A/31/PV.32 General Assembly

It is gratifying for us all to be able to applaud the unanimous election of Mr. Amerasinghe as President of the General Assembly. His wide experience, his well-known qualities as a diplomat and his dedication to the ideals of the United Nations make hiselection an act of justice.It is, moreover, an expression of gratitude to the Government and people of Sri Lanka, which, under the guidance of Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, play an active role in the forefront of the struggle of the non-aligned countries to build a new order in international relations based on independence and equality. It is especially gratifying to my delegation to congratulate him by virtue of the brotherly relations that exist between Cuba and Sri Lanka and the friendship that has characterized our relations with Mr. Amerasinghe in the course of a number of years'work in the United Nations. 2. May we extend our congratulations to the Government of the Republic of Seychelles, which hasrecentlyobtained independence and hasbecome a newMember of the United Nations. Those two events represent a tribute to the world struggle against colonialism and demonstrate onceagain the inevitable nature of the process of decolonization at the world level. 3. In welcoming the. admission of Seychelles we must voice our protest against the exclusion of the People's RepUblic of Angola andthe Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. Those two States, which are members of the non-aligned movement and of its Co-ordinating Bureau, have become members of a number of international bodies and maintain normal relations with almost all the members of the internatlonal community.. Their admission to the United . Nations hasthe virtually unanimous supportof countries of all regions and political and social systems. If Angola and .ME·W ·YOIK Viet Nam are not among ustoday, thisis due exclusively to the disgraceful, irresponsible and obstinate opposition of the Government of the United States of America, which appears to base its foreign policy on whim arid arbitrariness. 4. The year tha1- has elapsed since the 'last:session of the General Assembly has been characterized by advances and vtctones in. the struggles. of peoplesagainst. imperialism, colonialism and racism. . 6. All those achievements show a predominant trend in international relations in favour of the cause of peace, independence and progress. However, together with those encouraging factors, we continue to witness trends that could lead to war and aggression andthe activities of those favouring the use of force in international relations continue to threaten the process of detente,whichhasnot yet become irreversible and universal. It is not difficult to see that the forces of imperialism and reaction are still stubbornly intent on changing the course of events and repressing peoples in order to halt or deflect the processes of liberation, while attacking progressive Governments. We are living in a situation in which the progressive forces and those which seek to hold back the march of history are engaged in a decisive struggle and bloody confrontation. That antagonism is the characteristic feature of the present international situation.In orderto consolidate peace andto obtain an order of relations in keeping With the principles and purposes of the Charter it is essential to maintain the united efforts of the socialists, the non-aligned andallother countries interestedin the promotion of true international co-operation. That effort must be channelled along three levels at the same time: we must oonsoltdate, extend and make irreversible international detente; we must achieve effective agreements on the road towards general and complete disarmament; we must adopt measures for the speedy and total elimination of colonialism and racism in all its forms and manifestations and for ensuring the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and promote the establishment of a new international economic order. The Fifth Conference of Heads of Stateor Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo last August, represents an important contribution to that 7. The African scene, at the time of the opening of the current session of the General Assembly, has undergone radical changes. The heroic and consistent struggle of the liberation movements culminated in the downfall of Portuguese colonialism and the accession to independence of Guinea-Hissau, Cape Verde, Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe and Angola. The racist regimes in the southernpart of Africa were cornered by the impetuous advance of the liberating process. Faced with that different situation, the imperialists, colonialists and racists conceived a new strategy which was more brutal, more aggressive, more subtle and insidious. On the one hand, they organized the most shameless military aggression against independent Angola, invaded its territory and committed every kind of crime, misdeed and outrage against its noblepeople. On the other hand, the diplomats and theoreticians of imperialism, disconcerted by the image of an Africa that was sta.''1ding on its feet and firmly repulsing its oppressors, showed an unaccustomed interest in that continent and attempted, b~l'ough demagogy, deceit and the manipulation of docile eollabotatcrs, to confuse their peoples and disseminate deceitful formulas for the "solution" of their serious probleJ1)s, the object of which was to sow division among the anti-colonialist forces and to perpetuate the supremacy of racism in that continent. 8. They are still today continuing this two-faced game which combines flattery with the stick, the cleverness of their professors with the bayonets of their mercenaries. While Mr. Kissinger hurries off to a region of the world which he has only lately discovered, his colleagues in the Central Intelligence Agency and in the Pentagon continue to forge aggressive plans against the People's Republic of .Angola and are unflagging in their promotion of conspiracies against the progressive States of Africa. While the United States Secretary of Statetalks with Mr. Vorster and Mr. Smith of magic formulas to perpetuate apartheid and white oppression under the guise of newclothes designed at the eleventh hour, the racists in Pretroia are massacring children in Soweto and the Salisbury troops are bombing the territory of Mozambique and destroying refugee camps. 9. Those who believe that they can deceive those who have been subjugated and impoverished for centuries'are mistaken. They will be even more mistaken if, dominated by an arrogance that makes them believe in their capacity to repeat SUtccssfully the deceitful practices of the first European sailors and discoverers, they attempt to pass themselves off as liberators of those whom they are oppress'mg and as friends of theirvictims. 10. There is no possibility, nor has there ever beenor will be one, of reconciliation between the oppressor and the oppressed and betweenthe victims andthose whovictimiZe them. We must not forget that, if today the former colonialists and racists arc attempting manoeuvres to enable them to negotiate with these against whom they foughtfor so many years in the most difficult circumstances, this is precisely due to the effectiveness of the struggle, eo the successes achWved by the liberation movements in their 11. The General Assembly must renew its commitment of solidarity with the struggle of the African peoples for independence, freedom and racial equality. In this connexion the Assembly should energetically condemn the manoeuvres of the Pretoria regime designed to perpetuate its oppression over Namibia. The deceitful racist words spoken in the fraudulent "constitutional talks" in Windhoek must be categorically rejected. The only peaceful solution of this question consists in the transfer of all power to the Namibian people represented by its national liberation movement, the South West Africa People's Organization {SWAPO}. Thisorganization hasindicated its willingness to contribute to a peaceful solution if its proposals are accepted, namely the holding of direct talks only between SWAPO and South Africa. The sole purpose of these talks would, be to put an end to colonial domination over Namibia; they must not be part of previous talks with tribal groups and must be preceded by the unconditional release of all political detainees,and, finally, a cease-fife must be decreed and the army of SWAPO must be recognized. 12. The adoption of effective measures by the United Nations to expel South Africa from Namibia has now become obviously urgent, since Pretoria has systematically flouted all the relevant decisions and resolutions of the international community and has used andis continuing to use the Territory of Namibia as a base for aggression against African countries. Last year's invasion of the People's Republic of Angola, which ended in the most humiliating and decisive defeat ever suffered by the racists, their mercenaries and their imperialist tutors, served to draw the attention of the world to the threat to international peace posed by the continuation of South Africa's presence in that Territory. Now, while the General Assembly is in session, the South African regime is maintaining tens of thousands of soldiers concentrated close to the Angolan frontier, continuing to fortify the northernpart of Namibia and carrying out constant attacks and provocations against the territoryof Angola. 13. The situation in Zimbabwe demands the most careful attention of all progressive countries and forces. Encouraged by the success of Angola and the advance of the revolution in Mozambique, the national liberation movement is giving proof of growing vitality and is carrying out ever more effectively and victoriously its struggle against the Ian Smithclique and its imperialist partners.It isin this context of imminent bankruptcy of the Salisbury regime that Mr. Kissinger decided to carry out his recent and suspicious safari. Thepurpose of hisjourneycouldnot have been more obvious. Representing the great NorthAmerican monopolies-which are the main beneficiaries of the exploitation of the peoples of southernAfrica and, therefore, 14. Mr. Kissinger's proposals must be rejected. Theyshow that there is a need to strengthen our solidarity with the true freedom fighters of Zimbabwe in their armed struggle which they areengaged in and which will soonleadthem to totalvictory. 1S. We must not disregard the fact that a key interlocutor in Mr. Kissinger's recent travels was the head of the racist regime in Pretoria. This is not surprising if we realize that one of the strategic motivations of the presentmanoeuvres of imperialism in Africa is the preservation of the system of oppression and discrimination imposed on millions of Africans by the Government headed by Mr. Vorster. Regardless of the successes of the' African liberation movement, however numerous its achievements against traditional colonialism, nothing can ever make usforget the fact that Africa will not be entirely free, that no African country can ensure its independence and sovereignty, that no African people can live in peace and security while there continues to exist in South Africa the heinous system of apartheid because there, in the southern extreme of the continent, there is a cancer which attempts to devour all the African peoples; there persists there the most brutal forms of human exploitation;there wefmd stillthe crudest manifestation of all that isinhuman, repugnant and hateful that colonialism and racism have meant to the peoples of the thirdworld. 16. The struggle of the people of South Africa against apartheid has therefore acquired an importance going far beyond the boundaries of the continent. The whole world must pay a tribute to the South African workers, students and patriots who, in every corner of the racist territory, have heroically and resolutely raised theirvoices in protest, have unmasked the brutal and repressive essence of the Vorster regime, and have shown that the African masses are not willing to live with racial oppression. The General Assembly must adopt strong andeffective measures against apartheid and in support of the struggle of the South African people, and must definitely reject the policy of "bantustanization" and repression practised by the Vorster clique.• 17. The anti-colonial action must be consistent and must encompass an the regions of the world where peoples are denied·the exercise of their national rights. We reiterate our support for the struggle of the people of so-called French Somaliland (Djibouti), of Western Sahara, of EastTimor,of Belize and of Puerto Rico, as. well as of any other territory atill SUbjected to colonialism. . 18. It is necessary to solve the problems that have arisen becaule of colonial domination and that prejudice the 19. It is indispensable to eliminate the vestiges of the aggressive imperialist policy that still weighs heavUy on many States and affects millions of humanbeings. We must crown the victory of Viet Narn by admitting it to the United Nations very soon. Furthermore, the United States Government must comply with the commitment it assumed, in subscribing to the Paris agreement,' to contribute towards healing the wounds of the war that it imposed on that noble people. The mternational community has a debt of honour to the peoples of Iado-China, which so bravely defended the rightof allpeoples to decide their own destiny freely by facing up to the most ferocious aggression. Therefore, we are duty bound to give them all the co-operation they" may require in tJ:1eir national reconstruction. 20. The so-called Korean question will never be solved without the complete withdrawal of United States troops from South Korea, the dissolution of the United Nations Command and the ending of foreign interference in the affairs of the Korean people. Only "in that way will we achieve the peaceful and independent reumflcation of the Korean nation. My delegation reiterates its support for the efforts of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to achieve that goal. --- 21. The Middle East crisis is ntill of grave concern to our Organization. A solution to that problem canbefound only on the basis of the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Arab territories occupied since June 1967 and full respect for the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people. This appears to be an opportune moment to convene the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East,in which the Palestine liberation Organization should participate on an equal footing with all the other parties involved in the conflict. My delegation participatedactively in the workof the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian people and supports its recommendations [see A/31/35j, which we believe could well trigger the process that will lead to the solution of this burning problem, The tragic eventsin Lebanon have shocked world pu.blic opinion. My delegation reiterates its support for the territorial integrity and independence of Lebanon and the right of its people to solve the country'sproblems by itself end without violence. It is urgentthat an end be put to the fighting from. various Arab trenches;since that is depriVing the Palestinians of that centre of resistance against the common enemy. The continuation of the struggle in Lebanon if; helping to strengthen Zionist aggression and the designs of its imperialist allies in the region. 22. Cyprus is still the object of intolerable aggression., which has taken specific form in the occupation of a large part of its territory by forejgn troops. Once again we can 1 Agreement on Ending the Wu and Restoring Peace in Viet-Nam, signfJd at Paris on 27 January 1973. 