A/31/PV.52 General Assembly

.iefore we contin:...\e the general debate on this item I should like to inform the Assembly that I have received requests from the following organizations to be allowed to speak on agenda item 52 which we are now considering: the World Peace Council, American Committee on Africa, Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, Black Consciousness Movement, and Conseil quebecois de la paix. 2. In conformity with established practice and taking into consideration the special interests that those organizations have in the question of apartheid, I should like to propose to the General Assembly that it decide to permit those organizations to speak in the Special Political Committee. If I hear no objection, it will be so decided.

The Chairman of the Special Political Committee will be requested to arrange his Committee's work in such a way as to enable those organizations to speak on agenda item 52 in that body at its meeting in the morning of Thursday, 4 November. There will be no plenary meeting of the Assembly that morning.

The leading body of the World Peace Council has been closely tailing after one super-Power, taking the same steps on a series of international questions and it has long been reduced to a tool of that super-Power in pursuing its policy of aggression and expansion. Its support for the African peoples' struggle against apartheid is entirely hypocritical. It is motivated by the need to co-ordinate with that super-Power's contention with the other super-Power for hegemony in southern Africa, so as to whitewash the said super-Power and help it to deceive the world public. NEW YORK Therefore, the Chinese delegation wishes to state its serious reservations with regard to the invitation to that organization to address the Special Political Committee.

The reservation of the representative of China will be noted.

During this debate on the question of apartheid dozens of representatives, particularly from non-aligned and socialist States, have analysed the racist essence of the South African regime and voiced their support for the national liberation struggle of the African peoples. 7. The Western countries-especially the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] -most of which so far have supported the racist regime of South Africa, are again being called upon to take immediate steps to create conditions that will bring about the elimination of apartheid. 8. The Czechoslovak delegation, as always in the past, continues to condemn the policy of apartheid as the grossest form of violation of fundamental human rights and the basic principles of the United Nations Charter. Accordingly, we resolutely supported the people of Angola against South African aggression. That is why we continue to believe that the regime that gave rise to the policy of apartheid and threatens the future prospects of independent Africa is a serious threat to international peace and securitv. 9. Our view is confirmed by the mass of facts in the report submitted by the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/31/22 and Add.I-3], as well as by the clear positions taken by the non-aligned States at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Colombo in August. 10. Recently we have witnessed so-called new diplomatic initia tives. Their aim and essence are simple: they are above all a reaction to the fact that the situation and the balance of forces in Africa have changed. World public opinion and, first and foremost, the Africans themselves know very well that the West in the main, for the 30 years during which we have been considering this question in this forum, has attempted to implement as few changes as possible in its policy regarding the Republic of South Africa. Actually, it has attempted by all available means to promote it and to . lay into the hands of its Government. The South African racists have remained a component of so-called Western civilization and of its economic, .political, cultural and, particularly, military relationships. 11. Indeed, none of the more than 150 resolutions adopted by us here in the United Nations has prevented the 12. The monopolistic circles" which in various ways are now paying increased attention to South Africa but whose interests cannot change overnight, are only seeking to safeguard their own interests and to protect the political regime whose existence affords them the chance to control a considerable part of the valuable natural resources of Africa and to use precisely that part of the continent for their global military and political purposes. Thus, it is obvious that the South African regime, which is both militarily and economically strong, is first and foremost a threat to the newly independent Statesof Africa.

In deciding, this year, to examine the question of apartheid ., in its plenary meetings, the General Assembly wished not 13. It is precisely in this part of Africa that the main only to emphasize clearly the seriousness of the situation in capital investments of Western monopolies are chiefly southern Africa but also to give a new meaning to the concentrated and it is precisely in order to safeguard them action that we are all called on to undertake to eliminate that political steps are now being taken. The history of the sequels of colonialism and racial discrimination on the decolonization, including the recent events in Angola, can African continent. The persistence of apartheid in South provide sufficient example' of how the West is assuring its Africa and the ensuing danger to international peace and continued economic presence in young States that are not security necessitate the elaboration of a new strategy that yet strongand of what nee-colonialism really means. will take account of the general evolution of the political situation in southern Africa as well as of neweventswhich have taken place in South Africa itselfsince the last session of the General Assembly. 14. In this light it becomes clear that the true purposeof the monopolies in South Africa is to play for time in order to compensate, at least partially, for the political losses suffered through their headlong race for profits, to hold back the development of the nationalliberation movement in South Africa, to weaken its social content and, above all, to solve the problem of South Africa on a neo-colonialist basis. This is the true nature of the so-called peace initiatives of the West, or, to put it better, of their attempts to save whatever can be saved by new means since it is no longer possible to rule as in the past. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid again provides sufficient information to confirm this conclusion. 15. The resolutions that we shall adopt thisyear should be clear and specific. 16. We believe that every person with a sense of justice will welcome the birth of a new spirit of freedom in the Republic of South Africa. It is clear that, in order to eliminate apartheid and the privileges of the white minority that have created this system, colossal efforts and sacrifices will be required. This is proved by the recent triple veto in the Security Council as well as by the comedy played with regard to the Transkei, which shows that the racists do not give way; they only change their tactics. However, on their side the Africans have the legitimate right of oppressed peoples to struggle against their oppressors by whatever meansthe colonialists and racists force them to resort to. 17. In the interests of the entire population of this region of the world, including the white minority, as well as to prevent apartheid from creating a new source of tension on 18. Czechoslovakia has acted for many years in conformity with resolutions of the United Nations. It will continue to support the liberation struggle of the South African people and to provide them with political, moral and material assistance. 