A/31/PV.12 General Assembly

As William Shakespeare said in Act I, scene 2, of Julius Caesar: "Men at some time are masters of their fate: The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, But in ourselves, that we are underlings." In speaking for the first time at the rostrum of this Assembly, you may forgive me, Mr.Presidents if im- mediately overlooking the emotion that binds me and the honour that I feel, and tom between the impertinence of the novice and the naivete of the dreamer, I venture to allocate responsibilities in this immense debate which is agitating a world which is questioning itself. 2. But you will probably permit me before going any further to hall here the brother country of Seychelles which we welcome with considerable pleasure, and to address to Mr. Amerasinghe the warm congratulations of the Togolese delegation upon his brilliant election to the post of President of the thirty-first session of our Assembly. Mr. Amerasinghe's reputation of skilful diplomat because he Vias raised in the house, his great qualities of mind and heart, his competence and perfect knowledge of the .difficult problems. which our modem world is confronted With, are a guarantee for us of the harmonious unfolding of our debates, and of the success of our undertaking. 3. Coming from Sri Lanka, a smiling and hospitable country situated in a continent with age-old virtues of tolerance, wisdom and equanimity, he will beyond any doubt, lead the work of the thirty-first session to a successful conclusion. My delegation is likewise pleased to see Mr. Amerasinghe acceding to the post of President of NEW YOlK our session as he is one of the best sons of a country which has consistently and vigilantly set itself up as the primary defender of the interests of the third world. He may fully count upon the co-operation of my delegation in the fulfilment of the important tasks that have been entrusted to hh.i. 4. The congratulations of the Togolese delegation are likewise addressed to the outgoing President, Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, who with considerable mastery and competence was able to conduct also to a successful conclusion the' work of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. 5. Lastly, it is with pleasure that I fulfil one of the primary duties that I have assigned to myself as new Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Togolese Republic, that of paying a tribute on behalf of the President of the Togolese Republic, General Gnasslngbe Eyadema, of his Government and of his great party of the national union, the Rassemblement du peuple togolais, to our Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for. the remarkable work he has accomplished at the head of our Organization. And we would wish warmly to congratulate him for the persistent action that he has consistently taken and for the brilliant successes that he has achieved in the particularly difficult and delicate circumstances in which he had to carry them out. An indefatigable messenger of peace, a courageous defender of the fundamental principles of our Charter and in particular of the essential principle of the right to self-determination, the Secretary-General has given a posi- tive impetus and a realistic direction to the events of a world in transition. My Government considers that Mr.Kurt Waldheim is greatly deserving in the eyes of the international community as a whole, and more specifically in the eyes of the developing countries for his 'courageous decisionsand his appropriate interventions. 6. Lastly, I would certainly be remiss if I did not hail, on behalf of my Government and the people of Togo, the memory of chairman Mao Tsetung, who had led, by his efforts and dignity, the great and noble people of China towards development and well-being. 7. The numerous and complex problems which trouble our world and which affect the future of each one of our States, bring out once again the common nature of the destiny of our peoples and their inexorable interdepen- dence. Accordingly, it is the duty of all Governments to seek clear solutions to these problems which guarantee the legitimate interest of all concerned, and this is an essential condition for the maintenance of international peace and security. 9. But that suddenly, beyond the gropings and oblique pathways, false processes and uncertain actions, there should appear a strong and clearwill with 3 definite sense of direction and grandeur which triesto achieve a complete and radical mastery of the problems that arise, is by no meansevident, andmankind therefore continues to stumble al,Jng toward an uncertain future. It is for us, however, within the framework of our Organization, whichhas been so badly criticized but which is so necessary, to raise hope and to shatter fear.It is for usto act in orderto preventthe perverse effects which are CO~Qding our dichotomous world, which is bogged down in unprecedented crisis-a political crisis, aneconomic crisis, a moralcrisis and a social crisis, all these calamities having been made possible because the cardinal principles of the United Nations Charter have been lost sight of. And yet hope must be maintained to be able to dominate the apparent anathema that the present society seems to be under, if indeed we wish by our thinking and actions to benefitmankind. 10. It waswrittenthat the world hasbeensuffering froma cancer, and that cancer is man. This is an accurate statement in one sense, but man has this fundamental and comforting ambivalence that he isboth the sickness and the remedy. And it is around hini and by him that our probl~ms will be solved and our anguish dispelled. It is·in this sense that I shall bring before you the views of the Togolese Government on the problems which are con- frontingour sorely tried mankind. 11. Most of the critical situations that the presentworldis facing are at an impasse, and the recent rays of hope that have appeared here and there cannot make usoverlookthe extent of the anguish and the gravity of problems which arise. 'This applies to respect for human rights and de- colonization. 12. In Namibia the illegal occupation by the racist minority regime of South Africa persists in spite of the frequently expressed censure of the international com- munity, just as the perfidious intention to violate the national unity and territorial integrity of this country by Balkanizing it through the establishment of false national homelands continues. We can do no less than condemn fmnly this policy of division and continuous occupation and call for its immediate cessation, with the transfer of powers to the Namibian people under the direction of the South West African People's Organization {SWAPO!, the only authentic representative recognized by our Organiza- tion. The recent change noticed in this part of the world cannot make us overlook the fact that normally, at this. very moment, Namibia should have already gained its independence and allother rights of a sovereign State. 13. Respect for man requires always, here as elsewhere, the primary duty that we insist upon the application of decisions taken earlier by our Organization. 15. At a time when Mr. Vorster has embarked upon diplomatic negotiations on the future of Namibia and Zimbabwe, perhaps he should simply be reminded of the fact that the horror is on his own doorstep and that the liberation movements supported by the courageous people of Aza.'1.ia will vanquish, sooner or later, peacefully or otherwise, forthe honour andthe dignity of the blackman, nay,of man! 16. In Zimbabwe, there is reason for hope. Afteryearsof stubborn struggle the populations and the liberationmove- ments supported by peace-loving States, in particular those on the front line, to which deserved tribute must be paid, have driven the lan Smith regime to its last lineof defence. Today international diplomacy has taken up the question and seems to be trying to resolve a problem which was already half solved. For us there remains vigilance, a vigilance that must be. maintained all the time, so that Africa should not be deprived of its victory,its very own victory. The liberation movements must maintain this unity, indeed their perseverance, so that tomorrow an independent and prosperous Zimbabwe may be built up in peaceandconcord. 17. An objective analysis of the problems whichprevail in these three Territories leads us to affirm that the per- sistence in perversity that one sees there is encouraged by certain States Members of the United Nations which, III they place their selfish and immediate interestsabove their international obligations, are not applying the sanctions enacted by our Organization against the racist regimes of southern Africa. Indeed, as part of strengthened co- operation, these regimes have constantly received from these countries increased aid in the military, economic, commercial, fmancial, cultural and social fields. Ifit were not for this deliberately continued co-operation, the Re- publicof South Africa wouldhave beenunableto be in the flrst rank of the world's economic and military PoweD, thereby becoming a perpetual threat to the front-line countries andto the African continent asa whole. 18. The international community is duty-bound fully to assume its responsibilities in the face of this explosive situation. It has the duty to help to bringbackdetente, and to restore peace and security to thispart of the world.TJlis, in particular, requires the unequivocal condemnation of the racist r6gimes of southern Africa, the effective appli.r.~ation 19. In the case of the Territory of the Afars and the Issas we would lnvite the Administering Power to give uncondi- tional and genuine independence to the people of this country which, like all others, is entitled to liberty, equality and fraternity. 20. The same holds true of the Comoros, where the national unity of this country must be respected by the return of the island of Mayotte to the original fold. 21. It is unfortunate to observe that in Western Sahara no progress has been recorded as far as the application of the principle of self-determination, solemnly adopted at our last session [resolution 3458A (XXX)}, is concerned. Quite the contrary: the situation has become more serious as a result of serious mlsunderstandings, There is no need to say that the international community must thwart this threat to peace and to security in this subregion of the African continent. 22. The same impasse that we referred to earlier charac- terizes in the same way the crises that are taking place in other parts of the world. Here as elsewhere it is as a result of failing to apply the principles of equity, solidarity, and even political courage, however painful it may be, that we now have to go through difficulties and suffering. 23. In the Middle East it has become obvious to the international community that a just and lasting peace is possible only if it is founded upon the withdrawal by Israel from all occupied Arab territories and upon the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and, in particular, its right to self-determination and the establishment of an independent State. As in the past my' country will continue to give its total support to the Palestinian people in its long and heroic struggle. The same support likewise goes to the brother Arab countries which are sparing no effort to recover their occupied territories. We ask the international community once again to per- severe in its efforts so that on the basis of resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of the Security Council, a just and equitable solution to the crisis should be found, as the sine qua non for the re-establishment of genuine peace in this region. 24. There is no need to cover one's face, throwing Noah's cl~ak over a situation which the Lebanese crisis barely covers. Under the ashes, deep below, trouble is brewing in the Middle East. We must have courage in order to tackle it and overcome it, for tomorrow it may be too late. 25. In Lebanon, indeed, a lethal civilwar continues in the country, threatening the total extermination of a people which was formerly happy and prosperous. I should like to express here the great distress which my country feels before this devastating war, in which none of the factions in conflict has anything to gain. 27. Lebanon is suffering martyrdom in silence and vir- tually total helplessness, It is paying the price-and what price it is! -for the inability of the international com- munity to perform radical surgery and to vanquish in- justice. 28. In Cyprus we are witnessing an aggravation of the crisis which this .country has been going through for a . number of years as a result of outright foreign interference. Only the cessation of this unacceptable interference and a heightened awareness by the two Cypriot communities that they belong to the same nation will make it possible to open negotiations .in accordance with resolutions 3219 (XXIX) of the General Assemblyand 365 (1974) and 367 (1975) of the Security Council. 29. Lastly, my delegation cannot pass over in silence the disturbing problem of the divided Korean people and the increase in tension prevailing in this part of the world. In the opinion of my Government the resolution of the Korean tragedy resides in the withdrawal from South Korea of all foreign troops stationed there under the United Nations Command and the substitution for the armistice of a peace treaty between the parties concerned. It is only on this condition and at this price that it will be possible for the Korean people to succeed in achievingpeaceful reunifi- cation in accordance with the North/South joint com- munique of4 July 1972.1 30. Inequity and injustice cannot be used as a foundation for a solid and durable political order. We have constantly stated this and we have been proclaiming it ceaselessly. It will therefore he desirable for these vices to be banished from our Organization itself, namely, the United Nations, where the process of deculonization, which has been started here and there must continue. To decolonize the United Nations is to bring about the suppression and the abolition, pure and simple, of the right of veto. The right of veto, understandable 30 years ago, today is perfectly unjustified and in practice disastrous. The use made of it by nations having it opens the way to all sorts of anomalies, the most evident and most recent of which is the blocking of the admission to the United Nations of the sister Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. 31. The courageous and valiant People's Republic of Angola, victorious and triumphant, and heroic and gallant Viet Nam have deserved better from the international community'than a blunt rejection. Who would deny this. 32. Thus in the field of pure politics we come up against our own contradictions, incapable of mastering the forces which, like Prometheus or the sorcerer's apprentice, we unleash by our actions or, sometimes, by our deliberate refusal to act. And yet in the economic field great hopes have been engendered and great designshave been outlined. 33. Thus, it is always man who is involved, here as. elsewhere-man and his inalienable rights and, above all,his primary freedom, that which frees him from poverty, famine and ignorance. But what has the international community done in this respect? 34. Since the world has become aware of the dichotomy which prevails within it, the great gap which separates the rich Northfrom the poor South andthe dangers whichmay result from such a perilous situation, aggravated by an unprecedented economic crisis, the new international eco- nomic order has become a primary theme for reflection,if not an ardentstimulusto action. 35. Born. of the unprecedented crisis whichhasshakenthe world economy over the past fewyearsand the solutionof which has not yet been found, it is to be feared that the new economic, order might only be an nlusion, an ephem- era, which the restoration of the situation in the rich countriesmightdoom to failure. 36. Indeed, since the poor countries asked and obtained the convening of the sixth special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, which in May of 1974 adopted a historic resolution on the establishment of a new international economic order [resolution 3201(S-YI)J based upon equity, equality, sovereignty, interdependence and co-operation betweenallStatesand since the resolution of the seventh special session [resolution 3362 (S-YII)J which developed the conclusions of the sixth special session and has given a context for the application of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)], since then little progress has been made towards the search for and'promotion of a new, because morejust and fraternal,world. 