23. The peoples of the world have applauded the process of detente, which promotes the strengthening of world peace, the greatest aspiration of mankind. This process of detente. we repeat, must be strengthened in order that it may become irreversible and universal in character. To that end it is necessary to adopt effective measures for the speedy elimination of colonialism andto ensurerespectfor the rights of all States, large and small. An important contribution to the cause of peace would be the achievement of concrete progress in disarmament. In that connexion we reiterate our support for the convening of a world disarmament conference. Similarly, we reaffirm' our support for negotiations to achieve effective and strict measures for the total prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of chemical weapons. Among disarmament measures, we attach priority importance to the elimination of the foreign bases which the imperialists and colonlalists have disseminated throughout the world against the will of the peoples. In this connexion we reiterate our demand that the Government of the United States return to Cuba that part of our national territory it usurps in the region of Guantanamo. Equally necessary for the security and peace of the peoples of the Caribbean is the dismantling of United States bases on Puerto Ricoand Panamanian territory. 24. The proposal submitted to the Assembly by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Comrade Andrei Gromyko,relating to the conclusion of a treaty banningthe use of force in international relations [A/31/243] is further proof of the constructive attitude of the Soviet Government and its desire to improve the international climate. The exclusion of the use of force from international relations is the aspiration and desire of all the peoples of the world, and we therefore trust that that proposal will receive the enthusiastic support of the General Assembly. 25. This year, as we commemorate the One hundred and fiftieth anniversary of .the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama, the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean are engaged in a decisive struggle to preserve the independence for which they fought so boldly. History has brought them to a cross-roads where the causeof freedom toliay demands of Latin Americans the same readiness to fight, the same lucidity in working out the appropriate strategy and the same solidaritythat was inculcated in them by Simon Bolivar. 27. In these past fewyearsthe countriesof Latin America have created some instruments which may help to defend their nationalinterestsand strengthen their tiesof co-operation. The establishment of the Latin American Economic System, the Caribbean Multinational Maritime Transportation Enterprlse; the Group of Latin American and Caribbean Sugar-Exporting Countries is the most successful example of this. 28. The peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean are, however, confronted by the attacks of North American imperialism, which is seeking to halt recent advances and to reinstate its domination overthe region. 29. North American imperialism is attempting to extend over the map of the continent authoritarian and servile regimes such as that established in Chile on 11 September 1973. Today Latin America is faced with the threat of a fascism dependent on the dictates of Washington, which co-ordinates its repressive practices beyond its national frontiers and commits crimes and engages in torture and persecution that know no geographical or humanitarian limits. The danger this phenomenon represents for the interests of all our peoples is clearly shown by the recent ties established between Pretoria and the regimes in Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay and other South American countries withwhichthe apartheid authorities are seeking to establish a strategic alliance. 30. The international community must resolutely support the Latin American freedom fighters who are resisting the repression of these dictatorial regimes. It will have an occasion to do so in the General Assembly when the report of the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Situation of Human Rights in Chile [04/31/253, annex], which was established by the Commission on Human Rights to study the Chilean situation is considered. The information amassed by the Ad Hoc Working Groupshows that there are stronggrounds for the accusation of those who, having been established in power asa resultof imperialist intervention,have unleashed against the Chilean people the most brutal and unbridled repression and terror. Vast sectors of Chilean society are calling for effective international action to put an end to the crimes and excesses of the Pmochet junta. Suchaction is especially urgent when it is remembered that the agents of the Chilean regime, obsessed by their complete internal isolationand their vigorous repudiation by the international community, are now committing crimes beyond their frontiers. The assassination in Washington barelytwo weeks ago of the former Foreign Minister of Chile, Orlando Letelier, confirms this fact. His death, like the deaths of thousands of Chilean victims of Fascist terrorism, will be justly dealt with iv. the not-too-distant future, when the Chilean people recovers ~ts freedom throughheroicstruggle. 32. Guyana and Jamaica bravely continue a policy of recovering their national sovereignty and they are making important economic and social changes which open up to their working masses prospects of a future of justice and well-being. Against both processes imperialism and international reaction arelaunching conspiracy, economic sabotage and hostile propaganda, and, in the case of Guyana, they are also threatening its territorial integrity. Prompted by sincere feelings of brotherhood born of a colonial experience shared for many centuries, Cuba reaffirms its full solidarity with the peoples and Governments of Guyana and Jamaica in their endeavour to consolidate and protect their nationalindependence andto make the social changes that will liberate their peoples for ever from their past of servitude and oppression. 33. Both countries are protagonists in the profound process of renewal that is stirring up the whole Caribbean region. 34. International public opinion must be mobilized in support of full respect tor the rights of the Caribbean peoples. After many centuries of colonialist and imperialist outrages, the time has come for thosepeoples to determine their own destinies freely, without foreign interference. Thatdemand isexpressed today particularly in their call for unrestricted respect for the independence, sovereignty, self-determination and territorial integrity of Guyana, Jamaica and other States of the region. It is also necessary to take effective international actiononceand for allto put an end to maalfestations of colonialism in the Caribbean and, especially, to contribute to the struggle of the peoples of Puerto Rico and Belize for their national independence and for full respect for their territorial integrity and their enjoyment of theirnaturalresources. 35. Thecause of Panama isconsidered their ownby allthe peoples of the region. I am therefore happyto reiteratethe support of my Government for its just demand for the full exercise of sovereignty over the Canal and the neighbouring zone and our solidarity with the Government of General Omar Torrijos in hisstrongdefence of Panamanian national sovereignty. 36. Cuba confhms its full solidarity with the struggle of the Puerto Rican people for independence. Despite the obstinate opposition of the administering Power, the international community isexpressing ever more vigorously its demand that Puerto Rico be allowed to exercise its sacred national rights. Recently, the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of 'Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples adopted by consensus a decision •reaffmning the inalienable, right of that people to selfdetermination and independence, reiterating earlier decisions of the Committee; taking note of decisions on that question adopted by the non-aligned countries at their 37. As we have repeatedly stated, thisattitude of Cuba'sis in keeping with our policy based on principle and therefore cannotbemodified. 38. Economic problems have aroused much attention during the current general debate as a reflection of the growing concern of the developing countries over a situation which calls for strong and effective measures if we truly wish to establish an order of relations that will promote peace and be based on co-operation. The present economic crisis is placing an increasing burden on the peoples of the third world. The Declaration and Programme of Action for the Establishment of a New International Economic Order{resolutions 3201(S-VI)and3202 (S-Vl)J have remained a dead letter, and the majority of the developed capitalist countries have shown no true will to make changes in the structure of the world economy and trade, which is an inescapable need and a demand that is firmly supported by allthe countries of the so-called Group of 77. Meanwhile, the inflationary process continues, and the capitalist world burdens with its consequences the under-developed countries, which in turn do not obtain remunerative 'prices for their exports or find favourable conditions for the development of their trade, It is imperative that the developing countries strengthen their unity to demand radical changes that will put an end to this unequal exchange and to the burdensome loadimposed by externaldebt on many States, andthat will helppromotea true transfer of resources for development. 39. An important contribution to this unity and to the development of the developing countries would be for the oil-producing countries to adopt a policy of true co-operation withthe other developing countries. . 40. For tile Cuban people the past year has been one of intense and fruitful work. :.it began shortly after the First Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, whichserved as the framework for an in-depth study of the national situation, laid the basis for the restructuring and institutionalization of the socialist State,tracedthe guidelines for the first five-year plan, adopteda new system for management of the economy, and took all-important decisions on the future orientation of Cuban society. This yearhas asits main orientation the concept of applying,enthusiastically and with confidence in the future, the conclusions of the in-depth, careful analysis carried out by Cuban Communists. Our entire people has undertaken this task withlove, dedication and perserverance. In February, with the wide support of the people voiced in a plebiscite, it adoptedthe new socialist constitution, which enshrines the gains achieved by our working classes andby our people since the revolution of January 1959, and guarantees its defmitive institutionalization. 42. This stage will coincide with the twentieth anniversary of one of the major events in Cuban history: the day on which Fidel Castro and a handfulof heroes disembarked on the beaches of Cuba's Oriente Province to begin the fmal stages of the armedstruggle which was to ~o aw~y with the Batista tyranny and lead to the final hberation of our: homeland. 43. Twenty years ago, Cuba exemplified the degree of domination, poverty, corruption and despotism to which North American imperialism had led our peoples. It was oppressed by a corrupt .and .sanguinary military clique which in the service of Yankee interests, instituted a brutal regim~ of terror. The struggle to do away with it cost my people 20,000 martyrs, who live today in the hearts and memory of all Cubans and serve as guidance for our revol~tionary intransigent decision. 44. Those were hard, agonizing, unforgettable years, which formed the vanguard that was victoriously to lead the Cuban peaI!~e to the successes represented by the singular honour of making socialism, for the first time, a triumphantrealityin the Western Hemisphere. 45. Twenty years later, in the Cuban archipelago, transformed radically by the revolution, there emerges a reality which is a lasting tribute to the freedom fighters of GrannuL In a space of time brief in historical terms, the revolution df1 away fully with illiteracy, unemployment, poverty, racial discrimination, unhealthy conditionsandall the social vices of the past. It rescued Cuba's dignity and sovereignty, and marches firmly along the path of economic development. For each of the revolutionary martyrs there are today hundreds of Cubans who, for the first time,have an opportunity to attend the universities of our country; there are scores. of new school centres which all Cuban children may attend; scores of hospitals which guarantee adequate medical attention to all citizens; hundreds. of social buildings and housing developments, which ensure for the masses a well-being they had never known before. There are thousands of works of every kind which have completely changed the past backward and feudalimage of our country of two decades ago. Eachof our martyrslives in the constant efforts of 9.5 million Cubans, who work feverishly to construct the new society. Those martyrs are reborn with eachachievement, withthe completion of each newworkand with the culmination of eacheffort. 46. However, we are faced with serious difficulties which will affect our economic development plans. External factors beyond our controlwill compel our peopleto make new sacrifices, but our peop~e will be able to face them, thanksto its unyielding revolutionary conscience. 48. Considering these problems last 28 September, Comrade Fidel Castro, the Prime Minister of the RevolutionaryGovernment ofCuba,stated: "Of course, the news of our difficulties may make our enemies happy, but they do not know us well. We know the timesin which welive. We know how muchthe world stillhasto gothroughas a resultof the unequal systemof trade and the exploitation to which the third world is subjected by the developed capitalist countries. We know that the world is subjected by the developed capitalist countries. We know that the world has still to change a great deal. We know that the road of revolution is long, not only the road of. the Cuban people's revolution but also that of world-wide revolution, and that the underdeveloped countries will have, for many years, to face these problems." 49. Despite all these obstacles, the Cuban people will continue, fumly and perseveringly, along the road of revolution. The serious economic difficulties of the present will not affect the maintenance of basic social services which, in the fields of public health and education, have already reached levels of which we are legitimately proud. Neither will they affect the living conditio.ns of the masses. It is precisely in thesemomentsof trial and tribulationthat we see clearly the superiority of socialism in facing up to difficulties without placing on the working masses the weight of the consequences of economic reverses. SO. While I-am speaking before you, the peoples of Cuba and of Guyana are in mourning. Barely a week ago the Cuban people witnessed a further manifestation of the brutality of its enemies and of their miserable andcowardly actkns. .A DC-8 aircraft of the Cuban Airlines wasa victim of criminal sabotage in the waters of Barbados, whichcost the lives of all those aboard. In connexion withthisserious incident, the Revolutionary Government of Cuba will, tomorrow, Friday, make an important statementwhichwe will distributein due course to delegations.

