A/26/PV.1957 General Assembly

Mr. President, on behalfof Nicaragua, I greet you and congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. In you, Sir, we greet a distinguished statesman of an outstanding nation, who, on many counts, is worthy of universal appreciation and respect. We understand the pleasure which the Republic of Indonesia must have when one of its most outstanding sons has assumed, amid the applause of the world. the seve~e responsibility of presiding over this session of the Assembly, asa recognition of your personal merits and civic virtues, and in honour of the devotion which your country has for the noble and just causes of mankind. 2. Through you we pay a tribute to all those peoples who have not yet achieved their freedom. Your high office, signifying as it does th..: greatest degree of equality, is the best guarantee which oppressed peoples have that the United Nations will be watching out for their rights. 3. We should also like to greet your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Edvard Hambm, who Wisely presided over the work of the General Assembly at its twenty-fifth session, and in so doing honoured his well-respected international personality. 4. 'lllis session marks 10 years of meritorious service on the part of Secretary-General U Thant. The most brilliant leaders of the world hold deep sympathy and undying gratitude for this man. His, concerns and his efforts h9.ve led him to all parts of the wurld where there has been a need to be satnsfied or a problem to be tackled. In Nicaragua we were also honoured to receiv~ him as a messenger of peace. We are particularly fond of remembering his visit and our Head of State, President Anastasio Somoza, as well as all Nicaraguans, have special feelings of admiration, gratitude and friendship for hir.:. S. With gratitude and deep emotion, I must say that our country gladly goes along with the well-deserved tribute paid to U Thant by the nations on the eve of his voluntary retirement from his honoured post, a post which he honoured by his devotion. I think that the best tribute to his efforts would be to adopt resolutions that carry out the philosophy and guidance which he bequeathed to us in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [A/8401/Add.lJ. 6. It is our task to find a successor to U Thant who will be worthy of his dedication as a statesman, someone who, like him, will keep alive his faith and be willing to struggle so that the ideas and purposes of the United Nations might cover all parts of our globe with his mantle of peace. 7. During the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, when the President of my country made use of this fOIU!ll to add his voice to those of the leaders of the world who were celebrating the great event, a question was asked of the Assembly: "... what would have happened in the world had the United Nations not existed?" And he told us: "Let us therefore strengthen what cost so muWl sacrifice to create. let us be untiring in our search for peace. let us be understanding to realize that it must be based Oil justice. let us build peace, devoid of prejudice and ambitions, a peace filled with understanding and good faith...." {1881st meeting, para. 150.J 8. Prompted by the feeling of our President, who was expressing the faith which the world has in the United· Nations, we think that the twenty-sixth anniversary is the proper occasion to repeat our faith in this world Organization, which has entered its maturity with new vigour and which is now enriched by new blood with countries which, after haVing achieved their freedom, are co-operating in the great task of furthering international p.'lace. . 9. let us extend a welcome to Bahrain, Bhutan and Qatar, whose presence is a stimulus to the new nations which are coming to share the experiences and responsibilities ofour 11. The Government of Nicaragua, wiSl"ting, as it does, to contribute to t.l1is universal task, a task which cannot and must not he delegated to others, calls upon all the Stateii Members of this Organization to take a more active role in its tasks so that we can rt tare in this way the responsibility of determining our own destiny. 12. Our Government understands that the budgetary burdens iLllposed by our Organization on the big Powers do not give these Governments preferential rights and, as our countries progress, this economic burden should be shated byus< 13. The United Nations is a productive investment which goes beyond the ideals of p~ace and brotherhood. It has practical aspects of great value for our developing nations, which very often lack capital and the necessary technology to move ahead. Our Organization is bringing about the closing of this gap between the developing and the developed countries and prodl\Ging sure benefits for those of us who are contributing to its maintenance and operation. 14. My country has received from the United Nations and its specialized agencies economic and technical assistance for the development of various programmes of public administration. This is assistance whose influence has been felt in a beneficial manner throughout the national econ· omy. We have hopes that the request made for the competent organs to study the feasibility of channelling the San Juan River and its adjacent zones will make possibl~ for the abrogation of the Charnorro-Bryan Treaty,l which marks an historical landmark in the relations between Nicaragua and the United States of America, and this will be not only a cause of patriotic satisfaction for our citizens, but would also make it possible to transform the San Juan River into a development project which would benefit the peoples of Central America and mcrease their·opportunities of trading wit.lt the rest ofthe world. 15. This project for building a canal is part of the general programme which the Govermnent of Nicaragua has for making the most efficient use of its water resources, a use which has begun with h:'droelectric dams at the Tuma River and the g!'owing use of the living resources of our seas. 22. The important thing is that the conference on the law of the sea should give impetus to the creation of an order of relations among States which will make a reality of the dream of development and offer a real equality of opportunity to the peoples of ...i.e world. Towards this pragmatic alternative all efforts of the Government of NicaraguR will be directed at the conference. We, as Nicaraguans, will try at that conference to see to it that these goal? are crystallized through international action and by me,;. "ftured by the United Nations as an institution whicl-, ".'p,idt? ,!,f)'~tions among States, an instituion which is sUPP0o,r,;l to ~, CJld unilateral actions which have tended to defend ~l"'~'d"" t"",,,,nomic and social interests rather than the interests ami needs considered vital to mankind. 1. Signed at Washington on 5 August 1914. 16. On this last point my Government believes that the international community has an interest in two aspects of my country's position on questions of the sea. 17. In accordance with the fishing law of 1958, Nicaragua has for several years been exploiting the living resources of 18. We shall be participating in the conference on the law of the sea with a realistic attitude and shall maintain our country's already recognized right of exploitation of an area of 200 miles in width and over the adjacent zone for reasons of health and defence which have been determined with the closest adherence to the practices which exist among States. We believe that the C-cncva Conventions ought to be revised to fix the extent of the territorial waters and the continental shelf, leaving it up to the contiguous States to determine, through treaties, the corresponding marine borders. 19. The developing countries, as their technological capacity increases, must resort increasingly to the exploitation of resources of the territorial seas, and of the soil and the subsoil of its seas and oceans. Nevertheless, there will have to be readjustment between the desire to have wide areas in the sea and the continental shelves for strictly nationalist regions, and the demands of the international community, which has declared as a benefit and common property a zone of the sea and of its soils and subsoils the size and limitations ofwhich have not yet been determined. 20. Nicaragua considers this action of the international community to be very hopeful. It will offer unsuspected possibilities for co-operation a.'l1ong States through a system of exploitation which will promote intergovernmental enterprises and will also make it possible for the international community to give justice to those countries which are less favoured economically through a fair use of the benefits resulting from exploitation under an international regime. 21. There exist at present among States situations of manifest and unjust inequality of opportunities which have produced extraordinary advances for a few sectors of peoples of the world and progressive under-development for the vast majority of its peoples. This is a situation which must be corrected. If the international regime over the seas does not incorporate the germ of a more just world order, it will make no difference whether it is 200 miles or nothing, since the same regime among States will produce the same inequalities. 24. Possibly it was in recognition of what I have just said that the States Members of the United Nations, with the invaluable support of the Latin American group, honoured Nicaragua with the de.signation of non-permanent member of the Security Council, the presidency of which it was thus able to assume in the person of Ambassador Guillermo Sevilla Sacasa, one of the most outstanding sons of our country. 25. Conscious of the great work of Ambassador Sacasa and the praiseworthy manner in which he has carried out his responsibilities in strict compliance with the legal traditions of our country and in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, my Government would like to pay public tribute to him in the same way in whicl1 he has paid tribute, so fittingly, to other great men who have made of their lives, as has Mr. Sacasa, living eX'Ullples of dedication to justice and devotion to peace and total service to the good of all. 26. This is a good opportunity to pay a tribute, as the Foreign Minister of Nicaragua, to the correct manner in which other members of the permanent mission of my country to the United Nations have carried out t.heir own delicate tasks. 27. Our contribution to the efforts of the United Nations, to its aspirations and philosophy, has not been limited to words and actions in the international field. We think that justice begins at the level of States when we cause to flourish in them a just internal order and when we educate new generations in the principles of solidarity, equality of opportunity and co-operation among individuals. The international panorama reflects these actions and attitudes and the values by which peoples are able to live among themselves within the jUridical framework of their own States. 28. Nicaragua therefore has maintained and does main.tain in its full meaning the fullest observance of rights and the broadest civil liberties. Our respect for freedom of Conscience, information, and the full exercise of civic participation of our citizens ha.> gone beyond laws and is found in all forms of life. Reliable evidence of this fact can be found in the stability of our institutions and the free exercise of political interests and permanent dialogue, which we have instituted as a definite means to serve:; our own development. 29. In accordance with the pure ideals of the Charter of the United Nations, political groups in Nicaragua enjoy absolute freedom to join together in a search for their own goals, and dialogue and co-operation have been characteristics whose development we have stimulated since the 30. Consistent with that tradition, the two major parties of Nicaragua recently signed a political convention before the diplomatic representatives of 'many of the world's nations. Their top leaders, the President of the Republic, Anastasio Somoza, a~ the head of the Uberal Party, and Dr. Fernando AgUero Rocha, as head of the Conservative Party, signed this convention, inspired by a desire to incorporate into our Constitution the most modem ideological currents and the most advanced principles of social justice in order to make a reality of the aspirations of the people of Nicaragua, not as a unilateral action of th~ party in power, but as a result of free determination and full involvement of the nation itself in deciding and achiev'..ng its own future, with all its hopes and ambitions. 31. Inspired by this desir~ "0 achieve and maintain the broadest participation of all our citizens, the parties signing t.i.e political convention, although together they. include almost all our citizens, have made provision for safeguarding the participation of other political groupings in the coming election of deputies to the National Constituent Assembly, and have agreed to invite observers from regional organizations sufficient in number to enable the world· to witness· the pUrity of the coming electoral process. 32. My Government is pleased at the tendency ot the other Governments in the world to make use of all possible means to decrease international tensions' Tne Heads of State and their cabinets have increased their negotiations and contacts in order to guide their peoples towards the desired goals of peace, freedom, justice andprogress. The leaders of the great Powers and their diplomatic representatives have drawn closer together in attempting to resolve harmoniously the principal problems of the present world, particularly those separating their own countries. This is why we note with satisfaction such advances as the incorporation of the People's RepUblic of China into the international order, the rapprochement between the two Germanys, and the talks concerning Berlin, disarmament, the tensions in the Middle EalJt and th·,~e i.., South-East Asia. 33. We have also been attentive and interested witnesses to the efforts being exerted byI...atin American political leaders to strengthen the ties of friendship and co-operation among institutional orders inspired by a plurality of ideologies. That plurality, which we have respected, is revealing of the freedom that has been implanted in the American continent as the key to its progl'es' and development, and of the observance of ilie prim..ple.s of selfdetermination of peoples and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States, both of whic:h are cornerstones of the Organization of American States. 35. We have also greeted with profound sympathy the recent initiatives taken by the President of the Republic of Guatemala on the occasion of the sesquicentenary of the independence of Central America. My Government believes that positive steps should be taken to lay the groundwork for politicm integration of the Central American countries, as suggested by the President of Guatemala, because to do so would not only imply the satisfaction of a long-standing desire of our States, but would also establish the real basis for the tmal and successful outcome of the economic and social development of Central America. 36. The economic and political integration of the Central American countries should arise out of the awareness of our peoples themselves. The efforts and intentions of out' leaders could very well-be hindered if there has not been a previous decision on the part of the citizens of Central America. Each and every Central American should have a clear awareness and a flrm will to join his efforts and aspirationswitiin a single nationality. It is essential that we str;.:,ngthen th~ Organization of the Central Americhn States as a·nucle1lS anrl driYing force for the political unity of the isthmus, liIld formulate a concrete plan so that in the five countries it will be the people who will put into effect this new attempt to set up the Federal Republic of Central America. 37. With a less ambitious purpose but with no less sincerity, the Government of Nicaragua has been trying to strengthen and multiply the ties that unite it to our sister Republic of Mexico and to the entire Latin American community. To that end, the President of Nicaragua accepted the cordial invitation extended to hiln by Mr. Luis Echeverria, the President of Mexico, and together with members ofhis Cabinet and distinguished representatives of private enterprise in Nicaragua, he recently visited our sister Republic, laying the groundwork for profltable agreements for co-operation that will be reflected most certainly in beneflts to our own development. 38. In essence, the Government of Nicaragua, within the context of the Latin American community, has joined in positive fashion in the political life of the continent. It has done so with full awareness of the necessity for harmonious co·operation among peoples and persuaded that violence from the right and the left must be eliminated through democratic processes, nationally as well as internationally, because we have proscribed all use of force as &.'1 instrument of policy. We fmiUy believe that the doctrine that seeks to make of the continent of Colombus a continent for its own inhabitants and one which will be a repository for the hope and faith of the world, is today more than ever the collective responsibility of all our peoples, one that we must carry out with prudence and firm will. 39. The Government of Nicaragua notes with satisfaction the initiative of calling a conference on European security. 45. Freedom alone can ensure progress and full selfrealization for mankind. The misery which now affects 40. One of the essential foundations of security is that it must not depend solely on the control of offensive and defensive weapons, but rather on the efitablishment of a just international order and of equally just national orders. We must wipe out. poverty, disease and inequality of educational and economic opportunities, and guarantee for every human being the satisfaction of his fundamental needs and the full development of his individuality. Such an order can be established only with the disappearance of all forms of domination by force or by economic and technological supremacy. Otherwise, unless such injustices are removed, it will not be possible to speak of the security of any nation, because the only permanent foundation for security is the one that results in justice in relations a.-nong individuals and among States. 41. My Government wishes to take this occasion, when the representatives of the world's Governments are gathered to make history, to make an appeal to all Members of this Organization, urging them to solve the old problems that afflict present-day society and that demand prompt a'1d energetic action. 42. The problems existing on the African continent and in Asia; the proliferation of micro-States, the worsening of economic inequalities among nations-all these can be the spark igniting a holocaust which it is, our duty to prevent. Let us prevent it by carefully paying due attention to the principles of coexistence among States and to the right of every human being fully to enjoy his own resources and to decide his own future. 43. Freedom cannot continue to be the privilege of nations which lmve been able to achieve it, but a right, consecrated and assured to ..ill nations of the world. There is no human or divine justiflcation for some countries to enjoy this freedom whereas others are kept in a state of complete deprivation of this fundamental need of human beings. 44. Universality within the United Nations can be achieved only through these means. It is not enough that new countries or old States come into the United Nations but are left out of the responsibilities and beneflts. If the incorporation of the People's Republic of China, with millions of people and the immense potential of its age-old culture, is justifled by the principle of universality, if that same principle also justifies the permanent membership of free peoples, such as the people of Nationalist China, whose permanence in our Organization ought to be ensured, the achievement of this principle of universality justifles acceleration of the process of decolonization, so that new peoples haVing received international recognition of their right to be free and sovereign can become members of the universal concert for which we are working in order to bring about the rule offreedom and justice in the world. 46. The United Nations has appointed a commissioner for Palestine refugees, who is administering and co-ordinating international assistance. We are convinced that a sinlilar post should be created for the millions of Pakistani refugees who also deserve the protection and assistance of our Organization. 47. But those measures are insufficient. Human suffering bears witness that we are living in an insecure world. There can be no security if we persist in maintaining a social order which provokes such suffering, a fact which is clear evidence of the need to rectify the situation. Security ought to be universal, and must be achieved by strengthening the United Nations and by the realization of its principles and ideals as instruments which will be of its own makIng and which will strengthen and make more universal its scope of action. To act in any other way would be tantamount to a death sentence for the greatest Organization which man has created for the achievement of happiness for mankind and would make of the collective responsibility, which we have all freely sought, a partial decision of a group of States which has been .set up outside our world Organization and the beneficial influence of the hwnan community. 48. In the firm conviction that we. are\cting under the inspiration of the purest h).lmanist principles, and hoping to see justice and reason prevail over ambition. I should like to raille my prayers to the God of Nations so that as a result of our deliberations, ·we may show a capacity to give future generations the hope, justice and security which we desire for ourselves. 49. Today's world, our own world, is facing a situation which requires serene action and the broadest spirit of co-operation iUIiong individuals and States. We are facing it with only the arms of a fretful human spirit. We are facing a situation of change, as seen in the irrepressible pYOgress of new values which are creating a new awareness in the world. We do not believe that by isolating ourselves or raising protective barriers, material or spiritual, we will find solutions adequate to our task. Better interaction, better co-operation, better understanding and growing solidarity are the tools which we will have to use tD produce a change towards real bases of happmess, freedom and justice as the common heritage for all human beings.

