A/31/PV.30 General Assembly

It is with particular pleasure that, through you, Sir, I express to Mr. Amerasinghe, on behalf 'of the Republic of Cyprus, warm congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of this thirty.rust session ofthe General Assembly. It is very fitting that an eminent representative of Sri Lanka, which now chairs the non-aligned movement-to whichthe majority of the StatesMembenof the Organizationbelongshould guide our deliberations during a crucial period: in international developments. We are confidentthat, with his richexperience and recognized ability and with hisdedication to the principles and ideals of the United Nations, this Assembly will contribute constructively and significantly towards the solution of the various pressing international problems. 61. May I take this opportunity also to congratulate his precedessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, for the outstanding wayin which he successfully guided the deliberations of the last session of the General Assembly. . 62. It also gives me great pleasure to welcome the Republic of Seychelles to the Organization. The adm~ion to membership of yet another Stat~ which hasjust emerged. from colonial status constitutes a further step in the irreversible process towards complete decolonization and the realization of the principle of univenalityof the United Nations. We hope that this process will soon be further consolidated by the admission ofViet Nam and Angola and of the remaining Territories still under colonial or oilier alien rule. 63. Thirty-one yearshave elapsed since the establishment of the United Nations. Its membership has grown fromthe original 51 States to ·the present number of 145, and this fact shows the momentous evolutionwhich has taken place since the Second World War and demonstrates the signifi· cance of the Organization in the new era which has since beenushered in for mankind. 64. Today, the outmoded patterns of international think· ' ingand behaviour have given placeto the newconcepttha:t 65. Despite 'this new thinkingand theserealities, however, we are equally faced with the very strong resistance of forces striving to preserve inequitable relations by all means. The international scene stillaboundswith situations ominously removed from the fundamental principles upon which the Organization is based. This reality should not be glossed over in the United Nations and cannot be ignored by the international community without dire consequences to the further course and development of the world;for we are in a period of a delicate balance betweenthe prevalence of the concept of the use of force and domination-an outdated relic of the past-and that of reason and peace, so necessary for the survival of mankind in the interdependent world of the nuclear age. It isin this context, too, that one should view attempts to bypass or ignore the world Organization and attempts to discredit in various ways the United Nations, or to limit its effectiveness merely by declarations or verbal reports. 66. As the Secretary-General has pertinently pointed out in the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization: "We have had many recent experiences of the wide discrepancy between the unanimity, or near unanimity, of decisions of the Security Council or the General Assembly and the practical effect which such decisions have on the issues to which they are addressed" [A/ 31/1/Add.l. sect. IVJ. Andlater he stressed: "The responsibilities of Governments do not cease when a resolution is adopted; indeed resolutions usually require determined actionby Governments, in additionto the parties directly concerned, if they are to be translated into reality" [ibid.]. 67. Thisisindeedtrue and touchesupon a rawnerve and a fundamental issue: the divergence between what is professed in theory and what is donein practice.Ifthe United Nations is to fulfil its fundamental objectives, this pattern . must be corrected. Setting aside the legalisms as to the binding effect of United Nations resolutions-whether they be "recommendations" of the General Assembly or "decisions" of the Security Council and, in the latter case, whether they be made under Chapter VI or Chapter VII-the essential point which emerges from this observation of the Secretary-General which is valid and too true for comfort is that a Member State which has voted for a resolution has an obligation, and is duty-bound, to act consistently with the position it hasfreelytaken, and to do its utmost to fulfil the commitment it has thus made; for the alternative plainly is to demonstrate to all-and not only to the criticsof the UnitedNations-the impotence of the Organization to implement what it solemnly, andafter due consideration, decided and the hollowness of its resolutions. . 69. Many are the grave problems that areto be dealtwith by this Assembly. One, which is of vital importance to mankind, is disarmament. The concept of force and armaments still seems to be the axis around which all notions of security revolve. The effect of this concept isto promote military antagonism and an escalating arms race inconsistent with the Charter and with the basic needs of our times. It should be a source of serious concernto usall that there has been no progress at alltowardsdisannament since our last session. Indeed, no progress has been made towards derming concepts which could make possible the commencement of negotiations on general and complete disarmament, while the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373(XXII), annex] has not asyet attained its objectives. 70. It is with great anxiety that we watch this state of affairs and the recent trend towards the wider proliferation of nuclear weapons which, if allowed to continue, isbound to have the gravest implications and repercussions for the international community asa whole. It is my Government's long-held view that, while all assistance should be given by the nuclear Powers to non-nuclear Statesin obtainingaccess to nuclear energy for peaceful uses, the paramount necessity for tile non-proliferation of nuclear weapons should.at . the same time be safeguarded at all costs. Accession to the Treatyshouldbe encouraged by allmeans possible. 71. We believe that tlte problem of disarmament isclosely related to the stand which should be taken for the activation of the Charter in its mostessential provisions on the maintenance of international peace and security, namely, for the effective functioning of the Security Council through the implementation of its decisions. When Security Council decisions become effective, the foundation will be laid for collective security and peacein a world of progressive legal order. This development will reduce emphasis on ensuring security throughantagonistic military alliances and will contribute significantly to the cessation of the armsrace. 72. In parallel, persistent efforts must be made to fmd a way out of the increasingly threatening situation that the arms race involves. We support, therefore, the hQlding of a world conference on disarmament, or the convening of a special session of the General Assembly on the subject, in which allnuclearPowers wouldparticipate. . 73. Colossal sumsare annually squandered on purposeless armam.ents instead of being spent for the well-being of mankind. If only a small part of this wasteful expenditure was applied tf' the positive purpose of development, the 74. This brings us to the inequitable economic disparity which exists in the world and which seriously hinders efforts for the consolidation of peace. The establishmentof a new economic order which would lay the foundations for bridging the gap between developed and developing countries has become an imperative necessity in our inter- 78. The United Nations is shouldering a special responsibility with regard to Namibia and all Member States must give their full support to this Organization so that the people of Namibia may enjoy their inalienable right to independence. With regard to Zimbabwe, we express the hope that efforts currently under way will lead to positive results and enable its people to exercise their inalienable £Kght to self-determination and to 'attain the majority government to which they are entitled. The abhorrent policies of apartheid in South Africa continue to be an affront to the conscience of mankind, inasmuch as they constitute a negation of justice, human dignity and the moral values for which our civilization stands. We emphatically condemn the injustice being perpetrated against the South African people in defiance of· repeated United Nations resolutions, and we call for the adoption of effective measures for the implementation of these resolutions; we also denounce "bantustanization" in South Africa, which is aimed at preventing the liberation of its people, while at the same time breaking up the unity of the country. We callfor effective and resolute action to combat the designsof the racist regime. odependent world. The seventh special session of the General Assembly went a long way towards this end, but much still needs to be done. The generalawareness of the importance of the problem, and of the seed to deal with it realistically, as shown at the conferences held at Manila,3 Nairobis and Colombo,s gives rise to the hope that more concrete results may be forthcoming through increased solidarity among the developing countries. . 75. The Final Act of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe constitutes a landmark in the history of East-West relations. It is the result of the consciousness of the necessity for co-operation and for a common approach to common dangers and problems, the solution of which will without doubt prove to be to the benefit of the whole world. The sincere, full and indivisible implementation of the Helsinki principles and'the turning of the Final Act into a standard of international behaviour is a moral obligation for the signatories and constitutes an imperative need for the promotion and consolidation of world peace and security. The continuing occupation of my country by Turkey, also a signatory of the Helsinki Act, serves as an illustrative reminder that the principles envisaged by this Act have not as yet been fully respected, nor its fundamental purposesachieved. 76. At the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, efforts have been under 0way to deal with the complexlegal,economic and political issues involved and to arrive at an orderly, just and equitable system for the benefit of mankind as a whole. Considerable progress has been made towards the adoption of a comprehensive and generally acceptable convention-and I would like to pay a tribute to Mr. Amerasinghe for his constructive role in guiding the Conference to this end. Cyprus, an island State located between three continents, has a fundamental interest in the early and successful outcome of this major undertaking in a manner that will safeguard the position of islands and ensure that the delimitation of zones of maritime jurisdiction will be in accordance with clear and objectively ascertainable rules and with the basic principle of sovereign equality. We are firmly convinced that an essential corollary to-the substantive rules of the convention is a comprehensive and effective system for the peaceful and just settlement of international disputes .arisingtherefrom, thus ensuring for allStates the protection of their legitimate rights through third-party adjudication on the basisof objectivelegalcriteria. 3 Third Ministeml Meeting of the Group of 77, held at ManUa - from26 Jmnuary to 7 February 1976. 4 Fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, heldat Nairobi from5 to 31 May 1976. 5 I'llih Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, heldat Colombo from 16 to 19 August 1976• _---~-------------_ 79. Regarding the question of international violence, including that of the taking of hostages-an aspect dealt with in the proposal by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany {Ith meeting, para. 113J-there is no doubt that these matters have become of serious concern to the whole world. A real discussion, however, would have to go to the root of the problem in a comprehensive way in an effort to reach an understanding on all its aspects, with a viewto deciding,on the basis of consensus, how the problem can be tackled in its proper perspective. 80. Guided by the fundamental and immutable principles of the Charter of this Organization, my Government fully supports Panama's legitimate claim to sovereignty over the Panama Canal. It is our fervent hope that the relevant bilateral contacts and negotiations will soon lead to a successfuloutcome. 