I recently had occasion to express to the President of the General Assembly, Ambassador Amerasinghe, who was elected to the high office of President of this General Assembly, our sincerest congratulations. Today,on behalfof the Lebanese delegation, I wish to renew those congratulations along with our best wishes forhissuccess. 53. In this general debate, many statements have been made about various aspects of international relatioss and problems, At present, my delegation is not in a positionto make any worth-while contributionto the discussion of the items on this year's agenda. It is not that these items have become unimportant or irrelevant to us, but that our priority is, most understandably, the murderous and ravaging war that L';<"lfflicted Lebanon and its people for the last 18 months...\:0 we expected to standhere and express our views on disarmament, when the unscrupulous flow of arms to Lebanon during the last fewyears hasspreaddeath and destruction in a hitherto peaceful and prospering country? Or to stand and speak of the strengthening of international security, when the peace and security of Lebanon have been shattered and this Organization is theorizing on howbest to preserve peace and securityin the world? Or should we discuss the question of how to enhance the role of the United Nations, when the scourge of war whlch it is supposed to prevent, according to the first consideration of the Charter, is decimating our people and turninga prosperous landinto a shambles? 54. Should wedealwith the principles of non-intervention in the internal affairs of States and of safeguarding their independence and sovereignty at a time when our sovereignty has been tom to shreds and intervention in our affairs has become so flagrant? Are weto discourse on the responsibility of the United Nations to protect the small and the weak among its Members at a time when the faith of international public opinion in the United Nations ability to perform this primary duty has been shaken? Or are we expected to discuss the newinternationaleconomic order and social development when the thriving economic life of Lebanon has come to a standstill? 56. However, the general debate has revealed to us the growing interest of friendly nations in the fate of our country and people, and we are deeply moved and appreciative of their outpouring of expressions of sympathy. We note with satisfaction their call for the restoration of stability and peace in Lebanon and for the preservation of it~ independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as of the unity of its people. President Elias Sarkis extends his appreciation for the references made to Lebanon and for the assurances given by some delegations that their Governments stand ready to ;mist himin. hisdifficulttask. 57. Similar calls and assurances have been made by our esteemed Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, on several occasions. We extend to him Lebanon's appreciation for the constant concern he has shown for the Lebanese people through their long and tragic ordeal. His many appeals and initiatives to end the bloodshed and destructionhavebeena testimony to his courage, statesmanship and deep interest in the welfare of a Member State. To himand throughhim we express the gratitude of the Lebanese people for the varied humanitarian assistance granted to them by many agencies in the United Nations family and for the initiative for the establishment of a special fund of SSO million for Lebanon under the leadership'of the ableUnder-Secretary- General, Mr. Buffum. It is our hope that whenpeacereigns again in Lebanon, Which we hope will be soon, it will be possible for the fund to operate speedily and efficiently in meeting the growing needs of the country, which will require a new assessment in the light of more recent developments. 58. Lebanon has been in the throes of unprecedented, cruel and tragicevents for over 18 months. The world has been baffled by the intensityofthe fighting, the passions it has aroused, the large number of casualties and the extent of the destruction. Much has been said and written about the original causes of the fighting and about the obstacles which have prevented a satisfactory settlement until now. In the maze of analyses and theories, a good deal of 60. What, then, are the origins of the tragic and complex events that have disrupted Lebanese society for so many months? We believe that they are to be found in the web of Middle Eastern contradictions and complexities-that is, the establishment of Israel, the displacement of the Palestinians, the Arab-Israeli wars, the failures of the United Nations to implement its resolutions regarding the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied Arab lands and the recognition and restoration of Palestinian rights, the Arab rivalries and the assualts perpetrated by Palestinians against the sovereignty of Lebanon and the security of its people. The unsettled conditions that resulted from these factors have maintaineda state of tension and turbulencein the area, which was bound to affect directly a small country like Lebanon, lying at the cross-roads of Middle Eastern political currentsand subject to their pressures. 61. This state of affairs was indeed accentuated by the presence of about 400,000 Palestinians in Lebanon, among whom the Palestine 'revolution had established deep roots. For years, friction between the Lebanese authorities and people, OJ:l the one hand, and the Palestinians, on the other, has in.tep.sified and resulted in a. steady.deterioration of the~ relationship, That was' caused by constant Palestinian intervention in the intemalaffairs of Lebanon andintolera- ble encroachment- on its sovereignty, By their very activi- ties, Palestinian irregular andrevolutlonary forces aroused the apprehensions of the .Lebanese population.. In 1969 Pr~sident Charles Helou called attention to the risks that might occurfrom the disrespect of Lebanese sovereignty by various Palestinian factions. Nevertheless, the situation continued to deteriorate and the fighting which erupted was fmally contained when the crisis was resolved by the Cairo agreement. That agreement regulated the activities of the Palestinians in Lebanon. 63. But the Palestinians did not respect the accords that were concluded. And it pains me verymuchthat I, after so many years' service to the Palestinian cause and to the rights of the Palestinians, should stand at th~ rostrum to bring these hard facts to the attention of the international community. The Palestinians acted as if they were a "State" or "States" within the State of Lebanon and flagrantly defied the laws of the land and abused the hospitality of its people. 64. Furthermore, after the events in Jordan of September 1970, the Palestinians introduced several units of their forces into Lebanon and transferred various commands of the resistance movement to Lebanon-without the approval of the Lebanese authorities and, sometimes, de~pite them. For years, they steadily increased the influx of arms into Lebanon-arms of all calibres and from various sources. They transformed most-if not all-of the refugee camps into military bastions around our major cities, in the heart of our commercial and industrial centres,and in the vicinity of large civilian conglomerations. That was done even in remote areas having no connexion with the Palestinians' struggle to regain their rights and their homeland. 65. Moreover, common-law criminals fleeing from Leba- nese justice found shelter and protection in the camps, where the arm of Lebanese law could not reach them. Those camps in fact became centres for the training of mercenaries who were sent and financed by some other Arab States under the pretext of assisting the Palestinian resistance movement, but who, at their first call, found themselves fighting against the Lebanese authorities and people. Palestinian elements belonging to various splinter organizations resorted to kidnapping Lebanese-and some- times foreigners-holding them prisoners, questioning them, torturing them and even sometimes killing them. Those elements took the liberty of erectingcheck-points on our major highways and cross-roads, stopping traffic, checking the identity cards of passengers and hampering the normal life of our people. They committed an sorts of crimes in Lebanon and also escaped Lebanese justice in the protec- tion of the camps. They smuggled goods into Lebanon and openly soldthem.on our streets..They wentso far 'as to demand "protection" money from. many,individuals.and owners of buildings and'factories situatedin the vicinity of their camps. . .' , .' .. . ... 66. ''It is diffic~i tt, ,,~umerate all the mePt'actiVities' committed'by· those Palestinlan elements-sometimes des- cribedas undisciplined and uncontrollable-which gave rise, in turn, to the dissatisfaction of the Lebanese Government and the resentment of its people, 'which charged in atmosphere already fraught with tension.That atmospliere became so explosive that it neededa meresparkto :&iUte it. A few incidents that occurred in the spring of 1975 provided that ~n~r1r 72. Because of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, southern ..'Lebanon. e~~ur.ec;l Isnt,eU bombardments, and ..assaults fQ-r 68. Why did the Palestinians risk all the gains we had achieved together for their cause? Why did they pursue a war in a country that had stood by them in all their years of exile and ordeal? Fifty thousand dead, 100,000 injur\ld, 1million Lebanese refugees in Syria, the Arab world, Europe and America; the dismantling of our administrative, economic, social and educational institutions and enter- prises-all that could not be justified by any objective of the Palestinian revolution, or by any principle of morality and brotherhood. So much human suffering and so much destruction were the result of the Palestinian participation in the fIghting and their stubborn persistence in it. It is deplorable that those who have been the victims of a gross injustice are inflicting an injustice of such inhuman propor- tions on Lebanon and its people. 69. It is incomprehensible to the Lebanese why western Beirut and peaceful towns and villages in northern Leba- non, in the Beka'a valley, or in the heartland of the Lebanese mountains or Sidon, having no connexion with any aspect of the conflict, should be besieged, occupied and sometimes destroyed by Palestinian forces. Why have so many innocent civilians been killed in the name of "liberation" and "revolution"? And why should many public·utilities and buildings be under Palestinian control? Has all that happened in order to prove what a leading Palestinian personality has said, that "the road to Palestine cannot but pass through Aintoura, Aiyoun es-Simaan, and musteven reach Jounieh itself"? 70. It is indeed sad for a Lebanese diplomat to stand before this Assembly and denounce the actions of the rll1estinians .in Lebanon. There is no need to remind delegations here that we have always been in the vanguard of ~ endeavours to promote the recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. I..ebanese diplomacy has devoted its major activites here and else- where to the defence of the Palestinian cause and of every Arab cause for the last 30 years. Every President and Government of I..ebanon has spared no effort in that connexton. That was, and is, in keeping with our belief that an injustice was done to the Palestinians which must be rectifred: in other words that they have the right to return to their homeland. 71. That was not the only service rendered to the Palestinians. About 100,000 of them came to I..ebanon in t948 after they were expelled from their homeland. Their number swelled to over 400,000 by 1975. Lebanon provided them with a refuge and with several opportunities. In our midst they have enjoyed all the freedomsenjoyed l>Y seven years. One hundred thousand of its inhabitants' fled and became refugees in their own country. They swelled the misery belts around our major cities, aggravating an already complex economic and social problem caused by the nearby presence of several Palestinian refugee camps- and,•mind you, that is in a small country of 2.5 million people. 73. Many delegations have referred to the fact that the Lebanese crisis is a direct consequence of the Middle East conflict. We agree with that statement. We are convinced that, had a deflnitive solution been reached about the binate Palestinian/Middle East problem,"the conflict in Lebanon would not have erupted. We respect the assess- ...ent of the Soviet Union regarding Lebanon in its proposal concerning a settlement in the Middle East and the Geneva PeaceConferenceon the Middle East in that respect. 74. We also welcome the statements made earler in this debate by the Umted States Secretary of State, Mr. Kis- singer[11th meeting], and the Ministerfor Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gromyko [7th meeting], about the need to reconvene the GenevaConferencein search of a comprehensive solution to the problems of the Middle East. On our part, Wfj should like to stressthe urgency of such an action. I repeat-on our part, we should like to stress the urgency of such an action. We have become one of the parties principally interested, for our future and the lives of our people are at stake. Wehave consistently advocated the necessity of dealing with all aspects of the Palestinian and Middle East problems. Whatever steps were taken in the past must now lead to an over-all settlement. We cannot stress that urgently enough. 75. The changes resulting from the war of October 1973 and the SUbsequent efforts made to reach a settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, whether through the Geneva Conference or through partial agreements,had a potentially explosive impact on Lebanon. The Palestinians and the Arab countries which favoured or rejected those peaceful plans took advantage of the liberal and democratic system and life in I..ebanon and clashed on I.ebanese soil in order to advance their different political objectives. 76. However, no matter how, where or when a compre- hensive settlement is reached, it cannot delay the solution of our problem or affect our interests. Our position must be clearly understood. We want to restore peace and order to Lebanon as soon as possible and to re-establish our total authority and sovereignty over our land. 77. I should like now to deal with another point whichhas created some concern in the past. It wasfeared that events taking place in Lebanon might lead to its partition. 78. Despite all the tragic events that have takenplace, the Lebanese authorities and forces which persevered in the defence of legality and constitutional institutions have constantly proclaimed their determination to protect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Leba- non for the benefitof allits people without distinction, any . fearor anyaccusation to the contrarynotwithstanding. 79. Despite the various positions taken in the present conflict on any other aspectof the crisis, there is oneaspect on which all the Lebanese are united, namely, their total opposition to partition and their determination to preserve Lebanon's unity. That was strongly afflImed by President Sarkis the other day in his inaugural speech when he said: "In my view, what is sacrosanct and inviolable is the sovereignty of Lebanon and the unityof itsterritoryandits people." so. Now I should like to make a few remarks about peace-making efforts. We welcome some efforts deployed by some friendly States and by several truly sister Arab States, which can perceive that higher Arab interests could be better served in the sp;,rit of Arab brotherbood, fairness andjustice to allthan through the abuse of Arab wealth for the funnelling of arms, money and mer. for disruption and sedition in Lebanon. 81. We also welcome the efforts of the League of.Arab States, although timid in the beginning, to help restore peace and order. However, we should like to pay a special tribute to our closest sister Arab State, the Syrian Arab Republic. Our special relations are such.that anything which affects or afflicts Syriaaffects and afflicts Lebanon. The Iiyrian Government, underthe wise andfmn leadership of President Hafez Al-Assad, perceived the dangers inherent in the Lebanese crisis in all their dimensions and initiated several efforts to mediate the differences between Lebanese factio~ and to end the fJghting between the Lebanese and thePalestinians. 82. The Syrian army was sent to Lebanon in a peace- making effort to Separate the combatants and to help restore peace and order. It wasresisted by the Palestinian forces and their allies, who called for the withdrawal of the Syrian forces as a condition for the cessation of hostilities and for their own withdrawal from the positions they occupied. The presence of Syrian troops in Lebanon is subject to Lebanese sovereignty and to Lebanesesover- eigntyalone. The Lebanese authorities, andthey alone, can exercise the sovereign right to determine any position regarding that presence. ThePalestinians have no suchright and certainly cannot speak for Lebanon or determine what isbestin its interests. 83. Presid(JIlt Al-Assad said that the Palestinians should not disregrJId the fact that Lebanon is not Palestine and that BeirUt is the capital of Lebanon and not of Palestine. He added that Syria would accept a demand for the withdrawal of its troops from the Lebanese President, or "I am in a position to declare that the future of this presence and all that ensues from it depends on the Lebanese constitutional authorities, which mUSt take on their responsibilities and decide their position in con- formity with the higher interests of Lebanon and in the lightof events." 84. Thisleads me to some fmal conclusions andthoughts. 85. First, we deeply regret the deterioration in relations between Palestinians and Lebanese. But, more than that regret, we in Lebanon are grieved and appalled at the number of casualties our people have suffered, at the extent of the destruction in the country and at the damage done . to our wayof life and to our world image. 86. Secondly, peace and confidence between the Lebanese and the Palestinians can be restored, and it must be restored. It is in their mutual interest to end the fighting speedily. The position of the Lebanese authorities and people is clear. Lebanon cannot an~ will not allow any encroachment on. its sovereignty. Any settlement of its dispute withthe Palestinians mustensurethe fonowing: the dissociation of the Palestinians from the fighting in leba- non; their withdrawal from all the military positions they are now holding; their respect for the sovereignty of Lebanon and its laws; their strict adherence to the accords concluded with them by Lebanese authorities; and their refraining from interfering in Lebanon's internalaff~t:S: 87. Thirdly, while we welcome some Arab ane! non-Arab efforts to help us solve the crisis, we regretthe activities of some Arabs that areheightening tensions i'!l Lebanon. 88. Fourthly, we believe that the time has come to solve' the problems of the Middle East by effecting the with- ch'awal of Israeli troops from the occupied Arab landsand by enabling the Palestinians to exercise their inalienable rights, which have already been recognized, among them the right to self-determination and to nationhood in their homeland of Palestine. 89. Fifthly, while we welcome diplomatic efforts'through tile ~n'j'la Conference or by others to find a comprehen- sive solution to the problems of the Middle East, we consider that any delay in achieving this objective should not impede the speedy restoration of peace to Lebanon or affectits interests. 90. Sixthly, while the Lebanese reject any thought of partition, their determination is to restorethe freedom and unity of an the' regions of the country, so that tliey can shape and determine their future togetherin a manner that will preserve their ilidependence, sovereignty and fundc- mentalliberties. 98. One of the important events that has taken pla:e at . this session has been the admission· of Seychelles to the United Nations. On behalf of the Government and people of the Libyan Arab Republic I extend most sincere congratulations to the people of the Seychelles and wish them progress and prosperity. "Jf we'rediscover the right path, that of reason, of love and of conscience, our sacrifices will not have been in van. and the Lebanese martyrs of today will have died so that Lebanon might live." 92. The Lebanese have cut stones from the mountains to build their homes, places of worship and schools. With these stones they built walls against the slopes of the mountains, backed them with earth, terraced them, planted trees on them and transformed Lebanon into the verdant ,fruit basket of the Middle East. Without any significant help from outside, our people developed a thriving econ- omy, despite the lack of natural resources. They have made Lebanon one of the best centres for education, health, trade, tourism and communications in the Middle East. Those who,have built in the past can rebuild in the future. With the grace of God, with the aid of all Lebanese at home and abroad, with the assistance of our sister Arab States, friendly nations and the United Nations family, Lebanon will rise and thrive again. 93. Lebanon will transform the legend of the phoenix into reality. Out of the flames and ashes a new Lebanon will be bom-a Lebanon that is more united and freer, more resolute and stronger, more dedicated to the social and human progress of its people, to equality and justice among them, to amity and co-operation among nations, and to peace in the world. 94. I am confident that the image of Lebanon as a land of peace, concord, love and conciliation will shine once again.

