A/31/PV.8 General Assembly

Mr.President, I should like to join the distinguished speakers who preceded me in offering Mr. Amerasinghe the sincere felicitations of my delegation on his election to preside over this session of the General Assembly. It is the fitting recognition not only of his distinguished record in this world body but also of the high esteem in which hiscountry is held. 2. May I take this opportunity also, Mr. President, to congratulate the illustrious predecessor of Mr. Amerasinghe, Mr. Gaston Thorn, on the distinction and success with which he completed his term of office as President of the last session of the General Assembly? 3. My delegation would also iikc to commend Mr. Kurt Waldheim for the diligence and ability with which he has discharged the responsibilities of his high office. At a time when the United Nations is called upon to play an increasingly important role in world affairs, this Organi- zation has greatly benefited from his counsel and valuable experience. . 4. We are particularly happy to welcome in our midst the d.elegation of the Republic of Seychelles. My Government hopes to be able to establish very cordial relations with the people and Government of this friendly neighbour in the Indian Ocean. S. The last three decades have witnessed the dismantling of colonial empires and the triumph of the valiant and dauntless struggle of. peoples determined to be free. However, the last few vestiges of alien rule still tenaciously survive in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. NEW YORK 6. Today, the great continent of Africa is astir with the promise of total emancipation. The people of Pakistan know from their own national experience that the demand for the right of self-determination of peoples cannot be indefinitely contained by force or political manoeuvres. The legitimate struggle of the African people in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, united and determined to secure their right to freedom, liberty and human dignity, is bound ultimately to triumph. 7. Recent news from southern Africa indicates that a break-through may be in sight. Pakistan has consistently supported the right of the peoples of southern Mrica to be masters in their own homes. We have only to look around Rhodesia to realize how false are the fears that the transfer of power to the wdigenous people of Zimbabwe willlead to chaos and bloodshed. On the contrary, it is the blind and fanatical attempt of minority regimes to cling to power and to their special privileges which threatens to bring conflict to southern Africa. The sooner the leadership of these regimes recognizes the realities, the better for all the peoples, whatever their race or colour, who call southern MriC2 their home. 8. It would not be helpful on my part to offer any comment on the substance of the proposals of the Smith regime which are under discussion in connexion with the future of Zimbabwe. The statement made two days ago in Lusaka by the presidents of the five front-line African States concerning those proposals indicates clearly which way lies the road to peace. I should like to express the hope on behalf of my country that the peace effort now under way, which has aroused high expectations, will not be allowed this time to be frustrated. For the consequences of failure will be grave for Africa. and for the rest of the world. 9. What I have said about Zimbabwe applies with even greater force to Namibia, a territory which South Mrica holds without legal authority and in defiance of decisions of the Security Council and the International Court of Justice. Security Council resolution 385 (1976), unani- mously adopted earlier this year, which called for free elections under United Nations supervision and control to determine the status of Namibia must be implemented. The so-calledconstitutional arrangements announced last month at Windhoek by the Pretoria regimecompletely ignored the need to hold such elections owing to South Africa's refusal to end its illegalcontrol over this Territory. 10. We call on the South African regime also to heed the real nature of the turmoil on its own territory and to give up its policy of repression, to stop senselessbloodshed and arrests of its black population and to abandon the abominable policy ofapartheid and racial domination. 12. In brief, all but one of the steps laid down in the Simla Agreement of 2 July 1972 for normalizing relations between the two countries have been taken. The one step remaining to be taken under that agreement is to reach a fmalsettlement of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute. To quote the Secretary-General again: "If the momentum of this welcome development is used to fmd mutually satisfac- tory solutions" to outstanding issues, there will be "hope that the area will enter into a -new and 'brighter period" ~~. - 13. We trust, therefore, that this dispute can also be taken up at an appropriate time and resolved in accordance with the right of self-determination of the people of Kashmir as recognized 'by the Security Council resolutions unani- mously adopted in 1948 and 1949. This right was re- affmned repeatedly by the late Prime Minister of India, Mr. Nehru, for severalyears. Those Security Council resolu- tions and India's pledges have so Jar remained unimple- mented. 14. In the Simla Agreement, both India and Pakistan resolved to work for the promotion of a harmonious and friendly relationship between them and for the establish- ment of a durable peace in the subcontinent. Clearly, this objective willnot be attained so long as this dispute remains unresolved. 