81. In the Middle East, the crisis remains unresolved and the situation continues to be fraught with grave danger.The absence of war does not necessarily mean the presence of peace. The continuing illegal occupation of Arab territories and the violation of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people constitute the elements of a human tragedy and are the cause ofa serious threat to world peace and security. 82. There can be no radical and fmal solution, and there can be no just and durable peace in the region, unless Israel withdraws from all Arab territories occupied by it since 1967 and unless the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people are fully restored, including the right to return to their homes in safety, in full implementation of 83. The tragic events in our neighbour, the friendly State of Lebanon,are directly related to the Arab-Israeli conflict and should serve as a warning of what could befall the whole region if a just settlement of the Middle East problem is not reached soon. We follow these events with griefand anxiety and it is our earnest hope that hostilities will cease and that a solution safeguarding the country's independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment willbespeedily reached. 84. Closely connected with the problem of the Middle East-and similar to it in many of its aspects-is the problemofCyprus. 85. Mor~ than two years since the original aggression and invasion of Cyprus by Turkey the problem of my country remains' unresolved and the picture that Cyprus presents today continues to be grim. Its component elements remain: the continued occupation of 40 per cent of the island's territory; the usurpation' and/or destruction of 70 per cent of its economic resources; the 200,000 Greek Cypriot refugees, representing one third of the total Cypriot population; and the illegal presence in Cyprus of 40,000 Turkish troops, with the untold misery which they cause to the Cypriot people, Greek and Turkish alike. Beyond these, the human drama of the thousands of missing and unaccounted for; Ankara's policy of faits accomplis; the turning of the negotiations into a travesty; the dailyexpulsions of GreekCypriots stillremaining in the occupied area; the colonization of this area by the mass transfer of settlers from Turkey; and the contemptuous disregard persistently shown by Ankara towardsthe United Nations resolutions on Cyprus-all these constitute the other aspects of the tragedy of the Cypriot people and reveal the true dimensions ofthe problem. 86. The United Nations has repeatedly dealt with the Cyprus problem and adopted resolutions providing the framework and the guidelines for its settlement. Even Turkey voted for resolution 3212 (XXIX) on Cyprus adopted by the General Assembly and endorsed by Security Council resolution 365 (1974). These and other United Nations resolutions, notably.General Assembly resolution 3395 (XXX), provide for the withdrawal of all foreign troops without delay and for the urgent return of the . refugees to their homes in safety. Since the Turkish aggression, a total of 16 resolutions on Cyprus have been adopted by the United Nations; 13 by the SecurityCouncil and 3 by the General Assembly. None of these resolutions has been implemented by, Turkey, and none of their provisions has it respected. Sixteen United Nations resolutions have been treated by Turkey as scrap paper devoid ofany value. 87. Even with regard to General. Assembly resolution 3450 (XXX) on the purely humanitarian problem of the over 2,000 missing and unaccounted-for Greek Cypriot civilians and prisoners of war,Turkey has taken an arbitrary stand. It.bluntly refused to co-operate with the International Committee of the Red Cross and denied the Committee the.access to the occupied areawhich it needed . . 88. Apart from the withdrawal of all foreign,troops from Cyprus and the return of all refugees to their homes~ provisions which Turkey has chosen to ignore...:the United Nations resolutions provide for the h(j~ding of substantive and constructive negotiations between 'the Greek and Turkish Cypriots, with a view to reaching freely a mutually acceptable politicalsettlementbased on theili fundamental .and legitimate rights. The purpose of the negotiations is clearly and unambiguously stated in' the resolutions. The negotiations are concerned withthe constitutionalissUe and not with the withdrawal of the foreign troops and the return of the refugees to theirhomes,which,in accordance with the resolutions, should precede and not follow the talks; for how could the people of Cyprus of whatever origin, by themselves, bting about the cessation of the aggression and of the occupation of their country by a foreign Power and in what way could they beex,ected to negotiate freely their future with the presence of a powerful army of occupation on their territory? It should be remembered, that the problem of Cyprus is not in essence one between the two Cypriotcommunities but one of aggression against the defenceless non-aligned Republic of Cyprus by its powerfulneighbour, Turkey. 89. The intercommunal talks began witbinthe framework of the above resolutions with the reasonable expectation that Turkey, in compliance with the resolutions, would,in a parallel way, set in motion measures for their progressive implementation. Turkey not only failed to take any steps for such implementation but actually violated the resolutions by engaging in faits accomplis directly contrary. t~ the substance of the resol~tions. At the same time, acting through the Turkish Cypriots in the talks, it adopted delaying tactics and persistently falled to,put forward any concrete proposals despite its express commitment. The talkswerethus renderedp:lactically useless. 90. We always welcome talks and negotiations If an effective means of solVing ~y problem. We fmnly believe that a well-meaning dialogue may bridge opposing views and settle differences. No problem is impossible to solve if substantive talks are conducted with goodwill, a common wish for their success and a common objective. This has been, and still is our view and conviction. Similarly, we have always expressed readiness to examine My proposal for a solution of the Cyprus problem in the light of the provisions of the relevant United Nations, resolutions. It is in the sense of this basic position that we look into the views, advanced by the Secretary of State of the United States, before this Assembly, 'on 30 September 1976{I1th meeting]. 91. The Turkish side. however, has been approaching the ' talks in a strikingdifferent way. Ankara, which, as is well known, dictates the Turkish Cypriot position in these negotiations, considers the negotiating table as a suitable forum for imposing inadmissible terms, relying upon its military forces of occupation. Turkey looks upon the 92. Turkey has been undermining the negotiations not only by its negative stand on the talks but also by creating further faits accomplis in breach of express commitments which the Turkish side had undertaken during the talks and in flagrant violation of basic norms of international humanitarian law and the United Nations resolutions on Cyprus. 93. At the third round of the intercommunal talks in Vienna in August 1975, it was agreed that the Turkish Cypriots who remained in the Government-controlled areas would be allowed to move to the Turkish-held areas and the Greek Cypriots who remained in the occupied areas, would be free to stay .nere and would be given every facility to le2,d a normal life. It was also agreed thatthe UnitedNations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus {UNFICYPjwould have free and normal access to the Greek Cypriot villages in the occupied areas. Turkey, having secured the implementation of those provisions of the agreement which were to its advantage, chose to throw aside and violate the rest of the provisions.Not only did Turkey prevent the Greek Cypriots who remained in the occupied area from leading normal lives and denied UNFICVP the possibility to exercise its agreed role, but it also embarked upon a process of systematically expelling the Greek Cypriots through tactics of oppression, harassment and brute force. These inhuman expulsions, which are being carried out daily t add to the drama of the Cypriot people and accentuate the tragedy. The wholesale expulsions have been resorted to by Turkey for the purpose of "homogenizing",· as it calls it, the occupied area and for the purpose of facilitating it the perpetuation of yet another repugnant international crime, that ofcolonization. 94. Ankara t not content with the uprooting and elimination from the occupied area of the indigenous majority because of its ethnic origin, has also been engaged in the illegal colonization of the area by the massive transfer of ,people from Turkey, who are currently being settled in the usurped homes and properties of the expelled Greek Cypriots. One ofthe results of the policy of colonization-a paradoxlcal one-has been that the Turklsh Cypriots, for whose protection and well-being Turkey rJlegedly invaded 95. The purpose of the expulsions and colonization and of Ankara's dilatory tactics in the negotiations is only too obvious. Turkey, as I have already mentioned, is trying to "homogenize" the occupled area and to bring about changes in the demographic character ofCyprus with a view to paving the way for the partition of the island and the de facto annexation of the occupied' areas. At the same time, the creation of the faits accomplis enables Ankara to repeat its favourite tune of "new realities1' in an effort to avert internatienal pressures for the return of the refugees to their homes and lands and for the just settlement of the territorial aspect of the problem. 96. Turkey's policy over (:yprus consists in the creation, by the use of force, of faits accomplis which it tries to justify to the world by false pretences and misrepresentations. Turkey calls such faits accomplis "new realities" and asks the Greek Cypriots and the world to accept them. The original faits accomplis are followed by others and the original "realities" become "newer realities" t supported by new false justifications and lame excuses. The policy of the step-by-step solution of international problems is in fact used by Turkey in .reverse-not for the peaceful solution of the Cyprus problem, but for the forced dissolution of the Republic of Cyprus. 97. Beyond the suffering of' a people,· the situation in Cyprus and its implications pose a gra,ve challenge to the effectiveness of the United Nations and raise fundamen~ questions regarding the values and the basic prinpiples on which the continued existence of the Organization depends. The present tragedy in my country, of which I have given but a pale picture, calls for urgent and effective action by the General Assembly. The course to be followed is crystal-clear-that of taking such measures as would give effective implementation to the relevant General Assembly resolutions made mandatoryby Security Counci! decisions. This is the "logical and appropriate means for the just and lasting solution of the Cyprus problem which my Government seeks from the United Natkms, and this is what we have come to request from this Assembly. 98. May I, before concluding, avail myself of this oppor- tunity to add a word of praise and deep appreciation for the outstanding work of our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in promoting the objectives and ideals of the United Nations and at the same time to express to himour gratitude for hisuntiring efforts to assist ln every possible way in the search for a solution of tlie Cyprus problem in accordance with his mandate and the principles of the Charter. I should also like to highly commend the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Ambassador Perez de Cuellar, for the exemplary manner in which he performs his difficult task in Cyprus. May I also record, in this respect, our warm appreciation for the dedicated efforts of the Under-Secretaries-General R. Guyer and B. Urquhart. 100. I would be remiss if I didnot sayhow grateful weare to the countries that are contributing military and po1ic~ contingents to UNFICVP, as well as to those which make voluntary fmancial contributions to enable the Force to function. 101. Our warmest thanks and gratitude go also to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, for his invaluable humanitarian work in all0viating the suffering of the refugees, aswell asto the countries and organizations which contribute for this purpose.