37. If inflation is beinggradually mastered in particularin the "have" countries, and if expansion is again possible there, the developing countries are stnl subjected to the rigours of an extremelydifficultsituation.Theproblemsof balances of payments are as criticalin this area as before. The deficit in this field and for developing countries in 1975 (more than 540 billion)would, according to certain estimates, rise to about 5112 billion by 1980if the present trends were to continue. 'Ibis is a difficultsituationon the economic plane and on the monetary plane.The reformof the internaUonal monotarysystem is to be revised or simply cut anew. The machinery adopted for the adjustment of the exchanSe rate is iniqUitous and defective. Theexpected .co-operation by the central banks to ensure the stabilityof the system has neveroperatedproperly.Theinterestsof the poor countriesare morethan everneglected. Proof of thisis 38. In the meantime the fifth replenishment of the resources of the International Development Association, which was to reach $9 billion in the next period of three years, is very much behind while the capital of the World Bankisdecreasing. . 39. Therefore, bilateral and multilateral aid is winding down:, whereas the countriesof the world and particularly the richest onesare devoting $300billion on armaments. 40. It is in this conextthat wehaveto consider the fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCI'ADj held in Nairobi in May of this year. On that occasion the developing countries presented a clear and realistic programme which they had agreed togetherat Manila. 41. The Togolese Government is finnly convinced that the integrated programme for commodities as proposed by the Group of 77 at the fourth session of UNCTAD at Nairobi, with as its central machinery the establishment of a common fund for the fmancing of buffer stocks, is the fundamental element of any solution to the problem of commodities. My Government supports without qualifica- tion the establishment of the commonfund and is ready to contribute to it in accordance with the criteriathat will be defmed for this purpose. 42. The proposals decided by the poor countries at Nairobi also converged upon a point which has today become highly disquieting, that of the debt of the nations in the third world. The Togolese Government supports strongly the position of the developing countries regarding the cancellation of the publicdebt by the richcountriesfor .the benefit of the least developed among the poor countries, and hopes that a moratorium will be studied in favour of jhe same countries with respect to the private debt. 43. In fact, at Nairobi the poor countries have clearly shown that they insisted in the nameof their dignity asfree men, that they were more in favour of justice and equity than in favour of charity or assistance, and these are the same goals which guide those among them who in our behalfare participating in the Paris Conference on Interna- tional Economic Co-operation, which is called the North- South dialogue. At a time when everything seems to be bogged down, the North-South dialogue has broughtabout hope. May this hope materialize in a positive fashion, because wherever men of goodwill can help solve the problem of our times, dispel anguish and establish soli- darity, boldness must be displayed in order that our humanity mightbeusefully served. 44. But who willfail to understand the impatience of our countries? We have awaited for a longtime for solutions to 45. It is this faith which has constantly inspired the President of Togo General Gnassingbe Eyadema, the apostle of fraternal co-operation between peoples. It is also this faith which has guided the States of the subregion of western Africa and established the Economic Community of West African States, breaking through the linguistic barriers which were a legacy of colonialiiation. The Economic Community of West African States will tomor- row be the profound foundation of the harmonious development of the countries of this part of the African continent. 46. Men are sometimes masters of their fate. Is this not comfeeting that we are not "determined".or "predestined," that we have indeed the choice, even that to conform to this precept of a political man who thought he knew well and who said that there is no serious problem so serious that an absence of a solution cannot resolve it. But can we do nothing when the freedom of the peoples is at hand, a freedom which can no longer be fed on ephemeral hopes? Are we going to remain inactive when we have to remain faithful to the history of humanity, which is nothing but the continued passage from the state of necessity to the state of freedom and therefore of dignity? 47. We shall succeed, because man is invcezed and because a defeat "caveant consules! ", would be catastrophic. We shall succeed because the stakes are fundamental, difficult but exalting. Is it not true that we are of the divine race and have the power to create? Therefore we can and shall hope.

Mr. President, it givesme great pleasure to express to Mr.Amerasinghe, en behalf of the Government of the State of Kuwait, heartfelt congratulations on his election to his high office. I should like to commend the high status he enjoys in international circles as a diplomat with wide experience and an outstanding reputation. The confidence the General Assembly has reposed in him is not only a recognition of his exceptional qualities but also a token of the international community's appreciation of the role Sri Lanka has played in international affairs. Many of us returned recently from the Colombo Conferences where we were able to admire the indomitable spirit and determina- tion which characterize the efforts of his countrymen to uphold the principles of equality and justice among all nations. I should like also to pay a tribute to his predecessor Mr. Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, for the able manner in which he presided over the deliberations of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. 50. Kuwait highly commends the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his efforts to enhance the effectiveness of the United Nations and to promote international peace and security. The Government of Kuwait welcomes the frequent visits of the Secretary- General to Member States to make direct contacts with their leaders and get some first-hand knowledge of their particular problems. Kuwait believes that the Secretary- General mould take' even greater initiatives to promote greater understanding and amity among nations. The limited powers assigned to him by the Charter have been largely expanded by the enabling resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Councll. The decisive factor, however, has been sincerity, dedication, and his constant efforts to mobilize States behind the principles enshrined in the Charter. 51. My Government would like particularly to commend the efforts of the United Nations to organize intemational assistance to provide relief in cases of natural disasten. Drought, floods and earthquakes have become a matter of frequent and regular occurrence in recent years; it must be a source of consolation to the innocent victims of such disasters to realize that they are not alone in their plight but can depend on the sympathy and material support of public-spirited people everywhere. 52. International relations have been alternating between dialogue and confrontation. A major dialogue has been taking place for years within the United Nations over questions of decolonization and apartheid. Though the process of decolonization has made rapid strides there has been little success in inducing racist countries to abandon their outmoded policies of apartheid which iUC a crime against humanity. The near universality which the United Nations has achieved is in itself a tangible proof that tJ~~ cause of freedom and independence has been largely successful. However, the violent events which agitate South Africa, Namibia, and Rhodesia are further proof that peoples cannot remain patient forever when the interna- tional community fails to take adequate measures to redress their grievances. 53. The recent developments in South Africa attest to the fact that the willof the oppressed people in South Africa to resist the tyranny of apartheid cannot be suppressed. The uprising of the majority of the people of South Africa reveals the bankruptcy of the notion of the supremacy of one race over another. The continuation of the racist policy of South Africa is not only an act that degrades human dignity but constltutes a threat to the stability and security of the African continent in particular and the world in general. Kuwait salutes the people of South Africa for their 54. The lituation in Rhodesia also is very critical and fraught with danger. Thewhiteminority stlll dominates the majority and resorts more often than ever to force to terrorize the indigenous majority. In spite of recent developments in Rhodesia, the final aim should be the aaumption of powerby the African majority. SS. Ku...·ait whole-heartedly supports the people of Zimbabwe in their struggle against discrimination and oppreaion. The only remedy to the explosive situation in the southern part of Africa is the acceptance of majority rule and an the consequences that flow from it; that is an essential prerequisite for the restoration of normal con- ditonl in that Territory. . 56. Thefabric of international security isvery weak. Small countries do not feel they can escape from the evD designs of more powerful countries. There is nothing to curb the temptation of powerful countries to advance national interests through the use of force or to use military power to seCUi~ national object~ves. The irrationality of the situation is revealed by the discrepancy between the action of the General Assembly and the apathy of the Security CouncD. The resolutions of the General Assembly reflect the determination of the peoples of the majority of Member States to eradicate the remnants of colonialism, create a more favourable political climate and establish a sound relationship between the developing and developed countries. The work of the Security Council has on the other han.d been characterized by inaction and omission. Draftresolutions areconstantly revised underpressure from the big Powers so that the fma1 texts are lackui3 an.y authority or effectiveness. Frequentandirresponsible exer- cise of the veto by the big Powers has consistently ~reventedthe security Councll from exercising a healthy influence in times of international crisis. The conduct of the Security CouncD hascreatedgreat anomalies within the United Nations and in the conduct of international rela- tioii~. During the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly in 1974 the contrast between the wishes of the majority within the Assembly and the minority in the CouncD was very vividly shown when, after a proposal to expel South. Africa from the United Nations had been vetoed in the CouncD by some bigPowers, a majority of the members of the A~mbly upheldthe rejection of the South African delegation's credentials and thus forced it to withdraw from thesession. 57. The termination of the Mandate for SouthWest Africa in 1966 was brought about by an Assembly resolution to establish a United Nations administration in Namibia [resolution 2145(XXI)J which could not be implemented without action by the Security CouncD.Examples can be . multiplied to show how the Security Council has not discharged the prh'1lary responsibility assigned to it by the 58. No cause is dearer to the nations of the world than that of complete and general dlsarmament. It is a cause of great regret that disarmament negotiations are still being conducted in the form of a dialogue between the two super-Powers. The negotiations being conducted during the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT! have sofarfailed to produce any real disarmament measures or impose any restrictions on the Soviet-American arms competition of a truly vital nature. Theyhave merely transformed the arms race from one of quantity to one of quality. The major nuclear Powers have the capacity to destroy eachotherand the world. The small countries cannotbe treatedascurious bystanders. They have a vital stake in dlsarmament, which affects the well-being and survival of their peoples. Expen- ditures on armaments arediversions of resources that could better be employed in meeting social needs or coping with inflation. 59. My country has fromthe outset supported the call for convening a World Disarmament Conference as the proper forum in which the views of allnations, bigor small, will be taken into consideration. Thepreliminary workforholding such.a conference has shown that the prospects are not encouraging, at least in the near future. My Government would therefore endorse the proposal to convene a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament asbeing a more practical measure at the moment. 60. We have on many occasions welcomed detente be- tween the two super-Powers, Theleast that detente cando is to preclude political competition among the super-Powers from SpiUil1g over into military conflict. However, detente has beenhampered by the lack of progressive disarmament measures. Arms control can stabilize not only the military balance but also political relations which might otherwise be affected by uncertainties and suspicions concerning the intentions of the other side. Detente,however, as we have stated time and again, should in no waybeusedasa means of consolidating a big Power hegemony in international affairs or dividing the world into spheres of influence. The interests, needs, rights and aspirations of the developing and non-aligned countries are the pillars and mainstay of any international political order, and detente can only be seen asa necessary complement to thisbasic structure. 61. It is true that a halt in the arms race is a necessity in order to reduce the possibility of a military confrontation, but it is equally true that a halt in the arms race cannot be attained whDe uncertainty..colonialism, denial of peoples' right to freedom and foreign occupation prevail. The world of today is replete with suchcases. In the Middle East the situationremains as explosive as ever. Over nine years have elapsed since Israel launched its aggression against Egypt, Syria and Jordan. The people of Palestine in the West Bank and Gaza have beensubjected to the mostabominable form of foreign rule. I should liketo take thisopportunity to pay them a warm tribute for their glorious struggle against Israeli oppression, which captured the attention of the 62. There are two basic conditions for the establishment of peace in the Middle East: the unconditional withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Arabterritories underoccupation and the exercise by the peopleof Palestine of its.inalienable right to self-determination and independence, including the establishment of a homeland in Palestine. Without the fulfdment of these two basic and fundamental principles the Middle East will remain a hotbed of warand bloodshed and all the attendant dangers of a possible nuclear conflagration will continue. Kuwait believes that the intenaational community must face its responsibility by invoking the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter relating to sanctions, the severance of diplomatic relations and collective condemnation of countries that have per- sistently violated the Charter and defiedits principles and norms. 63. Kuwait supports the efforts made for the achievement of a just and equitable solution of the crisis of Cyprus on the basis of equality between the Greek and the Turkish communities and believes that theseefforts should aim at the preservation of the independence and the territorial integrity of Cyprusand the continuation of its non-aligned character. 