Mr. President, I take 'pleasure in congratulating you upon your well-deserved election to the presidency of this Assembly, and I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Edvard Harnbro upon his successful tenure of office at the previous session. 51. To U Thant, on behalf of the Government of Bolivia, I should like to express our sL.'lcere appreciation; he has earned the confidence of many nations during his long tenure of office, in which the destiny of humanity has wavered between uncertainty and hope, and he has measured up to his task. 53. I bring to this Assembly a message from a country situated in the centre of South America, from a people great in terms of its virtues and l;acrifices, a people whicl1 has been able to overcome, worthily, many misfortunes and from a nation which emerged at the dawn of time with the appearance of our original races and which married the Spanish conqueror and then gave birth to the Republic. That was a social compact to which we in Bolivia pay homage and because of which we cannot strike out about 500 years of history; we can deny neither the motherland of Spain nor the motherland of our own native soil, which brought us their faith, their beliefs, their traditions, their culture and their languages in harmonious combination, making of the New World, together with its prod!gious natural wealth, the hope of the human race. 54. My country has undert';i:en structural changes, from 1952 on, in order to liberate the cortunon people from feudalism and to attenuate the rigours of plutocratic exploitation. The dispossessed of the countryside have c{lased to be slaves and the tin which brings income into our Treasury no longer benefits its former possessors. Such are the virtue!) of the agrarian reform and the nationalization (.1' mines. 55. Petroleum, gas, zinc, gold, timber, sources ofwaterall our natural resources form part of the heritage of the nation. In my country it is no longer possible for an economic super-State to arise which would challenge the State itself. 56. Revolution is proceeding now in Bolivia on the basis of a unanimous consensus and long the glorious path of full nationalism. It will always be welcome in America, as elsewhere, so long as it preserves its autonomy and the hallmark of genuine authenticity. When the revolution tries to transfer its own sovereigntyit becomes anti-national and hence anti-American. 57. This is precisely what happened in Bolivia under the former administration, which relinqui')hed control of events to outside influences and permitted itself to pervert freedom and to prostitute justice and to cover up political crimes, to make the law its tool, to disregar j institutions and deny democracy. All this was done to replace the national sovereignty with another sovereignty and to raise up petulant popular assemblies which were made up of false..-.- representatives appointed arbitrarily, and was done' by setting up irregular courts designed to imprison free citizens fuld to consign the opposition to the ftring squad, all of which was openly avowed with unwonted arrogance. 58. We are all aware of the principles of AID.ericawhich proclaim justice, which we all admit and we are all a~customed to defend Vlrith a certain readiness and bold- np,ss. But no one can ignore that these also compel the countries of America to preserve human and civil rights, to preserve their independence in fue face of all form') of 60. In order to save the freedom of our country, which was on the point of being alienated by outside forces, in our policy we have applied the maxim of "~elp yourself". 61. In order to obtain this. Bolivians have been inspired by lofty sentiments, as,· for example, in Colombia where liberals and conservatives joined hands and forgot their old quarrels in order to serve their country better. Our two great rival parties,· the Bolivian Socialist Falange and the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement,' both with popular and .nationalist roots, •both equally pugnacious, have decided to join forces in the face of the danger threatening Bolivia. And this political instrument, forged with such detachment and grandeur. has served the armed forces of the nation to -rise victoriously, hand in hand with the peQple .and under the leadership- of Huga Banzer Smlrez, leader of.the Nationalist Popular Front, which governs my country. 62. Contl"cU'Y to false and self-interested 'versions alleging non-existent fascism and a reaction which no longer is active . in Bolivia, the new Government is inspired by profound democratic faith and by the conviction that it is preferable to run the risks of liberty. As soon &s the circumstances of the political crisis which now confront us have been overcome, the powers of the nation will be established through the free exercise -of universal_ suffrage. Parallel to this psychological preparation of the Bolivian people for the ennobling exercise of the. billot box, we are seeking a-beneficial counterweight to control of the public; sector by the State through incentives to private initiative and proper guarantees for foreign investments. Bolivia is a country which -requires capital for its development and needs currents of immigration which wiU help it to grow. Social achievements such as the trade-union movement and workers' movements are being maintained unchanged. National universities have bean suspended until next March while we undertake their restructuring on a modem basis, as has been done in other American universities. The reforms of 1930 are outmoded,anachronistic and inade- quate. These reforms did not include in higher learning the new disciplines .which are indispensable in our day. Eco- nomic -and social development, the investigation of local realities and the training of medium-level scientists and technicians were not part ofits <;>bjectives. In order to bring up to date our institutions of higher learning what we will need are sustained efforts, apart from the necessary resources and technical assistance from international organi- zations. 63. It is all very well to say that there exists a third world made up of developing nations or by nations considered to be backward and dependent, including Bolivia. My party, the Bolivian Socialist Falange, 30 years ago, at the end of the Second World War, spoke of a third point of the triangle, a third position distinct from the exploiting right and the anarchistic left. Toaay we are pleased to observe that our idea has been implanted democratically in the 65. Quite a few members of the third world are considered to be non-aligned countries. This non-alignment is more apparent than real. ll!>tening with due attention to the magnifIcient speech.es which have been made in this hall at this present twenty-sixth session, it has been possible to observe that the Governments of our respective countries are in fact clearly aligned in taking a stand on each of the great subjects which perturb mankind today, and, even in dealing with specifIc problems of each nation, we observe a well-defIned position which indicates a certain philosophy and a camp in which action is taken. The results of the fInal votes will show us better than anything else that we are all aligned in one way or another. 66. Some people involved in the atmosphere of "third worldism" have unfortunately been given to \oiolence, to terrorism and to urban and rural guerrilla warfare. These people confuse the moral and the economic posture of the countries of the thirr world, a posture which should be understood in a constructive way with a facile and convenient appeal to subversion and disorder for criminal ends. 67. Violence, and there is no way of denying it, is the great midwife of history. But violence is legitimate and proper when it is exercised by the weak against the strong, byt.'le exploited against the exploiter, by slaves against their masters. Blind violence through motives of revenge or resentment or as reprisals for a defeat wbich ha, been sustained, vr the expression of impotence with regard to fIghting openly is reprehensible and cowardly and deserves the most energetic condemnation. 68. A political doctrine which practices organized crimi- nality and for this purpose resorts to ann-social elements is not of course something which reveals the virtue of its principles, but _a diabolical spirit which is intrinsically anti-natural :md perv~rse, that of the Cains who swarm over the face of the globe and who will never be able to raise the standard of human hope. 69. Along with the terrorism which is practised as a politiCal system, we fmd this tendency to intervene in. the internal policies of other countries. Bolivia has been a victim of this kind of foreign aggression with the guerrilla fIghters in Nancahuazu. The death of their leader in La Higuera attests to the fact, and attests to the violence done 71. Our case is not an Isolated one. Among other countries, Guatemala, as we have been told here by its Foreign Minister, has also "suffered from an intensive divisive campaign, inspired and supported from outside the country, which afflicted the country with ways ofviolence and subversion by extremists and clandestine factions". {1947t'J meeting; para. 92.J He concluded with the justi- fied complaint that ''the measures adopted [to prevent and punish acts of terrorism, kidnapping and violence] have not been as efficacious as we have hoped", a situation which, in his judgement, "threatens international peace and security" {ibid.J. 72. In the noble and democratic American community there is no place for ignoring anyone except States which exclude themselves by their own actions in promoting, in defiant ways, the undermining of public order in other countries. The right to the recognition of one's own personality begins with respect for the free determination of other peoples and the right to govern themselves in conformity with their own will. 73. That the leaders of independence of America inter- vened in our countries is not historically true, nor does it fit the present situation. BoIivar and Sucre, San Martin and Artigas, just to mention four of our distingUished liberators, belonged to one and the same country, which was able to preserve its unity but which, for the good or ill of our continent, split up into various countries. These republics today constitute different countries which have agreed in embracing certain principles and whose violation is a grave condemnation of the country which commits them. 74. Happily, the United. Nations cultivates the same extremely noble and basic ideals as America and is determined to preserve human freedom, the security of nations and universal peace. Within its competence also we fmd the promotion n9t only of econontic development but also of social development of countries struggling with an overwhelming scarcity of resources due to their situation of producing only one product, countries which are lashed by the scourge of evils.,pk.l sow fear and give us this lack of confidence in the f..t, iliJ . 75. No less important and significant is the task wmch the United Nations has assumed of stimulating the processes of integration. This phenomenon, which is characteristic of the time in which we live, is due to the growing interrelationsmp between States and a growing interdepen- dence which requires dialogue and a positive policy of international co-operation. There are attempts to integrate in Europe as well as in Asia, Mrica, Oceania and America. 76. In South America there is a problem which affects Bolivia and Chile and which has effects also on the policy for development and integration of the Andean Group. The 77. Chile is facing a diffic:J.1ty that has its origins in the capricious insular nature of its territory, which is isolated from the continent by the Andes. With a coastline of more than 4,000 kilometres it has a reduced tenitorial mass and its extensive northern area is desert. That is why it is interested in geographical factors which Bolivia ntight offer to it in guaranteeing not only the security but also the flOUrishing of regions which lack natural resources. The fresh water of th~ cordillera, the petroleum of the eastern part of Bolivia, the flow of trade in the departments of Oruro, Cochabamba and SantaCruz, are "non-territorial compensations" which their statesmen and strategists have been thinking about since 1930. 78. Bolivia, on the other hand, is an enormous continental mass of mure than a million square kilometr~s, an area which is greater than Chile, without a single centimetre of coast on the Pacific. It is obvious that a country with !ouch an unusual geography must seek out its own supplementary maritime facilities. 79. It would seem that Chile had found the means for solving this difficult situation in its provinces in the north by means of integration with Bolivia through the Andean Group. Possibly it thinks that this is a way·to help it to achieve its objectives. Bolivia, on the oti.'ler hand, by integration merely through the ways of development which it has been using, will not be able to satisfj its urgent need for rounding out its development through a sovereign access to the sea. The principal leaders of the Andean Group have a very heavy historical responsibility which is related to the future of our suboregion and the peace of the southern part ofthe continent. 80. Furthermore, as far as Bolivians are concerned, our incorporation in the western ocean is more pressing since the sea is considered now to be an inexhaustible emporium of food reserves and of staggering natural resources. This wealth is even more abundant since the territorial sea has been expanding to a width of 200 miles and the world is also beginning to legislate concerning the sea-bed· as a common and universal dominion. 81. Making this approach more specific, we can say that the sea for Bolivia and the non-territorial geographical factors for Chile, will make it possible for the Andean Group ;0 bring its far-seeing policy of integration to its fullest and happiest conclusion. 82. Next, I should like to express my concern about the stability of the United Nations; in other words, the life itself of the Organization. This stability rests fundamentally on the prestige which the Organization can achieve, based on its fidelity to principles which it has proclaimed and the unswerving correctness ofits conduct and the efficacy of its decisions. 84. One of the faults of the League of Nations was the withdrawal. of the Uilited States from it, after it had sponsored its creation in the Treaty of Verslillles. This event came on top of the previous isolation of Germany al1d Russia, which were the big Powers of the time. Today the United Nations counts on the active participation of the United States and the Soviet Union, as well as new Powers, although others of undisputed impOltance are being ignored. 