20. Indeed, it appears to us that the question of apartheid should no longer be studied from the single angle of a flagrant and shameless violation of human rights, but should also be aecorded its true character-that of an oppression of the black population of South Africa, which is denied its fundamental rights by a minority and which is prevented from exercising its political sovereignty in its own country, The problem of apartheid is not simply a question of discriminatory legal measures in a particular constitutional system but is, above all, a political issue that is characterized by the domination and oppression of a fraternal African people by a racist minority. 21. The General Assembly reaffirmed, on the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the Organiza- ' tion, that the international community had a special responsibility towards the people of South Africa and its liberation movements {resolution 3411 C(XXX)). In 1974 the General Assembly adopted resolution 3207 (XXIX) on the relationship between the United Nations and South Africa. Before adopting that resolution, the General Assembly had for four consecutive years rejected the credentials of the representatives of Mr. Vorster. Indeed, since 1946 the General Assembly has never ceased to examine this question of racial discrimination and apartheid in South Africa. A considerable number of resolutions have been adopted categorically condemning the Pretoria regime. The General Assembly, the Security Council, OAU and the various Conferences of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries have all, without exception, con- 22. The violation by South Africa of the principles of the Charter and its challenge to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are only too well known because they have been going on for a long time. Since the establishment of the first white colony a sophisticated system which has been elaborated in the greatest detail has been established for the purpose of depriving Africans of their most elementary rights and to permit the white minority to exploit for its benefit alone the immense wealth of the land. Today 18 per cent of the population has more than 86 per cent of the land. The Pretoria regime, in order to give this shameless exploitation of the wealth of the South African people an appearance of legality, has thought up the system of bantustans, an astute system which, while ostensibly evoking notions of independence and autonomy, is in point of fact setting up a new racial segregation on a geographical basis. It is a system which, if applied, would give the African majority only 13 per cent of the land, situated in the poorest and most arid areas. 23. Those Africans who live in the so-called "white areas" would be merely declared nationals of the bantustans and could not claim any political rights, because they would be regarded as being foreigners in the area in which they live. Thus the system of bantustans is an exacerbated form of apartheid and a manoeuvre directed against the unity of the people of South Africa and of their country. 24. The Government of Tunisia condemns the establishment of bantustans and obviously will give no recognition of any kind to the so-called Republic of the Transkei, which was created and promoted by the racist regime of Pretoria. 25. Throughout the world there exist few instances of such arrogant defiance of the international community as apartheid. For more than 30 years the United Nations has made many efforts to bring the Pretoria regime to reason. The General Assembly and the Security Council, reflecting the concern of the international community, have adopted, in vain, dozens of resolutions. The Pretoria regime has responded by a very significant refusal. 26. No change has been made in the legislation or the racist policy of the Pretoria Governmen t. On the contrary, the situation has even dangerously deteriorated. Southern Africa has witnessed dramatic developments, whlch were foreseeable and were foreseen by the United Nations and which, if no effective solution is found for them, could cause a conflagration throughout the region. 27. The independence of Mozambique and Angola constitutes a trump card in the struggle against colonialism in Africa, because it is tightening the vise around the South 29. In South Africa itself revolt is brewing. The sons of Soweto and Langa, a new generation, young and resolute, have taken up the torch that was lit in Sharpeville to continue the fight against oppression and racism. In Soweto and everywhere in South Africa young African men and women, determined to tolerate no longer a system which was for so long imposed on their parents, are waging this campaign at the risk of their lives so that their brothers and their children wi11live in honour and freedom. 30. This is an indication of the resolute will of the people of South Africa to put an end to a system which has lasted only too long. The feelings and the heroic courage of the whole of Africa are reflected in those of the martyrs of Soweto, Langa and elsewhere. 31 . After all the appeals to the Pretoria regime; after all the attempts made by the Secretary-General of the Organization, must we resign ourselves to concluding that it is only armed struggle and bloodshed that will bring about a solution to the conflict in South Africa? Would it be wiser to say that only a catastrophic situation will bring Mr. Vorster's regime to consent to these inevitable concessions? 32. The delegation of Tunisia refuses to succumb to such excessive pessimism. Fully aware of the seriousness of the situation, we prefer to cling to even the slightest glimmer of hope, because we know that any bloody racial confrontation in that region would be absolutely.disastrous. That is why we consider it is absolutely crucial for the international community and in particular for the Powers that have the necessary resources to change the course of events to bring to bear their influence decisively and to do their utmost so that the Pretoria regime will consent to implement the just resolutions of the United Nations. 33. We are convinced that, without the material and economic assistance of those Powers and that of the foreign economic groupings or interests which operate in South Africa and in Namibia, the Vorster regime could not survive for long and would have in the end to submit to the legitimate claims of the brother people of South Africa. 34. Tunisia considers that concerted action by the international community as a whole-resolute and decisive action-could achieve successful early solutions in southern africa, A peaceful solution of this problem depends on all of us and especially on those of us who are the most powerful. 35. My delegation will support any initiative in that direction. No ideological, economic or strategic consideration should take precedence over the true problem with which we are faced. 