Mr. President, a few weeks ago the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries assembled in your great country and gave further evidence of the constructive role Sri Lanka plays in the non-alignment movement with a view to helping maintain world peace and security, promote development and prosperity, and enhance the struggle against colonialism, foreign domination and exploitation. Today we are gratified to see a distingUished citizen of that country, a brilliant diplomat with great experience, presiding over the thirty-first sessionof the United Nations Genenil hsembly. It is my pleasure to congratulate your great country and you personally on the coincidence of these two important occasions, and to express our confidence that under your wise leadership the work of this session will be crowned with success. 96. I should like also to extend my congratulations, Sir, to your predecessor, Mr. Thorn, for his efforts as President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. 99. The recent passing away of Chairman Mao Tsetung was a very sad event, deeply affecting the whole world. I take this occasion to reiterate my condolences to the delegation of the People's Republic of China on the passing away of their great leader, who during his lifetime took strong stands in favour of peace and liberation. Our Arab nation will never forget the backing and support it received from China in its struggle against colonialism and foreign domination. 100. The year 1976 marks the beginning of the five-year plan in the Libyan Arab Republic. More than $22 billion have been allocated for the plan, which includes programmes and projects .in such areas as the economy, communications, and social services and social affairs. In the preparation of the plan, special emphasis was laid on the development of existing productive capabilities and the creation of new resources, with a view to adjusting the economic structure and freeing it from complete dependence on the petroleum sector through the creation of new sources of national income. 101. Like the other plans; this five-year plan is aimed at achieving the goals of the Libyan Arab Republic-namely, growth of production, equitable distribution, and reform of the economic and social conditions-the ultimate goalbeing the attainment of progress, prosperity and social justice for the people. . 102. Aware of the fact that they influence and are influenced by the problems of the Arab world, the.Mrican continent and the world as a whole, the people of the Libyan Arab Republic are concerned with these..problems as much as they are interested in the preparation and implementation of ambitious development plans. They would also like to take part, along with other peace-loving nations, in the effort to lay durable foundations for world peace and security, to promote prosperity and welfare for the peoples of the world, and to enhance the advancement of human civilization. 103. One of the aims of the people of the Libyan Arab Republic is the achievement of Arab unity-I repeat: the achievement of Arab unity-because the present backwardness, disunity and division are unnatural in our Arab nation.' A nation having the same destiny, facing a common threat.and yearning to achieve the same goals and objectives ought to be unified in the framework of a single, strong detennin~d, to readl our (oal of unity;ptd will not be:.;;fJ09~ ..We' !l~lbeliev.~ ·tAat;~e optimal 'solution of 'this hindered by sterile attempts which stand against Arab '. problem lies basically in 'enabling'L1J.e Palestinian people to unity; these attempts will be crushed by the Arab masses in exercise its legitimate rights and in the creation in Palestine their triumphal march to ultimate victory. of a democratic secular State within which Moslems, Christians and Jews would be equal. We also believe that the settlement of the Palestine question is the basis for solvingwhat is now called the Middle East question. 10S. We can hardly conceal our feelings of sadness and pain at the tragic developments in the Arab world which have been initiated and exploited by colonialist reactionaries and heinous Zionist forces, in order to fuel the Arab differences 2I1d to sow the seeds of hatred among th6 sons of one Arab nation. The Ubyan Arab Republic has made every effort to extinguish the fire of dissension and to alleviate the tragedy of the afflicted. Weare confident that our nation, by virtue of its traditional vitality, wUl be able to overcome the difficulties, achieveunity and eliminate all the intrigues and conspiracies woven against its unity and progress. 106. The unity we seek is a requisite for our nation's ~bility to enrich civilization and contribute effectively to the progress of the international community. Arab unity is a legitimate national movement, and in the light of the trends of history is viable. It i~ considered an essential factor in the struggleagainst backwardness, colonialismand imperialism. 107. Ey virtue of its geographical location our Arab nation is linked to Africa by bonds of blood, history, culture, elision and common interest. We also have in common the struggle against colonialism and imperialism and mutual efforts to move away from the state of backwardness. Eighty per cent of the Arab population and 70 per cent of their land is in Africa. Bearing these factors in mind, it is our conviction that Arab-African solidarity is inevitable for the advancement of the masses in the Arab world and in Africa. Contributing its share in the strengthening of Arab- AfriCUl solidarity, the libyan Arab Republic champions all sincere efforts made in this connexion by other sister States and by the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States. Sound development, reasons of interrelated security and historical changes all demand that we should develop and increase Afm-Arab solidarity and create a genuine unifIed Arab-Africanfront. 108. The problem of the Palestinian people is the primary concern and cause of the Arab nation. Although this question hu been before the United Nations since 1947, the lot of the Palestinian people has been alleviated, and neither the United Nations not the international com- munity has been able to reach a fmal just solution in this cause. The deterioration of the situation has, as we all kno\\', been due to th~ arrogance and stubbornness of the criminal Zionist gangsters and the unjust and unlimited 110. The people of the Libyan Arab Republic stand firmly by their brethren the people of Palestine and will continue to do so until victory is achieved, despite the pressures, blackmail and slander waged against us by colonialist reactionaries and exploiters of people. Ill. On this occasion I should like to comment on the statement of the last speaker and to express our sorrow and pain at hearing a representative of an Arab country at the United Nations saying things that sadden us and undermine our cause. Unfortunately he was trying to justify the slaughter of the Palestinian people. We do not wish to turn this meeting, which is the last of the general debate, into an Arab quarrel, because we fil'abs are engagedin lengthy talks and, as I have said, the problems of the Arab nation are acknowledged by us. We are very wen aware of them and we would have hoped that the problems of the Arab nation and Arab questions could be dealt with within the Arab family. Regrettably, however, what happened, happened. 112. The question of Palestine and the tragedy of the· Palestinian people cannot be discussedwithout reference to the deplorable role of the governing establishment of the United States of America as champion of unreasonable, unjust and unlimited SUPPOit for the Zionist colonial aggressors in the Arab homeland. From the United States the Zionist gangsters get material, economic and military aid; from the United Statee the Zionist gangsters also receive moral; diplomatic and political support. ~ithout this continuous and steady flow of support for more than 30 years the Zionist gangsters-who gathered from all corners of the world-would not have been able to remain and live in Arab Palestine and to oppress the Arab people of Palestine. Events have shown the deep and close association between the governing establishment of the United States of America and the aggressive racist Zionist movement. Events have also shown how sensitive the American leaders are regarding anything that might affect the racist Zionist gangsters from near or far. As a result of Zionist influence on American politics, the American information media, the . Congress and Government officials all compete in ingratiat- ing themselves with the Zionist racist gangsters by trying to keep them happy at any sacrifice, even at high cost to the interests, money and sweat of the working-class people of the United States themselves. Above all, in doing so they ignore the high ideals ofthe founding fathers of Americ.a, who revolted against British colonialism in America. 114. It seems as if at stake in the current election campaign is the office ofthe mayorof TelAviv ratherthan the office of President of the United States,which isoneof the super-Powers of this world. 11S. In that debate no criticism was made of the Zionist gangsters. On the contrary, generosity in offering more assistance to the Zionist gangsters in all areas was pledged, as if the debate was an auction.in which bidswere being desperately offered by the two candidates to assist the Zionist entity. Neither of the duelists daredutter a wordin favour .of the struggling people CIf Palestine or the 1SO million Arabs who have suffered from American napabn and whose land the American economy has been draining of tensofbillions of dollars every year. 116. It is a tragedy beyond description to see the American giant being dragged into supporting injustice and the oppressor, arming the aggressor and contracting the enmity of a nation struggling for freedom, unity and progress, such as the Arab nation, by allowing America's great capabilities to be used in the aggression against our landandin killing our people. 117. However; pur nation is determined to pursue the struggle against the twentieth-century tyrants,whom it will teach a lesson, as it has done in the past in its long, continuous Civilization-which has endured for thousands of years in spite of difficulties and obstacles-and in its struggle against invaders andtyrants. 118. Mr. Carter has threatened to wage an economic war against us, not because wehave wronged the United States•. but as a reply to our boycott against the Zionist entity. He must be aware that the Arab boycott of Israel is a legitimate international weapon against thisartificial entity which invaded our land and plans to staytherebrazenly at . the expense of our strup~g peoples. Theother candidate, who joined in the parede of those attacking; the Arab boycott of Israel, knows better than any ·thatthe United . States is the last country to be justified in·conCemmng the Arab boycott, because it practises a boycottagatsst msny . c-ountries, forillegal Causes in mostcases. . , . 119. The govE?rning establishment in the .U~ted States knows that the Arab 'boycott is an 'economic weapon against an entity which we do not recognize, and with . which weareat war,and not against any religious,ethnic or cultural group. The Arab boycott list includes Moslems, Christians and Jews-white, red, yellow and black. We boycott anyone who supports.the economy of Israel and violates the regulations agreed upon unanimously and collectively by all Arab States invoking theirrightunderall rules andlaws effective in the world of today. . 121. The iJnJninent future will set the record straight. Perhaps the madthreat we Mard will help to unify usand awaken those who because of badjudgement andmisguided ide8tsare backing the American horse.This group hasto be assured, as we have been, that the American horse has disappointed them, andhasgiven its reinto the gangsters of New York and Tel Aviv, the warmongers and exploiters of peoples, 122. American disregard was recently manifested in the decision taken n few days ago to proviaethe Zionist entity with new, highly sophisticated we~pons. This conduct confirms anew the unreasonable IK'licy and irresponsible conduct of the Unit.ed States in our region, and the fact that it is hastening unWisely to give unlimited and unre- strained wpport to the Zionist ganpters. Thislatestfoolish conduct shows that American leaders have lost theirminds and are obviously acting beyond the realm of reason and logic, in a flagrant challenge to the Arab community and the morality of the world. 123. B~n the American press, whichsupports the Zionist gangsten~ has voiced its.surprise and its fears at this fooUwdy conduct. Yest!;rday, for example, the Washington Post staied that: "Tbls is an obvious ease of the principles of national security falling victim to political interests." 124.. The question of decolonization in general, and that oif Africa inparticular, is closely linkedwiththe question of world peace and security, and is a matter of concern to our people. The white minority regime· in ~imbabwe continues to pursue its repression of the blackmajority in defiance of all U~ted Nations.resolutions. The ·situation there. is explosive, and a dangerous war is ~eady 'in progress. Despite .repeated United ~ationsefforts at reaching a solution, aswell.as the ~fforts of Afrlcan leaders andother mediators, the r'a~isfrilinority regime continu~s to refuse to' reco~~e rea1iti~s andJisten to th~voice of reason~ .. . .. ~ . 125.. In Namibia, the bltperialist,.racistconu~on is quite 3lpparent.;The:racist repne.ofSouth Africa, disregardin~ an United 'Nations'resolutions and the appeals of the world . community, clings .to its rule In Namibia; coJjtinlimg'to perpetuate.·apar~heid,and racial diicrimiJ\a~on~ and to sow the seeds of ·dissension among the people of that Territory bypurswng the policy of "bantustanization". The conti- nuation of SouthAfrica's presence in Namibia is illegal and in violation of the international O~ization's resolutions. South Africa's administration in Namibia must be with- drawn and its occupation of the Territorymustcome to an end. The United Nations should also reject any step taken 126. The racist regime in South Africa could not have dared to take the st!i.'!d it has taken without the supportit receives from colonialist, racist, and Zionist circles, which provide that regime with arms and military support, and stand by that regime in the Security Council, by placing their veto at its disposal. 127. We hope that the United Nations will be able to achieve full decolonization and the total elimination of racism on the African continent, thus ending bloodshed, suffering and destruction. We also hope that the peoples of the area willdetect any conspiracies implantedto raise false hopes, to sow the seeds of division, and to perpetuate the interests of colonialism and racism, once the advocates of colonialism and imperialism'feel that the strong winds of liberation are irreversible and that the hour of salvation is inevitable. 128. The increasing tensions between Turkey and Greece are a cause of great concern for us because of our traditionally brotherly and historically friendly relations with both countries. Therefore, from the moment of the eruption of the Aegean Sea crisis, we took the initiative by offering our good offices in order to prevent the situation from deteriorating further. As a friend of both States, we hope that they will be able to settle their disputes in the imminentfuture. 129. The question of Cyprus also is a matter of concern for us. We hope for the achievement of a solutionthat will be acceptable to both the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot communities, that will preserve the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus, and affirm its rolein the non-aligned movement. 130. The Security Council is the body entrusted with maintai.ning world peace and security. Yet, the Council's performance has been restrained on a number of occasions by the abuseofthe risllt of veto,In this connexion I would like to mention the following examples. 131. First, there was the opposltionto the draft resolution submitted by five Member States> during the consideration of France's announcement of its intention to conduct a referendum on 8 February 1976 in the island of MayoUe, whichis a part of the territory ofthe Comoros. 132. Secondly, there was the opposition to the draft resolution submitted by nine Member States regarding the admission ·of the Republics of North Viet Nam4 and South ----.- 3 See Offici41 Record' of rhe Security Council, Thirty-j'int Year, Supplemmt for January. February and March 1976, document SI11967. 4lbid., Thirtieth Year, Supplement for July, Auglllt and Septem- ber1975, document S/11796. 133. Thirdly, there has been opposition, on three occa- sions, to draft resolutions submitted during the considera- tion of the Middle East question including the situation in the occupied Arab territories, and the examination of the report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. 134. The abuse of the right of veto obliges us to insiston the urgent necessity of reviewing the United Nations Charter and of rmdingan alternative to the veto in order to make our Organization more effective in maintaining international peaceand security. 135. Our people value equality among peoples and abhor all forms of racial discrimination asbeingdegrading to man and denying his dignity.That is whywecondemnthe racist regimes in South Africa and in occupied Palestine, where the ugliest forms of racial discrimination are practised against the black majority in southern Africa and against the Arab people in occupied Palestine. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid 'has exposed the evil collusion between the two racist regiines in all areas, particularly in the military sphere. 136. My country had the honour to act as host to the International Symposium on Zionism and the Racial Questions in Trinoli from 24 July to 28 July 1976. The Symposium urgec, all States to sever diplomatic relations with the' racist regimes in South Africa and' in occupled Palestine. The Symposium responded to the defamatory campaign waged against the United Nations by the Zionists and racists and their allies in the wake of the General Assembly resolutionat its last session declaring zionism as a form of racial discrimination [resolution 3379 (XXX)]. The communique by the TripoliSymposium stated that: "Nothing is more dishonest than the slogan unleashed by the United Statesand Israel asthe principal weapon in their campaign against the resolution of the United Nations that anti-zionism isanti-Semitism. Thisdishonest slogan ispredicatedon the false equation of Judaismwith zionism, and the equally false equation of Jews with Zionists. "It should be remembered that the first opposition to political zionIsm was forcefully voiced by Jewishspiritual leaders, who stressed that zionism's ethnic, nationalistic and territorial priorities were incompatible with the beliefs and moral preceptsof the Jewish faith.. ~ . "Other prominent Jews have opposed the exclusivist nature of zlonism, its ethno-centrism, and the racial injustices it has perpetrated, on moral, humanistic and universal grounds",« 138. Our policy regarding both the old and the new colonialism and racial discrimination has beendeclared and is well known. We areopposed to both fonns of colonialism and to all formsof racial discrimination, andwesupportall peoples suffering from co!onialism, foreign domination and racist regimes. We fully assist the national liberation movements in their struggle. to rid themselves of thseracist regimes. We also stand ready to confront all the evll schemes b~ing hatched for the purpose of liquidating the cause of the Palestinian people. The policies of the libyan Arab Republic conform fully with United Nations objec- tives, principles and resolutions and hence it is naturally adverse to the common interests of the imperialist and Zionist circles, and, as a result of this, it is the target of a mad, defamatory propaganda campaign waged by these circles who rely on prevarications and false allegations. The imperialist and Zionist circles deliberately seek to distort the honourable image of the national liberation movements by confusing their struggle with individual acts that have nothing whatsoever to do with thosemovements. They seek to establish a link between the assistance of the Libyan Arab Republic to the national liberation movements and the irresponsible actswhich aredeplored by all,particularly by the Libyan Arab Republic. The colonialistand Zionist circles alsoseekto associate the Libyan Arab Republic with the hijacking of planes and the taking of hostages, although the Libyan Arab Republic has repeatedly denounced such acts as being reckless and irrresponsible. Therefore, we emphatically deplore all hijackings because they threaten the lives of innocent people. Moved solely by humanitarian reasons, and sometimes at the request of the authorities concerned, the Ubyan Arab Republic has, on several occasions, pennitted hijacked planes to land at its airports. 139. The colonialist and Zionist Powers areattemptingto undermine the Ubyan Arab Republic and to create a demagogic atmosphere in order to. conceal their terrorist actions against people under the yoke of colonialism and foreign domination. 140. The sixth and seventh special sessions of the General AsseJbbly were turning-paints-and essei1tial turning- points-in the fie!dof international economic relations. They have opened the door for international efforts to correct the deteriorating economic situation that has prevailed for many years, by the establislunent of a new international economic order based on justiceand equity, -and on respect for the sovereignty of States and their inalienable rightto utilize theirnatural resources. 143. It is clear from the resolutions adopted by the Conferences of Algiers, Dakar,Lima, Manlla, Colombo and Mexico that the developing countries stress the nec:ssity of a complete restructuring of international economic rela- tions by the establishment of a new system basedon equal sovereignty, common interests and fruitful co-operation among allpeoples of the world. . 144. The developing petroleum-exporting countries have fulfilled satisfactorily their responsibilities, and continueto shoulder their responsibility, by assisting their developing sister-countries in overcoming economic difficulties mused by the present economic situation, which has dominated the world for over a quarter century. Throughbilateralor multilateral channels, members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries IOPEC} have given assist- ance to developing countries. Furthennore, they have established a number of banks and funds for this noble purpose, their most recent efforts in this connexion being the pledge. of $400 million to the International Fund for Agricultural Development. ~45. In addition to its contribution through OPEC, the Libyan Arab Republic gives assistance to developing coun- tries through bilateral arrangements and through its parti- cipation in international projects and its contributions to regional andinternationalbanksand funds. Furthennore, in 1972 it estabiished the Libyan Arab Foreign Bank, whose basic objective is to flnance development activities abroad, particularly in the developing countries. The Bank has contributed to the capital of I number of banks and financial institutions in developing countries. The number of its contributions rose from four in 1972 to 19 in 1975. The assistance of the Libyan Arab Republic to the least developed countries reached in 1975about 6 per cent of its net oil income, which is approximately 3 per cent of its nationalincome. 146. The.peoples of the developing countries awaitedwith high expectations the outcome of the fourth session ofthe UnitedNations Conference on Trade andDevelopment. Yet UNCTAD, unfortunately, was unable to solve the problems of reforming the worldmarketstructurein the areasof raw materials and commodities whteh are important for the exports of developing countries, raising the developing countries' share in wocld industrial production and attain- ing the objectives of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade {resolution 2626(XXV)} regarding the flow of financial resources into developing countries, especially the objective of official development assistance specified at 0.7 per cent of the gross national product. Nor was UNCTAD able to reach a conclusion concerning the transfer of technology, the reform of the international monetary system in the interest of international trade and promotion, 147. My delegation notes with satisfaction the attention given by the international community to two of its initiatives during the last session. One of them related to the question of mines planted in the Libyan Arab Republic by the parties to the Second World War. At that session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 3435 (XXX), dated 9 December 1975. The Governing Council of the United Nations Environment Programme also showed interest in the question and adopted Decision No, 80 (M, dated 9 April 1976 [see A/31/25, annex I). My delegation expected the study envisaged in paragraph 3 IJfresolution 3435 (XXX). to be submitted during this session;yet it will be content that adequate tim~ should be allowed for the experts to prepare a comprehensive study. In this con- nexion, we endorse the proposal that an intergovernmental meeting be convened to take up this important matter. We also support resolution No. 32 of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo, calling for an international conference to consider all aspects of this matter [see A/31/197, annex IV}. 148. The second initiative was concerned with bribes and the role of transnational corporations. Consideration of this question led to the adoption of resolution 3514 (XXX) on 15 December 1975. The Commission on Transnational Corporations, at the request of the General Assembly, took up this question at its second session, held in Lima from 1 to 12 March 1976. Furthermore, the Economic and Social Council adopted resolution 2041 (LXI) on 5August 1976, establishing an 18-member Ad Hoc Intergovernmental Working Group to consider this question. The libyan Arab Republic delegation is gratified by thisattention and hopes that a proper solution will be reached in the near future by this international group.