85. One thing which weakened the League of Nations morally was the institution of an International Court of Justice which could apply an optional arbitration without mandatory force. This implied an abandonment to the stronger countries of the solution of conflicts between the weaker countries, since the former did not have to use the arbitration of the Court. In our Organization some of this is occurring on. some levels and it is.endangering its effective- ness. 86. Universal disarmament, in order to achieve peace, stumbled over insuperable obstacles in the League of Nations and its results, of course, could not prevent countries from anning themselves and from preparing a new war. TIlen we spoke simply cif the "manufacture of arms and munitions" and the "reduction of arms". Our genera- tion is alarmed to' see the production of nuclear weapons and the massive destructive power which they have. To limit and to dismantle this apocalyptic race towards a catastrophic extermination of men and nations is an unavoidable duty which cannot be escaped by the promi- nent Members of the United Nations. 87. The Foreign Minister of Peru referred [1947th meet- ing] in detail to the risks of pollution of the atmosphere and the waters, of the seas as well as the insecurity which is involved in atomic tests. In so doing, he was wise to emphasize the great urgency in adopting means to avoid proliferation of these deadly tests and in having an improved convention banning thermo-nuclear weapons. We :might note, in· this connexion, the reassuring words of the representative of France, a country which however is not the only one carrying out this research. 88. .The image of the League of Nations was affected also by the process which was followed in the admission and rejection of new States. Some were rejected, others were accepted, and this was based on discrimination which was often not well founded. The rejection of Armenia had special characteristics which we ought to recall. 89. The case of Armenia was debated, and it was said that the League of Nations ought to support a new State whose existence was being threatened. All the members of the Assembly agreed. that this step ought to be taken, but they fOl!!'1 that the League did not have the weapons, armies or fl!l.l.t; to do so. Later on, when the recognition of Armenia 91. These references, as illustrative examples, strengthen our conviction in saying that the admission of the People's Republic of China ought to take place both in the Assembly and in the Security Council, and iliat the Republic of China ought to be kept in the Organization. There must be discretion in the acts of the United Nations if we l/.Ie not to commit ilie mistake of harmil1g its moral vigour ;;md detracting from its political authority. 92. Let us not regret the delay in the necessary incorpora- tion of the People's Republic of China into this world Organization. The fact is that we are proposing it today as a matter of justice in the face of the principle of the universality of nations, which has been invoked by so many outstanding speakers and because of what might be called the doctrine of realities. Continental China is a country which cannot and should not be ignored because of the size oUts territory, its enormous population, the strength and expansion of its economy and because it is an organized State. Bolivia is especially interested in speaking to China, about the production of antimony, wolfram and tin, and about the whole policy of prices. 93. At the same time and using the same principles and reasons, we can in no way reconcile this with the expulsion of Nationalist China from this great amphitheatre of peace, progress and solidarity of nations. A State which has 14 million people, a flOUrishing industry with exports of about $4,000 million a year, which is the same as the exports of the People's Republic of China, with a high cultural and technical level and which is in a position to give valuable assistance to other developing countries, cannot be refused, as Armenia was in ilie past, without ilie Organization compromising its serious purpose, and even less so now when the country involved has been one of its principal Members from the very outset. 94. If, at the beginning, in the opinion of some, Formosa was a "fictitious State", at present the Republic of China shows ilie attributes of a modem State and is an example to others with its virtues of organization and its historic will to exist and to nourish lofty and constructive ideals. 95. There might also be an impression that, if we were to abandon the island of Taiwan, there would be a hidden intent to allow that State to become the victim of the use of force. The reconquering of territories is a dangerous precedent which might be transformed into a terrible boomerang for the United Nations, some of whose Members might fmd themselves in similar situations. This risk flows from the words of one head of a delegation, 97. Both doctrines form a single whole for Bolivians. Direct conversation, enlightening dialogue-these are unchanging policies which Bolivia wishes to cultivate with Chile in solving its own problems and which it would like to see applied now in controversies such as the one which exists between the Arab States and l'lrael. The non- recognition of territorial annexations through the use of force has always been the key position of the Governmen1 of my country, and now we are pleased to hear this from the Minister for Foreign Affairs for Chile, when he says that Israeli troops should be withdrawn from the occupiec territories and that any attempt to annex territories shoule be condemned, under Security Council resolution 242 (1967), whic4 embodies this principle and which is to be found in international public law in Latin America as one of its guiding doctrinal concepts [1948th meeting, para. 168J. 98. No less censurable would be an attempt to bring about the destruction of Israel as a State. Even though Israel is a young State, it belongs to an old nation, whose origin goes back to biblical times and the beginning of man on earth. Israel in its short life as a modern State has astonished the whole world by its extraordinary capacity to organize itself, to preserve its independence and to advance resolutely forward along a broad road towards progress and the structuring of a just society, one which favours science, the arts and letters. 99. To guarantee the secmity of Israel would seem to be just as important as to guarantee the territorial status of the Arab countries. Let reason and prudence, the mother of wisdom, and equity, upon which rests the theory of balances, of the "golden mean" spoken of by the ancients, let these, rather than th.J clouded intellects and frustrated wills of sectarianism, say the last word in this controversy between nations worthy of admiration and respect. 100. The armed struggle in Indo.china has not only become unpopular, as all wars do which become prolonged, but it has become a blind and irrational fact which is incomprehensible for most men. This conflict has incorpo- rated a new term in the human lexicon-the idea of "Viet-Namization" as the division of countries through ideological motivations. The threat of "Viet.Namizing" Bolivia or dividing it if necessary was made by a labour union leader from the grounds of our legislative palace which was converted into a sort of Paris commune, but not to· bring about a revolution in favour of the Bolivians,as Was carried out in France in favour of· the French, a 101. Among the main problems before the world is the question of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, into which the Third Reich was divided after the last war. In the territory of the old Germany, which was unified by the Iron Chancellor new European borders were laid out separating the leading Powers of the world. Some favour the admission of both Germanys as Member States of the United Nations. Actually, I would say that each Germany-West Germany and East Germany-deserves a seat in this great Assembly. We are pleased in this way to pay a tribute to a hard-working nation whose industry and human intelligence have contributed to progress and the ideological orientation of mankind. 102. It would possibly be better to leave it up to the Germanys to settle their big problem now or in the future. No one could agree more than the Germans that they are a single nation which has been temporarily divided into two States because of transitory differences and that foreign interests have raised between them a wall of hateful connotations. This is a wall which, because of human comprehension and the transcendent unity ofa people, will no doubt be demolished to give rise to an active and fruitful understanding which will prepare for the future the reunification of the German nation in a sin~e State, with the democratic understanding of the great Powers. 103. It would be premature to arrive at conclusions on the various items concerning the problems of the seas to be considered by the plenipotentiaries who will take part in the conference on the law ofthe seato be held in 1973. 104. In the broad field of the law of the sea, the problems of land-Ioc!'..eu countries have relatively little meaning for the international community. Nevertheless, they take on vital characteristics when the interests of States lacking a sea coast are at stake, as in the case of BoliVia. 105. Of course the right of free access to the sea is givelI- . to land-locked countries. In this connexion, I shouldlike to point out that the improvement of this law, which is a matter of concern to my country, does not mean now, nor will it ever mean, giving up the rights that are helping it to hold its own sovereign rights in the seas of the world. 106. There is another aspect which should be pointed out. The universaUty of the law for the use and the exploitation of the sea, which the twenty"fifth session of the General Assembly proclaimed ina solemn declaration of princi- 108. As UNCTAD has quite correctly pointed out, land- locked status is one of the factors which ought to be taken into account in identifying the characteristics of countries haVing a relatively lower degree of development. It is obvious that, as is the case in the Andean Group, account should be taken of the fact that there are not only countries having a relatively lower degree of economic development but also land-locked countries that are less developed, and those countries ought to be accorded a doubly preferential treatment. 109. In the organization of international machinery to administer the exploration and the exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed, consideration should be given to the fact that the recognition of preferential rights for coastal States over extensive areas adjacent to their coasts, would automatically transfer to land-locked States access rights to the deepest and most inaccessible ocean trenches, thus making such rights purely hypothetical ones. Such a situation would become even more absurd if it were established that land-locked countries have no right to the living resources even of the adjacent sea. 110. At the end of this month and at the beginning of next month there will be a ministerial meeting. in Lima of representatives of the Group of 77 to prepare a joint plan of action to guide their deliberations dUring the third session of UNCTAD to be held next year in Santiago, Chile. 111. Bolivia will be present at both meetings and will deal, with a special :interest, with the important problems that concern the developing countries in their permanent rela- tionship with the highly developed countries. I should add to this that Bolivia has complete solidarity with the views expressed by the Group of 77 in favour of co-operation for development, balanced and just internatioilal trade, the transfer of technology, special measures ill favour of the relatively less developed countries and the special problems of land-locked countries, in order to comply with the objectives of the International Development Strategy of the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. 112. Without going into further analysis I wish to add at this point that Bolivia will give its support to improving 2Pec1aration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof, beyond the Limits of National Jurismction(resclution 2749 (XXV). 3 Signooat Geneva on 29 April 1958. 4 Signed at New York onS July 1965. 113. The Bolivian delegation has maintained and will continue to maintain its systematic &Ild consistent attitude against all forms of colonialism and against racial and religious discrimination which are still afflicting various peoples of the world. 114. Furthermore, my country reiterates its concern at the situation in Belize, the Mal"inas and Gibraltar, which is of interest to Guatemala, Argentina and Spain and which endangers relations between those countries and the United Kingdom. The same thing can be said for the Canal Zone, whose recovery is being sought by Panama. 115. Among the interesting matters before this body is the Convention of the Central American Community, which this Organization ought to welcome with great pleasure. This event shows us that Bolivar did not plant seeds in the desert. Bolivar's ideal for an American union, proclaimed in the amphictyonic Congress of Panama and in the Treaty of Confederation of 1848 in Lima, is being brought back to life and is gaining a new expression with the new Central American Community. 116. Five nations of the same origin and the same destiny in the continent, tied by the sam-e tradition and similar ideals, have manifested their desire to band together to create a Central American Community of Nations. Let us hope that such a generous effort will reach a defw :" crystallization for the good of America and the general fate of the world. 117. In 1907, at the beginning of this century, an outstanding Brazilian jurist, Ruy Barbosa, the father of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, defended in The Hague the principles of the juridical equality of States, which ha£ become the corner-stone upon which this modern edifice of great international organizations has been raised. With the welcome passage of time, we now see the forming of a corollary doctrine, the idea of the economic equality of nations in international co·operation for devel- opment. 118. The first thesis has led us to the concepts of regional and world security, as well as of the recognition of the rulers of self-determination and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. 119. This second thesis must lead us to the establishment of sure markets and stable prices for the raw materials of the developing countries. At the same time, it should ma,ke it necessary for us to safeguard freedom of trade and the stability of currencies, 120. All that can be possible if we faithfully followthe international rules which we accepted and if, at the same time, we reject movements for hegemony in the eager search for a great universal concert of natioIls.