64. Kuwait believes that the problem of Korea should be. resolved by peaceful means througha constructive dialogue between the parties concerned. Foreign troops should withdraw from the Korean peninsula and foreign Powers should desist from'meddling in the domestic affairs of the people of Korea. 6S. Kuwait supports the effortsmade for the implementa- tion of the resolutions of the United Nations which proclaimed the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. It is imperative that the riparian States should refrain from granting military and naval facilities to foreign Powers. The establishment of military bases in some islands of the Indian Ocean is by no meansconducive to the relaxationof tension and the elimination of rivalry between major Powers in the Indian Ocean. Therefore, we are of the view that such bases should be disbanded and that the major 67. The North-South dialogue which has beengoing on in some form or other for the past two decades is a supreme test for the pattern of new relations'to be established between the developed and developing countries. Develop- ing countries will remember till. too vividly their countries' experience of foreign domination and exploitation. The conduct of some developed countries shows that some of them still harbour some nostalgia for the lost days of domination over palm and pine. The disparities in the standards of living, know-how, productive capacity and bargaining power between the two groups have not only been responsible for their political rift; they have consti- tuted some- of the most forceful impediments to an orderly utilization of world resources for the benefit of present as well as future generations. The Declaration on the Estab- lishment of a New International Economic Order{resolu- tion 3201 (S-VI)I and the Programme of Action designed to implement the Declaration {resolution 3202(S-VI)j are the outcome of a dialogue that continuedover two decades and was frequently marked by recrimination, disillusion- ment and a widening gap of hopes and expectations which fmally culminated in the firstcollective attempt to establish a North-South partnership. The major pillars of the new order are sovereignty over natural resources, improved terms of trade for the raw-materials producers and in- creased transfer of resources to the developing countries. Once the Programme of Action has been agreed upon,why should it be difficult to agree on measures for its implementation? There are no defects either in the new order or the Programme of Action. It is the political will among the developed countries that is so desperately lacking. The Secretary-General summed up the situation very neatly in the introductionto his report on the workof the Organization in this manner: "Much of the necessary apparatus already existsboth within and outside the United Nations system. But the mere apparatus is not enough to move things forward. The sails mustbe filled with the windof political will and the desire of constructive change." {A/31/l'jAdd.1, sect. XlV.I W~ have yet to make a reality of our determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to unite our strength to maintain international peace andsecurity, to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person, to' establish conditions under which justice and respect for obligations of treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained and to promote Social progress and better conditions oflifeinlarger freedom. 69. Prince Saud AL-FAISAL (Saudi Arabia) (interpreta- tion from Arabic): In the name of God the merciful and compassionate. 70. Mr•. President, allow me from the outset of my statement to extend to you, in the name of the delegation of Saudi Arabia, our sincere congratulations on the oc- casion of your election as President of the General Assembly during its thlrty-first session. There is no doubt that your election, Mr. President, is indeed anexpression of esteem of your person and your attributes of experience, abllity andwisdom in both the political andadministrative fields. At the same time,your election signifies appreciation of your great country, Sri Lanka, which has always supported the ideals of the United Nations, and was the host Statelast August to the f'ifth Conference of Heads of Stateor Government of Non-Aligned Countries. This iswhy we are optimistic that the session of the General Assembly of the United Nations Will conclude its workwithSUCceS3. I should also like to thank your predecessor, the Prime" Minister of Luxembourg, for having successfully presided overthe thirtiethsession of the General Assembly. 71. I am also pleased, Mr. President, to welcome, in the name of my country, the newest Member State, namely, the RepUblic of Seychelles, to our Organization. 72. The chairmen of the delegations that preceded me have takenstockof the achievements of the United Nations during the course oflast yearandI see,in consequence, no " reason to reiterate whathasbeenstatedin that regard. 73. The United Nations has reached its thirty-first year; and since its inception and until today, some important achievements have been realized in both the economic and social fields. Moreover, some success has been attained by 74. Were weto appraise the past andpresent of the United Nations, we would fmd that what I have related as achievements do not fulfil our aspirations either in the economic or the political fields, Butthis should n.ot leadus to slip into the wildemess of despair, andconsequently, be unable to eradicate poverty, sickness andhunger in 2.world whose masses look up to us to act and to build, and to spread benefits. 75. A review of our modest achievements last year in the economic field, and in the light of the problems placed on our agenda this session, is a cause for disappointment and does not call for optimism in the search for a new and balanced international economic order that may bring equity to all people and help them to enjoyprosperity and stability. Nodoubt the hopes of the developing countries in this respect depend first and foremost on co-operation between themselves and their sincere desire to improve their conditions and,secondly, on the co-operation of the industrial countries that have the material, technical and scientific means to contribute generously to vital plans in orderto builda betterworld. 76. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, itself a. developing country, bases its economy on Islamic concepts which respect individual ownership and economic freedom within the framework of social patronage and equal opportunity. These Islamic principles are reflected clearly in Saudi Arabia's economic policies in the international field; thusit supports the free enterprise system andrefuses exploitation and compulsion in all their forms, and istherefore working diligently fora new international economic order which may bringabout more equity and respect for the rights of both the developing and developed countries respectively, within a framework of understanding andcooperatlon, 77. It was on these concepts that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, together with its oil-exporting sister States,under- took to struggle against the intentional depression of oll prices. At the same time and in solidarity with the developing countries, Saudi Arabia supported the principle of understanding and negotiation to solve problems andto search for a just equilibrium on which to base the prices of raw materials andindustrial goods, aswell asthe costof the transfer of technology, in a spirit of constructive negotia- tions that were manifest during the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly in 1974and 1975. It also endeavoured to make sure that a spirit of co- operation existed during the Paris Conference on Interna- tional Economic Co-operation between developing and developed countries and at the fourth session ofUNCTAD heldrecently in Nairobi. 78. The eagerness of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to co-operate in international economic relations motivates·it to support economic development in developing countries as part of its Islamic beliefs,for suchdevelopment will pave the way for establishing a dynamic and balanced relation- ship between economic development and political stability 79. The mutual dynamic relationship between economic '. development and political stability make it imperative that we work in co-operation, so as to providepolitical security for developing countries, which is an essential factor for their economicdevelopment. 80. This factor seems unattainable at present in view of the international struggle, although we were full of hope in regard to the declared policy of detente between the super-Powers. 81. This world of ours, which faces the challenges of backwardness, development and the desire to eradicate the roots of poverty, must enjoy the kind of detente whose effects may be felt by smallStates in order to protect their political stability and independence, thus indirectly, but more effectively,contributing to economic developmenton a global level. 82. In this context, the third-world countries welcomed detente between the super-Powers not only as a means of lessening political tension between those Powersbut also as a means for finding appropriate grounds for fruitful co-operationbetween all countries, big and smallalike. 83. We regret that we were not able to take the oppor- tunity that presented itself for wider co-operation among States in the utilization of the resourcesof the sea-bed, and that the last session of the Tliird United Nations Con- ference on the Lawof the Sea, which washeld in NewYork a few weeks ago, did not reach, in this' connexion, any international agreement. Hence, we hope that the sixth session, which will convene next spring, will achieve effective and acceptable results. 84. The Seventh Islamic Conferenceof ForeignMinisters3 discussed the question of apartheid and racial discrimina- tion in southern Africa and the continued abhorrent practice of racism in the Republic of South Africa, Rhodesia,Namibiaand Zimbabwe. 85. In conformity with the tenets of Islam and its lofty ideals, which do not discriminate among human beings on the basis of colour or any other basis and recognize the equality and the dignity and freedom of the human person, it was only natural that the Islamic Conference should adopt a resolution condemningapartheid, racialdiscrimina- tion and similar ideologies and practices {see A/31/237, annex I, resolution 3/7-PJ. 86. My country welcomes the resolutions adopted by the United Nations against those racist regimes that have no regard for human morality and urges Member States to work for the implementation of these resolutions, which will indeed be a victory for mankind and his dignity, and for freedom in those parts of the world as well as everywhere. \... ' 88. It is natural that Islamic communities everywhere strive for and believein equality and love between man and his fellow man, refusing the principles that call for discrimination in all its forms. That is why these com- munities look forward to obtaining their full rights under conditions of equality, justice, equal opportunity and human values that may allow them to raise their standards of living, to improve their conditions and to adhere to their pnnclples so as to Cf"Joy true human brotherhood. 89. The United Nations was founded to guarantee the safety ofmankind from the scourge of war, and to maintain international peace and security. 90. Since 1947, Israel has striven to destroy this basic principle of the United Nations in t,he regionof the Middle East, which has not known peace. or security. Israel was founded in the region of the Middle East through aggression against Palestine and the Palestinian people in the absence of any reaction on the part of world opinion. For 28 years our Organization has been trying to fmd a solution for the Palestinian problem but to no avail, the reason being that our discussion of the problem has concentrated solely on fmding a solution to the Palest~n_problem asthe problem of refugeesrather than one of a people and a country. 91. When things became clear, we realized that the shortest way to correct matters is the .road that brings justice and restores the rights of the indigenous people of Palestine. 92. The question is not that of Palestinian refugees; it is rather of the Palestinian people with a land, with property, with rights equal to those ofother peoples. 93. Our comprehensionof this fact had a positiveeffect in putting matters on the right track; and consequently the General Assembly in November 1974 adopted resolutions recognized by the international community represented in this august Assembly. . 94. These resolutions recognized the Palestinian people and their inalienable rights to their homeland, their property and their self-determination and have given the right to their legal representatives to represent the Pal- estinian people in the United Nations and other interna- tional organizations. 95. If we intend to have peace on a permanent basis,such peace must emanate from the region; it could not be permanent if it is not basedon justice which recognizes the rights of the Palestinianpeople. . 96. Any peace based on force and aggression and on fait accompli is an imaginary peace that is bound to totter and disappear. 97. The intranrdgence of Israel, and its ceaseless efforts to obstruct all peace initiatives in order to gain time for 98. What is patently clear is that all the presentproblems and the crisis besetting the Middle East are in the final analysis a side-effect of the Palestine question. And, here, may I cite the sad events in Lebanon which are a direct resultof this question. 99. Furthermore, the wars and political and military conflicts witnessed by the region durmg the last 28 years and the occupation by Israel of Arabterritoriesin the West Bank, Gaza, sinai, Golan and other areas, isonly the effect of not fmding a solution to the, original question and puttingan end to the Israeli aggression in the region. 100. The continued Israeli occupationof these territories is an example-if indeed an example is sought-of its expansionist intentions, and its challenge to Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, as well as its total disregard for world public.opinion and international law. 101. Israeli withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories is the sine qua non, because occupation runs contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nationsand isthe antithesis of peace and security in the region and in the world. 102. Israeli withdrawal is imperative as a first step on the road to solving the original question on whose resolution depends the future of peace in the region. 103. WPen SaudiArabie, togetherwith the majorityof the international community, cans for withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories, it puts in the forefront the Holy City of Jerusalem and other Islamic Holy Places in Palestine. 104. It is evident that the attainment of peace in the Middle East region makes it imperative to find a solutionto the main question, namely the Palestine question. by recognizing the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people to self-detesmination in their own homeland ann on their own roil.'flU! requires more serious and urgentefforts so as to avoid the dangers inherent in procrastination. 10S. Perhaps i do not need to stress the fact that any solution to a given problem will not be successful without the participation of the main party to the conflict. It is, therefore, of the utmost Importance that the Palestine Liberation Organization, as the sole representative of the Palestinian people, should be a party to ~~y negotiations or dia.Jgue that may be required to reach an equitable solution which may bring permanent peace to the area. It becomes of no consequence whetherthe solutionis reached in Geneva or elsewhere. The placeisof no importance. The. important thing is the time factor, on whose utilization depends the future of peace and tranquillity in the region and in the world. 106. It is, therefore, important that the international community should control the Israeli entity, whose posi- 108. And how grat.ifying it wouldbe for eachone of us to look forward to a world in which freedom reigns, crowned by dignity, supported in a realmofjusticeand brotherhood full of love and goodwill. 109. We pray God Almighty to guide us allto the path of righteousness.

Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation, I would like to seize this opportunity to congratulate you on your electionto the highofficeof the presidency of the thirty-first regular session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your dynamism and your dedication to the promotion of intematlonal under- standing, as evidenced in your brilliant performance as President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, reassures us that our deliberations during thissession will be both meaningful and successful. 111. We also wish to commend your distinguished prede- cessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of Lux- embourg, for the statesmanlike manner in which he conducted the proceedings of the thirtieth regular session of the General Assembly. 112. In the view of my delegation, this Organization owes a u"bt of deep gratitude and appreciation to the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his continuing commit- ment to the work of the United Nations and his persever- ance in the greatand difficultsearch for international peace and security. 113. It gives me great pleasure to welcome most warmly our newestMembers the sisterState of Seychelles asit takes its rightful place among the community of nations. We congratulate its Government and people on their achieve- ment of independence and look forward to its full and fruitful participation in the common endeavour to create a better future for all mankind. It is our sincere hope that in the case of the People's Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Security Council will squarely face its responsibilities and make appropriate recommendations to this Assembly which would enable those countries to take their rightful placesamong us in the not-too-distant future. 114. A short while ago, the relentless hand of fate snatchedfrom the international communityone of its most dynamic and distinguished leaders. I refer to the late Mao Tsetung, Chairman of the Central Committee of the People's Republic of China. By his death, the People's Republic of China has been deprived of its founder and revered deader, and the rest of the world has lost the supreme proletarian of our time, whose primary concern was always for the freedom and dignity of oppressed peoples everywhere. We extend ourheartfelt condolences to liS. Ten years ago, one of the greatest threats to world peace and security was tension between the super-Powers, which resulted in a senseless arms race and the grim possibility of nuclear holocaust. While thisissue dominated the debates of the United Nations, other issues were relegated to the recesses of the deliberations of the world body, which thereby shelved the searchfor solutions to the . economic, social and political problems of two thirds of mankind. Today these tensions have abated and the cold war has been replaced by the more humane- and con- ciliatory concept of detente. With these developments, the focus of concern has visibly shifted to the relationship between the minority affluent North and thevastmajority of the poverty-stricken South. These relationships go wen beyond concern with simple economics and politics. They touch the vast majority of mankindstruggling for freedom and survival, a struggle which has certainly beenplagued by "frustrations" as the Secretary-General aptly mentioned in his report on the work. of the Organization [A/31/1/ Add.l/. 116. We are happy to note, however, that since the last session of the General Assembly the international scene has undergone some salutary changes, which are no doubt due to the efforts of the muchmisrepresented thirdworld.This is clearly evident in the strides made in decolonization and in the increasing momentum .being gained by our own initiatives to establish a new international economic order. At the same time, there has been a stubbornresistance to progress on the part of some forces inimical to our interests. This is manifested in the most bizarre and barbarous forms of oppression in southernAfrica aswellas in the insensitivity of developed countries to the needs of the third world. 117. We remain concerned over the lingering colonial problems complicated by racism in southern Africa. Our scepticism could easily be excusedon the basis of recent experience. We vividly recall that a little over a year ago, Vorster's Government promised the world that in lessthan six months there would be the most dramatic changes in Namibia. 118. A year has passed, and today whatwearewitnessing isintense repression and a desperate search forpuppetswho would willingly sell their birthright and put themselves at the service of international imperialism and South African tIPll!theid. In the meantime the legitimate .demands of the recognized representatives of Namibia, SWAPO, remain unheeded by the Vorsterregime. . 119. Perhaps .South Mrica has reasons for being so stubbornand impervious to reason. Factshave revealed that South Africa has decided to delay its withdrawal from Namibia as long as possible, in order to continue the 120. My Government continues to recognize SWAPO as the' only legitimate representative of the people'of Namibia devoted to the cause of self-determination and indepen- dence for that Territory. The recent stipulation of 1978as the independence date for the Territory is totally unac- ceptable, because it merely seeks to provide time for South Mrica to consolidate its stranglehold on the Territory and intensify its aggression against SWAPO. 121. In South Africa itself, the rising wave of brutality and inhumanity makes gruesome reading. We recall with abhorrence the recent incidents at Soweto and surrounding areas, characterized by the murder of school children, whose rude awakening to their inhuman conditionsunder apartheid was their only crime. Natqrally, the victims of these atrocities have embarked on violent demonstrations which will continueuntil they aretreatedwithequalityand human dignity. In these circumstances, the situation in South Africa has clearly become a threat to intemational peace and security, which can be defused only by the abandonment of apartheid. It is our duty in this Assembly to strongly condemn the policy' with all its horrible manifestations, and to appeal to each and every Member State to use every possible means to end this inhuman policy. 122. The illegal Smith regime in Zimbabwe, a subject of numerous debates in this Assembly, has suddenly realized that it has been the victim of self-deception. Events have broughthome to them the bitter truth that time is not on their side. The freedom of the blackmajority in Zimbabwe canno longer be negotiated. 123. We are not unaware of the last-minute efforts that are being made from various quarters to avpid further bloodshed. We wish to emphasize, however, that similar initiatives have been taken before by African leaders without success, because of the intransigence and insin- cerity of Smith and Vorster. Indeed,it,is not inopportune to recall the Lusaka Manifesto on SouthernAfrica4 andthe Victoria Falls meeting sponsored by the great African leader, Mr. Kenneth Kaunda. 124. Given the circumstances surrounding the recent attempt at settlement of the problem of Zimbabwe and Namibia, we would like to express our sincere hope that no secretconcessions have been made ':"r which the people of Zimbabwe and Namibia might have to pay dearly in the longrun. 125. Having thus stated our reservations, wewouldliketo express our appreciation to the United States Government 126. Meanwhile, as the liberation struggle continues, we must commend the courage of the Governments of Zambia and Mo~ambique, which, in solidarity with the liberation movements in Namibia and Zimbabwe, have closed their frontiers to all traffic with Rhodesia. Theprice which they ar~ paying is enormous. In making these sacrifices, and in coping with the consequent problems of their altruistic decisions, the support which these frontier States deserve from us must be given unreserveOly. To this end, my Government urges all Members of this Organization, singly and collectively, to give every possible assistance to the front-line States that are suffering economic hardshops as a resultofsanctions imposed on their racistneighbours. 127. The Middle East continues to presenta problem of grave dimensions. Israel continues to occupy Arab lands and, contemptuous of publicoutcry, isgoing ahead with its plans to build Jewish settlements on those lands. The continuing presence of Israel in the Arab territories it acquired by force, and its violation of the sacred rights of the Palestinian people must clearly be regarded as a grave threat to peace and securityin that region. We advocate full compliance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), as we feel sure that a lasting solution can only be found through compliance with the provtsions of these resolutions. . 128. My delegation is also concerned about the growing relations between Israel and South Africa, which suggests the insensitivity of Israel to the sufferings of people under the oppressive yoke of apartheid. We hope that this is not the case. 129. While the war in Lebanon may have temporarily diverted attention from the real issue of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the situation in itself, in our view, is fraughtwith danger. The war is a tragic and pathetic ramification and side-effect of the Middle East question. Unless the parties concernedrealize the urgency of a negotiated settlement,we are afraid there will be more Lebanons as a prelude to.a general conflagration in which there will beno winners but only losers. We commend the Secretary-General's enormous efforts in trying to minimize the devastating effectsof the civil war in Lebanon. My country is deeply committed to the difficultsearch for peace and securityin every cornerof the globe. 130. My delegation shares the concern of thisworldbody for the return of peace to the Koreanpeninsula. Consistent with our policies of non-alignment and peaceful co- existence, we are prepared to support any practical pro- posals aimed at esiablishing lasting peace in a spirit of mutual co-operation. In particular,the exchanges advocated in the North/Southjoint communique of 4 July 1972 and endorsed by the Uni~ed Nations in 19735 should be 131. On the question of Cyprus, it is a matter of deep regret that one of the States Members of this Organization has, through the years, been experiencing various forms of interference which compromise its territorial integrity and independence. As a result of some of these outside influences, there has been a constant state of virtual belligerency. We therefore appeal to all concerned to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus by the withdrawal of all foreign troops from its territory. We areconfidentthat, left to themselves, the people of Cyprus will be able to reconstruct a prosperous and peaceful future. 132. Since the end of the Second World War, and more especially in view of the destructive potential of nuclear armaments, the problem of disarmament has assumed increasing urgency for mankind. For us in the third world in particular, this problem constitutes one of the central themes in our programme, realizing as we do, that peace and stability are vital to the orderly pursuit of our development programmes. We realize also that no sectionof humanity is immune to the effects of a nuclearholocaust, or even the effects of conventional warfare. Thus,disarma- ment is no longer merely an aspect of detente and big-Power accommodation, but a problem of universal dimensions requiring universal concerted action for its solution, 133. My Government therefore fully supports the pro- posal for the convening of a special session of the United Nations General Assembly to be followed by a World Disarmament Conference, which will work out suitable arrangements to prohibit the use, threat of use, and manufacture of nuclear weapons, the destruction of exist- ing stockpiles and the prohibition of all nuclear-weapons tests in all' environments as well as the destruction of all chemical and bacteriological weapons. 134. Over the years the United Nationshas certainly had some successes. Admittedly, it also has its record of failures, and one wonders to what extent these failures are the direct result of deficiencies inherent in the Charterhas been recognized. My Govemment's postion has been that, in view of the changes which have taken place in the international scene since the inception of the United Nations, the timehas come to bringthe Charterup to date and in linewith new contemporary realities. 135. We note with appreciation the work already donein this regard by the Special Committee on the Charterof the United Nations andon the Strengthening of the Roleof the Organization and the proposals it has put forward' for discussion. In particular, my Government wishes to see the voting system in the Security Council reviewed, with 136. Again we have witnessed United Nations institutions responsible for' development assistance in the developing countries go from one fmancial or liquidity crisis to another. This is particularly the case with that nerve centre of the United Nations development efforts in the third world-the United Nations Development Programme"': which early this year suffered from a severe liquidity crisis that has led to the dislocation of priority development programmes in recipient countries like mine. The reasons for those crises are indeed obvious. Some are political;' others are the result of what one would term "technocratic irrationality'· found in some of the specialized agencies with their all-capable and all-knowledgeable technical pro- grammes, which are, however, applied through the so-called "competent channels"-i.e. interest groups which, left on their own, can do nothing but reproduce the conditions creating the ~ery development problems they are supposed to solve. 137. Another important institutional obstacle in the United Nations system can be traced to the fundamentally officious position assumed by some United Nations bodies which, when in the field, find themselves playing counter- point to national governments, marginalizing civil societies and giving non-governmental organizations an almost ritual treatment. We believe that this is wrong and that any international organization should be committed to strug- gling alongside the people of the developing countries; it should not act as a vehicle for defending .models to be imposed on the nations of the third world. 138. In the circumstances, the need for restructuring the United Nations system, especially its economic and social sectors, is more urgent now than ever. Although we share the views of the Secretary-General that such restructuring is, and I quote, "an infmitely complex subject" [see A/31/1/Add.l, sect. XI, Sierra Leone is indeed proud to have been a part of this effort, for it is our conviction that tile restructuring of the United Nations should begin by some kind of collective self-criticism. Such criticism should be founded on research and study of the variety of concrete experiences arising out of the new international economic order and the concept ofinterdependence. 