocated to a separate Committee. As was pointed out at that meeting, and as I also stated on that occasion, this problem has both economic aspects of the greatest importance and political implications.

I wish to support the motion made by the representative or Ghana to refer the item to the Special Political Committee. It is true that this subject.has its legal aspects and that it also has very important economic aspects, but its origin ,is from the right of self-determination of peoples; and it has come with that subject previously from the Third Committee. It should have the sanction of the Special Political Committeebecause' of its political aspects. Then from that Committee it may go for its legal aspects to the Sixth Committee and for its economic aspects to the Second Committee. But for the time being, it is my delegation's view that the subject should go first to the Special Political Committee. 201. In view of the fact that it was proposed and agreed without a vote, at the last meeting of the General Committee [139th meeting], that the allocation of this item should follow the allocation of the report of the Economic and Social Council, chapterV, paragraphs 424 to 432, I feel that it would be best if the two questions were considered together. Consequently. it seems to me entirely correct that the item should go to the Second Committee, without of course, as the United states representative has just said and as was stated by members of· the General Committee at the meeting which I have mentioned, such procedure precluding the possibility of the legal aspects, which are alsovery important, beingreferred to the Sixth Committee for consideration.

I would like the representative of Ghana to clarify 1:1is proposal.

When I spoke I refer:red specifically to the Second Committee and not to the E.'pecialPoliticalCommittee. My recollection is that the representative of Cyprus did in fact hold the view in the General Committeethatthe item .should be referred to the Special Political Committee. I am sure that in view of the argument which I put forward here. and knowing full well that he .and I should not cross swords on matters like this, he will give us his support on the matter of referring the item to the Second Committee.

I too should like to make my contribution to the solution of this problem in a conciliatory way.

I am very sorry .for the misunderstanding. In the General Committee the representative of Ghana supported the view and spoke in favour of assigning this itemtothe Special Politieal Committee. So when he took the floor I was not taking note of what hew8.s sayingbecauseItook it for grant,ed that he would be consistent in his policy. Of course, everyone has the right to change his view in the meanwhile, and I qUite appreciate his attitude about the economic aspects. However, I still think the item should go to the Special Political Committee. 203. A number of proposals have been put forward. The first· was that of' Ghana. to the effect that ~his question shouldbe consideredinthe SecondCommittee; thereafter, Cyprus proposed that it should be considered in the Special PonticalCommittee; andfinally an amendment was tabled by the United State.s representative proposing that the question be considered in the Second Committee and if' necessary, either jointly or separately, in the SixthCommittee. 204•. To all these proposals I would propose a subamendI,nent to the effect that the proposals of Cyprus

Thee United States delegation in the General Committl~e voted in favour of referring thiS item to the Sixth COlDmittee on account of the many legal problems

I think I must express the view that we are getting a little complicated here. 206. I would like to say that we support the original proposal. of the representative of Ghana. This item should obViously go, we believe, to the Second Committee because it is primaxily an economic question. It has, obViously, as we all realize, legal points as well. Naturally, there are political aspects, bl.t we believe strongly that this is an item, which is of such importance, particularly to the under-developed countries, that it should be dealtwithinan atmosphere free from political controversy and dealt with in a climate and in a frame of mind designed to reach positive results .which·willbenefitthe under-developed countriesthat areprincipally interestedinthe question. 207. We strongly believe that the best atmosphere and climate in which to reach the desired results the under-developed countries. are so interested in will be found in the non-partisan atmosphere of the Second Committee" and then. referred by it, as necessary, to the Sixth Committee.

I should like to ask that we adjournor suspendthe decision onthis question for the time being and take up the next item.inasmuch as there are some ladies present in the delegation from Sierra Leone and I think we should be gallant enough towards these ladies to take up the next question. I am sure that the delegation of Sierra Leone would like to participate. in this discussion. 1 move that wo suspend this question until tomorrow and take up now the question of the admission of Sierra Leone. '