We are met together in this Assembly in a further attempt to resolve some of the issues which continue to militate against the progress and prosperity of nations great and small-' Indeed, many of these issues have been on our agenda since the inauguration of the Organization. Frustrating as that may be, we must continue to apply ourselves to the task in an endeavour to fmd solutions to these problems if we ar(! to save mankind from self-destruction. 123. It is against that background, Mr. President, that you have assumed the presidency of this twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly, and my delegation extends to you sincere congratulations on your election and pledges to you its full co-operation. We take this opportunity also to express our appreciation to Ambassador Hambro of Norway, who so ably guided the deliberations of the Assembly's twenty-fifth se8sion. 124. lhree newly independent nations-Bahrain, Bhutan, Qatar-have now become members of this Assembly. Jamaica extends to them a hearty welcome, feeling sure they will play their full part in the deliberations of this Organization. 125. Once again the time seems to have come when the United Nations must find itself a new Secretary-General. It appears that we must take as fmal our Secretary·General's pronouncement that he will not be persuaded to accept an extension of his term. At the appropriate time my Government will wish to have the opportunity to place on record an expression of our appreciation of the contribution U Thant has made to the cause of world peace, our awareness of the delicacy and inherent difficulties of his many responsibilities, and a sense of our indebtedness and that of all humanity for his distinguished service. For the present, however, it appears that the United Nations must now address itself to the task of selecting his successor. In that connexion, there is one thought I would wish to leave with my colleagues. 126. Whenever a change in the office held by the chief international civil servant is contemplated everyone succumbs to the temptation of proceeding to defme the almost superhuman qualities of mind of heart a United Nations Secretary-General must bring to his task. In that respect we are all no doubt quite right. Seldom, however, do we, the Member countries of the United Nations, pause to remind ourselves that there are obligations which we owe the holder of that post and which have probably not been discharged with sufficient concern for his effectiveness.. 128, My delegation would urge that, as we go to the selection of a new Sacretary-General, we should pledge that we will together provide our Secretary-General in the future with the unswerving support he will need for the effective discharge of his onerous duties. 129. Looking now at the background against which the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly is being held, my delegation must express its deep concern at the global fmancial crisis that has greeted the opening of the Second United Nations Development Decade, a crisis which has been highlighted by the announcements of the President of the United States on 15 August. 130. In many an international forum the issues raised and the problems posed to the international community by these recent measures are being actively debated, and it would be inappropriate and no doubt impracticable to debate this range of issues here in this Assembly. Speaking, however, as one ofthe developing countries of the world, it . is our view that the present international monetary crisis can be traced to the trading, financial and social policies of the developed countries. Their unwillingness to open their markets to the developing world or to accept restrictions upon thair manufactured goods hinder the attempts of the less developed countries to industrialize. Those policies, linked to the poor flow of aid tied to their source, have worked to create a level of international conflict, misunderstanding and economic autarchy that has produced the present crisis. Ifconditions of trade which for us are normal can be rapidly restored, we shall see the upward movement of our economies continue, but if they are not restored, we shall soon find that a dramatic reversal will take place in the upward movement of our economies and in the already inadequate increases in our living standards. Unemployment will grow, and so will its well recognized and inevitable consequences. 131. Although the great trading nations have commendably decided that their response to the events of 15 August will be an attitude of understanding and offers-of cooperation-and we commend them highly on that-we must remind both them and the United States that the present ..... uncertainties in matters of trade cannot be allowed to continue. We are in grave danger of inadvertently creating a global contraction in trade that in turn will. mean a dramatic fall in {he totalli;':ing standards ofall mankind. 132. It is here in this.Assembly that the political decision should be urge~ upon' the major trading nations not to permit such acon'i:rClction of trade. The disastrous consequenc(;:s it would inflict upon the living standards of us all are well known. b4. This globe is but a small world. Economic impulses are transmitted from one country to another almost immediately. Inflation in one country is quickly exported to another, and the more powerful the inflation-producing country, the more widespread the havoc. It is obvious that the main responsibility for finding solutions rests with those that possess the greatest economic strength. An orderly economic expansion of the rich countries is vital not only for their own benefit but also for the progress of the developing countries, which depend on the delicate links of international trade and fmance for the wherewithal to meet their own development ambitions. 135. Bearing that in mind, Jamaica believes that, should the enlargement of the Europe~"l Economic Community come about, due consideration will be given in the formulation of its future plans and policies to the needs of the developing countries-and, in particular, th()se whose economies will be seriously affected by the merger. 136. My delegation welcomes the progress made at the fifty-first session of the Economic and Social Council in the area of global and regional co·operation. At that session a genuine effort was made to reorganize the functioning of the Council, which is the main policy·making body of the United Nations system in the economic and social fields. A standing committee on matters relating to the transfer of operative science and technology to the developing coun· tries was established by Council resolution 1621 B (LI), and we welcome the recognition by the Council of the increasing rola which regional economic commissions should play in the advancement of the interests of the countries which they service. 137. We look forward with high expectation to the forthcoming meeting of minist(lrS from the developing countries to be held in Lima, Peru, and to a successful conclusion of the work of the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade" and Development, which will be convened in Santiago, Chile, in 1972. In the midst of all these preparations, it is hoped that there will be an early resumption of confident trading on the international, financial, .commodity and other markets. That return to confidence is necessary for trade amongst developed and developing countries, for the promotion of East-West trade and for trade among the developing countries themselves. 138. The application of science and technology to development isa question which hlstorically has not been given great attention in the developing countries. Many of those countries have. achieved their independence without having inherited the scientific institutions and technological infra- 139. Jamaica therefore welcomes the United Nations World Plan of Action for the Application of Science and Technology to Development and expects to co-operate fully with the Secretary-General in that regard. If, by the misapplication of science and technology in the past, the developed countries have polluted the atmosphere and the oceans, and if the problems of health and poor liVing conditions in the developing countries have remained unalleviated because of a lack of science and technology, then that is all the more reason why all countries, both developed and developing, should co·operate with the Secretary-General so that his world plan will contain a co-ordinated set of ideas which can act as a guide to their Governments in implementing their particular national strategy. 140. The link between environment, development and technology is too obvious for a.'1.y Government to ignore. It is no longer necessary to impress upon representatives or upon the public at large the dangers inherent in the present ecological state of affairs which have been brought about by one-sided development and the ruthless exploitation of natural resources. 141. The United Nations system now offers us a new opportunity for global planning and for future development which we cannot but grasp willingly. Relative to our resources, the correction of past mistakes can be costly, but let me here and now emphasize that, from the preliminary research which has so far been done, it is becoming quite obvious that development planning which takes account of environmental factors need not be more costly than development planning which ignores the environment. Let us not be deterred by the larger number of inputs reqUired for environmental planning. The fact is that even in the short-run the outputs from this type of planning can be much more comprehensive, useful and economic than from ad hoc decision-making. 142. We recognize that waste should not be regarded as "an inevitable nuisance. We now recognize that noxious gases· which have been released and·which pollute the atmosphere . can be a squrce of valuable raw materials. We now recogitize that with. environmental plannin:g~~E.tural resources need not be wasted, and th}).t throughenv1rDnmental planning techniques investmentscmade at.a, particular ·point in time can be saved from obs6lescence for amuch longer period. ~.'- . . 143. Bearing all those considerations in mind, my delegation expresses the hope that this session of the General Assembly will take measures to ensure that each and every country on earth will have access on an equal footing to the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, to be held at Stockholm in 1972. We cannot expect to have the world half polluted and half clean. 144. Jamaica attaches the greatest i1J.1portance to the activities being pursued under United Nations auspices regarding the law of the sea, the utilization of the resources of the sea, and the preservation of the sea as a clean, 145. The changes and turns of history have given a few great Powers the technology necessary for such exploitation. Their technological developments in ocean-floor exploration and utilization are proceeding, but these seem aimed at selfish national advancement. Do the great Powers really imagine that they can now carve up the ocean floor among themselves in the same way as they pre.viously carved up the land into colonies? 146. While there might have been an excuse in earlier centuries for a chauvinistic approach to the exploitation of those natural resources not yet belonging to any individual or group of individuals, today we have adequate machinery wittrln the United Nations to ensure that a peaceful and harmonious development of the ocean floor takes place in a manner consistent with the over-all needs of all countries, large and small, developed as well as developing. 147. The fishing rights of the developing countries in their off-shore waters should be preserved. The technologically advanced nations cannot hope to squander their own fishing resources and merciles~ly exploit the off-shore fishing of other countries and appropriate to themselves the resources of the ocean floor. The Government of Jamaica looks forward to a sane and humanitarian approach to the settlement of these problems in the future meetings and conferences of the various bodies within the United Nations system, and in the forthcoming conference on the law of the sea. 148. Last year in his address to the General Assembly my Prime Minister underlined the necessity for us to relieve the United Nations of the burden of responsibility for the exclusion of the People's Republic of China [1875th meeting, para. 49]. He also noted, however, that the principle of universal membership and simple realism called for a solution which would recognize that the millions of people in Taiwan de facto stand outside the political authority of Peking. 149. The present session sees us actively seeking a solution to this problem, "with which the international community has grappled for some two decades. My delegation feels that a new sense of reality has been brought into this Organization by the increasing recognition of the fact that a quarter of the world's population cannot remain unrepresented in these halls. But we also note that there are certain rel!lities in the situation in east Asia which need to be borne in mind: de facto, the Government of Taiwan has exercised effective control over that country for over two decades. By any accepted concept of international law, this would normally constitute a right to separateness-a separateness which the international community should be willing to recognize. We neit.1ter assume nor believe that it is beyond 150. Is the time not right for all the so-called divided States which de facto have op(lrated for two decades or more as separate entities to be given their rightful voices in the worl<l forum? Such a global solution of these problems which have been the accidents of war could surely be designated a great leap forward by the United Nations. Whether or not a decision on the representation of China i8 finally taken at this session, my delegation expresses the hope that the Assembly will be able to turn its attention this year to the problem of the divided States and their admi&>ion to the United Nations. My delegation will co-operate with other Member States in appropriate initiatives which may be taken to that end. 151. It is with regret that the question of the Middle East, far from being settled, is regarded by many as one of the intractable problems of the world. My delegation once more expresses its heartfelt sympathy to all those persons who have been uprooted from their homelands and to their offspring, who have never known a home. A solution must be found whereby these unfortunate people can be made to feel that they have not been swept aside by the tide of history and that the world community will never refuse to recognize L1.eir claim to a just se":tlemellt. It is still the view of ~'Jy delegatil>il that the issue of resettlement still holds the :,ey to the solution of the Middle East problem. 152. We appeal to nations not to use the Middle East as a pawn in the game of power politics. It cannot be in the current interest of the great Powers for thing:: to remain as they are. The situation continues to be a strain upon commercial relations between the countries of the Indian and Atlantic Oceans and represents a fmancial burden upon the international community. Again, my delegation would urge that this Assembly establish a new commission to seek and fmd solutions for the plight of the refugees and to prepare proposals for their resettlement and compensation. 153. As if the long-standing probiem of the Palestinians was not enough, this year has seen a sudden increase of many millions in the world's refugees as the domestic disagreements of the people of Pakistan have spilled over national boundaries. When all the possible exaggerations and overstatements have been allowed for, the present situation and the plightof the refugees still remain a human tragedy of monumental proportions. There is no State Member of this Organiiation that is not moved by the immensity of the misfortune and would not help to fmd solutions ifit could. 154. The political dispute is indeed a domestic affair of the sovereign nation of Pakistan and as such is not a matter of international concern; but the possibility always exists that external involvement could make it a threat to international peace and· security. Apart from this possibility, however, my Government is concerned primarily wi~hthe humanitarian problem of the refugees. Jamaica supports the United Nations efforts made so far to. gain access to the refugees, to ascertain the facts concerning 16 L Mr. KHALID (Sudan): Your election to this office, Mt. President, is a tribute to your distingUished self, a man of purpose and integrity; to your great country, a country to which mine is related by faith and heritage; and to the whole of the non-aligned family. Tne Sudan wishes you success in discharging your onerous task and steering this 155. We know that many distinguished individuals have offered their good offices in this tragedy. Many governments are quite ",;lling to do the same. We can only hope that a way will be found by which this willingness to help might be conwrted into effective help. 156. The situation in the southern countries of the African continent continues to be a cause for grave concern. The Territories over which the Government of Portugal still exercises colonial control are in turmoil, with the tide ofrebellion and depression sweeping backward and forward across t.~e face of the land. Under de facto illegal regime, apartheid moves gradually into all aspects of the social and economic life of Rhodesia. No amelioration of this policy of apartheid is in sight. Only in Na1t'jbia is there a ray ofhope. ~ession of the Assembly to a happy completion of its agenda in the best tradition of your predecessor, Edvard Hambro of Nonvay, an erudite scholar and a fInished diplomat. 162. The Macedonians earned Plutarch's description: "... rude and uncivic", because, in his words, "they call a spade a spade". All societies have their established sense of decency. A departure from the beaten track offends that sense. But tradition need not be preserved to the point of polite sterility. So, in departing from the beaten track in this general debate, I hope that I will not place myself in the category of the uncivic. 157. At last year's session of this Assembly my Prime Minister urged the United Nations to go to the rescue ofthe people of Namibia [1875th meeting, para. 66]. Since then, by majority vote, the ltlternational Court of Justice has rendered its advisory opiPion on the legality of the South African presence in Namibia.s We have been told that no legal basis exists for that continued presence. A foundation has been laid for such action as the United Nations might choose to take within the limits permitted by the Charter to remove that South African presence. The Jamaican delegation supports the initiative taken by a number of Member States in urging the Security Council to give practical effect to the legal opinion. In my country's judgement, the international community has a solemn obligation which it should no longer postpone. 163. last year we came here to celebrate, in solemnity and dignity, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations. The gathering was impressive. The deliberations were serious and dignifIed. The mood of the world was one of stock-taking and self-examination. The United Nations, to the world, was meant to achieve a new heaven and a new earth. It failed to do so. The imperatives of the new era were peace, freedom and progress. But in many parts of the world, our part of the world, peace is still remote, freedom denied, and progress unattainable. 