Since he assumed the post of Foreign Minister of Algeria, this is the first time that Mr. Bouteflika has been unable personally to take part in the general debate of the General Assembly. Of course, there were such compelling reasons for this, that Mr. Bouteflika had to break with the trddition that he had always valued extremely highly. A1seria,as representatives are aware, is now involved in an extremely active stage of the political reorganization and establishment ofits S~ate institutions. Just a few months ago a new national charter was adopted by, the Algerian people; a: drafteonstitution is now being prepared; and Mr. Bo11te- . fl~ has highly important responsibilities in the work and 149_ The United Nations has made commendable efforts in the social field, especially with regard to a group who have been partially or totally unable to provide for their individual or 'socialneeds because of physical ot mental disabili~ies. In ~his t~gard the General Assemblf adopted resolution ~856 (JPCVl), containing' the Declaration on the. Rigllts of· Mertt811y Retarded Persons, and resolution 3447 (X}QO,: dated 9 December- 1975, cont~mng jhe Declaration, ~n.the: Rights of.Disabled Persons. In appreciationof· the ~portance of.care ;of the cll~abl~d, and. in affirmation of the United 'Nations resolutions in this respect, ~h~' .'I~bYim Arab. Rep:Ublic has submitted, under . agenda ~te~ 12, "Report of the Economic' and SOcial Council", 'a d!'aft resolution proclaiming the year 19:78 as the International. Year tor Disabled Persons with the theme "Compassion, Equality and Peace",7 with a view to the achievement ofa number of objectives, including: flrstvthe 150. Because of our interest in.human rights, we are deeply concerned that these rights are still being grossly violated. Despite the enormous material success made by man in recent decades in the exploration of outer space and the sea and the ocean depths, man on this planet still suffers injustices from his brother. Racial discrimination is still at its peak and is practised officially and unofficially; in some countries, human suffering and injustice on grounds of colour, race and religion still exist. Some minority groups around the world are still suffering injustice and tyranny; brutal physical and psychological torture is still being practised against prisoners-of-war and prisoners in general. 151. The question of torture was dealt with in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It is also being given attention by this international Organization. The General Assembly adopted resolution 3452 (XXX), containing the Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from BeingSubjected to Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Wecall for further achievements in this area. Hence, protection of human rights should be the corner-stone in rebuilding the international structure, an objective which we all should endeavour to achieve. . -. discussions made necessary by those preparations. Those are the reasons why Mr, Bouteflika has asked me to be his spokesman here and to express to the President and representatives his regrets for'.not having 'been able; as he would have liked, to address the Assembly hiIriSelf. Consequently, he has asked me to read for him the text ofthe statement he.had prepared. I shall do my tiest tocany out that delicate task. 153. I have many reasons for satisfaction at Mr. Amerasinghe's elevation to the presidency of this session of the - General Assembly. My feelings of personal friendship 154. Mr. Gaston Thorn, his predecessor in this important o(fice, without·doubt has earned our gratitude for the way in which he oonducted the proceedings of the thirtieth session. The talents he displayed-though, of course, not a surprise to us-have won him our admiration, to which I should like to add an expression of my own personal friendship. 155. The discreet and silent presence of our Secretary- General on this podium clearly belies the always active, often stimulating and sometimes decisive rolewhich he has played for five years at the head of our Organization. We have all appreciated his tireless efforts to perform a task which at.times hasalmost beenimpossible, effortsto ensure that the United Nations enjoys influence and prestige worthy of its mission in the world today. I should like to take this opportunity to extend to him our gratitude and thanks. 156. I should also like to take thisopportunity to express once' again to the representatives of the People's Republic of China our sympathy and most sincere condolences on the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung. His loss has beenfelt not only by the Chinese people; he is mourned also by all those who have found in the example, wisdom and teachings of Chairman Mao the courage, perseverance and faith to wage their own struggles for a futureof justiceand dignity. Notributecould be adequate for someone whowill remain a giant of our time and whose memory will, I am sure, longilluminate theevolution of ourtime. 157. I would not wish to continue my statementwithout first of all extending the warm congratulations of my delegation to the young Republic of Seychenes, which has just become a new Member of the United Nations. To that young African State which has just acceded to independence wewish every success, happiness andprosperity. 158. We should have liked also to welcome in the same way the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of AniQla, to which no one should deny the obvious right of membership in our Organization. The Security Council has, however, not been able to recommend their applications on account of the use of the veto against their admission by the United States of America. As we .did last year, we deplore what we deem to be the abusive and irregular use by a permanent member of the Security Council of a privilege which is itself already difficult to accept. That privilege becomes quite inadmissible when it is used to serve considerations which have absolutely no connexion with international peace and security. 159. Bach session is for us an occasion to look back briefly over the past year, to take stock of the problems that are in the forefront of our concerns and to sugge'st the 160. On L.le· basis of that observation we might easily allow ourselves to slip into facile pessimism, explaining our past failures and apologizing for our future weaknesses. However, fortunately the situation is quite different and, with,out trying to provoke any undue optimism, it does nevertheless allow us to see an evolution in thinking andin behaviour which can only be seenafter a global appreciation of the movement of those pastyears. 161. Indeed it would appear that we have passed an important phase since the calling into question of the structures of the international community by a third world which isobviously muchmore aware ofits rights, more able to derme its aspirations and more skilful in defending its interests. The crisis which was fermenting through the imbalances and the injustices of a world order built up by the major Powers in order to serve and conserve their supremacy came as a surprise only to those who wishe~ to ignore the transformations-slow, perhaps, but far-reaching-of international society following the Second World Wu, or to those who felt secure in the complacency of a fictitious security or those who were too sure of their prosperity to be concerned by their environment. 162. The last sessions of the General Assembly were marked by the appearance of that new phenomenon which, chipping away some of the old certainties, sometimes gave to our debates the character of a confrontation whose real significance was not always clearly perceived by all. In point of fact we have lived through a period of transition and adaptation which has replaced the former pattern of international relations by a system which takes more account of the precccupations of all andwhich gives a more reasonable, if not a moreeqaltable, share to everyone in the settlement of our common affairs. I shouldlike to recall, without dwelling on them, the controversies arising from the spectacular revelation of a newmajority in the taking of our decisions. I should also like to remind members of the resistance that was met by our concept of the new international economic order. • 163. That shockwasperhaps necessary in orderto awaken consciences and to highlight the true priorities which face us. The acceptance, even the unwilling acceptance, of that new order of affairs is the flrst condition for a better understanding in relations among members of international society. Thediscussions at thissession undeniably testifyto such an evolution, which allows us to believe that perhaps we are using the same language in speaking of the same problems. That, however, does not mean that we have found an end to our concerns or that our misgivings have vanished. The problems are still there,asa challenge to our will, to our wisdom and to our intelligence. But once we cease to try to hide the .true facts or to shirk our 165. The maintenance of this :,;;:t!!ation and the pursuitof a fruitful dialogue between partners equally interested in going beyond the present-day difficulties demand scrupulous respect for the new rules of the international game, as mutual confidence can be basedonly on everyone displaying goodwill in the defence of his own positions and in his appreciation of the interestsof others. 166. We have already had the opportunity of expressing our satisfaction at the progress achieved in the relations among major Powers. We would have been even more gratified if the relations between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China had followed the same trend towards normalization and detente, not only for a better international equilibrium but also because of the sincere friendship we have for these two great countries and their peoples. 167. The many delegations which praised the results of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe could not, however, be unaware of the fact that the policy of detente will be meaningless ifit remains limitedin geographical application and in scope. Peaceful relations among major Powers ere certainlyan essential pre-condition for intemational peace and security;they do not, however, suffice to guarantee them unless they aresupplemented by peaceful relations between the major Powers and the under-developed world. 168. This presupposes first of allan end to interference in the internal affairs of our countries, an end to using our countries for strategic purposes in which our national interests count for very little. I should like everyone to shareour indignation at interferences aimed at provoking or encouraging internal disorders in certain countries of the third worldor at overthrowing their Governments or their regimes. This short-sighted policy obviously does not lead to the establishment of a climate of confidence necessary 169. It would be highly regrettable if the willingness of third world countries to curb their impatience and to enter into a frank and sincere dialogue with the developed world were to be interpreted as a change in the objectives of our countriesor as a sign of the resignation of our peoples to a fate which they would be powerless to alter. It is perhaps clever, or even a good ploy, for some to try to exploitthe differences which necessarily appear in the positions of the developing countriesand, through the granting of minimal and astutely calculated concessions, to wish to bringabout a discussion of our efforts and confusion in our priorities. This would not, of course, be a new tactic. It would also not be profitable, fust of all because the developing countries know full well that the stakes are now far too high to sacrifice them for immediate and partial gains but also because it would mean that our partners are not yet convinced of the need squarely to face up to the true problems in order to find satisfactory and lasting solutions to them. 170. No one could still doubt that the present system governing internationaleconomic relations isexperiencing a severe crisis greatly affecting the wlnerable economies of the third world and threatening the prosperity of the developed countries themselves. This situation, which is intolerable for all, demands that radical solutions be arrived at by common agreement in order to lay the foundations for a new international economic order better adapted to therequirements ofour times. 171. This crucial task is a matter for all the members of the in~ernational community; it requires a global 'vision whichtruly takesinto accountthe needs and interests of all peoples\ and effective decolonization of the relations imposed by the wealthy countries on the rest of the world. Whereas 'most of the developed countrieshave nowreached the post-industrial stage, our peoples have not yet seen a technological take-off, because they are subjected by the capitalist countries and the big monopolies to an industrim and technological blockade which condemns them to a dependence that is practically without recourse. 172. Th~ conduct of the developed countries hasnot been completely in keeping with the good intentions that they professed during the seventh special session of the General Assembly. That goodwill has been neutralized by the manoeuvres designed to turn developing countries away from their essential aims and to weaken their solidarity by creating contradictions among their interests. To realize that that is true one need only note the unenthusiastic reception given the legitimate and reasonable proposals fonnulated by the third-world countries at the fourth session of UNCI'AD at Nairobi or at the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, particularly with regard to debt rescheduling and the protection of earnings from the export of raw materials. The industrialized countries do not limit themselves to delaying tactics in connexion with the modest and constructive proposals of 173. The countries of the third world obviously must . draw the necessary conclusion from that disappointing experience and must be wise enough not to have too high ho~s about the true extent of the willingness of the, industrialized world voluntarily to agree to the sacrifices necessary to the re-establishment of minimum justice in international economic relations. The Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries at Colombo demonstrated a clear awareness of that situation and, not wishing to get bogged down in useless recriminations about a state of affairs which isregrettable but which mustbe faced up to, it called on the developing countries to maintain their solidarity by making clear the priorities of their common programme and deflDing the immediate aims of their common action. The Colombo discussions also stressed the importance of a rational management by the developing countries of their own resources and capacities, and the necessity of making the most of the complementary nature of their economies by developing theirmutualexchanges in allsectors. 174. It is thus clear that, while stressing the responsibility of the developed countries and the great Powers in this undertaking to change the present international order, the developing countries have an accurate assessment of their own responsibility and of the obligations they mustassume to ensure the achievement of their aspirations. Their achievement of maturityandof a real ability to take part in the settlement of international affairs isin directrelation to their capacity to distinguish what is vital from what is secondary and not to confuse the true problems withtheir spin-offs•.Our sincerity in regard to ourselves and to the principles that we proclaim is the prerequisite to our acceptance as a serious partner on the international scene. More than others, we must be aware of the need to understand that our common good imposes certain lirnita~ tions on our national concerns. More than others,wemust demonstmte our respect for international morality end the rules that we are attempting to impose on the conduct of the most'powerful members of our community. Any hope for the triumph of our cause would be irremediably compromised if we were again to witness the re-emergence of that selfIShness which in the pastdoomed allour efforts at common action to failure. This applies not only to economic qu~stions which, despite appearances and the crisis which gives them a character of immediacy and urgency, remain, after all, auxiliary problems within the political framework in which they must be solved. 'The prineipl~ of non-interference in the affairs of other coun- tries must obviously be applied first and foremost ill the relations amongcountries of the third world. Respect for the rightof peoples to self-detennination, which wehave so energetically defended against the hegemony of the colonial . Powers, must be the corner-stone of our mutual conduct 8 Interim Committee of the Board of Governors of the Inter- natJ~nal Monetary Fund on the International Monetary System, held at Kiqlton, Jamaic:a, on 7 and8 January 1976. 175. I should like to turn to several special problems to which my Government attaches particular importance. The deterioration ofthe situationinthe Mediterranean basin and around the Mediterranean, where conflicts are degenerating or taking on broader dimensions, disturbs and preoccupies us. In particular, the Middle East crisis was already serious and complex enough without the' present tragedy in Lebanon, which is so dangerously affecting that country's national unity, its territorialintegrity··and, perhaps, in the final analysis, its very existence asanindependent nation.It is not possible to arrive at a clear picture of the situation there arising from the forces and influences enmeshed there, some of which obviously, bear the stamp of imperialism and zionism. Efforts are being undertaken, in particular in,the framework of the League of Arab States, at least to bring to an end the murders and the unleashing of violence, while awaiting the moment when the Lebanese, listening to the voice of reason, give up the fatal madness which seems to have taken hold of that people, who were so weD known for theirpeace-loving character, andface the real problems of their common future. We give our total supportto these initiatives in reiterating our conviction that no solution imposed from outside will have any real possibility of leading to a just andlasting settlement of the Lebanese drama. 176. As we are aware, this tragedy is closely linked with the struggle of the Palestinian people, which a particularly cruel destiny appears to have pursued throughout its history. However tragic and deplorable the upheavals in Lebanon may be, they cannot jeopardize the right of the Palestinians to pursue theirliberation struggle, nor canthey impose on their necessary freedom of action any abusive constraints designed to do no less than thwart thel: efforts and weaken theirranks. The Lebanese crisis should not lead us to close our eyes to the real facts of the P31estinian problem, solution of which is inconceivable outside the context of recognition and satisfaction of the inalienable rights which our Assembly itselfhas recogni"ed as belong- ingto the Palestinian people. 177. Whatever imperialist and Zionist attempts are made further to confuse these facts andto confuse priorities, the evolution of the Middle East problem shows without a shadow of a doubt that a global solution is essential, a solution comprising both the total evacuation by Israel of all occupied Arab territories and the satisfaction of the national aspirations of the Palestinian people. This isa truth that has today fmaDy been recognized by the international 179. Despite the importance of the problems to which I have alluded, it appears, none the less, that this session of the Assembly will continue to be dominated by the way the situation in Africa is developing, particularly in southern Africa, where the hour of decision appears to have fmally arrived. So spectacular a change is by no means due.to a sudden awakening of international public opinion, since it was already well-informed of events in that region. It is, first and foremost, something which has been wrought by the Africans themselves, who, with the passingof the years, have learned how better to defend their rights in order to regain their freedom in dignity and equality. It is that struggle which is now yielding its fruit, and which shows that the dead in Soweto, Alexandra and elsewhere did not lay down their livesin vain; nor have the sufferings of those who have languished for years in the prisons ofVorster and Ian Smith been in vain: TIle interest which is now being shown by the Western countries in bringing about a satisfactory solution to the African claims, while at the same time- preserving, albeit partially, the privileges of the white minorities, is not based on any humanitarian can- siderations or on a sudden upsurge of sympathy for the African peoples-not that the African peoples are in any way demanding that, As vie know, this interest-and, to a certain extent, we fmdthis quite logical-is more aroused by the desire to safeguard economic or strategic advantages, which were linked with the existence of the apartheid regime and which are threatened, as the regime is, by those transformations which are occurring or which are now taking shape in that area. We in Africa would like to be better convinced that the calculations of the Western countries are sufficiently accurate for them to conclude that their interest, properly interpreted-their long-term interest-does not lie in the survival at all costs of the apartheid system and of the political regime which is the embodiment of that system, but rather in the friendship which they can preserve with the African peoples of the 181. At all events, the final decision is up to the Africans concerned themselves. We have confidence in their sense of responsibility and in their awareness that they are passing through a crucial period in the history of their countries. We hope that they will be able to transcend their differences or their divergentviewsin order to concert their efforts in this ultimate stage of their struggle. The African countries of the region, since they are better aware of the situation and know the people involved, undoubtedly will be able to play a decisive part in guiding the leaders of the liberation movements and in helping" them to overcome their difficulties and differences. But there can be no doubt that, as in the past, we will continue to give total and unflagging support to the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa until their aspirations have been com- pletely fulfilled. 182. Finally, I should like to say something about the Western Sahara. This is a problem which has been. and remains one of decolonization, in the same way as those which our Organization has had to settle during the last quarter of a century, and which it has invariably solvedby opting for the exercise by colonized peoples of their right to self-determination. 183. This is by no means a new problem for our Assembly, which, over many consecutive years, has in various resolutions traced the pattern for the decolonlza- tion of the Sahara, and which, furthermore, was able to complete its farniliarity with the background of this ~{fair through the report of a commission of inquiry9 sent by the Special Committee on the Situation With regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and also through the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justlcew on this matter. 184. It is not my intention to hark back to all these facts, which must be quite familiar to all Members of our Assembly, but I would like to dispel certain confusions which have crept into this discussion. 9 See Officiol Records ofthe General Assembly, Thirtieth. Selfion, Supplement No. 23, chap.XIII, annex: report of the UnitedNations Visiting Mission to Spanish Sahara,1975. 10Western Sa1uzra, Advisory Opinion, LeJ. Reports 1975, p. 12. 186. Tne second element of confusion which an attempt was made to introduce into the discussion concerns the Saharan refugees who are now in Algerian territory in the Tindouf region. An attempt was made to give the impres- sion that these exiles had been detained against their will, iliat they had even been forcibly keptandthat they would be pleased to return immediately to their homes if they were not prevented from doing so. I have no doubt of the buming desire of these exiles to return to their country; what prevents them from doing so is certainly not any barriers erected against them by the Algerian Government but rather a situation which was created by the military occupation of their Territory and the threats it has presented and continues to present to their security and liberty. It may be comforting to those occupying a country to believe that those who have been forced into exile by their oCcupation are ready to welcome them as liberators were they not in the' grip of a hostile foreign Power. It would, per~ps, be wiser for them, and more positive, to come to grips with reality and to realize that absorbing a territory is not that' easy without the consent of its population. The material conditions and the morale of the Saharan refugees in Tindoufcannot be a secret to anyone, and the numerous visitors who have. hadan opportunityto see them, including the UnitedNations High Commissioner for Refugees and journalists of various nationalities, are wen aware, of the trials that they have undergone with 190. The problem that I have just outlined, likethe many coutage -and resignation. ~ order to keep alive their ideal other questionS which .req\lire decisions·by our Assembly,. 'and to ·preserVe their·identity and recover their freedom. poses ,iD;" even more,'acute, '"enns': the: pro.blem of 'the. The Alg~iian' Govemn'lent is giving'this uproo~ed pot»qla- " re5pon~ibi1~tY"of 'our Ois8niz;tti~Ii ~d itS abilit¥..t~·.~c~r~ , .' tion all the humapitarian aid that it can affordto give, ana . ~e ~plement~i(;)8 of .Us. r~so~~t~ons~ I· ~ -not .oQlY. . 'it.apPe.als to international sOlidarity to do ,likewise· .to... . spe.ilking 'here. 9f' Uie General. Assembly. We' ·know· how : , improv~ .the' lamentable co~ditjcns Ut Which the .refugees '. limited its pQwers ~re in' reg~rd '.to .sanctions., I -3111 :als~. ' , find the~~ves. :Ibis mw of 'refug!,es is,·of course, opt .sPeakipg .of the,sec;uritY ·Couilcll.·which.,ther'Charter'has ' <; anything,.directly.to do with the Algerian Government, but : prOVided with 'methods of ,co.,straint:that allow' it to. • it is proof, if proof ~ere' needed, of the fact that in the enforce its decisions. I hardly need to stress the extent 'to Western Sahara there continues to exist a decolonization ,which tl,le credihility of our Organization might,suffer -problem, a problem which. there can be no doubt is far because of the impotence of its major, bodies and their from being solved. . inability toImplement their decisi0l!s. It is quite obvi9US that this is a question of authority~ and if it is to be solved it means necessarily that every Member State will have to give up a portion of its prerogatives of sovereignty and 188. I feel, therefore, that I must reiterate here that the Algerian Government will not let ~tself be drawn in by these attemptsto distort the problem of'the Sahara by promoting the idea of some conflict among neighboUring countries, because Algeria has continued to state most solemnly that its fundamental position is not inspired by any territorial designs, even less by any feelings of hostilities towards its neighbours. TlUs position of ours is based on the profound conviction that the only guarantee for a true and lasting solution to the problem of the Sahara resides in the exercise by the Saharan people of their right to self-determination on the basis of the territorial integrity and inviol&bility of frontiers and by means of an authentic referendum moni- toredandguaranteed by the United Nations. 189. During this session there can be no doubt thaJ o~r . Assembly will have to consider how events are developing in the Sahara and to gauge, particularly through the report that is to be presented by the secretary-General, the extent to which the decisions that it took last year have been implemented. My delegation continues to believe that responsibility for th~ decolonization of the Sahara lies squarely with the United Nations, and we reserve our right to develop the ideas which I have just touched upondUring the specific discussion devoted to that item.