139. Permit me now to make a few comments on the economic situation in the international community. Al- though a few dramatic events have taken place recently which had a tendency to tilt the balance of international economic relations in favour of the third world, a lot still remains to be done through concerted efforts if the present economic maladjustments that plague our international community are to be rectified. 140. My delegation is concerned over the fact that the recent meeting of the fifth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea did not make any remarkable progress. The developed countries, desirous of maintaining thenrtraditional economic power, are anxious to obtain guarantees of unrestricted access to the mineral wealth of the sea-bed.The developingcountries, on the other hand, apprehensive of economic monopolies and 141. Meanwhile, Member States should exercise restraint and refrain from embarking on unilateral exploitation of the sea-bed before a fmal draft treaty is universally concluded. 142. With the beginning of the North-South dialogue a year or so ago and the establishment of the new interna- tional economic order, it can be reasonably assumed that the era of recriminations and confrontation is passingand being replaced by interdependence and self-reliance. More important still is the widespread acceptance of the Charter of the Economic Rights and Duties of States, in which the economic philosophy of the developing world is so elo- quently articulated. 143. As a small country, Sierra Leone has contributed and continues to contribute to the translation of the new international economic order into reality by strengthening regional, subregional and interregional co-operation with countries whose present socio-economic structures are similar to its own. We are convinced that these efforts would, in the final analysis, make the' new order a turntng-point in the history of international relations and transform the entire economic structure of the world. For us, the new economic order holds the prospect of major progress towards the realization of the economic and social aspirations of the vast dispossessed majority of mankind. Until recently, these millions could not hope for anything but the perpetuation of the traditional relations of de- pendency which locked them firmly in the selfish strangle- hold of the industrial nations and their transnational corporations. 144. Based on these convictions, the developing coun- tries have deployed considerable efforts to translate the concepts and principles of the new economic order into reality: from the Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 in Manila culminating in the declaration of Manila,6 the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries in Colombo, the fourth session of UNGTAD in Nairobi to the Group of 77's recent Con- ference on Economic Co-operation Among Developing Countries in Mexico City. The philosophy behind these efforts is clear and simple: it is that any meaningful advancement by the developing countries must start with the removalof the root-causesof under-development. 145. No one can ignore the overwhelming debt-servicing and balance-of-payments pressures that have crippled some of our economies over the last few years. In 1972 the debt of non-oil-producing countries was only $15 billion. In 1976 it has soared to $120 billion. 146. The real rate of growth of the poorest countries, which before the oil crisis was 2 per cent, is now minus 0.8 6 SeeProceedings ofthe United Nations Conference on 7l'ade and Development, Fourth Session, vol. I, ReportandAnnexes(United Nationspublication, Sales No.E.76.iI.D.IO), annex V• 147. We are told, of course, that if the international monetary system can be reformed L1\ the right direction, many of these problems wnt automatically disappear and the First and Second UnitedNationsDevelopment Decades will suddenlybecome meaningful and productive. 148. We see our salvation, however, as the result of a many-sided effort involving iIidividual endeavour, regional co-operation and global collaboration. We have pursuedour individual and regional efforts .with some consistency and reasonable success. In the latter area in particular, the growing contribution of the Mano River Union to the mutual development of Uberia and Sierra Leone and the emergency of the Economic Community of West African States give ample evidence of this. It is at the global level that results appear most disap}v.linting because of a lackof goodwill on the part of those who are in a position to contribute mostsignificantly. 149. The developed countries emphasize the importance of foreign aid (particularly food), the transfer of tech- nology, international private investment, increased agricul- tural and food production, enhanced trade"opportunities and rapid industrial growth. But they are, with notable exceptions, reluctant to accept the 0.7 per cent aid target sugge5t~d for the Second Development Decade, and- they shy away from the questionof debt moratoriums. All these are traditional prescriptions calculated and insisted upon in order to maintain the old S'Jstem and to frustrate any meaningful change. They voice their opposition to the integrated programme for commodities and the establish- ment of a common fund for buffer stocks,and consider any idea of the indexation of prices as "absolute anathema". Consequently, the interest of the developing countriesand the much-talked-of principle of interdependence arecoldly cast aside. 150. What the developing countries are seeking is the protection of the purchasing power of export earnings, the negotiation of commodity agreements, the formulation of the general principles of a pricing policy for commodity exports, compensatory fmai1!:ing schemes and buffer-stock arrangements-in short, greater stability in commodity pricesand rising incomes. . 151. These demands of the developing countries arejust and reasonable. But this notwithstanding, we fmd varied opposition from the consumer nations. One group of developed nations opposes international commodity agree- ments 1,1 bolster prices as "a matter of principle" and are 152. For the developing countries, there is nothing more frustrating than thesediversionary tactics. 153. I hope it hasbeen amply demonstratedthat one year after the proclamation of the new international economic order, the "aspirations of the peoplesof the third worldare still far from being realized. Instead, conscious efforts are being made by the industrialized world to turn back the hands of time. There is hardly any sign whatever that concrete results are likely to emerge from the new international economic order, and certainly the main proponects of the old order-the developed countries-are doingall in their powerto maintainthat order intact. Ifthe United Nations is to continue to have meaning and relevance, the new international economic order would demand a reversal of this trend. 154. In conclusion, Mc. President, let me recall thatin the interdependent world of today, all our destinies are inextricably intertwined. There is only one humanity and wemust survive or sinktogether.

First of all I should like to offer my congratulations to Mc. Amerasinghe upon his election as President of this ' Assembly. This isa tribute to his greatpersonalqualities, as well as a recognition of his many services to the ideal of international co-operation and of his experience and his talents. 156. It is alsowith pleasure that wegreet the admission to the United Nations of a new Member-the Republic of Seychelles, whichhas just acceded to independence within the framework of the historic process of decolonization. Its admission reinforces the concept of universality of our Organization. We wish to express to the new Member our most heartfelt congratulations and our most sincere wishes for the happiness and prosperityofits people. 157. The introduction to the report of the Secretary- General on the work of the United Nations deserves the special attention of the General Assembly, and isa measure of the lofty and dedicated spirit with which Mr. Waldheim carries out his functions. The comments and observations of the Secretary-General are distinguished by their realism. It is all too true, indeed.that 30 years after the formation of the UnitedNations,we are still in a periodof transition markedby the erosion of the rulesupon whichthe present system is based. We are witnessing a resurgence of anachro- nistic chauvinism and II relapse towardsa stage where might makes right and where there is a lack of respect for the resolutions of the principal bodies of the United Nations and especially ofthe Security Council. 159. In European terms, the Final Act of the Conference- on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, was designed, as is known, to reduce tensions and promote a climate of detente in Europe. Considerable stepshave been made since then towardsthe strengthening of peace and the expansion of economic and cultural exchanges to the benefit of all our peoples in Europe. Next year, at Belgrade, the signatory countries will have occasion to review the progress made since the signing of the Final Act in Helsinki, and to study the measures to be taken for the total application of the principles adopted by the Conference and for the strengthening of co- operationon the multilateral plane. 160. Greece has made its contribution to this effort, particularly since the principles stated in the Final Act are those of the United Nations Charter. We have madeefforts to promote bilaterally and, so far aspossible, multilaterally as well, progress which would be in step with the implementation of the various chapters of the Final Act. Our bilateral relations with our neighbours to the north have seen a new resurgence. Multilaterally,·we have con- vened in January of this year a meeting of government experts on economic and technical co-operation between Balkan countries. We hope that this initiative will have constructive consequences for the greater benefit of the peoples of the region. We remain convinced that, parallel to the effortswhich are designed to promotebilateral relations between Balkan countries, their multilateral co-operation is equally desirable, where favourable and realistic conditions for it exist. 161. Also, by common agreement with countries of the European Community, we have commenced procedures aimed at the adherence of Greece to the European Community. It is quite natural that the Greek people, animated by the European ideal,shouldwish to take part in the construction of the united Europe of the future, a Europe freed of the antagonisms of the past and going towardsits destiny asa factor of peaceand co-operation. 162. As to our relations with the Arab- countries, with whichso many ties bind us, they are becoming closee in all sectors, and this gives me an opportunity to stress once again that the position of Greece on the problem of the Middle East is based on the principles of the Charter and fust and foremost upon the principle of self-determination, as well as upon the resohnions adopted by the Security Council and the Gefi~&d1 Assembly. This policy is not dictated by circumstances; it is based upon immutable principles, the primacy of law overlawlessness, the rightof 164. As to the immediate future, we strongly hope that the tragedy which the friendly Lebanese people is living through will come to an end and that peace will return to this tormented country. 165. In Africawe are following with the greatest interest on the one hand the substantial progress of the countries which, once having acquired independence, are now trying to consolidate it, and on the other hand the evolution of the situation in southern Africa. 166. In this latter region the problems are of such complexity and gravity and give rise to such passions that they deserve a special placein our deliberations. 167. We have always vigorously condemned apartheid and all other forms of racial discrimination and we support all efforts to ensurethat human dignity, equality, security, and 'progress for all might prevail in this region. The blood whichhas flowed theselast months was not only a call for our compassion; the danger of an escalation is too realnot to cause the gravest concern. Thetimehas comefor radical solutions. Namibia should accede to independence and the people of Southern Rhodesia should be given the great benefit of the democratic principle of government by majority. 168. And now I should like to deal with our relations with our neighbour to the east-Turkey. 169. The General Assembly is only too aware of the fact that at the time when Greece, two yearsago,was restoring its democratic institution, Cyprus was invaded by the armed forces of one of the Powers despite the fact that that Power had guaranteed its independence and its territorial integrity. The fact that to this day the situation in the island remains unchanged underlies the crisis that prevails in our region. 170. In turning to bilateral problems I did not intend to go into them in detail, but the statement made the day before yesterday before this Assembly tly my Turkish colleague [8th meetingj obliges me to refer to some ofhis assertions if only to rectify certain errors of interpretation and certain omissions whichhave slipped into his presenta- tion. 171. The Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. <;agIayangil, hasdwelt,in particularconthe remilitariza- tion of the Greekislands of the Aegean and on the question of the continental shelfand emphasized that in both cases it was the attitude of Greece that caused the present tension. As for the islands, he invoked existingtreaties, but what he did not mention was that these treaties do not require Greece to abandon its natural right to the defence 172. Well before the strElngthening of the defence of the island, Turkey had systematically proceeded to the estab- lishment of a landing-force, which is essentially a force of awession, and it has used this force, with the results that we aD know, against Cyprus, thereby posing a constant threat to the security of the Greek islands. 173. My Turkish colleague has made reference to the threat to the security of Turkey by the defensive measures adopted by Greece in the Aegean Sea. He said that the militarization of the islands is "a serious threat to the security of Turkey" [8th meeting, para. 221}. 174. This statement is contradicted by the statement of the Prime Minister of Turkey who, in an interview reported in the newspaper Le Monde of May 1975, affirmed that the Turks do not fear that the Greeks, by strengthening their islands will be able to invade Turkey. Mr. Demirel was right. 175. With regard to the continental shelf the Turkish Minister laid stress on two points: first of an he asserted that the Aegean Sea is a sea where only Turkey and Greece have coastlines, and therefore, he said, this was a "common sea"[ibid.,-para. 223}. 