164. That session ended with a h"ppy tone. The President of the General Assembly chose to call it a session "... of hope and of commitment to the ideals of the United Nations from all geographical groups, across political, philosophical and ideological boundaries" [1933rd meeting, para. 381]. 158. let us continue to address ourselves also to another decolonization problem: the fate of small unviable colonial and Trust Territories. In this connexion, I repeat my Prime MitPster's proposal of last year that a Committee should be set up to study possible terms of their association with the United Nations. 165. We have solemnly handed down to the world two historic documents that were painstakingly elaborated: the International Developme.lt Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] , and the Declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)]. A year has elapsed since those solemn declarations on peace and friendly relations and on development were adopted. It will be an indulgence in self-delusion if we say that the world today is better off because of adherence to them. 159. In closing, I should like to express the gratitude of my I!elegation to the staff members of the United Nations for their untiring service in die cause of peace. In particular, I wish to place on record the high appreciation of the Government and people of Jamaica to Dr. Ralph Bunche, who, for the fIrst time that I can recall in these many years, is not with us in this hall. His dedicated and imaginative contributions to the improvement of the lot of the world community have received international recognition and have brought prestige and honour to the United Nations. 166. On peace and friendly relations, satisfaction was expressed here, and by many a speaker, over recent achievements in the direction of peace. The satisfaction is indeed justifiable and we share it: satisfaction over achievt,;- ments in Europe, in the normalization of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and. its East European neighbours: the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin, signed 160. Solutions to the many difficulties which beset international relations and answers to the intractable 5 Legal·Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa.· in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), AdVisory Opinion, LC.J. Reports 19.71, p. 16, 167. But In our effusive expressions of satisfaction, we failed to underline also the cardinal fact within our context here at the United Nations: the fact that in all those agreements, in all those cases, the United Nations remains on the periphery. 168. hi the field of development we outlined a Strategy based on certain trends of inte.national trade and development and adopted it. We emphasized, individually and collectively our will and commitment to implement those policy measures. 169. To us, in the developing world, who want to hurtle into the twentieth century, the task is impossible. United Nations statistics reveal to us grim facts: that only half of the children between 5 and 14 are at school, that 790 million people are illiterate, that 50 per cent of our labour force is under-utilized, that water supply is not available to 90 per cent of the people in our rural areas. My countrf, like many others in the third world, is suffering from these problems and deprivations. 170. I wish to dwell on one of those problems, the development of water resources, a problem which has reached disastrous proportions in my country. The figures are alarming. Our statistics tell us that the minimum water requirement for man and animal is calculated at 240 million cubic metres. Under our present scheme of things, only 60 million cubic metres are available. With an annual population increase of 2.g per cent and an annual animal increase of 6 per cent, the basic total amount required in 25 years would be 670 million cubic metres. Given our present resources and ability, we need 69 years to meft basic needs for humans and animals. But if we have to irrigate and develop our arable land of 200 million acres with our present capabilities, we would need 1,000 years. 171. It is for this reason that my Government has launched a World Anti-Thir;;t Campaign, which was inaugurated in Khartoum on 20 February 1970 by Josip Broz Tito, President of Yugoslavia. 172. hiternational assistance came from many countries, and to all of them we express gratitude. However, I wish to single out three of them as examples of solidarity with the less privileged nations: Sweden, which has shown and continues to show an ever-increasing interest in this serious human problem, Yugoslavia and Nigeria. 173. Going back to the world situation, grimmer statistics were also revealed: 7.2 per cent of the 'World's gross national product goes into military expenditure-exactly the same amount that is spent for health and education in the whole world-5 per cent for education and 2 per cent for health. 175. Addressing this Assembly last year at the commemorative session [1859th meeting], we said that the United Nations remams on the periphery of events, be it in the field of peace-making or development. We said that, as long as the United Nations remams marginal in the great Powers' concept of foreign policy, the Organization will continue to be hindered from effectively discharging its basic responsibilities. 176. The attitude of the major Powers, both within and without the Organization, continues to be the most important-though not the only-erosive factor. The selfimposed policemanship, the imperial outposts, the subversion of established Governments, the pre-eminence of national and strategic interests over international obligations, are all situations which are not concomitant with a world order. 177. In so saying, it is our intention neither to deny nor to undermine the power of the major nations inherent in the Charter. All that we call for is the realization on their part that power has its own compulsions and ,that it has to be exercised alongside a correlative sense of responsibility. One of the great masters of power politics of this country in which we are meeting, Theodore Roosevelt, saidin one of his better moments: "I beJj~ve in power; but I believe also that responsibility s.llOUld go with it." 178. And we smaller nations-where do we stand in the face of all that? Should we allow the strategic and national interests of the major Powers to continue to actuate their policies to the detriment of world order, the interests ofthe rest of the world, and, sometimes, the norms of international morality? Should we leave the destiny of our own peoples and continents to be determined by others? Should we allow ourselves to be passive pawns in an international game? . 179. The non-aligned group-of which my country and yours, Mr. President, are founding members-was created because of our concern with the right of all our peoples to freedom and independence, their rightto a free choice ,of forms and ways of internal development, their right to sovereignty, their right to territorial integrity, and their refusal to mortgage their independence at any cost. 180. The Conferences of Bandung, Belgrade, Cairo and Lusaka have asserted those principles. They, have also marked our will to resist hegemony and designs to drag us into zones,ofinfluence and dubious alliances. 181. Within the United Nations, the non-aligned group this year-more than at any time before-is assertingits role and its place. Our family. has been enhanced by the participation of the fIrst Latin American country, Chile, with its great tradition of liberty and independence. And it is only through. the unrelenting efforts to put an end to hegemony made by the non-aligned nations, together with 182. Politically, the unfinished revolution has to be achieved by aiding our brothers and sisters still fighting for the attainment of their independence and basic human rights. It has to be achieved by stimulating national integration, often disrupted by the manoeuvres of some of the etStwhile colonial. Powers. It has to be achieved by the completion of the transfer of the real centres of decision from the ''metropole'' to the homeland. 183. Culturally, the unfmished revolution has to be achieved by ending the alienation of our elite. It has to be achiev~d by acculturating our social and technical development. It has to be achieved through educating our illiterate masses. It is only through self-realization and the affirmation of cultural identity that we can contribute to the civilization of the universal. In many instances today we are only appendages, we are not an enriching complement. 184. Economically, the unfinished revolution in the third world has to be achieved through the inculcation of the principles of self-help in our people and in our systems, in accelerating the process of economic co-operation and integration in· our regions and subregions, in diverting all our energies into the main task of development, and in reinforcing and furthering the principles of the Charter of Algiers and the second session of UNCTAD at New Delhi. 185. General Edgardo Mercado Jarrm, the Foreign Minister of Peru, had an important message to convey to us the other day when he said: "•.. the true freedom of the peoples of the third world can only be achieved when they are able to free themselves n.ot only from th.e economic and political control of others, but also from the cultural and ideological control of the great centres of power ..." [1947th meeting, para. 9J. And General Jarrin could not have been more apt when. he added that the emergence of the third world is one of the great revolutiona..-y conditions of the day, both at home and internationally. It is internationally where the new image has to be more clearly reflected and amplified. 186. The polarization of the 1950s, within and without the United Nations, might well become a matter of the past on.the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations. We have noted. with satisfaction the positive, though· hesitant, steps taken by the United States of America this year towards. a normalization of relations withthat great country. But we have followed with concern the. efforts .of. the United States in this Organization to introduce a new element that threatens to wreck all that was hitherto achieved. '''The structure of the United Nations when it started was weighted in favour of Europe and the Americas. It did not seem to us to be fair to the countries of Asia and Africa, but we appreciated the difficulties of the situation and did not press for any changes. With the grovJth of the United Nations and with more countries coming into it, that structure today is still more unbalanced. Even so, we wish to proceed slowly and with agreement and not to press for any change which would involve an immediate amendment of the Charter and the raising of heated controversies. Unfortunately, we live in a split world which is constantly coming up against the basic assumptions of the United Nations. We have to bear with this and try to move ever more forward to that conception of full co-operation between nations. That co-operation does not and must not mean any domination of one country 'by another, any coercion or compulsion forcing any countf'j to line up with another country. Each country has something to give and something to take from others. The moment coercion is exercised, that country's freedom is not only impaired but also its growth suffers." [882nd meeting, para. Ill.J 189. Eleven years have since passed, during which the United Nations has grown, but the problems of the world have grown even more. But actions on the part of the major Powers-often the super Powers-continue to derogate from the authority of the Organization. Such a derogation is seen in the exclusion of the Organization from major policy decisions. It is seen in actions detracting from the initiative of its Secretary-General, an initiative inherent in Article 99 of the Charter. It is seen in pretexts for tax evasion, resulting in impoverishing the Organization's coffers, be they pretexts of bilateral commitments or the inadmissibility ofrespomibility for past ills. 190. This tragic fmancial situation cannot fail to have its political implications, as was aptly depicted by the Secretary-General in thc;; introduction to his report on the work of the Organization: "It would cause me deep personal sorrow and· regret if my service as Secretary-General were to end on this note. Unfortunately the tragedy-far transcends any personal aspect: what is at stake is the Organization, for which we have all held, and continue to hold, such high hopes despite the fact that its credit standing and reputation have already been seriously impaired by its fmancial plight." [A/8401/Add.l, para. 122.J 192. I said that, where we in the United Nations are directly involved in peace-making, our credit side of the ledger is pitifully meagre. I would like to refer specifically to two areas of conflict: Africa and the Middle East. And I am not doing this only because the problems in those areas are nearer home. 193. In Africa, the unholy trinity of South Africa, Portug~l and Rhodesia continues to persist in its crimes agaL.'1St humanity. This Assembly listened last rear to the speech of President Julius Nyerere of the United Republic of Tanzania [1867th meeting]. It haJ lis ened this year [1938th meeting] to the moving appeal of President Moktar Ouid Daddah of Mauritania. Both Presidents came here to mark the concern of Africa with this problem. President Nyerere came here to request that elementary justice to be done to fellow men. President OuId Dadd2h came here to appeal for a sacrifice, by the great Powers of the West, of short-term solidarity for a wider engagement in humanity. 194. For three weeks five African Ministers, speaking on behalf of the Organization of African Unity-Mr. Makonnen of Ethiopia, Mr. Grimes of Liberia, Mr. Arikpo of Nigeria, Mr. Hassane of Chad, and myself-have bee"l here at the United Nations to deal with one episode of the southern African drama, the case of Namibia. And it js distress'ng to note that some people have given us the impression of being exhausted by what seems to be an interminable problem. The record of this Assembly's resolutions upholding the rule of law in South Africa, Rhodesia and Namibia is impressive. The constant urgings and advice of the &lcretary-General-often unheeded-are gratifying. But it is regrettable that the only absentee fr0m t.lUs honourable endeavour is the major law-enforCing organ of the United Nations, the Security Council. It is all the more regrettable that this inaction is generally prompted by considerations of strategic interests, inherited patterns of aid and trade, or, in some cases, the sheer reactionary lust of some private concerns which are powerful back home. 'Those who covet gold do not often sin by cov~tinghonour. 195. In coming here we intend neither to engage hi a sterile debate nor to force unrealistic decisions. At the same time, we do not !ntend to pace the,carpets of the Assembly halls awaiting futile resolutions. Africa is impatient, and its impatience is legitimate. 196. In addressing themselves to us, some have chosen to urge moderation and dialogue. But in a state of desperation all calls for moderation are meaningless. And those who listened to South Africa, in the Security Council, exulting over its reactionary and racial policies, can well ask themselves how one can engage in dialogue with that country. South Africa is persisting in upholding the most pernicious and obsolete concept of the social order. Portugal is determined to fight' to the last NATO gun to maintain a decaying empire. Africa appeals fof action on 197. In tile Middle East a combustible sitlll!.tion continues to exist, with all the imponderables of sudden eruption. I wish here to say that the term "Middle East" is euphemistic; the problem at issue is Israeli occupation of Arab territories and the restoration of the rights of the Palestinian people-and the word is "people", not "refugees". 198. The incurable optimists were telling us that happy tidings were coming from the direction of Tel Aviv. It was for that reason that we listened with iuterest the other day [1946th meeting] to Mr. Abba Eban. the Israeli Foreign :Minister. But Mr. Eban ca.rne here with an eloquent speech to embellish an old theme. He tried t" words and wit to paint a picture of a new world ot reconciliation and dialogue as evidenced by the European detente and normalization, as if Palestine were Upper Silesia. He also tried to chart what he described as a new road for peace. But Mr. Eban's endeavour was-and the words 1&111 quotL'lg are from The New York Times of 4 October 1971-"... an excursion into familiar byways" when stalled peace talks are desperately in Deed ofnew wl'ections. 199. The problem, as I said, is plain: aggressive occupation of the territories of :.1ember States, which is condemned by all. the world, including the United Nations. And occupation tS occupation, and no stylist rhetoric can ref'me it. 200. Restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and calls on international charity may eclipse the facts in the eyes of the half-educated but will never extinguish the reality. 201. Even The New Yark Times was not impressed with Mr. Eban's vision of this problem. To the Times, Mr. Eba'l's statement 011 the Palestinian issue was "a detour leading nowhere as long as practically every country involved insists on treating the Palestinians merely as refugees and not as a nation stillborn, now already clanlouring for life". 202. Mr. Eban is understandably not happy that the whole world does not share his vision of the problem.' He has therefore chosen to engage in a dangerous role of disdain for the Assembly and its decisions. To him, our decisions on 'the Arab-Israeli problem represent a pre-ordained triumph of automatic majorities. This was indeed his mood even before addressing us. The·Christian Science. Monitor tells us, in its 9 September issue, that Mr. Eban, before leaving Jerusalem, had this to say: "If the Arab States decide· that the earth is flat and not round" they will immediately have some 50 votes in th~ United Nations to support :mch a decision." But Mr. Eban knows more than anyone else thatit was one of those so-called automatic majorities that gave birth to the State of hrael itself. 205. The issues in the Middle EasL qu~stion are simple: withdrawal of foreign troops of occupation, and restoration ofthe inalienable rights of the people of Palestine. 206. Mr. Eban has taken us on an excursion ofwit, as far as metaphysical wit can fly. He does not answer the basic questions. The questions, as expounded in Ambassador Jarring's aide-memoire of 8 February 1971 [A/8541, annex I] are still open for an answer. Witty equivocation does not help; indeed, it can be an added stimulus to mistrust. 207. Let me close by saying that, to us 111 the third world, the United Nations, despite all its imperfections, will continue to offer the unique possibility for enlightened international action.. Despite disappointments, our hopes for a better world order, though idealistic, shall not dwindle. For, in the words of Chesterton, to say that a man is an idealist is merely to say that he is a man.