15. I am happy to state that there has been a promising development in our relations with our other neighbour, Afghanistan, following exchange of visits between Prime Minister ZulfIkar Ali Bhutto and President Mohammad Daoud. The talks between the two leaders have been friendly and constructive'. They have both agreed to find a fmal settlement of the differences between their two countries on the basis of the principles of peaceful co-existence, which comprise respect for each other's territorial integrity and national independence and non- interference in each other's internal affairs. There is reason to hope that such a settlement may be reached in the near future, thereby contributing significantly to the well-being of the people of both countries and the progress and stability of the region as a whole. 16. In the Middle East, the Arab-Israeli conflict remains deadlocked. The limited Israeli withdrawal from Sinai in 1975, which was to have been a step towards a compre- hensive settlement, is assuming the shape of a status quo, and the hope of an eventual fmal settlement it had generated has dimmed. We believe that durable peace can 17. The tragic chaos in Lebanon is asombre warning of what awaits the region as a whole if a just settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict is not reached in the near future. For who can doubt that the conflict in Lebanon has its roots in the unresolved problem of Palestine and the over-all Arab-Israeliconflict? 18. There has been little or no progress in the, field of disarmament. In fact, while disarmament negotiations continue, expenditures on armaments mount year after year. A comprehensive test ban, a most important objective of disarmament negotiations, remains elusive. Nuclear tests continue and ever more destructive nuclear weapons are being developed. We believe that unless all nuclear tests, whether above or below ground, are banned, the nuclear arms race will continue and all efforts at nuclear disarma- ment will prove infructuous. The threat of a nuclear holocaust will continue to loom ominously over the world so long as the nuclear Powers do not cease developing nuclear weapons and do not agree to destroy all existing stockpiles of these weapons. 19. In such a situation, we believe the time has come to consider, on an urgent basis, the question of security of non-nuclear States against a nuclear attack or threat. In our view, only credible and effective measures would ensure the safety of non-nuclear States from this threat and act as a positive disincentive to nuclear proliferation. In this con- nexion, we have been urging that the nuclear States undertake not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against those non-nuclear States which are not protected by treaty guarantees from a nuclear Power. Unfortunately, this plea has so far gone unheeded. 20. In the same context, we have also urged that non- nuclear States, acting in self-defence, adopt regional secur- ity measures such as establishment of nuclear-free zones. In particular, we have advocated the creation of such a zone in South Asia. At the twenty-ninth session and again last year, at Pakistan's instance, the General Assembly adopted resolutions [resolutions 3265 (XXIX) and 3476 (XXX)} calling for consultation on this subject. A nuclear-free-zone in South Asia will, we believe, help generate a sense of security and peace among the States in this region. It is a matter of great regret that no progress has been made thus far in implementing that .resolution. We hope that this matter may receive further consideration during this ses- sion. 21. 1 now turn to the most vital issue of our time: the grave economic disparity between the industrialized and the developing count:..ies and the economic disarray which .prevalls on e'/ery side. What is more, this disparity continues to widen. It has been estimated that in the coming five years, the income per head in the poor countries may increase by at most SI0; in the same period, . the income of the average citizen in developed countries will increase by S9oo. In other words, the rich are 23. It has now become plain, and is indeed Widely recognized, that some fundamental changesare necessary in the existing economic order, which is loaded heavily in favour of the industrialized countries as against the develop- ing countries. Unless these changes are made and the economic dealings between the developed and the develop- ing countries are put on a just basis, the developing countries will, we fear, never have a fair chance to raise the standard oflivingof their poverty-stricken masses. 24. In an article on this subject, whichhas been circulated as an official document of the General Assembly, Prime Minister Bhutto has put the matter thus: "We cheerfully undertake the toil and sweat for a better life for our masses. We accept the denial of immediate comforts. But we cannot allow the value of our sacrifice to be jeopardized by institutions and practices which structurally operate against us. The labour of our masses is being constantly devalued by unequal economic rela- tionships between us and the richer countries." [See A/31/208,annex, sect. Ill] The Prime Minister goes on to say that the external economic environment and its integral link with the collective weaknesses of the developing countries are such that the global economy acts like a strong current setting the develop2itg countries back in their voyage to self- realization. This situation, he concludes, is intolerable. 25. Unless the inherent bias of the existing institutions of trade and capital in favour of the strong and the rich is removed and unless the massive economic power of rich countries is counterbalanced by unity among the develop- ing countries, the gap between the poor and the rich will continue to expand, because, in the words of the Prime Minister, a built-in feature of the present international economic order is that "the rich must continue to . appropriate an overwhelming proportion of the earth's wealth" [ibid.; sect. 11]. 