It is a true honorfor meto speak on behalf of Bolivia from this, the most lofty platform of the international community. The United Nations General Assembly is the universal parliament par excellence and in accordance with the principle of universality, there coexist in this Assembly nations which, like mine, advocate peace, proclaim brotherly co-operation, support integral and shared development and favour equality and solidarity in internationill relations. In this context, we must assume fully the inesc,pable commitment to work resolutely for a future of security andhopeforallpeoples. 103. Many are the items to which we must devote our attention at the current session. Theirnumber andimportance is obviously in keeping with the most disquietmg problems of contemporary life. 104. Before giving the views of Bolivia on a number of these items, which concern not only my country but the international community as a whole, I should like, on behalf of the Government and people of Bolivia, to convey the most cordial greetings to the delegations present here .and, in particular, to the President of this Assembly, the distinguished statesman from Sri Lanka, Mr. Hamilton Amerasinghe. 105. Similarly, I should liketo convey ourappreciation to die Prime Minister of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, for hisableconductofour deliberations during the last General Assembly. :1 106. May I also, at the same time, pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his unswerving dedication to peace and understanding throughout the world. 107. Bolivia is likewise happy to extenda warm welcome to the State of Seychelles, which has[oined our Organizationas a Member, thus strengthening the faithof all peoples in the United Nations. 108. It is clear that since the adoption of the San Francisco Charter new re'alities have emerged. The principles it incorporated 31 years ago, however, still retain their full validity. For this reason, the Government of Bolivia wishes to reiterate its respect for the norms of 109. We wish to maintain our support of the postulate of universality in international relations. In rejecting foreign interference and intervention in all its forms, we recognize the legitimate right of peoples to choose their own means forthe achievement of theirnational destiny. 110. We belong to El society characterized by diversity; our desire for solidarity with all States is bounded only by respect for our sovereignty and for the loyal interdependence that characterizes our times. 111. Plurality must undoubtedly be interpreted as the result of the observance of the principles of non-intervention, self-determination and juridical equality among nations. Otherwise, we would fall into the historic error of seeking to achieve unity by following the course of divergency. 112. It is my Government's view that, for the fullexercise of these lofty princlples, theremustbe absolute respect for human dignity and condemnation of any discriminatory practices. We therefore reaffirm our supportof the Decade forAction to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. 113. The classical tension produced by the desire for predominance of the greatPowers hasrelaxed.as a result of the constant action of thisaugust body,since such attitudesdo not represent the constructive contribution that mankind expects for development untrammeled by the fear and uncertainty. 114. World tension, however, still exists and today assumes different features that are equally dangerous for the maintenance ofpeace andthat stemfromthe imbalances10 be covered in the general picture of international economic relations. liS. I fmnly repeat that we shall not achieve the society of well-being to which we aspire if conditions prevail that allow the prosperity of the wealthier nations to become a threat of greater poverty and dependency to the developing countries. Thisisoneof the majorconcerns I feel should be sincerely expressed at thistime. 116. 'The task of consolidating a democratic international order entails the need to effect the historic task of eliminating injustices from economic relations, a matter of paramount importance alluded to by His Excellency, the President of Bolivia, General Hugo Blinzer Swirez, lastyear inthissame Assembly.6 117. The developing countries advocate the establishment in this era of interdependence of political and jUridical instruments enabling them to participate effectively in economic decision-making. 118. Any refusal or attempt to limit the right and the responsibility of our countries to participate in the estab- 120. In the field of trade we are, it is true, endeavouring to remove a series of obstacles preventing access of products from the developing countries to the markets of the economically powerful nations on satisfactory conditions. Regrettably, it is equally true that, while we use our imagination and our acts to endeavour to overcome these difficulties, new restrictions are being created at the same time. 121. In practice, this simply transmutes in different ways the negative effects that it was intendedto eliminate. Thus equitable participation by the developing countries in the expansion of world tradeis prevented. 122. Such policies cause damage of unforeseeable consequences to those nations that are desperately trying to obtainthe weU-being to whichtheir peoples are legitimately entitled. 123. I must pointout that such difficulties greatly weaken the will for world co-operation and destroy faith in the establishment of a future forged in solidarity andjustice. 124. One of the questions that has caused the greatest concern is that relating to the prices of raw materials and stability in the supply of such products. 125. It is desirable, in respect of this very pertinent matter; to adopt equitable criteria in order to determine truly fair and just levels for the prices of primary commodities. A strongly subjective factor comes into play here. For the highly developed countries, just and fair prices tend to be those which improve their already obundant economies. For the developing countries, remunerative prices can be none other than those which guarantee effective margins of earnings from their exports. Only thus can they give the necessary impulse to their industrialization process. 126. We mention these facts because they are the premise of the ide.!d goal of raw material producers' associations. We believe that these associations pursue the objectives I have mentioned and not that of confrontation, as some would have us believe-an attitude not shared by my country, since we know that thus we would only increase tension andimbalances. 127. Quite to the contrary, we hope that through frank, direct and equable dialogue between producers and consumers it will be possible for large and small countries to reconcile their mutual interests. 129. In this context Bolivia propounds the' effective adoption of a bilateral or multilateral consultative system capable of preventing adverse anddisrupting effectsfor the developing countries, whose economies depend on their exportsofprimary commodities andrawmaterials. 130. In keeping with the statement made by the delegation of Bolivia from this same rostrum during the· twenty-ninth General Assembly,'1 I wish to reiterate that mycountry is stillconvinced of the needto establish within the appropriate organs of the United Nations automatic mechanisms for linkin,g and adjusting the prices of the commodities exportedby the developing countries with the manufactures produced by the indu~trialized countries. Thus we would prevent the continued erosionof the true value of exports from the developing countries and would lay the bases for the replacement of confrontationbetween producers and consumers by dialogue. 131. WIille it is true that the fourth session of UNCTAD did not yield the expected positive'results, partly because of the reticent attitude of some of the developed countries, it is desirable to recognize the significance of the resolution relating to an integrated programme for primary commodities which was adopted by the Conferences and which has led to the establishment of a primary commodity stabDization fund of great interest to the economically disadvantaged countries. The implementation of the programme will makeit possible to Introduce rational elements in this very sensitive aspect of international economic relations, such as the aforesaid primary commodity trade. 132. It is also desirable to point out the adoption withiD the framework of tile UnitedNations ofa normative system for the establishment of appropriate bodiesto ensure access by our countries to technology, which is a basic requirement if we are to overcome the obstacles of underdevelopment. 133. May we also say that we adhere to the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281(XXIX)), which was strengthened by the adoptionof the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order[resolution 3202(S-VI))• 134. We also hope that the set of principles and measures set forth in those instruments will make p~ssible in a period of time meeting the expectations of the developing countries the reversal of the existing imbalances as a'result of 7 Ibid., Twenty·ninth Seslion, PlentUY Meetings, 2259th m~ting. 8 see Proceedings ofthe United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Seslion, vol.I, Report,and Annexes (United Nations Publication, Sales No. E.76.II.D.IO), part one A,resolution 93 (IV). 136. The principles have been laid down; we have the appropriate mechanisms. All we need is resolute political decision to implement them, and this is the fundamental question on which weshould focus allour attention. 137. However not all the disruptive factors are to be found in the area of economic requirements. There are other situations to which we must also devote our special attention. 138. We cannot remain impassive observers of the conflicts that arelocalized in differentregions of the worldand in respect of whichthere appears to be no solution in the offmg. 139. At a time in which awe-inspiring advances are made in the conquest of outer space, the fomndable creative potential of human intelligence cannot resIgn itself to accept the idea that armed and fratricidal confrontation is the only alternative to the situations that divide us. 140. There is an imperative needto strengthen the will for conciliation of conflicting interests. I therefore believe that it is our inescapable duty to address an appeal to those parties that have assumed attitudes of confrontation so that they may exercise tolerance .and bend every effort to flnd rapidsolutions throughpeaceful means. 141. We also appeal to the spirit of co-operation of those States which, by reason of their size, bear the greatest responsibllity in this area, so that they may try to prevent, by every possible means, the search for independence or political controversies becoming the arena of the most acute ideological antagonisms. Mankind would highly appreciate those noble demonstrations of concession for the sakeofpeace. 142. Consistent with these views we honour those who, imbued with a spirit of understanding, have decided to takletheir problems jointlywhile sharing responsibilities. . 143. That is the clear-cut and categorical response that mankind needs if it is to go forward along the path of constantimprovement. 144. We sincerely hope that this attitude will prevail in contemporary interna'tional relations, and in particular in the inter-AIllerican community, thus strengthening the bonds of lasting friendship in the regional area to which Bolivia belongs. ' . 145. Consequently weview with pleasure the pursuance of negotiations !d thi3 direction under such enlightened leadership between the Republic of Panama and the United States of America on the Canal question and express our wishes for their happyconclusion. 148. This escalation of irrational, systematqed violence cannot be a validmeans on which to base the legitimacy of anyclaim, be it political, economic or social. . 149. It is the pressing duty of the international communityto agree on the most effective means of eradicating the proliferation of these practices, which offend the .conscience of civilized man,whichoughtto be the guide of our times. 150. In this connexion we give our firm support to the initiative on this question taken by the delegation of the Federal Republic of Germany IAI31/242J. 151. I cannot but mention the serious concern of my countryat the staggering upward trend of the arms race. We see with profound discouragement that, compared withthe very modest progress of negotiations on the limitation of strategic weapons, we are nowastounded by the announcement that military andweaponry expenditures have exceeded in 1975 the figure of $300 billion. 152. It is difficult to understand that while gigantic resources are earmarked for the manufacture of some weapons and the development of others which are capable of changing our earth's environment and even of exterminating our species, the execution of workwhichwould lead to progress is stopped or limited because of insufflclent fmancing. 153. What is more, the arms escalation has extended.to developing countries, a fact which exposes certain areas, including the American continent, to the possibility of becoming hotbeds of tension; as a result of which the aspirations of their inhabitants, who seek to achieve minimum levels of well-being consonant with the dignity andworthof the humanperson,willbe postponed. 154. At the beginning of my statement, I said that it'was the inalienable rightof peoples to choose the means mostin keeping with their historic traditions to achieve their aspirations. 155. For this reason, the Nationalist Government of Bolivia, presided over by General Hugo Banzer Swirez, as the authentic interpreter of the feelings and desires of our people, proposed to Bolivia in 1971 an all-important historical option. 156. Five yearsof fruitfulgovernment in my countryhave shown that only throughorder,unitY,social peace, political stability and mstitutional continuityis it possible to lay the foundations for speedy and comprehensive national development. 157. The President of Bolivia, at the thirtieth session of the General Assembly, elaborated on the results and prospects of the work of his Government, which has the 159. In order to attain the most fundamental objective of the Bolivian nation and'in conformity wAth our conviction thzt major solutions can only be achieved through frank and constructive dialogue, last year we opened diplomatic negotiations withthe Republic ofChile-negotiations which have nowassumed the greatesthistorical significance. 160. The President of Bolivia, 'General Hugo Banzer Swirez, as a statesman who wishes to make a personal and direct contribution to the establishment of harmonious international coexistence based on real justice and solidarity and bearing in nlind that Bolivia's maritime cause is closely connected with the prevalence of those ideals, informed the last session of the General Assembly of the scope of the present negotiations, based on the Bolivian proposal for peace,development and integration. 161. We wish to go on record as stating that the raison d'etre of that formula is based on Bolivia's decision to regain access to the sea in full sovereignty, contributing to the. harmonious coexistence ofneighbouring nations,and to this end it had chosenthe instrument of dialogue and the searchfor a shared development in order to achieve its aim of achieving access to the southern Pacific. 162. Bolivia's land-locked position has detractedfrom the effectiveness of internal efforts to promote its economic, , social and cultural development and limited its participation in LatinAmerican integration processes. 163. The negotiations designed to resolve the problem of my country's geograppJca1 encirclement are going forward under the auspices of America, as was decided at Atlanta and Ayacucho. They are at the same time supportedby the conviction of world public opinion that the building of a sound future must be basedon a common determination to achieve equanimity andjustice. 164. The perpetuation of situations that are not in keeping with these principles would mean abandoning the constant moralvalues of the internationalcommunity. . 165. For all these reasons, and because the legitimacy of Bolivia's maritime cause is clear and a spirit of broad understanding must prevail among the parties involved, we shall continue steadfastly along the path that will lead to the total solution whichwe are advocating. In thisway, the sovereign· return' of Bolivia to the Pacific Ocean will, through the completion of the dialogue currently in progress, become a tangible reality. 166. Bolivia is participating with great determination in making 'its utmost contribution' to the efforts to achieve this goal, which will be in enduringexample of what can be done in the Americas through a firm and brotherly will to 167. My country and my people have high hopes of the negotiations under way, which have aroused the expectationsof the wholecontinent and the whole world. 168. Our action isinspiredby the ideals proclaimed by the world Organization and it is on this account'that my Government has entrusted me with the pleasant task,which I now perform, of conveying a message of friendship and support to all the peoples represented in this forum of nations which aspire to live in a climate of peace, stability, interaationaljusticeand close humansolidarity.