The Security Council has unaninlOusly recommended the admission of Oman to membership in the United Nations {A/8449] and in this connexion the General Assembly has before it a draft resolution {A/L.636 and Add.I] .

6 Mr. President, may I congratulate you on behalf of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen on yot\r election as President of this Assembly. We consider this as a tribute to yourself and to the friendly people of Indonesia with whom the people of the People's Democratic Republic ef Yemen have been linked by bonds of friendship and co-operation for many centuries. 221. The delegation of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen explained its position regarding t.lie request for the admission of Oman to the United Nations in the Security Council at its 1587th meeting held on 30 September 1971. 222. Today my delegation wishes to explain the reason for its opposition to the admission of Oman to the United Nations. 223. The false declarations of independence of the Sultanates and Emirates in the Arabian Gulf do not change the state of affairs existing in the area. It is a well-known fact that those who have declared independence do not represent the people and their aspirations, and that they are totally under the domination and influence of the British advisers and the commanders of British military bases still existing in various parts of the Gulf area. According to the BBC, on 8 September 1971, a British company concluded a contract for the construction of a new naval base in Muscat, thereby making Oman a British military and naval base. In * Resumed from the 1934th meeting. 6 Mr. Aulaqi spoke in Arabic. The English version of his statement was supplied by the delegation. 224. The People's Democratic RepUblic of Yemen, which has brotherly relations with the people of the Arabian Gulf and shares a common history and destiny with them, cannot be convinced that this is a real independence. 225. Last year at its 1928th meeting the General Assembly adopted resolution 2702 (XXV), which emphasizes that Oman is still a colony. Paragraph 6 of the resolution requests the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the hnplementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples to follow closely the developments regarding the colonial situation in the Territory and to report thereon to the General Assembly at its twenty-sixth session. 226. May I inquire about this report? WJ.s it to be submitted by the Special Committee? How is it that Oman became an independent country so suddenly? To exchange Said bin Taimur for his son does not necessarily transform Oman from a colony to an independent country; and a declaration of independence by an Omani Sultan does not change the fact that Oman is a colony. Since the 1950s the United Kingdom has claimed that Oman is an independent State, but the United Nations has never accepted that claim. It has c_ontinued to consider Oman a British colony. What changes have now occurred to make Oman eligible to join this international Organization? 227. The United Nations is, under the circumstances, faced with two choices-either to stand by its principles and resolutions and recognize the Omani people and their revolution, or to stand against its values and objectives and consider an application for membership by Qabus, who is under British protection, ignoring the fact that he is not an independent Sultan and does not rule an independent nation. In the latter event the United Nations will be recognizing the membership of Qabus and the British air and naval bases. 228. The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen regrets the recommendation of the Security Council to the General Assembly and feels the disappointment of the peoples of the area with regard to admitting Oman into this international Organization. We therefore urge the General·· Assembly to abide by the resolutions adopted in past years. 229. My delegation requests a recorded vote regarding this issue. .