37. A reading of certain press publications and certain statements wouldlead us to believe any solutionmust come through the supposed goodwill of Mr. Vorster, a leader who, we are told, has finally "understood" and therefore is ready to make the necessary concessions in order to bring about a peaceful solution. Some do not even hesitate to present the Head of the Government of the Republic of South Africa as a champion of peace and of peaceful coexistence in southern Africa. • 38. We are even told that the evolution of the situation in Zimbabwe and Namibia is the result of a new policy on the part of Mr. Vorster and that it isalmost due to him that the independence of these two brother countries is now imminent. 39. The purpose of that campaign is to lead us to understand and accept that the goodwill of the regime of Mr. Vorster is a decisive component for any hope of solution. But we know that that isnot the case. An analysis of the facts and of recent statements by Mr. Vorster proves exactly the contrary. 40. In Zimbabwe, Ian Smith was forced to submit and accept the new conditions created by the heroic struggle of the African freedomfighters. In Namibia the South African regime is giving way under international pressure, and especially as a result of the military successes of SWAPO. The South Africa people's uprising in Soweto is the forerunner of a situation that for the oppressors can only be one of deterioration. 41. And yet, in the face of that effervescence and upheaval among the people, Mr. Vorster cannot find anything better to say and draws no other conclusion than the statement published in The New York Times on 19 October 1976, in which, responding to a question on the possible advent of the day when the black majority will assume power, he said: "I cannot foresee such a day at all ...". That isquite clear. 42. In the face of that hardly credible statement and of such clear intransigence, we must warn those who continue to give their friendship, support, investments and arms to the regime of Mr. Vorster about the serious consequences of the continuation of that aberrant policy. 43. Among the most zealous supporters and allies of apartheid we find the State of Israel. That should not, however, unduly surprise us. In the present state of affairs, the alliance between Israel and South Africa is the most natural one that could exist;it is inherent in the very nature of the two regimes, whose ideology is based on the doctrine of racial supremacy- We should not underestimate that alliance, because it is powerful and it isevil. 44. It is powerful not only because of the brutal force of arms which it represents, but also because behind it are concealed all those who believe in the same ideology-and they are more numerous than is believed. 46. Having said that, we may add that the alliance nevertheless has a merit, that is, it will enable everyone to grasp the profoundly racist nature of the two systems, which in some countries continue seriously to be described as"democratic". 47. So long as those two regimes continue to base their presence in the midst of hostile populations on the myth of racial superiority, their future, whatever the military force they may have, will be threatened. On the day they sincerely accept integration on the basis of equality among their peers a solution perhaps could be envisaged. 48. It is with the arrival of that day in mind that we should like to remind the Powers which are closest to the Pretoria regime that they have a duty to bring Mr. Vorster to reason. They are capable of doing that and, therefore, the only thing lacking is the political will to do so. 49. Africa, for its part, is ready to face up to any new situation. The African peoples stand shoulder to shoulder and are determined to pay the price for it. However, we want to believe that a peaceful solution still remains possible. The international community may and must contribute to that. 50. The African countries and the leaders of the South African masses are prepared to do so. It is only necessary that the other side-Mr. Vorster and those who support him-should also want this. If not, there is no alternative but armed struggle, from which, we are sure, the African peoples will emerge victorious.

The question of apartheid in South Africa belongs to those unsolved issues in the realm of the United Nations on which this Organization has so far failed to meet the longings and expectations of the victims of oppression. The common denominator which groups these issues together is disregard for, and violation of, the mandatory decisions and recommendations of the United Nations whichwere adopted in full conformity with the Organization's Charter, signed also by those who today are the perpetrators or direct or indirect supporters of the shameful policies of apa.: _:..:. Jnis is what makes the question of apartheid a profoundly political problem, one which poses a serious threat to international peace. 52. The very fact that this year, after successive discussions of the item in the Special Political Committee, the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa are being debated in plenary meetings of the General Assembly testifies well to the urgency of the problem. Indeed, the international struggle for the complete eradication of colonialism, of whichapartheid is but a direct descendant, has now reached the climax of its historic momentum. At this stage of developments, we view it in the totality of the situation in the southern part of Africa. Thisis,we believe, the only correct and historically justified approach, since there is no escape from an over-all and comprehensive solution to meet the legitimate aspirations of the peoples of that part of Africa. Any fragmented, protracted approachis 53. Our approach is based first and foremost on the conviction that the continuing processes of relaxation of tension in the world have considerably limited the actions of the most. adventurous quarters of imperialism and brought about favourable conditions for accelerating the elimination of all the vestiges of colonialism, The victories of the national and liberation forces in Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Blssau and other territories,have thus greatly contributed to the isolation of the racist regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury. 54. The Polish delegation views the problem before us in allits magnitude and complexity. 55. First, apartheid continues to be the most degenerate form of racism. Racism has always been utilized by colonialism as an effective instrument for acquiring maximum profits at minimum expense. In South Africa it has been glorified into a national policy which goes by the dubious euphemism of apartheid. It groups indigenous people together, impoverishes them and then uses them as a source of cheap labour for the so-called white areas. Not only is racial discrimination enshrined in the so-called republican constitution, but the entire fabric of South African society rests on the corner-stone of domination of race by race. The Special Committee against Apartheid has rightly concluded that such a structure has had no parallel in history except under Nazi Germany. Let not, therefore, the magnitude of racial terror in South Africa be lost in such trivial aspects of petty apartheid as segregation alone. 