As our Organization enters the last quarter of this century, in its thirty-first year of activity, it will at least benefit from the enlightened and experienced direction ofPresident Amerasinghe at a critical point in international affairs. I knowthe President is averse to compliments, but I have no doubt that hisdirection will stampits mark on our work thisyear, and for thisweneed to congratulate ourselves as much as we congratulate him. His diplomatic pragmatism, perhaps morethan ever before, is essential in our workif the UnitedNations is to maintain its credibility which is under attack from the cynics of the contemporary world. He has already established some precedents in the way he has expeditiously disposed of normally lengthy controversy. Mydelegation will encourage and help him to create even more, and to identify, that common harmony which exists in our discordant voices in the Assembly so as to maximize the quality of our output at this session, and so perhaps to start a new trend in the historyofour Organization. 170. The delgation of Malta wishes to place on record its appreciation of the dedicated and admirable way in which the thirtieth session of the General Assembly was led by Prime Minister GastonThorn of Luxembourg. 171. A sad event reminded us only recently of our frailty and our universality. We joined in paying a tribute to a teacher, leader and statesman whomajestically bestrode the international stage and left behind him a lasting contribution to the courseofhistory. Chairman Mao Tsetung's voice is now silent, but his works will continue to inspire mankind for generations to come. 172. One of the major international events of the year under review wasthe Fifth Conference of Heads of State er Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Colombo. I will be dealing with some of the specific results of that Conference later in this statement, but I wouldnot wishto miss this opportunity to express to the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, Mrs, Bandaranaike, the gratitude and compliments of my Government for the cordial hospitality and excellent organization extended to the ever-growing community of non-aligned countries, including the delegation of Malta. 173. Mrs. Bandaranaike's moving and detailed statement {11th meeting] explaining the perspectives behind the decisions of the non-aligned summit should facilitate our 174. The hectic pace of conference diplomacy rarely affords us the opportunity to collect our thoughts; however, every majororganization needs to lookintrospectively to measure its performance at regular intervals. It is particularly appropriate for the United Nations to do so, since it represents nothing less than the aspirations of the international community in a period of change taking place with disconcerting rapidity. But our review should not be a mere ritual in which we pay a token tribute to the principles that inspire us. We have to look critically at our past performance and to see where we are going, and whether wecannotimprove. 175. Among the substantive issues, the most pressing problems, and the least encouraging results, are in the field of disarmament. Fewwill denythat our pastap-proaches on this question call for reassessment. The shocking totals of wasted resources and destructive potential have been repeated so often that our senses are numbed. A dangerous fatalism "ems to be creeping in. Technological advances outpace the static negotiating process; the strategist overwhelms the negotiator; fear prevails over reason. The fmest rhetoric cannotobscure the grim realities. Thesuper-Powers seem to be mesmerized, unable to move away from the brink of the precipice. We fmd ourselves much worse off than we were when disarmament became a priorityitem.It is enough to mention that the conditions underwhich these admittedly complex negotiations are being held aresuch as to be considered unsatisfactory by two of the existing nuclear-weapon States. There appears to be no positive future in our present endeavours unless we broaden our approach and come to grips with the heart of the matter, rather than discuss numbers and the megatonnage of missiles. This might well be OUI: last chance before a flash-point is reached. 176. Malta in the past devoted much effort in trying to advance constructive approaches for promoting progress in global disarmament. For instance, my delegation suggested to the members of die Conference of the Committee on Disarmament that it might be· advisable to consider the implications of the potential use of lasers for military purposes. TM suggestion met with the usual disdainful delaying tactics and scepticism of the super-Powers. Yesterday it was reported that for the first timea laser beam was used experimentally to shoot down aircraft. Furtherimplications are under consideration. I have no doubt the eventual weapons system will initially belabelled "bargaining chip". I have no doubt it will be deployed, developed and further refined. What I do doubt d whether, under present approaches, this and similar deadly products will: become showpieces in a military museum when the proposed convention for the non-use of force sees thelight of dayin the age ofdetente. 177. We remain attached to the goal of global disarmament, but wefeel that the evident lackof progress indicates 178. Malta's geographic situation in the centre of the Mediterranean makes us particularly susceptible to the prevailing influences in our region. Our history is a microcosm of the majorevents that left an indelible mark in moulding the region. We have taken a hard look at the past, and we are trying to penetrate the future. We have seen in the past the fratricidal division that gradually led to supremacy in the Euro-Mediterranean region passing into the handsof outside Powers. The majority of the countries in our region were drawn into the orbit of one or the other of the two dominant military blocs. Our most recent experience has been a number of smaller conflicts and the persistence of tense situations, together with a massive accumulation of armaments, which carry with them the danger of escalation into a world-wide conflict. I need hardly recall that a recent episode led to a world-wide nuclear alert.The super-Powers, engrossed in their unrelenting competition, seem to be too preoccupied to innovate, and are suspicious of change. Unfortunately, the best we can expect from them ha future is more of the same, perhaps in more limited doses, or else one-sided initiatives which areforedoomed to failure. 179. The present situation has been described starkly,as recently as 19 September, by the weekly German Tribune, which saw Europe as a pawn and bugbear in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks between the two super-Powers. The relations between the two super-Powers fluctuate unpredictably; a decade of peaceful coexistence has not lessened military confrontation, and the Euro-Mediterranean countries are caught in this vicious circle. Butthis isneither the role nor the destiny of the region. Its restless genius chafes in this situation. The imagination of youth can neither understand its necessity nor condone its continuance. The politics of perpetual rivalry are obsolete. Movements for regional unity are gaining strength and are reaching out for one another. It is timefor change; it istime to broaden oat horizons. Change mustcome fromwithinthe region, andin a concerted manner, so as to provide a credible alternative. 180. Against this background, Malta has been a foremost advocate of, and is striving actively to bring about, this change, and to stress new dimensions in the politics of our region-based on convergence of interests in the pursuit of a cause which all recognize as desirable: the cause of expanding regional co-operation, with economic progress, stability and peace as the objective. At every opportunity, against initialhesitation, wehave madestrenuous effortsto promote understanding between the countries on both shores of the Mediterranean. We are convinced that our region can have no lasting peace and can make no worth-while social and economic progress without first affirming its own identity, its own integrity and its real independence of the super-Powers. The potential in skill, technology and human and natural resources is immense and mutually complementary, and it can be merged into a powerful combination for peace and prosperity. 181. A concerted approach has-been lacking in the past, but a start has been made. In Malta's immediate subregion 182. The Conference on Security and co-operation in Europe was a unique opportunity to focusattention on the problems of the region, of which the Mediterranean is an essential component. The broad outlines of the potential for Euro-Mediterranean co-operation,supported by historical and statistical evidence, wasthe clarioncallcontributed by Malta to that Conference. We wanted to strengthenthe muted dialogue initiated in such a wayasto increase mutual confidence and promote contacts at all levels and in all fields. Despite initial doubts and, at times, outright opposition, we persisted in our approach. Theeventual result was the adoption of the Mediterranean declaration as part of the Helsinki Final Act. The declaration spelled out the intentions of the participating States "of maintaining and amplifying the contacts and dialogue as initiated by the [Conference] with the non-participating Mediterranean States to include all the States of the Mediterranean, with the purpose of contributingto peace,reducing armedforces in the region, strengthening security, lessening tensions in the region, and Widening the scopeof co-operation, ends in which all share a common interest, as well as with the purpose of defining further commoncbjectives't.? 183. The results of the Conference were hailed in this hall asa triumphof common sense and reason. That observation would apply if all the provisions of the Helsinki Final Act are put into practice. Malta naturally attaches particular importance to the provisions of the Mediterranean document. While we appreciate that time is required for its full implementation, we also recognize that it is incumbent on us to promote action. We shall therefore seek common action with our friends to monitor implementation and ensure progress. In one sector, Mediterranean States have already acted in concert. In order to protect the Mediterranean from pollution, Mediterranean States have accepted a regional convention1 0 and two protocols, and have established a regional centre in Malta to combat oil-pollution effectively. But much more remains to be done, and the scopefor co-operation is unlimited. 184. This stirring of inquietude, this yearning for change, is as natural as it is inevitable. It is-also in the interests of international peace and security. It would be universally beneficial to harness the rich potential of a spontaneous, outward-looking, free association of Buro-Mediterranean States acting independently of and in friendly relations. withthe two super-Powers and making its own contribution to world economic advancement and political stability.The benefits would be truly incalculable. It would at the very least eliminate the possibility of direct confrontation between the super-Powers. in the most sensitive area of the world; it would relieve the super-Powers of burdens they 9 See document entitled "Questions relating to Security and • C<H)peration in the Mediterranean" in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and' Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975. 10 Convention for the Protection of the Mediterranean Sea against Pollution, done at Barcelonaon 16 February 1976. 185. We are pleased that at Colombo the non-aligned countries recognized this potential and therefore took up the matter. TheConference "urged the States Parties to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to proceed without delay to the full implementation of the Mediterranean document of the Helsinki Final Act" [see A/31/197, annex 1, para. 26 (b)J. It also called on the non-aligned countries of the Mediterranean to "act in concert in accordance with the decisions and resolutions of the Non-Aligned Conferences, in order to remove all obstacles that prevent the conversion of the Mediterranean into a zoneof peace and co-operation for the benefitof the countries concerned and in the interests of international peace and security"[ibid], 186. Malta does not overlook or underestimate these obstacles. It is becoming increasingly urgent to tacklethem collectively with vision and with vigour. In the Mediterranean, the lack of progress in Cyprus has maintained it as one area of insecurity. Malta has lent its support-at Commonwealth meetings, at the Council of Europe and at non-aligned conferences-to each and every effort that was made in an attempt to promote progress. Passion and resentment apparently have not yet .sufflciently subsided. We stress once again that there are legitimate and peaceful means whereby the protection of human rights can be guaranteed. It is now a time for healing; division runs contrary to the interests of all the parties concerned and of the region;and the preoccupations of the two communities can be safeguarded in a peaceful solution whichguarantees the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Cypms. The resolutions adopted by this Assembly and by the Security Council provide the basis for implementation, and procedural devices should not retard their implementation. 