We shall now vote on draft resolution A/L.636 and Add.!. Against: People's Democratic Republic of Yemen. Abstaining: Cuba, Saudi Arabia.

I declare Oman admitted to membership in the United Nations.

On behalf of the General Assembly I take pleasure in welcomi.."lg Oman to membership in the United Nations. I wish to extend to its Government and people my sincere congratulations on this great occasion and my personal wishes for their happiness and prosperity.

Only a few days ago my Minister for Fo:eign Affairs welcomed from this rostrum the admission of Bahrain, Qatar and Bhutan to the United Nations {1934th meeting]. ItJ indeed a great occasion to welcome today in the name ofthe Emir, the Government and people of Kuwait, the sister State of Oman on the occasion of its admission to the United Nations. 234. Oman and Kuwait have a common history, tradition and culture. Side by side the Kuwaitis and the Omanis sailed through the turbulent waters of the Indian Ocean to the eastern coast of Africa and to the shores of Ceylon and India. They also dived together, searching for pearls in the deep waters of the sea. 235. The peoples of Oman and Kuwait share a common ~utlook, a homogenoUll way of life and entertain the same * The delegation of China subsequently informed the Secretariat that it wished to have its vQte recorded as having been in favour of the draft resolution. 236. Kuwait, which has the closest ties with Oman, would like to proclaim on this happy occasion its fmn determination to co-operate fully with the delegation of Oman in a manner worthy of our glorious history and the lofty ideals to which we are dedicated. We shall not falter in our common endeavour to make the United Nations the main mstrument of peace, prosperity and justice. 237. Today is a day of rejoicing in Kuwait. I should like to express from this rostrum my heartfelt congratulations to His Highness the Sultan of Oman, his Government and people, and to wish them eternal success and prosperity. Indeed, those who had the exuberance of the past will unquestionably have the brightness of the future. The Omanis, luckily, have both.

On behalf of the group of African States, over which I have the honour to preside in the current month, it gives me great pleasure to welcome the new State of Oman to membership iL the United Nations, and to extend our most sincere congratulations to the people of Oman on this occasion. 239. The admission of this new friendly Arab State is an important development in the long struggle of the colonial people for self-government and independence. As the 131st Member of the United Nations, Oman is an invaluable addition both to the family of nations and more particularly to the Afro-Asian family in this Organization, and we are confident that Oman will join hands with all of us in support of the great ideals and purposes for which this Organization stands. Important among these are the freedom and equality of all men, and hence we remain convinced that Oman will not hesitate to join the struggle in support of the full and complete liberation of all those still languishing under colonial subjugation. 240. I do not wish in this short address to dwell at length on the rich history of Oman. But I do wish to emphasize the long ties of friendship and co-operation that have always prevailed between the people of Oman and those of our continent, and more particularly the eastern part of Africa. We look forward to an era of greater co-operation and amity both in bilateral ties as well as in international forums such as this one. Like the admission of Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar a few days ago, the membership of Oman in the community of nations today is ll. source of great satisfaction to the African delegations, and we wish our friends and brothers of Oman all success as they pursue their new internationl'l responsibilities. 241. The admission of a new Member to our Organization is always a solemn and happy occasion. But it is also an ideal opportunity for somber reflection-reflection on wnat

I am particularly happy to have the signal honour, as chairman of the group of Asian States for the month of October and on behalf of the delegation of the Khmer Republic, to bid a cordial welcome to the State of Oman to our c.ommunity. 243. The admission of a new Member is always a happy and memorable event. It is eloquent testimony to the fact that the principle of self-determination a..,d accession to independence are not mere words; it strengthens our confidence in the principles of the Charter of our great Organization, which in this way is proceeding towards universality. 244. We hope that the State of Oman will take an important place in the United Nations and will join its efforts with those that are working for peace, justice and progress.