We have before us a request for adjournment of the item. However, we' had almost concluded and we were about to take a vote. Willthe representative of Liberia agree to our finishing with the.item and taking a vote upon it~ I thank him for agreeing t~ this. 210. May. we now proceed to vote on the various proposals submitted in connexion with the allocation of agl:lnda item 87, entitled "Pl:lrmanent soYereignty over natural resources"? We have before us the following proposals: The General Committee's proposal that the item should be :ulocated to the Sixth Committ.ee; The proposal of Ghana, with an amendment accepted by the. sponsor th.at·it shouldbe allocatedto the. Second Conunittee; . The proposal of Cyprus that it should be allooated to the Speoial Political Committee; The, amen~ent of the SovietUnion~ the effect of which would be to have the item discussed initially in a joint meeting of the Speoial PoliticalCommitiee and the Second Committee, and then, if necessary, referredto·the SiXth Committee. 215. The PRESIDENT .(translated from French): May we vote on the proposal of Ghana, as amended, under which the item would be allocated to the Second Committee and, if necessary, to the Sixth Committee? I put this proposal to the vote. The proposal was adopted by 61 votes to 1, with 21 abstentions. 216. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): In the circumstances, need we take a vote on the other proposals?' . 217~ Sin.ce no delegation insists that a vote be taken on the otaer proposals, the General Assembly therefore decides that the agenda item entitled"Permanent sovereignty over natural resources", and chapter V, paragraphs 424 to 432 of the report of the Economic and Social Counci! will be oonsidered by the Second Committee, and, if neceflsary, referred to the Sixth Committee. - It was so decided. 218. The ~RESIDEN'1' (translated from French): If there are' no observ.ations on the other.four items which the General Committee recommends' should be allocated tcdhe Sixth Committee,'l shall take it that the Assembly approves this recommendation of the General Committee. It was so deqided. SECOND REPORT OF THE GENERAL COMMITTEE (A/4895) " 2l9. The ERESIDENT (translated from Frencp): With yOll!' co-operation, the General Assembly has just completed its consideration of the adoption of the agenda and of the allocation of the agendaitems. The main Committees willbe informed ofthe decisions which the Assembly has just taken. 220. With regard to the item entitied "Admission of new Members to the United Nati.ons". !invite Mem", . bers of the AS,sembly to consider the second report of the. General Committee [A/4895]• Paragraph lof this report recommends that the item be included in the agenda·and· allocated to the· p~enary meeting••If

I noW propose that the Assembly take up the recommendation of the Security Council concerning the application of Sierra Leone for admissiontothe United Nations [A/4888]. In this connexion, the Assembly has before it a draft resolution [A/L.353 andAdd.l-4] submitted by thirty Member states. 222. The Security Council has unanimously recommended the General Assembly to admit Sierra Leone to membership of the United Nations. May I take it that the General Assembly decides by acclamation to admit Sierra Leone to membership of the United Nations?

! declare Sierra Leone a Member of the United Nations. 229. Next I wish to thankourneighbQurs,the Republic of Liberia and the Republic of Guinea, for so kindly associating themselves with our colleagues of the British Commonwealth in sponsoring our application. before this Assembly·. Our thanks are due also to the members of the Security Council who did us the great honour of unanimously adopting a resolution recommending our admission, and to all delegations which, by their votes and by their kindwords, have welcomed us to the UnitedNations. Inthankingour Commonwealth friends we wish here publicly to record Otll' gratitude to the Government and people of the United Kingdom who made our transition from a colonial dependency to an equal member of the Commonwealth such an orderly, peacefulandfriendly process.When, infuture, both within and without the United Nations, we persistently champion the cause of a speedy and final end to every variety· of colonial rule everywhere in the world, we wish the fact to be remembered that we do not speak out of bitterness, but out of convictioa that the right of self-determinationwhichwe ourselves now enjoy is a right which all ml;ln everyw:b.ere must enjoy. We wish, furi:her, to make it clear that w~ reserve the right· to eXpress ourselves fully and independently on all issues. . The delegation of Sierra Leone was escorted to its place in the General Assembly hall~ ,

It is with some pride that I venture on behalf of the entire membership of the Assembly, to regard the arrival among us of the delegation of Sierra Leone as a step forward in the history of our Organization. It is a signal privilege for me to welcome the distinguished delegation of Sierra Leone, which the General Asse:nbly has just admitted to membership of the United Nations. I most sincerely congratulate the Government and people of Sierra Leone on this admission, which was decided upon unanimously by the Members of the General Assembly. I am convinced that this young and noble African state, in joining the great international family, will make a useful contribution to our work for peace and concord, in accordance with the high principles of the· Charter of the United Nations. 225. I invite the Prime Minister of Sierra Leone to address the Assembly.

It is'with mixed emotion that, on behalf of the Government-and the people of Sierra Leone, I· accept with gratitude the honour which· has been conferred upon my country on its admission as· the one hundredth Member of the United Nations. 230. I do not intend on this occasion to make any pronouncements on the important· problems on the agenda of this Assembly. At a later stagemydelegatinn will.·crave your indUlgence, when we ask toparticipate in the general debate. I shall now publicly :record the pledge,.which we have already given with our application for membership, to Uphbld the Charter of the lTuitedNations. I pledge,. further,on behalf of .my Government and people, that we shall do all in our power! while·Sierra Leone is a Member of the United Nati'i>ns, to. de.al with all questions brought before the Assembly with an open and impartial mind, and with nopredeterrninedposition or alignment. Ouryardstick will always be the yardstick of truth. We .are a srnall country-but our size is in no way a measure.of the friendship for which. we have been nof-t;Jd and which we now offer to· every country in the.world. Nor is the size of our country a measure of our capacity to bring to. the counsels of •.this great Assembly the results of the long· years of training and discipUne and experience which enabled us to pionet" , in developing the natural and hutnan resource.::lof other 227. The circumstances of the death of Mr. Dag Hammarskjold, the Secretary~Generalof the United Nations, have thrown a cloud of sorrow upon all of us. Altholigh we .ourselves did not .have the privilege of ·firat-hand .experience of tbe .great qualities for which we have heard the. late .Secretary-General extolled by those who knew him well, yet we in Sierra Leone are among those who· saw in his devotion to duty and in his championship of the .rights of the smaller nations those qualities which we fult were most needed by a man who was chosen by destiny to direct the fortunes of this great family of nations. We· .therefore join in· exPressing .sympathy to. the family of the late 8e'JretBJ.:'Y-Generalandtohis country, both of which nurtured him in preparation for such an invaluable service to the world. We also extend sympathyto the families and count~ies of allthe other 232. Finally, it is because we had confidence in the aims and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations that we .sought membership in it. This confidence, now that we are members, inspires us to look beyond the mists which appear to dim the road immediately ahead. Although the future seems dark, let UB not let go of each other's hands, and, let us collectively put our hands in the hand of God who alone can bless our efforts by leading us through our present difficulties to lasting peace and goodwill.