187. A second enduringarea of tension in the region, and one of the greatest single contributors to the turbulence in the Mediterranean, is the uneasy situation in the Middle East, now further inflamed by disturbances in Lebanon. The involvement of the major Powers in this .issue, aggravated by the concentration of their naval forces in the Mediterranean issuchthat, despite their best intentions,the military and political confrontation has neverdecreased and remains a threatto internationalpeace.The timehas come, and is in fact long overdue, for a pragmatic and just approach which will lead to comprehensive progress. Here again my delegation has .made its contribution in an attempt to identify the root-cause of the trouble, and to support a programme of action to remedy the situation in an equitable manner, by peaceful means, in progressive stages, and at all times under the auspices of the United Nations. We recognize the rightof all States in the region to exist within safe and recognized boundaries,internationally guaranteed if necessary. But we alsorealize that, against all obstacles, the Palestinian people are rightfully determined to. change their present plight. The humiliation and suffering of the disinherited Palestinians can no longer remain on 188. ·Further away frt:'Pm Mdta's immediate vicinity-but none the lea urgent after yean of neslect-comes the anpilhed cry of people unjustly oppressed by racist minorities. We have al consistently condemned apartheid as we have maintained support for the principle of majority rule. We note with appre",1ation that fmally a political will to chanp the intolenble situation ha apparently found expression. We will await with interest the reaction of the people most directly concerned. Nevertheless, we express the fervent hope that the required progress will be brought about without bloodshed and destruction, and that the horron of Sharpeville and Soweto will not be repeated. 189. The people of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea I)ave .cured peace after their great sacrifices. It is regrettable, however, to note that, in the same area, a divided country, Korea, which yearns for peaceful unification and freedom from foreign interference, stillhas its objectives frustrated; attemptscontinue to be made to perpetuate the division of the country,and thisto put further obstacles in the path of national unity. We reaffmn our position: the reunification of Korea should be achieved ind~pendently by the Korean people themselves, free from outside interference, by peaceful ~d democratic means. 190. What I have stated above relates to someof the major political problell'll tbat thisOrpnizationhas inherited from the put and for which solutions elude us because of bis-Power involvement, complicated by lavish arms supplies to clientStates. 191. Yet we cannot but stress that where enlightened oo-cperation prevails, progress is recorded. Therefore, we express double satisfaction that one more country has joined the community of independent nations, whose membenhip in this Organization we were 'happy to eospoDlOr. I extend a warm welcome to the delegation of the Republic of Seychelles and congratulations to the United Kingdom. I also express the hopethat otherswaiting in the winp will not be denied, by arbitrary decisions, their proper place in the family of nations. 192. As our President is well aware, since he shared the labour with us almoSt from the day the sea-bed item was introduced by the delegation of Malta in 1967,11 tfae far-reaching proposals which we then suggested are slowly but surely reaching a stage of maturity,and wenowcannot delay muchlonger the crucial moment ()fdecision: deliberately, andin full knowledge ofits magnificent potential,we have to agree on. the rules of conductwhich will govern the activities of Statesin.the marine environment including its subsoil beyondoati9naljurisdiction. 193. The fifth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the ~a ended without.the conclusions to which wehave beenaspiring for a number of yean. It is undentandable, in the ciJrcumstances, to give way to a mood of pessimism or, worse still, to resort to 11 see Officitll Recordrofthe Gel"",l Arrembly.Twenty·second 8m1D", AMu~r...ndaitem 92. document A/669S. 194. The same universallst vision inspires my country as we consider the economic field. The existing international economic imbalance has increasingly become a subject of major concern both within the United Nations system and outside it. The problems concerning economic relations among Stateshave nowproperly assumed their primary role in our discussions. Unfortunately, however, an appreciation of the hazards historically associated with the failure of established politico-economic forces to respect the legitimate demands of newly-emergent forces has not yet become a consciously recognized characteristic of the debate on the establishment of a new international economic order. 195. The difficulties that industrially advanced societies are experiencing in promoting efficiency, in reducing unemployment and inflation, and in the acquisition of raw materials are not, and cannot be, disassociated from the insistence of developing countries on a sustained but accelerated growth in their lagging development processes. There is an interdependence in these modem phenomena that requires global solutions and mutual understanding. 196. But this understanding, this deeper awareness, isstill lacking in a majority of developed countries, and perhaps even in some developing countries. A different order of progress is required both in the dialogue between rich and poor and. in the co-operative undertakings among the nations ofthe thirdworld. 197. The dialogue between rich and poor has suffered serious setbacks in the past' 12 months. The minute achievement of the fourth session ofUNCTAD cannoterase the realization that mostof the initial expectations aroused by the seventh special session of the General Assembly have not beenfulfilled. The stalemate at the Paris dialogue! 2 isa further indication of dwindling hopes. On other fronts the results have been similarly disappointing. I will not give further details except to mention that the Ad Hoc Committee on the' Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System has,ironically, almost transfigured itselfinto an appendage to the plethora of committees and sub-committees it was originally set up to restructure. 199. The necessary progress can be achieved only when all nations approach the dialogue well prepared, when attitudes become more open and sincere, and when the issues debated are more specific. 200. The needs and demands of a majority of mankind have today converged on a common platform, based on justice and equity, which has certainly no parallel in the past. Hasty criticism of the iron-clad demands of the so-called automatic majority is therefore simply a further indication of a lack of awareness of the problem. The majority exists; it will continue its clamour for its legitimate claimsto be satisfied. Any attempt to stem the tide of time or to diffuse its impact will only compound difficulties and prolong appalling inequity. 201. Apart from the dialogue between rich and poor we recognize the parallel need for a greater effort at collective self-reliance among the developing countries themselves. We have before us eloquent appeals by several leading statesmen from developing countries, including the most recent by the Prime Minister of Pakistan {seeA/31/208j, that call on the third world to develop a personality of its own, to devise a strategy for the future, and to mould appropriate institutions, to support this strategy. Malta supports this call for actio/no We have applied it in the past and will continue to do so. We have entered into agreements with several other developing countries on joint ventures in light industry and even in more sophisticated enterprises such as ship-building and civil aviation. We share the feeling that the latent energies which exist in the developing world, which have already manifested themselves on various fronts, should not be allowed to dissipate in unco-ordinated and haphazard initiatives. 202. Malta's support for the concepts and objectives of the new international economic order is unqualified. As a small island economy totally lacking in conventional natural resources, vie uphold objectives which ensure respect for the rights of all States while acknowledging the special needs of particular categories of disadvantaged economies, For us the new economic order does not mean a simple reshuft1e among the oligarchy of the powerful, but a new and durable structure based on justice and mutual respect. . 203. As we face one conference after another, and the pressure of all that needs to be done on the meagre resources we have available to deal with them, our spirits are bound to falter. Yet Malta, among the smallest ·204. Mr. FORTES (Cape Verde) (interpretation from French).13 Allow me through you Sir, to express to Mr. Att.erasinghe our most sincere and warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of this thirty-rust session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We are convinced that his outstanding qualities as a diplomat, well known to all, the wide experiencehe has acquired at the service of the international community and the historic commitment of his country to the defence of the principles of peace, international co-operation and independence of peoples are a certain guarantee of the f~ll accomplishment of the lofty and honourable mission entrusted to him. 205. It is also with great respect that we pay a tribute to the outgoing President, the Prime Minister and Minister for. Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, whose intelligence, equilibrium and competence lived up to the. expectations that we had placed in him last year at the time of his election. 206. May we also extend to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, our gratitude and our most sincere appreciation of the admirable work he has been carrying out in the faithful fulfilmentof the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter and, in particular, in the framework of the struggle against colonialism, racism and apartheid in Africa. 207. We also wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity to greet the representatives of the Republic of Seychellesand express to them our great satisfaction at seeing them occupy today their rightful place in this Assembly of free and sovereign nations. 208. A year ago, at a historic moment .for our country, that ofour admission to this the highest international body, we had occasion to outline the general principles underlying our foreign policy.14 We come here to reaffirm them because Our experience in this short span of time as a sovereign State has proved the justice of those principles.: They are fully in keeping with the legitimate interests of the Members ofthis Organization and the objective realities that we have inherited from colonialism and thus serve the sacred interests of our people. 209. Objectively, we cannot fail to note the enormous . progress that has been achieved along the path leading 211. The victory of the peoples of Indo-China (VietNam, Laos and Kampuchea), the great march towards independence by the African·peoples which dominated the decade of the 19605, and the recent independence of the former Portuguese colonies, after a long and victorious political and armed struggle for national independence, are importantmilestones in the historyof man'sliberation. 212. We applaud in particular the great victory of the Vietnamese people, who achieved one of their fundamental objectives, namely the reunification of Viet Nam. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam conquered with heroism and tenacity a place of honour in our Organization. The Iiquidatlon of these bastions of colonialism and racism, apart from opening new prospects of peace, progress and social justice in the world, has served to catalyze again and decisively in Africa the general struggle against the vestiges of colonialism and the shameful realities of racism and apartheid. 213. We witness, without the slightest shadow of a doubt, a clear effort to establish concord and co-operation among nations, which in turn help to promote initiatives towards internationaldetente. 214. Proof of this is the progress achieved in the negotiations on disarmament and the development of relations of co-operation among countries with different social systems which entail the relaxation of the climate of confrontation between blocs and ushers in to the benefit of the peoples an era of peaceful coexistence that replaces the bleak phase of the coldwar. 