56. Lecondly, the events since the General Assembly's thirtieth session have proved once again that the Pretoria regime, in total disregard of all the United Nations resolutions and the appeals of world public opinion,has not the slightest intention of changing its policies and makes every effort to consolidate the odious systemof apartheid. In a futile attempt to mislead the world,cosmetic modifications are tried in order to replace the word "apartheid" by a more digestible terminology, such as "plural democracy" or "multinational development", There is hardly any need to add that these types of so-called changes and formalistic adjustments are completely meaningless, especially when they are accompanied by the most barbaric and brutal forms of repression against the indigenous blackpopulation and liberation movements in South Africa. 57. The ghastly massacre of African children in Soweto and in other areas as well as a number of "mini-Sharpevilles", show that the Pretoria regime will not hesitate to commit the most repulsive crimes to Perpetuate its rule over South Africa. On top of that, new barbaric laws, such as the Internal Security Act, have beenintroduced to apply even more savage and repressive measures. 58. In order to consolidate the subjugation of the black people of South Africa and deprive it Permanently of all rights in its own country, the policy of bantustanization is pursued hastily in the poorest and most backward regions of South Africa. Poland opposes and strongly condemns that policy as a violation of the territorial integrity of 59. Thirdly, apartheid remains a threat to international peace. Only last year, the world community was warnedby the Special Committee against Apartheid that after the collapse of Portuguese colonialism the South African regime, in its desperation, might resort to dangerous adventures outside South Africa. Examples to this effect followed promptly on the territory of the illegally occupied Namibia, as well as in the form of aggression against independent Angola and Zambia. Dramatic growth of military expenditure and the enactment in 1974 of the Defence Amendment Act in South Africa, authorizing the Vorster regime to send its armed forces anywhere in the world, is a clear indication of the imminent dangers, especially to the independent Statesof Africa. 60. Fourthly, the extreme arrogance and contempt demonstrated by the Pretoria regime towards all the appeals and decisions of the United Nations have their direct source in the material support of and growing collaboration with some Western Powers members of NATO. 61. So long as those countries continue to maintain close links and co-operation with the Pretoria regime in political, military, economic and other fields, it is difficult to take seriously their verbal criticism of apartheid and the double standard of their talk of human rightsand the fundamental freedorns of man. Meanwhile, as a result of continuing supplies to the Pretoriaregime of increasingly sophisticated weapons and military equipment, and the assistance given to it in the production of suchweapons, the Vorster regime has obtained material means and de facto encouragement for more repression of the black population as well as new adventuristic attempts against the neighbouring States. 62. In its report of: 13 September last [A/31/22/Add.2] the Special Committee against Apartheid has again drawn this Organization's attention to new military links and wide-ranging collusion in various fields between the Pretoria regime and Israel. Indeed, the Jewishpopulation's memory of the Nazi ghettos in Europe must be very short if it allows Israel to give t active support to a regime preaching and practising the establishment of bantustan ghettos. 63. Everything must be done, too, in terms of international pressure to end the collaboration of banks and multinational corporations with the racist regime in Pretoria. 64. Fifthly, apartheid is an open challenge to the international community as well as to recognized and universally applicable rules of international conduct. It not only defies the Charter of the United Nations; it is contrary to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; it contradicts the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples; it challenges the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights [resolution 2200 A (XXI), 6? Last but not least, apartheid violates the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid [resolution 3068 (XXVl1I), annex], which entered into force last summer, and-as the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Ambassador Harriman of Nigeria, put it-"is a renewed warning to the racist regime in South Africa and its supporters to desist from their crimes against the black people". 66. Condemning as we do the abhorrent system of apartheid, Poland pays a tribute to the heroic struggle of the black majority in South Africa. At the cost of victims and great sacrifices, the South African liberation movements and black workers continue their relentless struggle. 67. My delegation takes special satisfaction in recalling that it is the socialist countries, among them Poland, that have always unhesitatingly, both in word and in deed and without expediency-unlike some others-supported the just cause of the South African non-white population. 68. We have not only voted in favour of the resolutions adopted in this regard by the United Nations but, still more important, 'we have strictly observed their provisions. Poland's representatives contributed substantially to the preparation of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, which we have signed and ratified. 69. Within the framework of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination we have been pursuing an extensive programme of activities. The Polish public is being kept well informed through the mass media about the situation in South Africa and the repugnant crimes of apartheid. We are also joining the very important initiatives of the World Peace Council, which has rendered very valuable servicesin combating apartheid. 70. Various political and civic organizations in Poland hold special meetings to express solidarity with the black people of South Africa, to protest against the massacres of the Pretoria regime and to demand the immediate release of all political prisoners in South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe. Only last month Poland, along with other countries, observed the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners. 71. Problems of colonialism, racism and apartheid make up a permanent subject of lectures provided at our schools and universities. We have granted scholarships to, and provided training for, candidates sent by the liberation movements. As far as our means and possibilities allow, we have also assisted those liberation movements with direct material aid, mainly in food and medicines. We shall 72. The time has come to take energetic steps to ensure the implementation of United Nations resolutions with respect to South Africa. The Polish delegation fully supports the appropriate recommendations in this regard contained in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid. The imposition of a mandatory arms embargo by the Security Council would indeed be of particular significance. 73. The process of liquidation of all remnants of colonialism and racism is irreversible. We strongly believe that, given the vigorous support of the entire international community, the final victory is close at hand. Poland will spare no effort to help achieve that objective.