We have heard the last speaker in the general debate, but I have had requests from several representatives to be allowed to speak in exercise of the right of reply. Before calling on those representatives, I should like to recall the decision taken by the General Ascembly at its 4th plenary' meeting that statements in exercise of the right of reply should be-limited to 10 minutes. I would appeal to all those speakingin exercise of the right of reply to adhere strictly to this rule, especially because of the lateness of the hour. I shall now call on those representatives wishing to exercise the rightof reply.

My delegation has refrained from replying to the numerous attacks uttered by some of the Arab delegations against the State of Israel and the Jewish people in the general debate. I refrained from reacting, because the remarks were so patently unimportant and irrelevant, having regard to what is in fact happening in the Arab world in general and in the Middle Ea~t in particular. However, with the conclusion of the debate, I cannot refrain from rising to express my appreciation to those Arab delegations which by their very statements have once again served Israel's cause so ably, setting out in their own words the problem that Israel faces in its desire to achieve accommodation and ultimately peace in the Middle East. Some of the statements ranged from the most extreme expressions of hatred to the utterly ludicrous. Many of them very conveniently ignored the massive blood-letting in the internecine struggle of Arab against Arab in s~ many centres of conflict in the Middle East, most of them far removed from Israel and completely unrelated to the Israel-Arabconflict. 194. I am grateful to those Arab delegations that have spelled out in more ways than one what their true intentions are in fact. Nowhere was this service performed better for Israel than by the Iraqi delegation and by the libyan delegation. The prospect of the paymaster, organizer and instigator of international terrorism decrying acts of terror and hijacking was very moving. Indeed, it would havesounded like a poorjoke wereit not so tragic. 195. Furthermore, we were regaled by the unlikeiy foray into the field of psychologicalanalysisby the representative of Yemen and his intriguing theory about the soul ofa new Hitler. like those of his colleagues who sided with the Nazis in the World. War, he is an undoubted authority on this subject. 197. Frankly, I had hoped for a glimmer of hope in the statements by the Arab representatives-hope engendered by a change in tone, by a willingness to compromise, by even a mention of Security Council resolutions 242 (l967} and 338 (1973), by an appreciation of the fact that conflicts in this world must in the final analysis be resolved by face-to-face negotiation on the basis of mutual respect. 198. Instead we sat here again listening to the same old' cracked record, grinding out the inevitable theme of hate, of venom, of perverted argument as certain Arab representatrees came forward, launched their tirade and retired for the next one to take over. Not one word of reason; not one word of compromise; not one word of accommodation; not one word about Israeli rights; not one. word about negotiation; indeed, the very word is taboo. What a sad commentary! 199. Has the Middle East not bled enough? Do the speeches we heard constitute any kind of progress towards peace? Are they not out of tune with recognizably constructive trends on other issues? Has the time not come for a change of heart and approach? Why can we not sit down and talk as other adversaries do?

I never introduce sarcasm, hatred or rancour into any of my speeches. I am glad that Mr. Herzoghas taken a seat, because usually when I speak in the Security Council, he leaves. I have a few words to say to him from this podium, hoping that he will realize what the actual situation is-with no hatred, with'no rancour, with no sarcasm. 201. Time and again I must declare that we have no quarrel with our brothers, the Jews, who are descendants of Abraham, the patriarch of the whole region. We have a quarrel with those Khazars who embraced zionism in the eighth century AD. and who consider themselves Semites after Herzlpropagated hisZionist ideology. 202. We would wish the Khazars well, if they were not intruders into the area. It so happens that their ancestors embraced Judaism, but that does not make them Semites. Again, inasmuch as the British and the French became Christians, they have a Semitic religion, but that does not make them Semites. And yet again, our Nigerian and Indonesian'brothers have a Semitic religion, Islam,but that does not make them Semites. 203. The descendants of those Khazars who hail from eastern and central Europe use a noble religion, Judaism, as a motivation for political and economic ends. It is not the diplomats here who are usingharsh terms for not beingable to eject them through war from our midst. I am not for war; I am not for terrorism; but I must remind Mr. Herzog that I visited Jerusalem in 1925 and was told how intransigent those descendants of the Khazars were. Do not forget that they are central Europeans. They forgot that 204. The days are gone when Europeans could use religion or even ideology as a motivation for political ends. That motivation has lost its credibility. The Israelis are there by force of arms and by the support of our American friends. 205. Who could refute what my Ubyan colleague said? Those who want to be President, Mr. Carter and Mr. Ford, are vying here in currying favour with the Jewish voters, 3 per cent of the population of the United States. Can you imagine what a force they are here? It is a wonder that we still trade with the United States, but we remember that we Arabshave been in the Middle East for 6,000 years. This is, as wesay,a dark cloud in our history. 206. Now in fairness to you, Mr.Herzog and your delegation, we do not hate you; no. I know many people who would like to make peace with you, but not on your terms. You know very well that if there is no tension you will disappear-either by attrition or by assimilation. It is a question of time. 207. Where are the crusaders? There is a tribe in northern Arabia with blue eyes and golden hair. They are Arabsand wear Arab garb, remnants of the crusaders. Where are all those conquerors who'passed through the area? So why do you not seek acceptance, adapt and adjust to the Arab world? 208. Many Jews are proud to be Americans; many Jews are proud to be French. You want to ingather them an in Israel? Thereare 16 million Jews, but how many could you get in Israel? Only the people for whom you created a problem-and, unfortunately, you created a problem for our own Jews, our brothers, not Khazars, But you are not related to them by culture. By religion? So were the Germans related by religion to the French and the British, but they fought two world wars. And you know about the wars between Judea and Israel. Brothers fight one another. 209. How do you expect to be accepted there when you are imposing yourselves, setting yourselves apart, considering yourselves as "the chosen people of God". Is God a discriminator? We are fighting discrimination here; apartheid is one of its forms. You set yourself apart. And you repeat it so many times-you who went (0 Oxford, Cambridge and Harvard, many of you scientists; you play on their religious sentiments. Those Jewish savants do not believe you in their innermost hearts, but they rally to your aid because the American taxpayers are footing the biU; they give you money. Do the mass media, does the press, dare to repeat what I am saying here? No, I have been sayingthis for too long. 210. So I can assure you that what is happening in . Lebanonis nothing,but a consequence of your invasion and incursion into the land of Palestine, which should be holy to the three monotheistic religions. You have no monopoly on Palestine. 212. Mr.President,how much more time do I have?