215. We would be remiss if we were not to highlight the important contribution made by the enlargement and gradual consolidation of the non-aligned movement and OAU. 216. While OAU, through its higher bodies, has seriously considered the crucial problems of Africa andhasfound an answer and solution to many of them, as borneout by the recent results obtained in Mauritius, the non-aligned movement inspired by similar principles and objectives..but with a broader platform has earned out similar tasks at the third-world level. The last Conference in Colombo, Sri Lanka, adopted declarations and resolutionsIseeA/.ll/197J which bearout thisassertion. 217. We can say that today, in its struggle for the creative implementation of the principles enshrined in our Charter, the African group and the broader platform of the non-aligned countries in the United Nations represent a decisive factor in the establishment of a newpolicy among nations. 219. However, our State, as an integral part of the international community, cannot fail to express its concern at the flagrant violations of fundamental human rights, at the attempts to perpetuate anachronistic colonialist, racist and apartheid regimes, at acts of aggression, interference and violation of the territorial integrity of sovereign States and at subversive manoeuvres aimed at overthrowing legitimately constitutedGovernments which endanger international peace andsecurity. 220. The accession to independence of the former Portuguese colonies andthe assumption of power by the national liberation movements whichled to the establishment of the People's Republic of Angola, the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau and the Republic of Cape Verde-all this isnot onlya victory for the peoples of Africa and peace-loving and progressive forces in the world, but it is also a significant victory for the United Nations, where the fate of these peoples had beendebated over a periodof 20 years. 221. The beneficial consequence for Africa of the independence of these countries escapes no attentive observer. T4e independence of these countries hassubstantially changed the relations of force iD the struggle against colonialism andracism in southernAfrica. 222. Once apartheid's protective belt,Portuguese colonialism, was destroyed, the minority regimes in southernAfrica saw in these anti-colonialist, anti-racist republics of Angola and Mozambique their closest enemies. Despite the important contribution made by the struggle of these peoples to the cause of the United Nations, westillwitness acts of unqualifiable aggression by the unlawful Rhodesian regime and the racist regime in South Africa against the young republics of Angola andMozambique. .223. Those peoples which,like the Angolan people, after 'long years of cruel and bloody fighting, at the expense of untold suffering and sacrifices, at long last broke the shackles of slavery, exploitation, poverty and ignorance, deserve the respect and solidarity of allthe nationsinspired by the principles of the United Nations. For this reason we believe it is the duty of all the Members of this Organization to support whole-heartedly the application for admission of the People's Republic of Angola, which fulfils all the requirements for membership ofthe UnitedNations. 224. In Rhodesia, in Namibia, in South Africa, we continue to witness the manouevres of the racist and apartheid regimes which,in a desperate attempt to stemthe tide of history, seek to perpetuate systems that the international community, irrespective of political system or ideology, regards asobsolete andinhuman. . 225. In our view, the solutions proposed by OAU and supported by the non-aligned movement are valid. All these solutions unmask and condemn attempts to undermine the true liberation of those peoples. By way of flagrant example, we have the pseudo-independence of Transkei, 227. We associate ourselves with all those who appeal to the common sense of the Powers which obstinately insist on aiding that regime by fmancingmeans and by supplying war materials, including materials capable of beingused for weaponsof mass destruction. 228. in the Comoros, although that country has acceded to independence and been admitted to full membership in OAU, the non-aligned movement and the United Nations, we still witness the flagrant violation of the principle of territorial integrity, namely, the occupation of Mayotte, which has always been an integral part of that former colony. 229. With reference to Western Sahara, although this is a clear case of decoloniZation similar to so many others that we have witnessed on the African continent, we note an attempt by the administering Power to evade its responsibiliti?-s by concluding agreements that violate the sacred principle of self-determination and independence, and that might ultimately lead to the disappearance of Western Saharaas an entity. 230. In our view, the people of Western Sahara, like any other coloniZed people, are entitled to self-determination and independence. We believethat the Frente POLISARIO, which embodies the legitimate aspirations of the Saharan people, has the inalienable ri~'lt to seek out the ways and meansthat will lead to true emancipation. 231. Another tragic situation, which has existed for so many years, still prevails in the Middle East. We reaffirm here our unconditional support of the Palestinianpeople in their strugglefor the recovery of their usurped lands, and of the Arab countries who see a part of their territory unlawfully occupied by foreign forces. Wealsobelievethat the satisfaction of the legitimate interests ofthe Palestinian people is the key to the solution of the serious problem that still exists in the Middle East and dangerously threatens international peace and security• . 232. Any manoeuvre or arrangement aimed at disregarding the claims of the martyred people of Palestine, represented by the Palestine Liberation· Organization, will Simply prolong indefmitely and aggravate the problem. Our own experience has taught us that massacres, such as those now taking place in Lebanon, will never break the will or determinatlon of the people or destroy a just cause. 233. By way of confirmation of the threat that hangs over the small countries and of the desire nurtured by many to restore the law of the strongest, we have the case of East Timor-a classical example of a colony occupied by foriegn 235. We shall continue to adhere to the principles of non-alignment, which advocate independence of action and thinking; the practice of a policy which serves peoples; the constant upholding of equality and fraternity among. nations; non-aggression and non-interference; the inviolability of territorial integrity; and the consistent implementation of the principle of peaceful coexistence, which guarantees to all States the right to devote themselves to primary tasks so as to achieve their economic independence by establishing the bases for progress.Thus, we shall always be open to frank co-operation with all" the peoples and Governments ofthe world on the basisof mutual advantage and non-interference in internal affairs. 236. This determination will be our modest contribution to the process of instituting a new and more just and equitable economic and social order sothat together, in the service of our respective peoples, we may be able to face the disasters still afflicting many parts of the world: poverty, hunger, ignorance, and social, cultural, scientific and technological backwardness. 237. In referring to these disasters,and havingdefmed the position of the Republic of Cape Verde on the fundamental problems that concern our OrganiZation, allow me to draw the attention of this Assembly to the difficult, not to say dramatic, economic and social situation besetting the people of CapeVerde at the present time, to which we shall be referring in greater detail in due time in the Second Committee. 238. The Cape Verde archipelago, which is situated in the well-known desert zone of the Sahel and which conquered its national independence a little more than one year ago, .inherited from its long colonial past a precarious economic and social situation characterized fundamentally by a total lack ofproductive infrastructure. 239. Periodically, our country, subject to the whims of the weather and to haphazard and scarcerainfall, must face long periods of devastating drought, which bring famine and unemployment and sow consternation among the population. During the last two centuries of colonial domination-or, rather, between 1744 and 1974-Cape Verde had over half a century of acute famine, which took a toll estimated at more than 200,000 lives. 240. Since 1968, Cape Verde has had eight consecutive years of drought,aggravated by the mass return of immigrants-in particular, from Angola. 242. Asforindustry,it isin the artisan stage and thus very shaky, being liinited essentially to the mining of salt, the extraction of pozzolana and the small-scale processing of a small number of foodstuffs, especially those derived from fIShing. According to provisional estimates for 1973 preparedby a mission of the Economic Commission for Africa, the industrial sector accounts for barely 6.47 per cent of gross domestic product. 243. An analysis of foreign trade reveals the precariousness and degree of dependency of the Cape Verde economy. It shows a substantial deficit, which has been exacerbated between 1966 and 1974 by the prolonged drought, leading to 'a heavy increase in -imports of agricultural' produce and the stagnation, or even decline, of exports. 244. Thus, in 1974, exports covered only 3.3 per cent of imports. It may reasonably be supposed that this percentage iscurrently of the same orderof magnitude. 245. It should, further, be pointed out that imports of food-stuffs account for approximately 55 per cent of total imports.. 246. Per capita gross domestic product in 1973 was SUS 127, according to the estimates of the Economic Commission for Africa. Today, this figure can reasonably be estimated to be substantially lower, because of the prolonged drought, the increase in population brought about by strong demographic pressure and, especially, the mass return of emigrants. 247. As for public finance, the regular budget for 1976 shows a deficit representing 45 per cent of total expenditures.Theinvestment budget is almost non-existent. 248. As a result of this especially difficult economic situation, the social situation is characterized by chronic unemployment affecting a sizeable segment of the active population. Of the active population employed in 1970, 57,000 persons were doing assistance work for the victims of the drought, fmanced by the colonial authorities which were concerned by'the 'possible repercussions on world public opinion of the announcement of drought victinis. This kind of work, which had no precise national' development objective, was suppressed when Cape Verde achieved independence, witH gradual reconversion to more useful work such as the constructionof dykes to channel water, the construction of infrastructure and the stockpiling of food-stuffs. The source of fmancing having been removed, the Government is in fact having great difficulty in: implementing this policy. As a result, the present unemployment rateIjobless and underemployed) is much higher~ and must amount to about 75 percent of the active population. 249. With· the prospect of a bad harvest as a result of insufficient rainfall for 1976, the number of unemployed will increase considerably. 251. President Pereira, a few days prior to the twentieth anniversary of the founding of the Partido Afri.cano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde IPA/GC/, observed that, in fighting for independence, the PAlGC had been aware of the difficulties that the people of Cape Verde would have to face, deriving from the inclement natural elements and the consequences of the virtually complete abandonment of the islands by the colonial Power. 252. Despite this initial handicap, President Aristides Pereira expressed his conviction that the people which, through its Party, the PAlGC, had already accepted 20 years of sacrifice, would take up the challenge of nature and create a prosperous Cape Verde no longer at the mercy of rainfall. 253. President Aristides Pereira concluded his address by launching an appeal to the entire people of Cape Verdeworkers, technicians, civil servants, peasants, emigrants and Party activists-to carry out the emergency measures to be taken by the Government, so as once again to show world public opinion their capacity to work and accept sacrifice, which are the necessary conditions for the mobilization of international solidarity-a solidarity which, it is fully confident, will assist the people of Cape Verde to surmount this difficult emergency situation, which calls for a rapid and effective response by this august Assembly.