176. This 'theory will surely surprise the members of the international community. The idea of the Aegean Sea as being the common sea of Greece and Turkey runs counter to the principle-one as old as the world and still valid-that no one can dispose of what he does not own. This is a sea which, beyond the territorial waters of the coastal 'coun- tries, is a free sea governed by the international status of the high seas. The Aegean Sea is open to international shipping, and other Powers are interested in having it remain an open sea and would certainly oppose the idea that the Aegean should be a Greekian-Turkish lake. 181. It is not possible to conclude an objective analysis of the role of our Organization without recognizing the very important contribution of the United Nations in the fields of decolonization, the progress of the developing countries, the establishment of a new international economic order, respect for human rights and so on. 177. My distinguished colleague then set himself up as an international legislator to tell us that the legal arguments of Greece concerning the continental shelf are not valid and that the law of the sea had to be tailored to suit Turkey. To hear him speak, what was important was population. Here also we have a new theory which will certainly not be appreciated by States which are less populated than their neighbours. 178. I think that we owe it to ourselves and to this Assembly to remain aware of the seriousness and gravity of the situation when we discuss the problems affecting the destiniesofourpeop~. 179. On one point, however, we agree with Turkey, namely, that on the eve of negotiations which we are trying to conduct we must not embark upon any unilateral actions which would be incompatible with Security Council resolu- tion 395 (1976) and which could undermine mutual con- fldence, Since Greece has not engaged in actions of this kind I hope that Turkey will follow its own advice. 180. I have already mentioned Cyprus. This is a problem which the United Nations has been dealing with at several 182. In the field of human rights we ourselves have taken certain action at the thirtieth session and we shall support any measures which will strengthen the protection of human rights. 183. Among the activities of the United Nations on a world-wide scale, I would wish to refer to the setting up of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which has entered, after its recent work, into a decisive phase. Important difficulties remain, but no one questions the fact that this Conference must ultimately draw up concrete rules for the law of the sea. In order to do this, it is essential that the final text contain specific rules which will not give rise to contradictory interpretations, because the progess of technology, as it opens up great possibilities for the development and economic progress of States, has at the same time created delicate situations which may degenerate into inter-State conflicts without the presence of positive and concrete law. It is equally necessary to indicate the mandatory international authorities who will resolve any disputes in the interests of international 'peace and security, 185. It is also necessary to emphasize the importance of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, known also as the "North-South dialogue" which is attributable to a French initiative, as well as the fourth session of UNCTAD which took place in Nairobi. Lastly, it is significant that the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or . Government of Non-Aligned Countries at Colombo has devoted a great part of its work to the problem of the establishment of the new economic order. 186. This activity reflects more than a growing awareness of the great economic and social problems which have to.be resolved in order to raise the standard of living of the poorer countries and thereby to ensure world-wide political and economic stability. It is evidence of the will of all of us to give these problems concrete, fair and practical responses within the framework of the interdependence of nations. 187. The problems that we shall have to deal with before achieving this objective are great and varied. But we shall know how to resolve them if we are determined to put an end to the wretched poverty which persists in various parts of the world. 188. As far as Greece is concerned, it has always been in favour of the establishment of a more equitable economic order and it will give its support to any initiative aimed at achieving the aspirations of the peoples of developing countries, because it is difficult to claim progress as long as crying inequalities subsist between countries of the world and as long as human beings are deprived of the necessary minimum to an extent which affects human dignity and degrades our civilization.

It gives me particular pleasure to convey to the President, Mr. Amerasinghe, through you, Madam President, the greetings and cordial congratulations of the Government of Ecuador on his well-deserved election as President of the General Assembly at its thirty-fust session. His distinguished career in international affairs, his ex- perience and knowledge are a sure guarantee that the accomplishment of the honourable and delicate task which the Members of the United Nations have decided to trust to him willbring about the desired results. 190'. I wish likewise to pay a tribute to Mr: Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister of Luxembourg, who presided over the thirtieth session of the General Assembly with tact and efficiency which deserve the gratitude of all. 191. I wish to convey also my country's condolences to . the People's Republic of China on the occasion of the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung, an extraordinary leader of peoples who was of great historical significance in our century. 193. We are participating in the world forum with faith in the ideals of the United Nations, the realization of whose principles continues to be the major commitment of our generation in response to the challenge of national and mternational tensions, injustice and4nequalities. Wewish to strengthen this instrument in the sphere of international co-operation in order. to achieve the well-being of all peoples and we deem it essential that the United Nations should take vigorous measures wherever its action may be required to settle situations likely to endanger peace. In the circumstances of interdependence characterizing the world in which we live, the Organization is the instrument which can be used in the broad sphere of irnmediate action with respect to all endeavours aimed at the common goal of promoting. the well-being of the greatest number of people. For that reason we consider that wodd action on the broadest scale to promote international co-operation and peace should be channelled through the United Nations. To relegate the world Organization to a marginal postiion would be to weaken it. 194. At the same time, we are aware that the prospects and purposes of the United Nations of today are different from those of 1945. Today the activities of the United Nations are much broader and more complex with respect to the increasing and almost complete universality of the Organization; the concerns attendant upon the peaceful uses of outer space; the conservation and rational use of the resources of the planet and preservation of the environment as the heritage of mankind; the demographic question and the disturbing equation between population and availability of food, the shortage of which constitutes a potential force of conflict and other problems resulting from the inequality between rich countries and poor countries entailing un- satisfactory trade relations and situations of dependence which must be settled without delay if we all wish to live in a world of peace. . 195. Naturally, any solution must be achieved in a manner consonant with man's status as an intelligent being, by dialogue, understanding and consensus and not by the unacceptable methods of terrorism which we reject as an affront to every country, every ideology and every civilized human group. 196. To maintain international peace and security it is necessary to make a decisive attack on the factors which threaten them. This is the fundamental point. Nevertheless, we attribute very special importance to disarmament and we stress the need for disarmament of the spirit in order to open the way to a genuine will to understanding, as called for by the Charter. Upholding these purposes, Ecuador will always be ready to give its support to any initiative in this 198. My country takes this opportunity to express the hope that the Conference of the Committee on Disarma- ment wiJI continue to give impetus to negotiations with a view to reaching early agreement on effective measures for the prohibition of the development, production and stock- piling of any chemical weapons and the destruction of those already in existence. I address a special appeal to the Soviet Union to adhere to Additional Protocol 11 of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America, because Ecuador is convinced that, for the maximum effectiveness of any treaty establishing a zone free from such means of destruction, the co-operation of the nuclear-weapon Statesis necessary, 199. The United Nations must make itselfheard wherever human rights are violated; wherever acts of genocide or torture are committed or human lives are sacrificed; wherever populations aredisplaced; wherever it is soughtto interpose curtains of silence and oppression. I wish to reiterate that the Government of Ecuador will lend its Sbpport to the exercise of human rights in every country, without any selective criteria. With regard to this matter there can be no preferential policies under which some cases are deliberately ignored and attention is drawn only to violations of humanrightsin others. . 200. Racial discrimination is contrary to the most elemen- tary human feeling and legal concepts and the Ecuadorian Government and people repudiateit. 201. We have been following withconcern the situationin Southern Rhodesia, which has so far made it impossible to satisfy the aspirations of the Zimbabwe people. Ecuador firmly believes that it is necessary to continue working with zeal, decisiveness and imagination to fmd ways and means of enabling the just aspirations of that people to become a reality. We believe that it is important to continue the efforts which appear to be furthering progress at this time, with a view to a negotiated and orderly transition to government by the majority within a short period of time: 202. The questionof Namibia will brookno further delay. The UnitedNationsundertook a fmn commitment to bring that Territoxy and its people to total and complete independence. Therefore Security Council resolution 385 (1976) of 30 January 1976 should be implemented without any reservation by South Africa. Otherwise, the Council should, in accordance with the Charter, adopt the measures which may be appropriate in the circumstances. This is the last opportunity to solve the problem of· Namibia by just and peaceful means; it is a questionwhich cannot satisfactorUy be solved if the interests of the Namibian people continue to be ignored. 203. Ecuador condemns the killings and acts of violence which have occurred in South Africa and rejects the 204. My country is concerned about. the situation in Cyprus and deems it imperative to make progress towards an agreed settlement. It is our hope that the negotiations which both communities are continuing to carry on under the sponsorship of the Secretary-General will be broughtto the successful conclusion which we an desire so that all Cypriots may live together in peace. We areappreciative of the function whichcontinues to be carried out by the peace force sent by the United Nations in maintaining calm and performing humanaarian tasks pending the conclusion of an agreement. 205. With reference to the situation in the Middle East, I feel it essential that all the peoples of the region, with which my countrymaintains sincere relations of friendship, should continue making every effort to reach a peaceful understanding. We must recognize that the situationin that area entails a serious threat to world peace and thllt an over-all solution of the problem,within the framework of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, is required, 206. Ecuador reaffirms its position on this matter: it rejects and condemns territorial conquests achieved by force; it cannot accept the occupation of territories either as a means of exerting pressure on an adversary or for the purpose of demanding negotiations or with the intentionof refusing to return those territories until an agreement has been signed. It recognizes the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to their national self-determination, sovereignty andindependence; but it alsoconsiders that the State of Israel, whichwas created precisely by the United Nations,.has ~e right to its existence. The Ecuadorian Government expresses once again its hope that the parties involved in this conflict can find the way to a just and lasting peace within safe, recognized and guaranteed fron- tiers. 207. The deplorable events in Lebanon have caused consternation in my country, and it is our hope that the violence willcease and harmony and peaceful co-operation among all sectors of that progressive nation will be re-established. 208. Another topic of deep concern is that relating to Korea and we trust that the parties concerned will renew their efforts to promote a rapprochement and frank and cordial negotiations. 209. The world today is fortunately experiencing a phase of relative detente in whichthe greatPowers have begun to make reciprocal concessions nl their desire to ensure world peace. Efforts must thereforebe madeto take advantage of this favourable climate and to seekto eliminate once and for allthe problems affecting international coexistence. 210. In Latin America, problems which compromise IOU- . darity and endanger the peace and development of the region persist-problems deriving from the arrogance of 211. The philosophy followed by the Government of Ecuador in its national and international policy is identified with the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, setting forth the new world consensus and the new task which must be carried out by the United Nations as an organization and by each one of its Members in particular, especially in so far as it is aimed" at guaranteeing present and future generations' economic and socialdevelopment on a basisof peace and justice. 212. Within that universal context, Ecuador is part of the developingworld. It is one of the Latin American'countries which together represent Western civilization within the 'group. 213. It is a sign of the times we live in that Ecuador is also a member of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries IOPEC]. in accordance with the exercise of the right to freedom of association arising from its sovereignty and the defence ofits natural resources. 214. In the regional context, Ecuador is a member of the oldest international system, the inter-American system, and is fully honouring its commitments in that system. In due course, Ecuador, identifying itself with the other countries of Latin America, sponsored the establishment of the Latin American Economic System, and it also hopes that the Latin American Free Trade Association will be strength- ened, together with any other mechanism for regional or subregional integration and development which affects us, such as the Andean Group, which we whole-heartedly support. 