You have two minutes more.

I can say a lot in two minutes. This offers some humorous.relief, becausereallyif we do not have a little humorous relief the tragedy would engulf us all. 215. When will you Europeans come to your senses? Look at the British. They wanted you there to ensure the safety of the route to the British Empire. Where is the British Empire now? The great uncle of Winston Churchill, Charles Churchill, was sent to the area in 1843. He stayed 20 years to make sure that the route to India would be safe. Where is the British Empire? Where are all the empires? And you people descended from the Khazars, you want to stay there and trade at the cross-roads and ingather all the Jews. That is a dream of Mr. Herzl's that could not be fulfilled and, as I have said time and again, it became a nightmare. ' 216. For heaven's sake, I must tell you again and again, adapt yourselves, adjust yourselves, seek acceptance and you wiU have no problem. We will take you; we will assimilate you. What is wrong? You win not let us marry your women? Abraham married Aramaean and Canaanite women. Your blood, Mr. Herzog, is not pure. You cannot claim that you descend from Abraham, the patriarch ofall. We will marry your women and there may be some of our women who will want to marry your men. You will merge and become part and parcel of us all. Forget about the exclusivity of being Jews.

I wish to inform the representative ofSaudi Arabia thathis time is now up.

I shall stop speaking. I am glad that the President has used the gavel. I know we are at the threshold of this thirty-first session and I shall have many other occasions on which to drive some sense into Mr. Herzog's mind and thereby into the minds of all the Khazars who are intruders in the Middle East.

I wish to exercise my delegation's right of reply to the statements made this afternoon by the representatives of Cuba and the Libyan Arab Republic. 220. Among the many unfounded allegations and inaccuracies which characterized the Cuban representative's remarks were detailed references to a domestic matter ~ namely, the subject of Puerto Rico. The United States policy on Puerto Rico is based on complete acceptance of 221. The people of Puerto Rico made that choice by approving commonwealth status and their own Constitution in 1952. They reaffirmed that choice in a status referendum in 1967 in which 60 per cent voted for the commonwealth status, 39 per cent for statehood and less than 1 per centfor independence. 222. It has been the policy of the United States,since it was stated in 1953, that if the Puerto Rican legislature should adopt a resolution in favour of independence, then the President would recommend to the Congress of the UnitedStatesthat independence be granted. 223. Free and open elections will again be held in Puerto Rico in Nov~mber of this year,asthey are not heldin other nations. 224. In 1953 the United Nations General Assembly explicitly recognized the self-governing status of Puerto Rico and removed Puerto Rico from the list of Non-Self- Govetning Territories by adopting resolution 748(VIII), and,.itreaffl1'l11ed that decision in 1971 whenit rejected an attemptfoinclude an item on Puerto Ricoin its agenda. 225. So long as the people of Puerto Rico wish to continue that relationship with the United States, any dilcuaion of Puerto Rico's status by any intermitional organization is offensive to us and to the people of Puerto Rico. President Ford made this point with particular emphasis in June when he visited Puerto Rico andsaidthat those who might be inclined to intervene in our freely detennined relations should know that such an act would be considered intervention in the domestic affairs of Puerto Rico and the United States and that the United Statesis confident that nations with which it enjoys friendly relations will understand the strong feelings of the American and the Puerto Rican people on thismatter. 226. The charges of the representative of the libyan Arab Republic against the United States, the President of the United States and the Democratic candidate for. the presidency, and the language in which those charges'were phrased are so extreme and offensive that they could ol)ly be intended .to elicit a reply in other than civil terms. I refuse to indulge in any such reply for I honour this institution. Suffice it to say that the United States has undertaken millY efforts withconsiderable success towards a peaceful settlemeat in the Middle East.We shall continue to do so in our determination to help to bring peace and justice to all the peoples in that area. It would be truly welcome if one couldhonestly and objectively saythe same thing of the Govemment that is now making these outrageous charges against us.

During the course of the general debate representati~s from various countries referred to the situation existing in 229. We continue to advocate the adoption or-an automatic and mandatory universal system of investigation in this respect but, at the same time, we would point out to them that no system will fully meet its objectives if it is limited to singling out the smaller countriesand, at the same time, if the will and the courage do not exist to deal with those who are truly guilty, whose names.we an know and who wrapthemselves in the cloak of hypocrisy in order to point the fmger at others, motivated as they are by political passions and by their desire to divert attention from the atrocities carried out withintheir ownborders. 230. There are also countries which lacka voice of their own because they suffer from the misfortune of having been s'ubjugated by the Soviet Union or because they depend on economic assistance from that Power for their existence. We say to them that we hope that the day will come when they will be able freely to forge their own destiny and enter into dialogue with the rest of the world without being subjected to having to use the wordsdictated to them by their oppressor. ... 231. There are also other countries which, even though they lack true information on what is happening inChile, have joined the chorus of the countries I mentionedabove. To them we reply that they should carefully study the methods of Soviet. expansionism and that when danger threatens them. they should ,bear in mind the .experience and the example of Chile and remember that foreign tyranny.can be avoided if there is decisive action, will and patriotism. 232. Finally, there is the sOviet Union, the.source an~ the origin of the entire anti-Chilean campaign, for it cannot forget the magnitude of the bitter defeatwhichits strategy of imperialist penetration suffered in our country. Isit too much to ask the Soviet Union to respect the independence, sovereignty and self-determination of a people which it believed already conquered? It is perhapsjust.useless to ask that country to respect the principle,af non-intervention as it is to hope that it will open up its own borders? The Soviet Union fears the breath or freedom; it is afraid of showing itselfto the worldin its true light;it is afraid that the international community will use its good offices to improve the lot of those who.are deprived of theit fundamental freedoms, of those whodespm in concenttationcamps .9r of those who languish iD psychi8- tric clinics. If this were not so, then :we, wotil~ not be ._ 234. Less than a month ago international terrorism, which Chile has been denouncing for years, found a new victim in the person of Mr. Orlando Letelier. My country's Government was the first to condemn this murder and immedi- .ately to request a thorough, complete and rapid inquiry. At the same time, it instructed its diplomatic representatives to agree' to give evidence, if this were asked of them, and to waive their privilege.of,diplomatic immunity. Those who have read the United States press L1'lthe past fewdays have been able to realize how slanderous and defamatory are the allegations which we have heard in this connexion. 235. W~ wish to lodge a vigorous protest with those representatives who, either overtly or covertly, have with utter contempt for the dignity of this Assembly blamed the .Chilean Government for such an odious murder, irresponsibly and malevolently anticipating the results of the inquiry and the course ofjustice.

During my statement this afternoon I referred to the decision taken last month by the Special Committee entrusted with the implementation of resolution 1514 (XV) regarding the question of Puerto Rico. As is known, thts decision was adopted by consensus, on the basis of the broadest agreement among the members of the Committee on decolonization. Representatives will be able to verify that from the verbatim record it will appear that my reference to that decision formed the main part of my remarks about Puerto Rico in my statement. 237. I should now like to recall to the Assembly that, when this decision was adopted by the Special Committee, the United States press, the information media which echo the interests of United States imperialism, unleashed a campaign-at least throughout this hemisphere-presenting this decision, this consensus, of the Special Committee as a victory -of the United States" Government, as if the Committee had in fact shunned its responsibilities with regard to the case of Puerto Rico. 238. I should like to express my satisfaction at learning from what we have heard this afternoon from the Ambassador of the United States of America, that this is not the posi$ion of the United States Government. That pleases me very much, because my country, like the Puerto Rican Patriotic Movement, interpreted that decision as, in effect, a step forward along the path to the universal recognition of the existing situation in Puerto Rico and the need and the duty of the United Nations to act on this case, in implementation of the mandate conferred upon the Com- . mittee by resolution 1514(XV). 239. If Mr. Scranton had not givenhis opinion in this way, .if his G'ov~rnment did not now indirectly consider it 242. I would merely like to draw this Assembly's attention to the scope of the movement of solidarity with the Chilean people, the universal denunciation of the crimes being committed by the Pinochet regime, the universal repudiation of that regime created as the result of imperialist intervention. That the Pinochet regime was created as a result of imperialist intervention was publicly and formally admitted by the then President of the United States. And in passing I would note that Mr. Scranton recognized that President Nixon had been elected in "democratic elections" and that, also as a result of the democratic process, he is no longer occupying that post. Ex-President Nixon admitted that the United States had participated in overthrowing President Allende and in establishing the regime that is today oppressing the people of Chile. 243. The representative of the Chilean junta tried once again to submit to this Assembly the idea that 'this universal denunciation and repudiation of the Chilean regime is part of a Communist conspiracy, an international action of the socialist camp. I would merely inform the Assembly that my delegation will soon be distributing a document, translated into English for the benefit of all the representatives here, which relates to an interview-it appeared in a West German publication, which certainly is not Communist-with Cardinal Raw SUva Henriquez, Primate of the Chilean Catholic Church, an institution which, as everyone knows; is not part of the international Communist conspiracy. In that interview, the Cardinal clearly and categori· cally spoke of the Nazi regime that is today oppressing his country. Just to satisfy my curiosity I should like to know where the Primate of the Chilean Catholic Church appears in Admiral Huerta's classification.

It had not been my intention to reply to the representative of the Zionist regime. lam, however, compelled to do so because of his reference to the tragic events in Lebanon. 246. On the contrary, the cause of the events in Lebanon is the fact that we Arabs want to defeat the conspiracy to divert Arab effort and struggle from the real enemy,which is zionism occupying our territory and violating the national rights of our Palestinian brothers. What we are trying to do in Lebanon is to stop the fighting. We are not there to fight-as the representative of the Zionist regime alleged-but to stop the fighting. We are not there to kill, but to stop the killing. Thefighting and the killing canonly benefit the enemy of the Arab nation: Israel and imperialism. 247. The Zionist representative cannot deceive anyone by' , shedding crocodile tears about what is happening in Lebanon. . 248. I shallmention only two of the manyobjectives that zionism and imperialism are trying to achieve by encouraging the fighting andthe killing in Lebanon. 249. The first of those two objectives was clearty referred to by the Zionist representative himself in hisstatementto the General As&emblyon 7 October. Mr. AlIon said: "There is yet another conclusion to be drawn [fromthe situation in Lebanon]. For yearsnow the worldhas been bombarded by a propaganda campaign peddling the notion of the replacement of Israel by a so-called secular democratic State where Moslems, Christians and Jews would live in blissful amity. But where is this beautiful mirage now?" [22ndmeeting, para. 156.} . .. Thus, the rust objective of z~ is to discredit and destroy this dream of the Arab;~i~alestinians to live in a State where people can coexist and be members of the same nation, regardless of their faith, race or colour. Ifthe Lebanese example is destroyed, the Palestinian and Arab dream is destroyed. That is why Israel is interested in destroying Lebanon as anexample of the fulftlment of that dream. 250. Thesecond objective of zionism and imperialism isto justify the creation in the Middle East,our area,ofartificial entities on the basis of ethnic and religious considerations. Everyone knows that wearefighting the notionthat a State can be built on the basis of religion alone. We are not fighting Judaism; wearefighting zionism, which claims that people of one faith have the exclUSive right to exist on a territory and that those who do not belong to that faith-even if they and their ancestors have lived'on that territoryfor centuries-have no right to bethere. 251. So the Zionists and imperialists thoughtthat, if they could encourage 'this strife and civil war in Lebanon, then the partition of Lebanon would be an unavoidable fact and Lebanon would be divided into a Christian state and a Moslem state and that would justify the previous partition 252. The Zionist representative really shouldnot in hisjoy exaggerate all the Arab differences taking place everywhere in the Arab world. It is, as my Ubyan brother has said, a sign of Arab dynamism and Arab determination to be united and to build a strong nation. Many nations, including the great American nation, the great Soviet nation, the great French nation, the great Spanish nation, the Italian nation, the German nation andallthe nationsof the world have passed throughsimilar experiences and they emerged from their fighting and civil wars to become great and united nations later 011. Thatisthe destiny of the Arab nation, and we are sure that the Syrian blood, the Palestinian blood, the Ubyan blood, the Iraqi blood, the Lebanese blood,the Morocc~ blood,the Saudi blood, the Algerian blood and the Sudanese blood shed in defence of Arab rights in Palestine and the Middle Ease will be shed again if necessary and unitedly in order to save our region from the evils ofzionism and Israeli aggression.