The representative of Somalia has asked to be allowed to speak in exercise of the right of reply. The members of the Assembly will recall that the General Assembly, atitS·4th plenary meeting, decided that interventions made in exercise of the right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes.

My delegation has requested the floor to exercise its right of reply on certain misleading and inaccurate remarks made yesterday by the Foreign Minister of Ethiopia pertaining to the issue of French Somaliland in his statement at the 28th meeting. First, the Ethiopian Minister stated in his opening remark on the question that French colonialism in Djibout.i is "a spent force without much will to linger on". As the members of this Assembly will recall, our Minister for Mineral Resources and Water Development in hisstatement had expressed the position of my Government as follows: "...the long-drawn out and intricate processes leading to independence unfortunately indicate the lack of concrete progress being made by the colonial Power in the decolonization of the Territory." {22nd meeting, para. 196/. That the Territory of French Somaliland is still under colonial rule is a well-known fact whichcalls for no further comment, We wish that we could share the optimism of Ethiopia that French colonialism in Djibouti is a spent force. IS Thirteent.1l session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Port Louis, Mauritius,from 2 to 6 July 1976. "The Somali Democratic Republic harbours no ambition to annex the Territory and desires only its full and unconditional independence. Its sole interest is" in the liquidation of colonialism from French Somaliland and the restoration of the legitimate and inviolable rights of .the peoples of that Territory to decide their ultimate destiny independently, in a free and democratic manner, devoid of any pressure of interference from any quarter or from any Government, no matter what vital interests thei.r country may claim to have in shaping the future of FrenchSomaliland." 258. Ethiopia, on the other hand, has until lastyear, when it realized the inevitability of independence, actively pursued a policy aimed at the preservation of the colonial status quo. Its search for guarantees should be therefore viewed in that light. 259. A third observation regarding the Minister's statement is that it contains deliberate distortions of fact. We again see aninaccurate presentation of the OAU decision in Mauritius, which according to the statement, called for a conference of. all parties with a view to creating a transitional government-another serious misrepresentation of the relevant decision of the OAU Council of Ministers. In factthe paragraph in question readsasfollows: "Urges all the politicalparties and groups and the two liberation movements recognized by the OAU... to accept a round-table conference on neutral grounds and under the auspices of the OAU to agree on a common political platformbeforethe referendum". Where is the call for the creation of a transitional government? 260. To conclude, we support the proposal that this Assembly lend its support to the OAU resolution adopted in Mauritius concerning French Somaliland on the basis of its spiritandletter and not, as the Ethiopian Minister would want this Assembly to believe. Our hope is that our detractors will not be affordedthe opportunity to generate unnecessary debate by introducing extraneous issues which have no relevance to the question at hand, namely that of decolonization. OAU has'already rejected this manoeuvre and the General Assembly will no doubt, in its wisdom, follow a similar courseof action.

I callon the representative of Turkey, who wishes to exercise the rightof reply. 16 Twelfth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Kampalafrom 28 JUly to 1 August 1975. 263. The dispute in Cyprus is betweenthesetwo administrations. The negotiating forces involve them as the only parties. All the United Nations resolutions address themselves to both of them.. It is therefore clear that whatever Mr. Christophides has said reflects simply and exclusively the views of one of the partiesto the dispute. 264. The Turkish community-the other party to the dispute-does not have the possibility of having its voice heard in this hall. This ;),'uation might be an advantage to the Greek Cypriots as far as propaganda is concerned. However, they should be aware by now of the fact that their efforts to deprive the Turkish community of its inherent right to present its position constitutes only a serious obstacle to a negotiated settlement. The day will come, we hope, when they will prefer solving the question to futile rhetoricand sadillusion. 265. In an effort to confuse the Assembly and to divertits attention from the imperative to consider equally the views of the Turkish community, the Greek Cypriot representative has attempted to present the Cyprus conflict as a dispute, not between the two Cypriot communities, but between the Greek Cypriot community and Turkey. Consequently my country became the target of the usual false and pernicious accusations. We will have ample time in the future when the Cyprus questionwillbe discussed to refute all those slanders proffered against Turkey today. It will suffice at this juncture to reaffmn our basic position vis-~-vis the Cyprus question: the Turkish Government has no interest in Cyprus other than the independence of the island, its non-involvement in any strategic arrangement or power politics, and the well-being and security of the Turkishcommunity.. 266. Any settlement acceptable to the Turkish community is unquestionably acceptable to Turkey as well. Therefore it is most advisable for the Greek Cypriot leadership to seek a solution with the Turkish community through intercommunal talks rather than engaging in sterile rhetoric in international forums. This clearly reflects a universal consensus. Indeed, the common denominator of all the statements made during the general debate in connexionwith the Cyprus questionisthe desire expressed for toe attainment of a settlement between the two communities. 267_ There is a point which I would like to underline at the specific request of the representative of the Turkish community,who is unable to appear before the Assembly. He asked me to inform the Assembly that the assertion by 268. ThePRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I call on the representative of Ethiopiato speakin exercise of the rightofreply.

In his reply to the statement on Djiboutimade by the ForeignMinister of Ethiopia at the 28th meeting, the representative of Somalia endeavoured to make among other things the following points: one, that DAU hasnot specifically calledon Somalia, as my Foreign Minister suggested, to make a commitment to respect the territorial integrity of Djibouti and that the Ethiopian proposal to that effect had been rejected;two, that the representatives of the principal political group of Djibouti have rejected any offer of' an undertaking by Somalia and Ethiopia to respect their territorial integrity; and three, that Somalia does not have any claim to Djibouti. 270. I would liketo respondto each of these pointsraised by the representative of Somalia. Asregards the first point, suffice it to refer to DAU resolution CM/Res.480 (XXVII) now available as United Nations document A/31/1'96'and Corr.I, In its operative paragraph 3, resolution CM/ Res.480 (XXVII) afftrms the resolution adopted at Kampala, which the Somali representative conveniently forgot to mention. The Kampala resolution, resolution CM/Res.431/Rev.l (XXV)11 called upon Somalia and Ethiopia to renounce any claims they might have to the territory. Resolution CM/Res.480 (XXVII) also approves the recommendations of the fact-fmdingmission and that of the twenty-seventh session of the DAU Co-ordinating Committee for the liberation of Africa, which declared "that the DAU Member States, in particular Ethiopia and Somalia, had committed themselves to guarantee and respect the independence and territorial integrity of Djibouti". It is pertinent to point out the fact that the delegation of the Somali Democratic Republic at the above-mentioned session of the liberation Committee reserved its position with respect to the phrase "in particular Ethiopia and Somalia have committed themselves". 271. Contrary to the assertion made by the representative of Somalia that Ethiopia's proposal was rejected by OAU, the quotation I just read reflects complete approval and acceptance by DAU of Ethiopia'sproposaland the purpose 272. Unless the Somali representative has a serious objection to stability in the regionand to seeingterritorial claim renounced, I cannot understand how he could have twisted that statement of the ForeignMinister yesterday. 273. Regarding the claim of the representative of Somalia that the principal political movements of Djibouti have not endorsed the OAU request for assurancesof respect for the territorial integrity of Djibouti after independence, I wish simply to point out that all the genuine representatives of the people have demanded such assurances. The representatives of UNIl8 and MPV? for example, in their respective statements made to the OAU Council of Ministers in Mauritius, have demanded that all those countries that claim territorial rights in Djibouti should renounce all such rights and should give an undertaking to respect the territorial integrity of an independent Djibouti. lJlAl, the Ligue populaire africaine pour l'independance, the party to whichthe representative of Somaliareferred in passing, has made a similarrequest. Mr. Hassan Gouled, the President of LPAI, accompanied by five members of his executive committee, paid a visit to Ethiopia last June, &l;'"'id in a joint communiquesignedbetween him and my Foreign Minister the views of LPAI on the subject-matter were set forth as follows: "That all States, in particular Ethiopia and Somalia, must recognize and commit themselves to respect the territorial integrity and the independent status of the Territory in accordance with the declaration of the twenty-seventh ordinary session of the Co-ordinating Committee for the Liberation ofAfrica." 274. The representative of Somalia has also made reference in this context to the parliamentary oppositionfor instance, the group that was heard in Djibouti by the recent OAU fact-finding mission-and what they said was also contained in the report of that mission. This group indeed felt that there was a need for guaranteeing the territorial integrity of. Djibcuti after its accession to independence, and to that end, strange as it may sound, suggested that perhaps French military force could stay. 275. We do not fmd the viewattributed to FLCS20 which, I may add, has its base in Mogadishu-has any validity. Dr. Salah Nour, the President of that movement up to a 18Union nationale pourl'independance. 19Mouvement populaire deliberation. 20 Front deliberation de la Cotedes Somalis. 276. Now, about the assertion of the representative of Somalia that his country does not have any claim to Qiibouti. Frankly, I should like to be wrong on this score, but the fact is that the legaldocument which now provides guidance to the Somali state-usually referred to as the charter of the revolution-reaffinns article 6 as having continued validity. This article, which was contained in the first constitution of Somalia-now abolished by the present Govemment-reaffmns the goal of the unification of all Somali territories. There are continuing references today in official statements to Djibouti being part of the Somali national territory "now under foreign occupation". Recent official maps of Somalia, a copy of which I have in my hand, show Djibouti as being one of the national territories of Somalia which remain to be recovered. They are shown here in red. The map is compiled by the Committee of the Supreme Revolutionary Council which is the ruling organ ofthe Somali Republic. 277. If, however, despite the evidence, the Somali representative would want to go beyond the limits of past Somali statements accepting self-determination without renouncing claim, I would welcome such a statement and even consider it as a contribution on the part of Somalia. I do not, however, believe that, except perhaps for some Ch311!e in the phraseology, the Somali representative has gone beyond the usual parameter. 278. Finally, the Somali representative has suggested that any assurances the neighbouring countries of Djibouti . would give to respect the integrity of an independent Djibouti would impose a limitation on the new State and might even conveniently create a right for the two neighbours to intervene in the domestic affairs of Djibouti. I thought the ForeignMinisterhad adequately respondedto this flimsy objection. The search for such assurances is to pre-empt any and all claims of rights, such as territorial rights, that can be used for intervention rather than to create grounds for new rights. What does the declaration that we submitted to OAU provide for? To quote from that declaration, the two states were to agree: CC1. To recognize the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independent existence of the so-called French Soma- Wand (Djibouti) upon its accession to independence within its present political boundaries; "2. To renounce any and all claims to the so-called French Somaliland (Djibouti) or any part thereof on ethnic, economic security and other grounds and to declare null and void any legal act or symbol asserting or reflecting such claims; "(b) To refrain from any and all acts designed to alter the independent existence of French Somaliland -".