The problem of apartheid, which each year is debated by the General Assembly, is one of the iJroblems that have received attention in the United Nation. practically since its foundation. Nevertheless, it is one on' which logically effective action could best have been taken by the international community, if account is taken of the unanimity-sufficiently rare to be stressed-with which the Member States have always condemned the apartheid system of racial discrimination. It should be added that such action would certainly have received unprecedented support from international public opinion, the greater part of which is perfectly aware of this problem and has on many occasions expressed its opposition to a racist regime which so odiously flies in the face of the most elementary principles of our civilization. 75. In the multiracial society which mankind is in a world which is daily becoming smaller, no one should doubt that the existence and persistence of a system such asapartheid represents one of the gravest and most serious threats to the future of our kind. And nothing would be more dangerous, in our view, than to confine ourselves to considering apartheid not only as an inhuman and immoral instltution of course, but also as a phenomenon which is geographically limited and without immediate implications for the rest of the world. The question of apartheid is not only one of individual ethics or of respect for the human person; it is a crucially important question which goes well beyond the sphere of human rights and attacks the very foundations of contemporary international society. 76. However, it would be wrong to ascribe to apartheid the nature of a philosophical doctrine based on questionable principles but having respectable objectives. This is the image that the followers of apartheid try to popularize when they defend the idea of the separate development of various races in South Africa. The policy of so-called bantustans is supposedly based on this premise; moreover, it is presented as a means of guaranteeing the right of the Africans of South Africa to self-determination. The situation in South Africa is now sufficiently well known for all to be aware that this very unconvincing demagogy thinly veils a system of political and economic exploitation of the black African majority by a white minority which wishes to 77. In deciding to discuss apartheid in plenary meetings, the Assembly wished, moreover, to give particular importance to this question, because the present situation in southern Africa sheds new light on all the problems that have arisen there. It might be thought that apartheid was part of South Africa's domestic policy, but it is becoming more obvious each day titrt the need to protect themselves against any foreign threat to their system of exploitation has naturally led the racist leaders in Pretoria to surround themselves with a security belt by attempting, directly or indirectly, to extend their control to the neighbouring regions. The problems of Namibia and Rhodesia are thus closely linked to the problem of apartheid in South Africa-or, to be more exact, those Territories constitute a fall-back position for Pretoria in its defence of the apartheid regime. 78. The accession to independence of the former Portuguese colonies and the unleashing of an essentially revolutionary movement in South Africa and Zimbabwe have brought the situation in southern Africa to the forefront of international life. We are witnessing today diplomatic initiatives designed to achieve a settlement of the Rhodesian problem; there are certain indications concerning Namibia. That movement constitutes, in our view, some progress in relation to the inaction and indifference with which our appeals had been met up to now. Of course, all those undertakings wiIl be judged by their results; we do not want in any way to underestimate their value. But we have the duty to express here our conviction that the crux of the problem is apartheid and to say that we think it would be an illusion to believe that the problems of Rhodesia and Namibia could be solved without dealing directly with the problem of apartheid, and it would be an even greater iIlusion to believe that we could associate the representatives of Pretoria in the solution of the problems of southern Africa without directly sanctioning-whether wittingly 0: unwittingly is another matter--the apartheid regime. 79. It can therefore be seen that many contradictions, and even paradoxes, arise when we engage in a genuine discussion of the apartheid problem. Although the entire international community condemns apartheid, that regime continues to exist, to defy world opinion and to make a mockery of our Organization's decisions. The Pretoria regime should be outlawed by the international community, but the Western permanent members of the Security Council do not hesitate to exercise their right of veto in the Security Council to prevent the application of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter to that regime. Although there seems to be unanimous agreement that everything should be done to destroy the apartheid system, the advocates of that system are associated in the settlement of problems whose origin is to be found precisely in the apartheid system. 81. We are in a good position to know that those who benefit from economic interests are not bothered by idealistic or philanthropic considerations. They have committed themselves to the Pretoria racists because they know that they can satisfy their ambitions and ensure their profits by leaning on the Pretoria racists. When today we ask them to review their position and to examine their calculations, we are not in any way trying to appeal to their emotions or to arouse in them a feeling of sympathy-in any case, much too belated-for the Africans. We are asking them to show their far-sightedness, to think aheadqualities that any clever businessman must have. The future of southern Africa is in the hands of the Africans themselves. Apartheid is a regime that is bound to disappear, sooner or later. In betting on apartheid, those who have such economic interests are sacrificing more lasting and surer advantages for immediate profits. At any rate, they must be aware that their attitude cannot gain them the friendship or the gratitude of the Africans, who are now more than ever before able to distinguish the hostile forces from the forces favouring their liberation. 82. Strategically, certain Western countries do not conceal their concern to avoid the appearance in the countries of southern Africa of movements or Governments hostile to Western policy in general. Everyone is aware that the Pretoria regime has always proclaimed itself to be the representative and defender in southern Africa of Christian civilization and the security of the Western world. The recent diplomatic activity seems to have no other aim than to prevent a radicalization of the situation which would pave the way to power for the most nationalistic and demanding African elements, which are curiously considered to be the elements most hostile to Western policy. 