The Moroccan delegation does not intend in any way to impose on Members a new' statement on the question of the Sahara. This question has been'disCussed at length by the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of Morocco {21st meeting}. ButI thinkit timely having heard the statement of the Permanent Representative of Algeria to the United Nations, Mr. Rahal, to make certain clarifications for the Assembly, fust on the process of decolonization and then on the tragedy of the refugees and finally on the tension existing in,the area. 254. As faras the problemof decolonization is concerned, ·1 should like to remind the Assembly that, in order to recover its territory and to restore its territorial integrity, the Kingdom of Morocco has always favoured negotiations in its international relations in accordance withthe spiritof the United Nations Charter and specifically its Article 33. 255. At the signing, on 7 July 1956, of the Act of Independence, HisMajesty the lateMohammed V expresed reservations about the fact that independence wasincomplete because it did not include all the territory occupied by Spain. After nine years of discussions and bilateral meetings, Morocco unfortunately encountered a greatmany delaying tacticsfrom Spain in connexion with the Saharan Territory. It was therefore obliged to bringthe Sahara and ifni questlons before the United Nations. For that reason, at its twentieth session the General Assembly adopted its resolution 2072(XX),urgently requesting "the Government of Spain, asthe administering Power, to take immediately all necessary measures for the liberation of the Territories of Ifni and Spanish Sahara from colonial domination • i .". 256. In 1974, when the administering Power wu preparing to set before the MoroCcan Government and internatiChal public opinion a fait accompli by declarinl 263. International public opinion is aware of thesedistortions, and the observers who visited the spot have allnoted a concentration of destitute women and children,exposed to sickness, weather and the rigours of the climate, who have obViously beenkept against their will. 264. Is there not a contradiction here between the communiques which refer to mortar, rocket and missile attacks and to seasoned fighters, and the appeals for humanitarian assistance to help a disinherited and destitute population which has no means? 257. The mission of inquiry stipulated by the resolution visited the area and noted the peculiar nature of decolonization in the Territory. 258. It may be recalled that last year,at a critical moment in the history of the area, the Security Council met twice and adopted its resolutions 377 (1975) and 380 (1975), which madereference to Article 33 of the Charter. 265. What solution can be found for this tragedy? His Majesty the King of Morocco and President OuldDaddahof Mauritania put forward a solution, and my Minister of Fore~gn Affairs recalled that solution in his statement of 7 October last. Is this not the best sort.of assistance that can be given to that population in order..to allow them to return to their country, to their families, to their homes and property? Is that not the idealsolution to bringpeace, security and concord back to the region? Is this not the solution that will provide hope for thesepopulationsgiving them new life and to making it possible for them to participate in the uplifting task of tlte construction and development of their country? 259. In accordance with the spirit of those resolutions, negotiations were undertaken between Morocco and Mauritania, on the one hand, and the administering Power, on the other. Those negotiations led to the Madrid agreement of 14 November 1975,which wastransmittedto the United Nations Secretariat.• J The General Assembly took note of it in its resolution 3458 B(XXX). 260. Regarding resolution 3458 A (XXX), referred to by Mr. Rahal, Morocco considers ;t is not to the point because it was addressed to the administering Power, whichleft the Territory on 26 February last. 266. It is this hope which the members of the Executive Committee of the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees wished to express in a decision which they adopted quite recently in Geneva, in which the High Commissioner advocated permanent solutions including voluntary repatriation and durable settlementIsee A/31I 12IAdd.1, para. 119 B], We hope-and our hope is well founded-that Algeria, which is a member of that Committee and which gave its assent to that lasting solution, will contribute to the common efforts of Morocco and Maurit&nia to settle this problem in accordance with the decisions taken by the Executive Committee of the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees. 261. This brings me to the very grave and grievous problem of the refugees. What is the point at issue here? What must be recalled with objectivity is that Algeria, which is a brotherly neighbouring country, seized the opportunity of the last Saharan fair,whichattracts nomads from the south of Morocco and the north of Mauritania as well as the Sahelregion and took advantage of the fact that a drought in that area caused a great exodus of nomads from bordering countries towards the north, that is the south-east of Algeria. That is the truth about those "refugees" that wehave beenhearing about today. 267. Finally, and trying to be as briefaspossible, I should like to tell my friend Mr.Rahal that he has tried to minimize the seriousness of the situation prevailing in the area by adducing many arguments regarding the tension there. I merely wish to emphasize that that tension is real, that it is serious. Only yesterday, a newspaper, The New York Times, which. is noted for its responsibility, provided certain .al!rming details when it spoke of pro-Algerian guerrillas armed by Algeria.with bombs, machine-guns, mortars and anti-aircraft missiles. The Mrican community realized the seriousness of this whenthey held their summit meeting in Mauritius;.2 they indeed intend to settle this matter \\ithin the context of a special suminit meeting. 262. Further mystification is provided by the figures, which correspond neither with the figures provided by the administering Power nor with .~eality. In 1973, which according to official documents marked the formation of the so-called Frente POLlSARIO, the figure of 5,000 was quoted. Thefigure was then multiplied by 2, by 3, and then by 10. Some have even put forward the fanciful figure of 70,000. If WfJ look at the recent statistics provided by the administering Power,which took a census ofthe population and obtained the figure of 73,000;if we note that 18,000 persons have registered to take part in the elections now ' r-,,~being organized by Morocco; if it is agteed that for each person registered there are two others living with him who (or reasons of age or other reasons do not meet the voting 268. What the Kingdom of Morocco seeks above allis that peace should reign in that area, that concord should win 12 Assembly of Heads of State and Government of toe Organization of African Unity, held at Port Louis. Mauritius, from 2 to 6 July 1976. 270. There is no doubt that Mr. Scranton has used the well-known tactic of invoking the respect due to this Assembly. But that was done because he cannot face the facts. 271. We.have the right to speakof the American electoral campaign since matters of vitalimportance to us are being discussed in it. But in so (loing we have no intention of interfering in the internal affairs of the United States. 272. The second point I want to dealwithis that perhaps we have expressed our denunciation of the role playedby the United Statesin sharp words or in strong language:But that language actually expresses the facts,andit islanguage which springs from the heart. We are not being hypocritical and we did not attack the American people. But we do condemn the conspiracy of the ruling circles in the United States with the Zionist entity, particularly nowadays, and wewish to repeatthat condemnation. - 273. We address to Mr. Scranton words which may be strong, but his country sends destructive weapons against us, and there is a world of difference between the two things. 274. Mr. Scranton said that the United Statesis playing a positive role in helping to settle the Middle East crisis. I would like to put ·this question to the American administration and to American public opinion: howcanthe same person or the same circles be adversary andintermediary at one and the same time? And how can the United States play any role in solving the Middle East crisis between the Jews andthe Arabs-or the Arabs and the Zionists-whenit has taken a prior decision to support the Zionist entity at all ODStS? "My country right or wrong" is a phrase coined by an American admiral, and that same phrase can nowbe applied in the case of Israel: "We supportIsrael, whetherit is right or wrong". What role, I ask, can the United States play, or are those American claims perhaps not serious at all? 275. My last point relates to the competition betweenthe American presidential candidates to which I referred. I am actually basing myself on what has been reported in the American press. It cannot be said that it is directedagainst zionism or against the American Government. There is the Christian Science Monitor of 13 October whichhad this to say: 276. Thesame newspaper said in the same article that: "There has been more lieat than light on the subject. The public would be better benefitedby less politicking and a more thoughtful, less partisan discussion of the American nationalinterests in the Middle East."13 277. As regards .a boycott, I would like to quote phrases fromthe same article which said: ".•. if elected, he would no doubt quickly face some blunt realities. One is that an economic boycott against the Arabs which he saidhe would institute ifanotheroil embargo was declared is not likely to work. They would simply go elsewhere for their imports. In any case it does no good to convey an air of threat to such countries as Saudi Arabia."u 278. In today's Christian Science Monitor, an American citizenwrote the following: "... Not only can Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries get along without United States trade. Theydo get along without it, which everyone in this country should be aware of beforejumping on the Arabboycott bandwagon. My husband and I spent almost all of last year as residents in Tripoli, Libya, where he was putting in a pipeline at the new Tripoli airport. Also, we lived there from 1968 to 1970, before, during and after-the 1969 revolution which put Colonel Qaddafi in power. During both periods the predominance of consumer and construction goods was from Europe, Asia, and even much from Russia. We had American products,but they constituted a small minority, sometimes more available than at others and alw,.ys more expensive in an already over-inflated market. 1'h.ey were nice to have because of their generally superior quality,but weleamedto do wen wlthout them. If the United States chooses not to trade with these Arab countnes, there aremanyothersanxious to fill anyvoid."l'·

The representative of Chtle has asked to speak once again in exercise of the rightof reply. Before I call on him, I think it is opportune to draw the General Assembly's attention to rule 3S of the rules of procedure, under which the President may propose that the number of times that a representative may speak shall be limited. I suggest that the Assembly agree that the number of times that a representative may speak in exercise of the ::d'" right of reply be iimited to two. If I hear no objection I shall takeit that lis issodecided. 281. The .Cuban representative spoke as an incontro- vertible fact of the intervention of the UnitedStatesin the overthrow of the previous Government of Chile. All representatives and public opinion throughout the whole world were able to read the report of the committee presided over by Mr. Frank Church, in which the categoric conclusion was reached that no relationship was found between the armed forces of Chile and the intelligence agencies of the United States. This was quite categorically stated. 282. Secondly, reference was made to words spoken by the Archbishop of Chile, Cardinal Raw Silva Henriquez. I need only quote the statement issued by the Archbishop refuting the statements he was alleged to havemadeto the newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine. This statementsays: "The politicalviews attributed to the Cardinal are, both in form and in substance, completely at variance with his thought, as clearly formulated in the public actions and statementsby the Chilean prelate". This is the staterrent of the Archdiocese of Santiago, which weshall distributeto the Assembly.v' 283. Finally, the representative of Cuba asked where the representatives of Chile would place the Cardinal. We would place Cardinal Silva Henriquez, our pastor,among alI.those Chileans whosewordsare distorted.

Just now I made a rather lengthly statement and I willnot layclaim to the attention of the Assembly for too long. 285. When my friend, Mr. Bengelloun, the representative of Morocco, came to the rostrum just now, I thought that he was going to respond to some of the developments which I read out just now on behalf of my Minister. In point of fact, he pursued a line of argument that was not unknown either to my delegation or to members of the General Assembly. I think that Mr. Bengelloun did not, in fact, participate in the discussion we held last year on the question of the Sahara. Otherwise, he would have been aware that his lineof argument had already been developed by the Moroccan delegation and that the Algerian delegation, for its part, had refuted, or at least,corrected,someof those arguments. 286.1 shall not emulate-him and I do not wish to repeat those' arguments now. The records of last year's discussion on this item are available. However, I note with considerable interest his appeal for harmony among neighbouring countriesrand I feel that I must tell him of the readiness of the Algerian Government and of its leaders to seek a way towards brotherhood amongneighbouring peoples basedon -tile settlement of those problemswhich are disturbing the situation there. But settling problems requires, first and 287. This was the purpose of the statement which I just now made. It is extremely dangerous for the settlement of disputes for the Moroccan Government to continue'to regard the problem of the Sahara as being already settled, because this is not true. It is extremely dangerous for the Government of Morocco to hold that the Saharan refugees at present in Algeria are Algerian agents, forcibly detained by Algeria, and that they are not in fact Saharans, because . such assertions are false. 288! I recognize, as J said just now, that there is a state of tension in the area, but the reason fer that is in fact that the Saharan question has not been settled. Therefore I think that it is erroneous to consider that the Saharan problemno longer exists, when what has replaced it is this state of tension among the countriesof the area. AsIong as the Moroccan Government views the problemin this way, I think it is drawing further away from a settlement of the problem 'and also drawing further away from establishing with the Algerian Government relations' that are devoid of any type of hostility. At any rate the Algerian Government has no reason to feel any hostility whatsoever towards the people of Morocco or the Government of that country or any other country at all. It appears that the way in which the decolonization of the Sahara wascarried out is not in accordance with the views of the Algeria» Government, and that this manner of decolonizing the Sahara clashes with the convictions of the .Algerian people. We saidbefore that the solution of the problem of the Sahara would reach this point, and we said this before the International Court of Justice handed down its advisory opinion. We said this before the Government of Morocco madethe arrangements whereby it occupied part of the Sahara. I do not wish to dwell particularly on the construction which should be placed on the advisory opinion of the InternationalCourt of Justice, but it cannot be considered an authorization given to the Moroccan Government to occupy the Sahara, unless it is misinterpreted. Onehas only to be in good faith to realize this immediately. Having satdthis, I wishto make it clearthat the Algerian Governmenthas not lost hope that wisdom will prevail and that; instead of obstinate attempts to defend an indefensible' position which corresponds neither to reality nor to our principles, nor to the decisions that have been taken, nor to the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, the realitywillbe recognized for whatit is. Onlythen can the affairbe settled.

I should like to repeat what I said before. I referred to an interview with Cardinal Raid Silva Henriquez. He was interviewed by a Norwegian, and the interview was published in Oslo first and then in a publication in the Federal Republic of Germany. TIle representative of the Chilean Government has suggested that thisinterview wasdisavowed-or at leastsome of it-by the archbishopric of Chile. 290. I merely wish to' say that the Assembly may judge the value of the assertions and the disavowals it has heard from high-ranking Chilean militaryofficers, who havemade 291. He also ventured to suggest that themembers of this Assembly would be so ignorant as to be unaware of the repeated acknowledgements by United States authorities of the responsibility of the United States Government in the ChOean events, of their conspiracy against the people's Govemment of President Allende and their responsibility for its overthrow. 292. I wish merely to refer to themostrecentinstance of such acknowledgement, which hasbeen alluded to onother ocCasions in this debate. I meanthe recent televised debate between the two candidates in the United States presidential elections. Governor Carter on several occasions referred specifically to the responsibility of the United States Govemment in the.overthrow of the Govemment of President Allende and to the responsibility of the United States Government for the prevailing situation in that country and its responsibility for the violations of human rights in Chile. The present President of the United States and candidate of the Repubhcan Party, Mr. Ford, who is .the Person with the highast responsibility in the United State.',; administration at this time, as is well known, preferred to remain silent and not to comment on this matter. Obviously, be will know why he didso. 293. The representative who spoke on behalf of. Chile a few moments ago is a. career officer. As they say, "where the captain gives ordersthe sailor does not", and the least we could ask of Admiral Huerta is that he maintain the same discretion as does his highest officer-in this case, President Ford.

The general debate has now been concluded. This year it has been exceptional in many respects. Never before have there been so many participants: a total of 134. In addition, we have had thehonour of hearing one Head of State and seven Prime Ministers. Never before, I believe, have so many Prime Ministers addressed us in the course of the general debate. At least 295. Apart fromeverything else, the debate itselfhasbeen conducted with a degree of dignity and decorum that is most becoming to the United Nations andits principles and ideals. It remains for me to thank all those who have participated in the debate and especially the Head ofState and prime ministers who addressed us,aswell asthe foreign ministers who participated in the debate, for the contribution they have made towards the carrying out of the work of this session by their comprehensive review of the intemetlonelsituation. I sincerely hope that the spirit of constructive exchange of views that characterized the general debate will prevail throughout this session and will influence our deliberations and decisions in the weeks to come. Even if our disagreements may be sharp, I hope that our verdict will be uniformly just andfair. 296. I must take this opportunity of warmly thanking all those speakers who have expressed theircongratulations to me on my election as President of this session. Those congratulations were at times couched in terms which I foundqulte embarrassing, as they were, I felt, unduly generous. They have discovered in mequalities which I have so far failed myself to detect. I acknowledge the good wishes I have received andderive fromthemthe comforting ~onviction that I can rely on the co-operation of all delegations in the smooth and efficient conduct of the workof thissession. 297. Finally, on the request of the Permanent cib~rVer of the Palestine Liberation Organization, I should like to convey to the Assembly hisappreciation of the concern and support expressed by many delegations with regard to the Palestinian cause and hisdecision to use the good offices of the League of Arab States to settleinter-Arab problems and disputes. The meeting rose at 8.45 p.m.