215. Wenote with particular interest the progress made by the United Nations system in the economic and social . fields. At the international level, we should 3UPPOrt the promotion of imports and exports on more just terms of trade and transport. To that end, we also believe that the time has come to move towards greater coherence in development plans, for, despite the fact that those plans at preSent constitute a stage ofinternal organization, they still form an anarchic and at times contradictory framework when viewed in an international context. Accordingly, we have supported every undertaking and study designed to generate productive and adequate employment in the rural, urban and semi-urban sectors. We are also concerned at the fact that dunng the first halfof the Second United Nations Development Decade attainments fell very far short of the established targets, as reflected mainly in the fact that little or no progress was made in the spheres of trade and the 216. The most recent sessions of the General Assembly have afforded the developing countries the opportunity to demonstrate their political will and their desire for effective co-operation in bringing about significant progress in measures to promote the balanced development of all countries. Nevertheless, they have encountered intransigent positions which, during the current year, have eroded the progress of negotiations designed to translate into reality the measures identified by the resolutions of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly, and by the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, such asmachinery to accelerate the establishment of the new economic order. 217. Regrettably, it can be seen from the results obtained thus far in the negotiations conducted within the United Nations and in other fora between developed and develop- ing countries that, following the adoption at the seventh special session of the resolution" on development and international economic co-operation Iresolution 3362(S-VII)J. no significant complementary measureshad been decided upon; accordingly, industrialized States should be urged effectively to co-operate jn attaining the objectivesestablished by the United Nations. 218. Ecuador hopes that the important initiatives of the North-South Conference held in Paris? will bear fruit and that an understanding spirit of co-operation on the part of the industrialized countries willprevail to that end. 219. The Government of Ecuador views with particular interest the new commitment on the part of the United Nations to protect the environment and, in particular, trusts that significant progress will be made in the multi- lateral financing of housing and in the improvement of human settlements, for which purpose 'the plan of action adopted at the international Conference at Vancouver! constitutes an important and commendable contribution. 220. We are following with keen interest the work of the Unr";ad Nations on the important question of the analysisof ~~l(.; practices of transnational corporations which have such a severe impact on the weakest countries in particular, and we believe that opportunities for contacts and discussions . on these subjects should be widened to cover all con- structive aspects and bring about the improvements which the world situation demands. To that end, the Commission on Transnational Corporations, the functioning of which 7 Conference on International Economic Co-opperation, 8 See Report of Habitat: United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, Vancouver. 31 May-lJ June 1976 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.IV.7). " 222. In view of the alarming breadth of the gap between the most developed and the least advanced countries, we believe that emphasis should be placed on the transfer of technoloav ;u a process which can lead to a reduction of tensions and shortages. Our universities, institutes and laboratories are prepaied to co-operate in the international effort to augment existing scieritific and technological capaCities, and we hope that progress will be made at both the regional and international levels in the various pre- paratory meetings for the United Nations conference on science and technology for development, to be held in 1979. In particular, we will support concrete measures for the application of science and technology to bring about the establishment of a new international economic order which fully utilizes scientific potential in solving key national, regional and world problems. 223. In this connexion, we view with interest and will support the United Nations conference on technical co- operation among developing countries, to be held within the next few years in Buenos Aires, for we beUeve that the time is ripe in the Latin American region for the sharingof experiences and solutions in fuis interdependent world of ours, in which every country has something to learn and something to teach. 224. All these topics have a bearing on the important proposals made by the developing countries at the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi, the full import ofwhich we hope willbe taken into account. In that connexlon, we wish . to underscore our support for the establishment of a fund for commodities stocks designed to stabilize the export earningsof the developingcountries. 225. Ecuador has been in the forefront of international efforts to defend the sovereignty of S~ates over their territorial sea and their marine resources, the inalienable heritage of our present and future generations. Since it signedthe 1952 Santiago Declaration,•• which transformed tIW.king on the territorial sea, it has followed a long and encouraging course of evolution. For many years, we have . 9 See OIfici41 Rtcord, of th« Economic IInd Soc.1 CouncQ. Forty-ninth ~=on. Suppltmtnt No. 1s ,resolution 1530(XLIX), annex. 10 United Natiol\s·pubiicanon, Sales No.E.7S,II.A.7. 11 Declaration on the .Maritime Zone. See Yttzrbook of tht InttnJlltionQl!4vfComml.mon. 1956. vol.I (United Nations publi- 226. With regard to the exploration and exploitation of the sea-bed and the ocean gloor beyond the limits of national jurisdictlon, Ecuador maintains that the res nullius stage should be superseded by recognition of the principle that the natural resources of the sea-bed are the common heritage of mankind. That principle must be givenpractical effect and i~s dynamic and appropriate juridical develop- ment must be promoted so as to ensure the attainment of the essential objectives of benefiting all peoples in real and equitable terms, especially those of the developing coun- tries. Ecuador maintains the position that the international regime and machinery must have adequate and exclusive powers of supervision with regard to the exploration and exploitation of those resources. 227. My country has been defending its well-known territorialist position without prejudice to efforts aimed at strengthening the rights of the coastal State in the so-called economic zone, so that with this strengthening of rights, the sovereignty of the coastal State, which Ecuador proclaims over the whole area as far as the 200-mile limit, will be guaranteed. 228. Our country, like many other developing countries, is especially concerned to ensure the formulation of a new convention on the law of the sea-which'should have an appropriate structure and should be as comprehensive as possible-as the sole guarantee of the rights of the develop- ing countries over living and non-living marine resources. The new convention must reflect the just position of the developing countries, whose basic concept-that of the sovereignty of the coastal State over all resources in its waters up to a distance of 200 miles-is finding increased acceptance in the international community. The proper protection of those resources must bexaaranteed for the benefit of the developingpeoples. 229. The time has now come to put forward a new claim inherent in the sovereignty of States, with respect to a natural resource that has recently been explored and has enormous potential for use in our planet: the synchronous geostationary orbit. We agree with other countries which, like ours, are directly concerned, as to the pressingneed to . establish a legal order with respect to this matter so as to ensure the use of outer space for peaceful purposes, for which a specific international conference is desirable. This subject especiallyaffects Ecuador and about 10 countries in the equatorial region of the globe. Objects such as radio-communications stations belonging to countries or transnational corporations should not be placed in that orbit without account being taken of the sovereignty of the countries situated thereunder. In addition, that part of the geostationary orbit used over marine spaces not subject to national jurisdiction should be considered a common .heritage of mankind and should be used by the latter in accordance with the principles governing the sea-bed and the ocean floor adopted by the General Assembly in 1970 {resolution 2749 (XXV)I. While the international consider- . ation of this question proceeds, it is necessary to ensure that all available technic~ information concerning instru- 231. The capacity of man's intelligence applied to scien- tific and technological development has made it possible to land and control instruments at a distance of 500 million kilometres from our planet-a great achievement in the history of our time and one on which we can congratulate ourselves. Yet in the social sphere, in both the theory and the practice of national and international coexistence progress is dangerously slow. 232. We gather in this world forum with a hope of fmding solutions, with a will to co-operate and with a very clear awareness that we may be wasting the last opportunities to solve the major issues affecting all our peoples. 233. A new world order on land and on the seas is a challenge to the intelligence of our species, and the possibility of achieving it is at hand if only we in the United Nations devote ourselves to the task, making a reality, before it is too late, of the common destiny of all of those on this planet.

A number ofrepresentatives have asked for the floor in t.11eir exercise of their right of reply. Memberswill recall that the General ASl'iembly at its 4th plenary meeting decided that the statements made in exercise of rights of reply shall be limited to 10 minutes.

Madam President, I ask for the floor for a brief clarifi,;;e~i~n concerning the intervention made last night {10th meetingl by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Comoros. As it was late, I am afraid that it was not properly realized that the French delegation had im- mediately asked for the floor in order to be heard. I thank you, MadamPresident, for having been good enough to give me an opportunity to speak today and to say what we were not able to say on the spur of the moment. 236. I shall limit my statement to two points. First of all, on the procedural question, it was decided by the General Committee of our Assembly and by the Assembly itself that the Mayotte affair would be studied at the plenary meetings of the present session. Although this decision was adopted in spite of our position, my delegation will participate in the debate and it will then open the files on 1he matter. It will do so without any reticence out of a desire to dispel any possible misunderstandings. We expect that the Comorian delegation will, for its part, wish to avoid any e~aggerations that could harm the atmosphere in

I wish to refer to the statement delivered by the representative of Benin during the general debate yesterday and in particular to the issue of decolonization. Here the representative of Benin said and I quote: "the peoples of Western Sahara, of East Timor, of Papua New Guinea and of South Moluccas have been treacherously deprived of their right to self- determination and iIidependence"· {10rh meeting, para. 342J. I merely wish to take tI!is opportunity to clarify the point that Papua New Guinea is no longer under a colonial regime. We attained independence on 16 Sep- tember 1975 from Australia and subsequently were admit- ted to the United Nations as a Member on 10 October of the same year. In actual fact, this is the second time that Papua New Guinea has participated as a sovereign State in the General Assembly of the United Nations. I therefore trust that the above' claim made by the representative of Benin that Papua New Guinea was not yet independent was in fact an error rather than a statement with any serious connotations attached to it. For further information my country has a Permanent Missic(~· to the United Nations located at this address: 801 Second Avenue(between 42nd and 43rd Streets) New York. 239. Mr. T ORKMEN (Turkey): I have asked to be allowed to speak in order to make a few remarks conceming the inaccuracies and distortions contained in the statement of the Foreign Minister ofGreece. The Greek Foreign Minister has said, in his statement, that when Greece was in the process of re-establishing it~ democratic institutions, Cyprus was invaded by a guarantor Power, meaning evidently Turkey. If one follows this time sequence laid down by the Foreign Minister of Greece then one should reach the conclusion that it was the Government of Mr. Karamanlis which carried out the coup in t"yprus. This, of course, is not correct. The coup in Cyprus was carried out by the military junta in Athens and it collapsed as a result of the Turkish intervention in Cyprus. I am just making this point to relieve the Karamanlis Government of a serious stigma. 240. What the Greek Foreign Minister has said about the demilitarization of the islands is most surprising. He said that the treaties which regulate the status of demilitariza- tion of the islands do not in any way stipulate that Greece should abandon its natural right of defence. The text of the treaties speak for themselves. Article 13 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty states that no naval base and no fortification will be established in the islands ofMytUene, Chios, Samos and Nikaria and that the Greek military forces in the said islands will be limited to the normal contingent called up 241. The Greek Foreign Minister also said that defensive measures on the islands had been taken after Turkey's intervention in Cyprus. This is absolutely contrary to the reality of the facts. Indeed, the military measures in the islands had begun much earlier, even as early as 1964.The Greek Foreign Minister has quoted the words of the Prime Minister of Turkey in the wrong context. What Prime Minister Demirel's statement implied was that Turkey was taking the legitimate defensive measures to preventa Greek invasion. His words cannot imply that the militarization of the islands is not a menace to Turkey. The Greek Foreign Minister, in referring to what my Minister has said about the Aegean Sea being a common seabetween Turkey and Greece, has madejust «ieude mots. There is no doubt that it is not our intention to make of the Aegean Sea a Turkish/Greek lake. The word "common" used by our Minister was merely in the context of the continentalshelf and in the sense that the two countries should respecttheir mutual rights andinterests. The ideaof making an exclusive lake of the Aegean IS a peculiarly Greek idea. As an illustration I would like to quote the Greek Defence Minister Mr. Averof, who said on 9 January 1975, ''Things are different when they concern the Aegean, which is our sea. There, when the need is felt, our policy will be aggressive and'ourvictorycomplete". 