I thank the Prime Minister of Sierra Leone for his admirable address. I have a long list of speakers and I intend, with your co-operation, to give most of them the floor at this meeting. Then, if there is no ob,:action, we shallpostpone any remaining speeches until tcm.orrow's meeting.

The Government of Liberia considers this a most happy occasion, and the task I now perform is a very pleasant one indeed. It is with much satisfaction that we have co-sponsored resolutions both in the Security Council and in the General Assembly for Sierra Leone's admission to 'membership in this international Organization. The history of Sierra Leone is very. closely linked with the history of my country. Our two peoples share a kinship and have a common border as well as a common culture. 235. While Sierra Leone might be regarded as the youngest Member of this family, it is important to know that for more than half a century this country was the principle source of educationfOl' the countries of West Africa; it has been our tower of intellectual strength. We rejoice ·that the independence of Sierra Leone is another victory in the continuing struggle of the African people to achieve human equality and dignity, very·necessary for the maintenance of peace. 236. My Government is certainthatthis great country which becomes the one hundredth Member of this Organization shall give to this body its finest and noblest. efforts in making it the greatest instrument of peace mankind has so far created. We congratulate Sierra Leone on its admission to the United Nations and welcome it tothis Organization. 337. Lord HOME (UnitedKingdom): Whenthis morning my statement foilowed that of the representative of Liberia we were talking about matters which involved some controversy. But this afte1'noon we are very happy that the theme we are discussing is one which brings us all together to welcome Sierra Leone as a new Member of our Orgnnization. 238. I had the very greatest delight, on behalf of Her Majesty's Government, in co-sponeoringthe resolution recommending admissioh of Sierl'a Leone. Ifin recent years we have had more than our fair share of this 239. Sierra Leone has a long history and a very fine tradition, which I cannot go into this afternoon, but it was Hanno, the Carthaginian, I think, who first set eyes on their distinctive hills some five hundred years before Christ. And it was five hundred years ago that Pedro d'Cintro, gave it the name by which it has become known to the whole world. But it is really the name of the capital, Freetown, which tells us more than anything else about Sierra Leone. Because Freetown was just that: a place where the slaves were brought back to start life afresh and be free. And when they came back and they gathered together under a cotton tree, I believe, one hundred and seventy-five years ago, they started the first tentative experiments In self-government and democracy. So, Sierra Leone comes to us as a country which not only welcomed people back home who had been slaves but haVing brought them backweldedthem together with the people from inland; and so they have an experience in harmonizing the interests of different peoples within a single community. 240. Lastly, I should like to welcome th~ Prime Minister, Sir Milton Margai, andthe Foreign Minister, Dr. John Karefa-Smart, and his colleagues. 241. For the benefit of those who do not know him, I might tell one story about the Prime Minister. I do not think that anyone would guess what portfolios he chose when he took office: he chose the portfolios of health and natural resources, not only because these matters were "hardest and presented the most daunting problems, but also becausethey were nearest to the needs ofhis people. He comes here today leading a country standing on its own strength and independent in its own right. 242. I share some of the pride in the fact that Sierra Leone has been admitted to the United Nations by a unanimous decision.

Australia was very happy to join in sponsoring the admission of Sierra Leone to membership of the United Nations. 244. It is a very good indication ofwhathas happened in our development since the creation of the United Nations that the one-hundredth Member should be both a nation of Africa and a member of the British Commonwealth. The last few years of this Organtzation,'s life have shown the emergence into full nationhood of most of the great continent of Africa. They have shown the results of British policy over a long period, a policy which ha"! enabled those who have been associated with the Umted Kingdom in a dependent status to take their place in the international community as equal partners. Those ofus who are already independent members of the Commonwealth look forward 'to a long period of associationwith'Che newest member o{the Commonwealth and the newest Member of the United Nations. 245. Australia already has relations of some intimacy and the very greatest friendship with Sierra Leone. A number of people~rom Sierra Leone have been in Australia as students. Officials of the administration of Sierra Leon~ nave beilJu in Australiaworking along- The meeting rose at '1.5 p.m.