83. We must express our disappointment at this attitude, because it shows that those who are most powerful in this world have really learned nothing from the experiences of recent years. Why should they always imagine that the liberation movements in third-world countries should be classified according to whether they look upon Western policy favourably or unfavourably? Can they not be convinced that the Africans of Namibia or Rhodesia or South Africa have one aim, and one aim alone, and that is their liberation, their dignity, the recovery of their identity as human beings, as a people, and that to achieve that goal they are ready to accept any assistance, from whatever source? They do not wish to liberate themselves to be pro-Western or anti-Western; they want to be free to be themselves, to be Africans, to be free and proud men. 84. Perhaps it is time for m I give an unselfish piece of advice to those who seek the (", .ndship of our peoples and desire the ·c.nderstanding of Cl. overnments: it is certainly not by interfering in our internal affairs, by controlling our 85. In our view, that is the first condition for the e.stablishment of sound relations between the members of the international community 'and more particularly the great. Powers and the third-world countries. The evolution of the situation in southern Africa and the struggle against the apartheid system provided each of us with the opportunity to reaffirm our attachment to an ideal of justice and human dignity for which all our peoples have paid so dearly. It should also be said that this struggle provides a testing ground for the policies of our Governments, where actions are more important than words, in which the realities of today can frustrate the speculations of tomorrow. 86. Princess Ashraf PAHLAVI (Iran) (interpretation from French): The discussion of apartheid in the United Nations is taking place this year at a time when southern Africa has become the focal point of world opinion. 87. The wave of change, which followed the end of Portuguese domination in southern Africa is today beating forcefully not only on Zimbabwe, where we are at last seeing the first faint signs of an improvement, but also on South Africa. 88. It is high time that we took account of the reality of today. Unfortunately new attempts are being made to hide reality-for instance, by the holding of a constitutional conference for Namibia, contrary to United Nations decisions. 89. The Iranian Government, which has always expressed its opposition to racial discrimination in general, and particularly when it is legalized, has associated itself unreservedly with the universal condemnation of the practice of apartheid. 90. Our position on questions concerning southern Africa are based not only on the tradition of thousands of years of non-discrimination in Iran but also on our sincere desire for peace and stability in the region and for prosperity for all its inhabitants, white as well as non-white. 91. In his statement opening Parliament on 8 October 1976, His Imperial Majesty the Shahanshah described the policy of Iran with regard to Africa in the following terms: "In respect of Africa, where we have developed on a large scale our relations with different countries, we have continuously expressed our support for the total elimination of racial discrimination and for the establishment of majority government. We shall support any effort which will lead to a fundamental and logical solution of this problem." 93. With regard to the various questions associated with the problem of apartheid, let me briefly put forward the position of my Government, 94. First of all, Iran recognizes the special responsibility of the United Nations towards the oppressed people of South Africa, which has been a victim of apartheid, and towards all those who have been imprisoned or exiled for their opposition to such a practice. 95. Iran voted in favour of resolution 3422 (XXX) of 8 December 1975 and has given financial assistance to the various United Nations funds established to alleviate the sufferings of victims of racism in South Africa. 96. Secondly, my Government is convinced that the international community should continue to demand that South Africa take concrete measures to put an end to the pernicious practice ofapartheid. 97. Unfortunately, and without underestimating the complexity of the problems involved, we must say that, despite one or two rhetorical statements, the leaders of South Africa have done nothing thus far to reassure world public opinion, which has been disturbed by its obstinacy. 98. Thirdly, with regard to the policy of bantustans, my Government has already made known its disagreement with that practice. 99. Indeed, a policy which allocates 13 per cent of the territory to 16 million Africans, while 87 per cent of the land remains in the hands of a minority of 3 million whites, is perpetuating apartheid in another form; it is tantamount to strengthening the ethnic separation of the various groups of the population, while maintaining the majority's economic dependence on the minority. 100. It seems clear to us that only the repeal of such infamous laws as the Natives Land Act, the Group Areas Act, the pass laws and the so-called "job reservation" policy can lead to the beginning of real change. 101. Fourthly, the Iranian Government, for its part, has undertaken an assessment of its own policy in order to determine how best to contribute to the efforts of those Afncan Governments which are striving realistically to eliminate apartheid, promote majority rule and eliminate the last vestiges of colonialism in southern Africa, thus transforming that region of the world into a zone of peace and prosperity, free from any domination and foreign interference. 102. Fifthly, as to application of the policy of apartheid to sports, Iran, in accordance with relevant resolutions of the General Assembly, and in solidarity with the non-white athletes of South Africa, has always opposed any sports conta its with teams chosen on the basis of racial discrimination. 105. However, the United Nations must continue to intensify these efforts until we have finally and fully answered this challenge represented by the problem of apartheid. 106. In conclusion, I wish to voice the hope that the efforts that have been made in our Organization or in other bodies with a view to bringing about genuine, peaceful changes in the situation in southern Africa will be successful. We hope that the Geneva talks will come to a favourable conclusion and that South Africa will finally heed the demands of our world and embark on the path of reason. The time has come for that country to come to terms with the reality of the situation, because unless meaningful measures are taken in that direction, there can be no prospects for peace, and violence can only be intensified, leading to even greater suffering. The time has come to correct the errors of the past and finally to establish in that region of the great African continent the bases of a policy of peace and of respect for the legitimate rights of the oppressed majorities.