242. The Foreign r"J:linister of Greece has also contested my Minister's interpretation of Security Council resolution 395 (1976) and the recent decision of the International Court of Justice':4 At this late hour it is certainly not my intention to open a new debate on the substance of these questions, which have been amp!y dealt with on previous occasions. TI•.:r""fore, without elaborating on the position of my Government on these issues, It would like to referto the recent decisions of the two intemational organs, the Security Council and the International Courtof Jusnce,on the Aegean question. 243. On 10 August the Greek Government asked for a meeting of the Security Council. In his opening statement on the Greek request (or an urgent meeting of theCouncil Mr.Bitsios stated,interalia: "My intention is to denounce the activities of Turkey which jeopardize peace and security in the eastern Mediterranean andto ask the Council to callupon Turkey to cease them. ..... "The question that the Security Council will· h~ve to decide is whether these activities are provocative and' 12 See leagUe of Nations, Treaty Series, vol. XXVIII, pp. 21 and 23. 13 SeeUnited Nations,1l'eatY SerIes, vol. 49, No. 747, p. 134. 14.A.egetln Sea Continental Shelf, Interim Protection, Order of11 September 1976, I.CJ. Reports 1976, p. 3. "This is the reason why it is necessary that [Turkey] should now hear from the Security Council that it must suspend its provocative acts. The UnitedNations was not in time to stop the tragedy of Cyprus.It cannowprevent a newtragedy in the Aegean. It is in this hope that Greece brings the matter before the Security Counci,"! 5 244. When the Foreign Minister of Turkey addressed the Council the next day,he stated: "The Greek Government.. . is ... making the unbeliev- able allegation that Turkey is Violating the sovereign rights of Greece on the continental shelf in the Aegean. This allegation is obviously basedon the hypothesis that the continental shelf of the Aegean wholly and entirely belongs to Greece. In point of fact, since both countries have conflicting claims overthe Aegean continental shelf, no unilateral assertion by Greece,no military intimidation and no attempt to confuse world opinion will confer upon Greece the sovereignty ov~ the regions that it claims. Until the continental shelf is defined and de- limited, the respective claims of Turkey and Greece are equallyvalid andthis question canonlybe settledthrough negotiation,"!« 245. I should like now to quote the operative part of resolution 395 (1976) adopted by the Council on 25 August, after two weeks of laborious and emausting consultations: "Appeals to the Governments of Greece andTurkey to exercise the utmost restraintin the presentsituation; "Urges the Governments of Greece and Turkey to do everything in their powerto reduce the present tensions in the area so that the negotiating process may be facilitated; "Calls on the Governments of Greece and Turkey to resume direct negotiations over ~eir differences and appeals to them to do everything within their power to ensure that these result in mutually acceptable solutions; "Invites the Governments of Greece andTurkey in this respect to continue to take into account the contribu- tions that appropriate judicial means, in particular the International Court of Justice, are qualified to make to the settlement of any remaining legal differences which they may identify in connexion with their present dispute." 246. It would be redundant to interpret resolution 395 (1976); it speaks for itself. The Greekcontentionhas not been accepted by the Security Council. By a simul- taneousmove the Greek Government unilaterally applied to 248. The Greek Foreif&R Minister, to our astonishment, took issue also withwhat my Foreign Minister stat~d on the demographic element in the question of the Aegean continental shelf. Mr. <;agtayangil had referred to the fact that compared to a few hundred thousand Greeks living in the Aegean Islands, 10 million Turks live along the Aegean coast whose prosperity is closely linked with the potential of the Aegean continentalshelf. Hedid80 to illustrate three points: how unjust the Greek claim to monopoly of power in the Aegean is; the extent of Turkish interestinvolved in the Aegean; and fmally that an equitable settlementshould be sought. It isindeed astonishing that the Foreign Minister of Greece would challenge such a reasonable approach based on facts. 249. I just would like to say again that the policies of Greece in the Aegean and in Cyprus provide ample evidence of its goals of aggrandizement and expansionism. Mr. Panayiotis-Lambrias, one of the chief advisers to Prime Minister KaramanUs, in an interview with a correspondent of The New York Times which appeared on 29 August 1976,statedthat for centuriesthe main Greek ideology was the "megalidea': the great idea, of recapturing all lands which . "\assical timeswere inhabited by Greeks, andthat it has lx;;;;it shattered only by the C}I'PruS crisis two years ago. This is a curious statement.For file Greeks had always asserted earlier that the "megalidea" was dead in 1923 when Turkey andGreece madepeace, yet this ambition has proved to be a very lively corpse to have survived 51 years afterits death.... 250. ThePRESIDENT (interpretation from SpanislJ): May I remind the speaker that at the 4th plenary meeting of the General Assembly it was decided that 10minuteswould be given for rights of reply. He has used his 10 minutes, so may I request himto end.

I shall not reply to what the Foreign Minister of Greece has said on the Cyprus question because I want to spare the Assembly another right of reply and an exchange of arguments at this late hour.

In reply to the statement just made by the representative of France, I wish to make it clearhere that the delegation of the Comoros maintains' the spirit and contents of its statement and intendsto withdraw nothingof what it has said. At the 10th meeting, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the. State of the Comoros has put a certain number of questions hereto whichthe representative of Franceshould 253: Mr. PAr"'OULIAS (Greece): My distinguished col- league from Turkey has again distorted the words of my Foreign Minister or at least the meaning. We allknow very well that the Turkish landing in Cyprus occurred on 20 July and the junta collapsed on 23 July. Legality and peace should have been restored to Cyprus. Instead,we all know that Turkey made a disastrous, catastrophic attack on Cyprus again on 14 August 1974.Allthe resolutions of the Security Council and the General A~mbly speak loudly about this, so it is notnecessary to play with words. The Cyprus drama is too great to try to cover it with such witticism. 254. As regards the alleged militarization of the Greek islands, it should be pointed out to the General Assembly that the restrictions provided for under article 13 of the Lausanne Treaty aim at, and I quote, "the maintenance of peace", and they can under no circumstances be construed as meaning that the maintenance of peace is a unilateral obligation of Greece, and that the purposeof the Lau~e Treaty of 1923,as well as of the ParisTreatyof 1947,was to place .the island at the mercyofTurkeyandto facilitate Turkish expansionism. This may wen be the Turkish view, but as such would be contrary to the fundamental provisions of the Charterof the UnitedNations aswell asto the provisions of the Treaties themselves which bind Turkey equally. Turkey and not Greece is violating the treaties and the Charterof the UnitedNations by threaten- ing and menacing the security of the islands and con- sequently peace and security in the area. The elementary defence measures taken by Greece fall well within Article 51 of the Charter andthe letter and spiritof the Treaties of Lausanne andParis. 255. TheGreek Foreign Minister,in hisintervention before the Security Council on 13 August 1976, read exact quotationsfrom declarations or statementsmade on several occasions by Turkish members of Government and other high officials or military leaders, which contain direct threats and menaces against the Greek islands. This evi- dence wasnever contradicted by the Turkish side. Thereis no need for me to repeat them to the General Assembly at this hour. They are on record. But in orderto demonstrate how baseless and unfounded is the Turkish contention that the so-called remilitarization of the islands constitutes a serious threat to the security of Turkey,I will quoteapin a Turkish source: General Sunalp, Commander of the Fourth Army of the Aegean, in a statement to the newspaper Politica of Istanbul dated 19 August 1976, said that the Aegean Army had a considerable striking force and placed the strength of this army at 123,000 men-I repeat, 123,000 men-which is larger than the total numerical strength of the Greek land forces. Thestrength of thisanny which is supported by a large fle~t of landing craft shOWl quite clearly that not Turkey but the islands arethevictims of the threat in flagrant violation of Article 2!paragraph 4, attempted to introduce by the term "common sea". The fact that Greece and Turkeyare two countriesbordering on the Aegean does not mean that the continentalshelfof the Aegean is common to these two countries. Nowhere in the world has this been the case. Such a notion is, to say the least, novel and not recognized by existing treaties or by the single negotiating text on the law of the sea. The fact that Greece and Turkey are coastal States of the Aegean simply points to the necessity of delimiting their respective areas of the continental shelf appertaining to each other, and this is what the matter is all about. Insteadof trying to fog the issues, Turkey would do much better to follow the international rules and the practice of the States in this connexion. 257. I do not think I have to deal at length with the question of demography, as the General Assembly knows full wenwhat it really meanswhenplacedin the context of the relations between neighbouring countries. The theories of vital space,ofdemography and of like considerations are unfortunately exactly those that led to the tragic sequence of events 30 years ago, the repetition ofwhichour Charter seeks to prevent.It issadthat suchtheoriesshouldbe heard again before this august body. Now, as regards Security Council resolution 395 (1976) and the order of the International Court of Justice, I would not have replied since I did not hear my ForeignMinister saying anythingof the sort. I do not know from where Ambassador Turkmen took this passage that he considers to be a quotation. Anywg.ys to hear him one would think that the Security Council convened just to have i do not know whatkind of an opportunity simply to meet. Paragraph 1 of resolution 395 (l976) says: ''Appeals to the Governments of Greece and Turkey to observe the utmost restraint in the present situatiori". Obviously the Security Council shouldhave in mind something to recommend restraint and no matter how this can be distorted, it clearly indicates the activities by Sismik·l. Everybody knows this; the Security Council did not meet just to have a discussion on some abstract question; it usually does not do that. The same is true of the meaning of paragraph 2; therefore, I do not think that is is necessary to dwell very much on the meaning of the SecurityCouncil resolution 395 (1976). . 258. As regards the order of the International Court of Justice, it has 42 paragraphs, it is very complex and this is not the time-nor the place-to dwell ve'ly much upon it, but I would say this: that if the International Court of Justice did not take the measures that Greece asked for, it was because Greece chose to come to the SecurityCouncil in the search of peace, and coming here and using the peaceful procedures of the Charter certainly cannot be construed against the one who has tried to apply them. Therefore, I think that the criticism made by Ambassador TUrkmen is out of place. I do not' think that what my distinguished colleague saidhas really added very much to what we know, or in any way refuted what my Foreign Minister hassaid. I 260. Nor will I seek to say the last word in this brief discussion and take up too much of our Assembly's time. Allow me, quite simply, to express my concern with the idea that my colleague from the Comoros, in the statement that he has just made, has put forward. He spoke of a deliberate will on the part of my Government to separate the island ofMayotte from the state of the Comoros. There again, I will have the opportunity of explaining and demonstrating that in this case there is absolutely no deliberate willon the part of the Government of France.

I just want to make two brief points regarding the statement of the distinguished Ambassador of Greece. 262. It is deeply regrettable that the distinguished Ambas- sador of Greecechose to interferein the domesticaffairs of Turkey when he tried in vain to defend Greece's flagrant violations of its international commitments by militarizing the eastern Aegean islands. It is purely an internal tffair of Turkey-or, for that matter; of any country-to determine the size and deployment of its armed forces, but Greece in full freedom signed international treaties whichoblige it to respect the demilitarized status of the eastern Aegean islands. 263. Now, the second point I want to make is the following: the distinguished Permanent Representative of Greece has spoken again of the reference by my Minister to the demographic factor and has seen in this reference a reminiscence of the political theories of vital space.I think he would have done much better to avoid such a reference. The record of the Turkish Republic since it wasfoundedis 'Clear. Turkey has never embarked upon anaggressive policy and has respected the territorial integrity of all countries. I cannot say the same for Greece. Greece's history since 1923 has been marred by many Fascist theories, so I think that the G.:eeks should be more careful in attributing to others the intentions that theirownGovernment had from timeto time. 264. Now, it is, of course, ridiculous to say that, because we have stated that there are 20 million Turks on the Aegean coast of Turkey and only a few hundred thousand in the islands, this is tantamount to putting forward a political claim in the Aegean. I think the Greeks believe that the Turkish Government thinks in the same terms as the Greek Government does, because the Greek Govern- ment has followed the policy of an accession of the island of Cyprus on the basis that the majority of the population