I am very sorry to interrupt the speaker, but I should like to remind him that, according to the decision taken by the General Assembly, interventions made in exercise of the right of reply must be limited to 10 minutes. I should be grateful to him, then, if he would be good enough to conclude his statement.

I think I canconclude it in under one minute. As I was saying "...to refrainfrom any and an acts designed to alter the independent existence of French Somaliland (Djibouti)after its accession to independence".21 281. Regarding some of the.gratuitouscor.unents that the representative of Somalia made in attempting to cast as negative a light as possible, I wouldsimply say that actions speak louder than words. The policy of my Government in the actions it has taken is a matter ofrecord. We are proud of them. I do not, therefore, want to engage in any verbal battle with the representative of Somalia. . 282. ThePRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I call on the representative of Cyprus, who wishes to speak in exercise of the rightofreply.

The representative of Turkey began his reply by disputing the status of my Government, the Government of a State Member of the United Nations, recognized by all its membership, except perhaps-and I do say "perhaps"-by Turkey. He took as groundsfor not accepting my Government as a recognized authority the prevailing reality in Cyprus, namely, that there now exist two distinct administrations representing the two Cypriot communities. And what made them two distinctadministrations representing the two communities? The aggression against and invasion of Cyprus. Those facts are well Known to all Members here, and we need hardly repeat them, but I suppose Ambassador Tiirkmen would like to hear them again. And how was that aggression carried out? By napalm bombing, which wascalled a peace operation. By napalm bombing, followed by invasion and cold-blooded executions of civilians. And then, what was worse, by the expulsion, through terror and genocidal means, of the majority population of the invaded area,the area which the representative of Turkeynow says is under a separate Turkish-Cypnot. administration, although before the .invasion 80 per cent of its inhabitants were Greek Cypriotsand only 20 per cent TurkishCypriots.But the 80 . per cent of Greek Cypriots were expelled by force-by blood and iron-and this created' 200,000 refugees and it refugee problem that Is well known. The resolutionsof the General Asrembly and the Security Council called upon Turkey to withdraw its forces and to allow the Greek 284. Well, really, we have reached an age of no reason, because if what Mr. Tiirkmen has said is representative of our age and time, then the world is going to be destroyed. But I hope that perhaps this is an exceptionin the attitude of Turkey, as its attitude before has been an exception in many matters which are on the recordof history. Andhere I refer to cases which I really do not want to mention in detail because they are a stigma on civilization and I shall not go into them now.Sothereforethat goes by the board, and what we want hereisprecisely to remedythese realities of forceand aggression. Otherwise, weaccept aggression. 285. The second point that Mr.Tiirkmen has raised is that it is not Turkey that is involved as'a party in this problem, but the two Cypriot communities, the Greek and.the TurkishCypriots. The Constitutional problem, certainly,is for the two communities, but we have now the burning problemof the invasion and aggression and the continuing -andI repeat "continuing"-expulsions ofthe GreekCypriot population, and, what is worse, the colonization of the area, as stated by my Foreign Minister here, by population from Turkey forcibly imposed not only on the Greek Cypriots but on the Turkish Cypriots. And what my Foreign Minister said was quite true. The Turkish newspapers in Cyprus write continually about the oppression of the Turkish Cypriots by the colonizing population.iof.the degree of criminality of that population, and of the sufferings of the Turkish Cypriots. And there has been a continued upheaval. Those who pretend to speak for the Turkish Cypriot community are merely the puppet instruments of the invader, and they speak first because they could not do otherwise, but alsobecause they arein league with him-in their own interests but not in the interestsof the Turkish Cypriot community-and this is obvious and well known. 286. Therefore, the problem before the General Assembly is not the constitutional problem between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots. It is the question of invasion, and the. Turkish Cypriot leadership has nothing to say in this matter. To try, by this wholesale expulsion of populations and wholesale importation of population from Turkey, to change the demographic character of Cyprus is, according to international law that is about to come into force, an internationalcrime,andto usethat internationalcrimehere as a reasonfor saying that the Government ofCyprusis not entitled to speak in the General Assembly about this crime is, to say the least,ludicrous, and therefore I do not think I needto continue further. 287. But there is another aspect. Mr. Tiirkmen said that the basic position of his Government and of Turkey is nothing other than independence and territorial integrityof Turk~y was attempting to invade Cyprus. Ontwo occasions it was stopped from doing so by the Security Council, and on the third occasion, on S June, it was stoppedby a letter from none other than the President of the United States, President Johnson, who in his letter to Prime Minister Inonii told him-I cannot repeat the exact words, but the quotation~as beengiven-"You,wishto represent that the purpose of your invasion is to protect the interests of the Turkish Cypriot community, but we know very well that the purpose of the prospective invasi.on is to partition Cyprub, and we remind you that you are guarantors of the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus and that therefore you are violating you own guarantee". This is what Turkey wants 'today, and it wants to present it as "new realities". The resolutions speak about negotiations. Yes, but in which order? They call for the withdrawal of the troops without furtherdelay,the returnof the refugees and the cessation of intervention, and then-after all those things-the situation in Cyprus willbe clear of invasion and oppression, and negotiations can be freely conducted. The resolutions say that negotiations must be freely conducted, but they cannot be freely conducted when the island is under the oppressive rule of the invader. Therefore, negotiations with the Turkish Cypriotsare certainly necessary for the constitutional issue, but the constitutional issue cannot be discussed without first freeing Cyprus from invasion. 288. The statementof my Foreign Minister fullyexplains this situation and neednot be repeated, but I had to point out the ridiculous purpose of the Turkish representative.

The representative of Somalia has asked to be allowed to speak inexercise ofthe right ofreply, and I nowcallon him.

Mr. President, I would not wish to abuse the patience of the house, or to enter into a lengthy debate, but I think that certain clarification onmy part isagain called for. 291. ' The representative of Ethiopia, in anticipation of, what I couldor would have said,reada prepared statement which did not have any relevance to what I have said in response to his ~ter's statement. .' • t . 292. !n the first place,I should like to quote what the Ethiopian M~ter said: . '. .' . , "Frenchcolonialism in Djiboutiis a spent forcewitl"lout muchwill to linger on. Theonly wayit canstay on in one, guise or another is by taking advantage of circumstances that outside forces may create for it. African countries . should, therefore, continue their vigilance and should make sure that the call they have especially made to the two neighbouring countries of Djibouti, Ethiopia and Somalia,at the last summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity /OAU/, held recently in Mauritius, 293. The representative of Ethiopia has harked back to resolutions of past OAU Assemblies such as the one in Kampala. 'Not only that, but he has read extracts fromthe many statementsmadeon thisissue. Why is Ethiopiataking this stand, at this late hour, when even the.colonialPower has accepted the principle of granting independence to the Territory? The crux of the matter is that Ethiopia has persistently sabotaged and put all obstacles in the way of the process, of decolonization in the Territoty. and has refu'sed to accept it. Ethiopia has always openly or covertly-in public forums and in secref deals-maintained the position that France should stay in the Territory, whereas Somalia, all alone, from the day of its independence, from the assumption of independence by the Government of my State, has called for the unconditional decolonization ofthe Territory. 294. Why is Ethiopia nowbringing up this question of the guarantee? What should be guaranteed? Is.there any Member of the United Nations sittinghere-and there are many that havecometo independence sincethe creationof this Organization-that has ever been guaranteed by other neighbouring States? These rights are enshrined in the Charter of the United .Nations. The. people them~lves guarantee their rights to sovereignty-the Charter of the United Nations, the world community. What can.Somalia and Ethiopia now sign? What undertaking c~ w~'livet What interference can we expect? Certainly, Somalia will not commit any aggression against the Territory. This has been said in many forums, and I shouldlike to repeat it. This people must attain their independence by the most democratic process, without any interference. Once they attain their independence and take their placein the world community, let them by all means do what they want to do. 295. Arewe now going to talk about and dictate whatthe new State will do? Is this what we-are discussing? Is that what the representative of Ethiopia wantsus to bring here? Certainly, this cannot be accepted. It is against the rightof the people. It jeopardizes their dignity, their future independence. 296. I wishto reiterateagain that the Somali Government, and indeed the majority of the memberS of.OAU,aid not see any reason whatsoever for suchan undertaking,-,and I amquitesurethat the Assembly would dismiss it., : 297., I do not intend to dwell on allthis matter again, but I wishto touch upon some other problems. The representative of Ethiopia has brought a map here. Yes, that map shows the areas the Somali nation inhabits, and indeed there..are areas that it inhabits. But that has no particular bearing on the question of French Somaliland. How can you ask the Somali Government at this.time to respect the sovereignty of that State-to-be when allalong wehave been working for that very goal? The real motives of the Ethiopian attempt at this moment is to create for Ethiopia a pretext to commit an aggression, to intervene in the . -.