Fourteen years have passed since the United Nations General Assembly, by its resolution 1761 (XVII) created the Special Committee on Apartheid. This Committee was, first, to consider legislative, administrative and other measures concerning racial discrimination in southern Africa. It was also created, secondly, to consider the policies of South Africa, thirdly, to study the inhuman acts of the Government of South Africa in implementation of its policy of racial discrimination beyond the confines of South Africa, and fourthly, to review ways and means of promoting collective international action to put an end to apartheid policy. 108. The racist Government of South Africa continues to promulgate laws to confer legitimacy upon those acts and to reinforce the inhuman policy of racial discrimination. 109. The General Assembly has repeatedly condemned the manoeuvres of the abject Pretoria regime aiming to create bantustans and to accord them sham independence. The General Assembly has also many times condemned the domination imposed by the white minority upon the African majority-a domination aimed at depriving them of 110. The acts of violence in Soweto, the barbarous aggression of the South African authorities against the workers and students provide examples of the crimes committed by the Vorster regime, which resorts to arrests and sham trials in order to put an end to opposition that is becoming stronger against the regime based on apartheid and racial discrimination. 111. The inhuman attempts of the Government of South Africa to maintain the policy ofapartheid and to practise it beyond the confines of South Africa constitutes flagrant aggression against neighbouring countries. The large-scale military action in Namibia, the continued assistance and encouragement to the illegal racist Government of Ian Smith in Zimbabwe and the constant defiance of the decisions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council practised by the Government of South Africa will continue so long as certain permanent members of the Security Council and the racist Government of Israel continue to provide assistance to the abject regime of South Africa. 112. In its resolution 3151 (XXVIII) of 14 December 1973 the General Assembly condemned the unholy alliance between the South African authorities and Israel. In its resolution 3324 (XXIX) of 16 December 1974 the General Assembly condemned the strehgthening of political, economic and military relations between the racist Governments of Israel and South Africa. In its resolution 3411 (XXX) of 10 December 1975, the General Assembly again condemned the strengthening of relations and collaboration between the racist regimes of South Africa and Israel in the political, military, economic and other fields. 113. In January 1976 the Governments of Tel Aviv and of Pretoria, continuing to defy world public opinion, decided to raise the level of their diplomatic representations to that of embassies, and the speakers who have preceded me have dwelt at length on relations between Pretoria and Tel Aviv. Those speakers have mentioned General Assembly resolution 3411 (XXX), in which the Assembly requested the Security Council tc consider urgently the situation in South Africa and the aggressive actions of the racist regime of South Africa with a view to adopting effective measures under Chapter VII of the Charter. The General Assembly requested the Security Council to ensure that all States Members of the Organization implement fully the arms embargo against South Africa and refrain from importing military equipment made in South Africa or placing at its

For three decades the situation in South Africa emanating from the continuance of the policy of apartheid has been on the agenda of the United Nations, and it still remains a matter of deep and growing concern to the world community. Together with the overwhelming majority of peoples all over the world, the Austrian delegation is convinced that there can be no peaceful development in South Africa until fundamental changes come about in the position and policy of that Government concerning the vital issue of human and political rights for all Africans in South Africa. The system of institutionalized discrimination against the black majority through the policy of apartheid must come to an end. 116. With regard to the situation in South Africa, the Austrian Foreign Minister, on addressing the General Assembly in the course of its general debate, expressed the official Austrian position on this subject when he said: "Despite hopeful developments in Rhodesia and Namibla there can be no illusions about the fact that the most serious problem in South Africa is still to be overcome. As long as political and civil rights continue to be denied to the vast majority in the. country, as long as the inhuman and universally condemned policy of apartheid is not ended, peaceful coexistence between the peoples of southern Africa is impossible." {27th meeting, para. 114./ 117. During the past year events in South Africa itself have taken a dramatic turn. The tragic incidents which began in Soweto and have continued in various palts of the country underline the seriousness of this situatlon and make it amply clear that time has run out and final decisions arc imminent. 1JR. Fully aware of these precarious circumstances my delegation still dares to nurture some glimmer of hope, Wc 119. Consequently the Austrian delegation has expressed its opinion that the end of the colonial rule in the former Portuguese territories and the birth of independent African States out of that colonial empire will in their effects not be limited to the respective areas but will also have a positive influence on the situation prevailing in South Africa, Namibia and Rhodesia. J20. Since last year developments have occurred which have fostered our glimmer of hope. Endeavours have been undertaken to bring Namibia and Rhodesia in a peaceful way to the end of the colonial road. We welcome this new element and we feel encouraged by the initiatives taken to prevent a bloody racial war in southern Africa. We are further convinced that, in their turn, the early independence of Namibia and Rhodesia on the basis of majority rule and racial harmony will be instrumental in affecting developments in South Africa itself. On the other hand, we also realize that we are already in the phase of last-minute efforts. 121. The Austrian delegation would like to commend the Special Committee against Apartheid. under the chairmanship of MI'. Harriman of Nigeria, for its untiring and persistent efforts in the struggle against apartheid. 