On behalf of the delegations of the Byelorussian SSR, the People's Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People's Republic, the Mongolian People's Republic, the Polish People's Republic, the Socialist Republic of Romania, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Ukrainian SSR, and my own country, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate the people of Oman on the admission ef their country to United Nations membership. The membership of Oman in the United Nations, after the League of Arab States had decided to accept it as afull-fledged member of the League, is the manifestation of a further step on the part of the. peoples of the Arab peninsula towards selfdetermination. 246. The socialist States, on whose behalf I have the honour to speak, are proud of the fact that they have systematically supported the struggle of the people of Oman for its liberation from colonial domination. We therefore earnestly hope that, as a member of the League of Arab States and a Member .of the United Nations, this brave people wiU use its membership for the elimination of th(~ grievous consequences of its colonial past and for the all-round consolidation "nd further strengthening of the independence of Oma" in the interests of peace and progress in the Arabian peninsula. 248. In the midst of the arduous and serious problems we are facing in the world today, it is a pleasant duty to welcome those who, upon their entrance into this Organization in faithful adherence to the principles of its constituted Charter, are reaffirmitng their faith in the fundamental t..gh.ts of men, the dignity and value of the human person, the equality of rights of men and women and of small and large nations, and conunit themselves to practise tolerance and to live in peace as good neighbours at the same time as they commit themselves to unite their efforts to achieve lasting security among nations and to promote social progress and to raise living standards within a wider concept of freedom. 249. Oman is coming to this world parliament at a time when we are reaffirming a need for dialogue to solve conflicts. It is only suitable that we should hear new voices to open new roads to us in the search for peaceful solutions of problems which for some time have been debated here and which we still hope can be solved peacefully. 250. On behalf of the Latin American group of States, which have always advocated the free determination of peoples, the elimination of all forms of discrimination, the liqUidation of all forms of colonialism, the rule of law and the achievement of justice, I extend the most cordial welcome to Oman and send an affectionate greeting of peace and prosperity to its noble people and its Government. 251. Mr. SCO'IT (New Zealand): It is New Zealand's privilege, on behalf of the Western European and other States, to congratulate Oman on its admission to United Nations membership and to extend to our newest Member a warm welcome. 252. With Oman's presence among us we have taken a further step towards fulfilment' of the ideal of universality of United Nations membership. It is also the third occasion at this session that we have had the pleasure of admitting to membership a State from the Arabian peninsula. 253. Oman, a nation with rich traditions of civilization and culture, now stands at the threshold of a new and exciting era. On his accession in July 1970, the Sultan of Oman, His Highness Qabus bin Said, declared his intention to establish a modem Government and to end Oman's isolation. In accordance with these goals, the Sultanate is now pursuing with vigour new programmes of economic and social progress. The aim is to use Onllm's resources to secure an improved and prosperous future for its people. 254. It is Oman's decision to take its place in the United Nations which illustrates most graphically its,wish to end its isolation and to seek the friendly co-operation of all nations. We welcome this decision, we know we shall benefit from Oman's presence here, and we 100~ fo~ard 256. In the past the question of Oman came to this Organization as a colonial issue. Oman was then the subject of repeated debates that were not too easy and at moments seemed to yield little hope for immediate success. Today we debate Oman not as a problem but as a State independent and welcome to the family of free, independent nations. We have just adopted the report of our Fourth Committee {A/8456], which yesterday decided to conclude its consideration of the item called "The question .of Oman" and to take note with pleasure and satisfaction of the fact that the goals defmed by the Charter have been fulfilled in this case. 257. Tomorrow is when the Omani people will have to redouble their efforts to make their independence real, meaningful and fruitful. Tomorrow is when the Omani people will have to build their nation on the basis of unity and harmony. Tomorrow is when the Omani people will have to assume their duties towards their immediate area, the greater family of the Arab world and all the world as represented in this United Nations. 258. For their past struggle the people of Oman have our deep appreciation. In their present moment of joy we are happy with them; we welcome their distinguished delegation to this hall. For the future, we pray that their efforts at nation-building will be crowned with success.

The United States is very pleased to join with others in warmly welcoming Oman to the United Nations. Our relations with Oman date back to the early decades of our country, for it was in 1833 that the first treaty between our two countries was signed. The United States maintained a consulate in Oman for 45 years prior to 1915, and in 1958 a new treaty was signed providing for trade, friendship and the exercise of consular rights. Our relations have been cordial, and, as the actions I noted earlier signify, they have been based on the recognition of Oman's independence, a position we have always maintained in various forums within the United Nations. 260. Our pleasure at Oman's entry into this august body is enhanced by the knowledge that the Omani leadership is devoting its resources to the progress and prosperity of its country. The development of Oman's school, transportation and health facilities has been dramatic and bodes well for the future. 261. And so we wish the people and the leaders and the Omani representatives here at the United Nations every success in their future endeavours. 263. Mr. Tarik ALSAID (Oman): All members of this august Assembly who have made our membership in this Organization possible: I thank you on behalf of His Majesty the Sultan of Oman and on behalf of the people of my country. 264. The Sultanate of Oman, although it today becomes the youngest Member of this international body, has been in existence for 14 centuries and has never during its long history lost its sovereignty or independence. In becoming the one hundred and thirty-first Member of the United Nations, Oman has formally and permanently put an end to decades of enforced isolation and oblivion. 265. I have come here with the hopes of my people in tillS Organization and their belief that only through strict adherence to its noble pr'1I1ciples can peace and friendliness be achieved among the nations of this world. 266. We are a small country, but we shall endeavour to contribute to the best of our abilities towards the realization of the principles and ideals of the United Nations. The unique importance of the United Nations makes it imperative that every nation should have the right to join it regardless of the nature of its system or its past. There can be no acceptable grounds for excluding any nation for the purpose of imposing the will of another upon it. 267. We have always closely followed the issues brought before tillS Assembly for its consideration and resolution. Often the effectiveness of the United Nations is minimized and its purposes defeated through the rejection by certain Member nations of its findings and their refusal to comply with its decisions. Here lies the greatest danger to this Organization and its very usefulness. We strongly believe that no nation should be allowed to challenge the will of the United Nations and that no nation should possess the right to veto its resolutions. 268. We are an Arab nation, and we stand solidly with our brethren in seeking justice for the Arab causes and especially on the question of Palestine. We sincerely hope that the shameful injustice that has been inflicted on the Arab people of Palestine will not remain a blemish in the annals of the United Nations. 269. In conclusion, let me assure you, Mr. President, of the full and continuous support of the Omani delegation in the execution of your duties.

Before adjourning th.e meeting, I shall call on those representatives who wish to exercise their right of reply. 272. We have great respect for President Diori and appreciate his good offices in this matter. We believe in the principles of the United Nations and of the Organization of African Unity. We strongly believe that the efforts of the African States should be utilized and combined against the most inhuman injustices inflicted upon our brothers in Namibia and other parts of Africa. Our efforts should not be diverted from defending our brothers in Guinea, Senegal and Zambia against Portuguese aggression. We appreciate President Diori's efforts, and we reserve our right to reply at an appropriate time.

'This morning [1956th meeting] the representative of Iraq thought it necessary to repeat in this Assembly the views of his Government on the question of Shatt-al-Arab. At the same time, referring to the Persian Gulf, he chose to distort a well-established geographical name. 274. The question of Shatt-al-Arab has often been discussed in this Assembly at other sessions. That is why we did not want to abuse the patience of the members of the Assembly by repeating the views of my Government in this general debate. However.. the statement of the Permanent Representative of Iraq makes it necessary for me briefly to clarify our position once again. 275. The representative of Iraq said this moming that Iran had declared the 1937 Iraqi-Iranian Boundary Treaty null and void; but he omitted to mention the fact that for 32 years the efforts of my country to persuade Iraq-to honour its obligations flowing from that Treaty have remained unsuccessful. By its refusal to apply substantial parts of the 1937 Treaty, it is in fact Iraq which has invalidated it. 276. With regard to the question of referring the matter to the International Court of Justice, my Government has repeated-particularly in a letter to the President of the Security Council, dated 2 September 19697-that Iran would accept the decisions of the International Court of Justice in accordance with the recognized principles of international law and justice, and not on the basis of the alleged validity of the 1937 Treaty. 277. I must add that we have repeatedly offered to negotiate on the subject of navigation in the Shatt-al-Arab river. Unfortunately, the Government of Iraq has never responded to our offers. 278. May I finally assure the Permanent Representative of Iraq that we have absolutely no territorial ambitions with regard to anyone at all, but thatwe are defending and shall defend firmly our legitimate rights. 279. Mr. EI,-SHIBIB (IraG; I am acutely aware of the latenes's of the hour and that this Assembly has had a long 7 See Ufficial Records of thf. Security Council, Twenty-fourth Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1969, document S{9425. 281. The Treaty included certain provisions for the regulation of navigation in Shatt-al-Arab-which is qUite a different issue from defIning the borders between the two countries. 282. Iran unilaterally abrogated that Treaty on some pretext. If we accept the principle that countries can unilaterally abrogate treaties defIning their bordexs-treaties that have been duly ratified and in full force for a number of years-then not only the Middle East but the whole world will be thrown into the greatest crisis imagh'lable, and it will pose the greatest threat to peace and security. And what resulted from that act on the part of the Government of Iran has been extremely serious. 283. The representative of Iran just referred to a letter which was addressed to the President of the Security Council. May I also refer to the fact that at one time some very serious violations of Iraqi sovereignty took pIac?: there was a massing of military forces which made us request the intervention of the Secretary-General to investigate the situation and determine the truth of the various allegations. We invited him to send a special representative to see who was massing the troops and who was carrying out acts of violation of sovereignty and who was using extreme self-restraint in t.'J.at very serious situation. 284. Iran refused to comply with the request we had made. That is the fIrst point. 285. Secondly, I was delighted to hear the representative of Iran say, before this Assembly, that his country has no territorial ambitions in the Gulf area. That statement, of course, is greatly welcomed by us, and it is heartening that it has been made in such an augUst Assembly and that it will be in the records of the United Nations. As I say, we welcome very much that statement by the representative of Iran. 286. The third and last point which I should like to make is this. This morning [1956th meeting] I explained very briefly, and I hope moderately, the nature of the dispute between Iraq and Iran. We called upon Iran to resort to the International Court of Justice regarding any dispute over a provision of the 1937 Treaty. That call was not ne:w:~ members of the Assembly have been hearing it from Iraq for about three years; and it is the only logical, legal, reasonable course for States to resort to when they have a dispute. But to abolish border treaties unilaterally and throw the whole question of borders between States into critical confusion is a path that certainly will not lead to normal or good-neighbourly relations.