122. The dissemination of information on apartheid in order to make the world public aware of its evils and dangers plays a vital role in our common efforts. Austria has always been of the opinion that the struggle for justice and freedom in South Africa cannot be the concern of Governments alone. Both the public on a large scale and non-governmental organizations must play an important role in influencing world opinion, thereby having an impact on governmental policies and action programmes. In our view, especially important in this context appear the activities of trade unions. Therefore we welcome the International conference of trade unions against apartheid scheduled for 1977 to deal with that problem in South Africa. J may mention in this context that the first Austrian contribution to the United Nations Fund for Namibia was made by the Austrian Trade Union Federation. 123. A vital part of the endeavours of the United Nations consists ill support for the victims of apartheid as well as support for the various programmes of the United Nations for South Africa and Namibia. Since 1974 Austria has Illude financial contributions to the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa, the United Nations Trust Fund for South Afri,~a and the United Nations Fund for Namibia and will contribute for the first time ill )1.)77 to the Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid. I am happy to announce that the first three contributions, with an approximate 10 per cent increase, will continue in 1977. 124. Austria thoroughly disapproves of the practices of apartheid ill the field of human rights. On 11 October, in 125. Accordingly, we pledge our firm support to the African front-line States in their efforts to contribute to a final peaceful solution to all the problems existing in southern Africa. In this context it seems to my delegation of utmost importance generously to assist the people of Zambia and Mozambique in any economic difficulties arising from their unconditional compliance with resolutions adopted by various bodies within the United Nations. 126. The most important question for all of us remains that of how to proceed finally to bring to an end the sufferings of the majority of black South 'Africans. In conformity with the Charter of the United Nations and our own political ideals, we are still in favour of II peaceful solution. We cannot support violence in any form on either side, even if we realize that this puts the Africans struggling for freedom and justice into an awkward posltion. To my delegation, therefore, it seems reasonable that when we deal with the draft resolutions submitted with regard to this item special consideration be devoted to the unanimous or quasi-unanimous adoption of these drafts. Unanlmity in a constructive and realistic spirit of seeking the widest consensus possible will, in our opinion, contribute convincingly to the isolation of the Government of South Africa and thereby pave the way to a solution of this age-old problem of apartheid in a peaceful manner. Millions of Africans have created by their labours a wealthy country whose fruits they were and are still excluded from enjoying. It would be the ultimate tragedy if freedom and justice finally achieved had to begin in ruins and devastation, but this would be the consequence if reason were not the victor. 127. Mr. S!ODIQ (Afghanistan): The item under discussion is of great significance, not only for the maintenance of peace and security in southern Africa, but also for the affirmation of respect for human rights and the dignity of the individual. 128. The inhuman system of apartheid represents the most cn,el form of racial discrimination. In essence, it is the systematic negation of all fundamental human rights and freedoms-prlnciples embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Charter of the United Nations and the International Covenants on Human Rights. It is a system that has legalized the oppression and exploitation of peoples on the basis of their race and the colour of their skin. Its sole aim is to perpetuate the exploitation of the human and natural resources for the benefit of a white minority. The policy of apartheid practised by the Government of South Africa has been repeatedly condemned and outlawed by the United Nations. The General Assembly has recognized the legitimacy of the struggle being waged in 130. Unfortunately, that struggle has achieved terrifying new dimensions in the past year. The racist regime has resorted to massacres and massive repression to subdue the heroic efforts of the majority to assert their natural rights. The apartheid regime in South Africa bears full responsibility for the aggravation of the situation in that part of the world. It has used totally inhuman methods to suppress all resistance to its oppressive, illegal domination. 131. In addition, South Africa has illegally involved itself in struggles taking place outside its own borders; it has engaged itself in a colonial war in the international Territory of Namibia; it has committed aggression against the people of Angola, and it has continued its military and economic collaboration with the illegal minority regime in Southern Rhodesia. 132. Each of those actions has been in flagrant violation of United Nations decisions. In its resolution 387 (1976), the Security Council condemned South Africa for its actions in Angola; in its resolution 392 (1976), the Council condemned the slaughter by South Africa of innocent African people who oppose its racist policy; and in its resolution 393 (1976) the Council has also condemned South Africa's attack against Zambia. South Africa has defied all those resolutions, as well as other decisions adopted by the United Nations. " 133. In view of the failure of the Security Council to take effective measures under the Charter to put an end to that situation, South Africa has been encouraged to continue its policy in defiance of the United Nations and of the international community in general. The Soweto massacre vividly demonstrated that the South African regime is determined to pursue its racist policy of perpetuating domination and exploitation of the majority of the people and that it is determined also to ignore the fundamental human rights and dignity of the majority by maintaining its policy of apartheid by the use of military force. 134. The General Assembly has repeatedly condemned the establ'shment of "bantustans"; the establishment of which is designed to consolidate the inhuman policies of apartheid, to destroy the territorial integrity of the country and to maintain the dominance of the white minority. In pursuit of that policy, the racist regime declared a sham independence in the Transkei on 26 October 1976. In General Assembly resolution 31/6 A, which my delegation joined in sponsoring, the Assembly strongly condemned the 137. On the basis of what I have briefly stated, we will support any effective measures presented to the General Assembly on the basis of the decisions of the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries and the Special Committee against Apartheid to eradicate apartheid and racial discrimination in South Africa.