26. International efforts to narrow this widening gap between the developing and the developed countries have so far proved ineffective. The proposal for a new inter- national economic order, launched at the sixth special session, remains still only a concept. The consensus arrived at on this subject at the seventh special session of the General Assembly {resolution 3362 (S-VII)), Widely wel- comed at this time as a new turning·point, has been all but forgotten. The North-South dialogue initiated in Paris last December with much hope and promise has, after nine months of effort, not gone much beyond discussing questions of procedure 01: making analysesof the situation. The fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCI'ADj held in Nairobi ended in last-minute compromises of a more or less textual character and the value even of these has been virtually 28. Accordingly, Prime Minister Bhutto has proposed that developing countries of the third world hold. a summit meeting to deal with this all-important issue. This proposal was considered et length in the meeting of the Group of 77 recently held in Mexico. It was there decided that this important proposal should be considered by the Govern- ments of the Group of 77. In our view, the combined will of the peoples of the third world, expressed at the highest level, could alone create the necessary impact in the developed world to make it realize the imperative need for changes in the existing economic order that will assure justice to developing countries. 'Ihese changes are indispen- sable in the interest of peace, progress and tranquillity. The far-sighted will not fail to recognize that, in the long tun, both developed as well as developing countries would stand to benefit from such action. 29. The history of mankind is a history of movement and transformation. Even in periods of apparent calm, forces of change and flux remain at work under the surface. At other times, the process of change becomes greatly accelerated and assumes revolutionary and violent forms. The century in which we li\"e has been such a period. 30. For the ..ast bulk of mankind the past century was a period of subjugation and stagnation. In the last 25 years much of what used to be taken for granted has changed. The sun has fmally set on colonial empires. The struggle today is to give concrete shape to independence-not political independence only but economic independence as well. Let interdependence be a reality, not a euphemism for the continued dependence of the poor and the weak on the rich and the strong. 31. At different periods it has fallen to different nations and peoples to set in motion the wheels of history. Today that responsibility falls upon the part of the globe known as the third world. In pursuing the goal of emancipation, the people of the third world are also fulfilling a historic duty to bring justice and equity to bear upon international relations, the absence of which has been a major reason why the pages of history are filled with conflict, oppression and misery. Given reason and goodwill on all sides, there can be no doubt ('Jf the ultimate success of our common struggle.

Mr. President, while highly appreciating your chairmanship of this meeting, I,wish to express, through you, to the President, the congratulations of my Government on his election to the presidency of this 33. We have gathered at this session at a time which is challenging but also promising. It is true that no majorwar is being waged in the world today. This in itself is of tremendous value. On the other hand, our world is still menaced by serious war-like situations. If not contained, these situations could result in armed conflicts with disastrous international repercussions. Furthermore, injus- tices inherent in the existing economic and social world order contain the seeds of future conflicts. Therefore,they, too, must be eliminated through conciliation and co-opera- tion. In the view ofmy Government the basic problemboth in the national as well as in the internationalsphereishow to ensure that necessary changes are reached in a peaceful and orderly manner. Indeed, the demand of today is constructive change. The United Nations provides us with an indispensable tool to meet this challenging problem. It can only be solved with as universal participation as possible of the nations of the increasingly interdependent world. Finland welcomes the Republic of Seychelles as a new Membe! of the United Nations. It is our hope that the People's Republic of Angola and the SoCill1is~ Republic of Viet Narn will also be admitted to the Organization. 34. The process of decolonization is one of the truly great changes generated by the United Nations. Its fmal fulfil- ment i:: 'lot far ahead. However, the prevailing situation iJi southern Africa causes us deep concern. The Foreign Ministers of the five Nordic countries at their recent meeting had a'11 extensive discussion on the situation in southern Afri';a. At the meeting we agreed on a set of guidelines for our policyin these problems. Of course, the whole world is now focusing on this area, where the last remnants of the colonial era still resistthe rightfuldemands of the peoples under oppression. The wind of change in Africa is again blowing strong. The important question to everybody now is whether this change will be achieved peacefully or only throughbloodshedand violence. 3S. It is still our sincere. hope that the white minority in Southern Rhodesia will listen to the talls of the African people and the international community so that majority rule can be established in Zimbabwe. Thewhite population in Rhodesia must recognize the inevitable and proceed rapidly towards a negotiated and peaceful solution for an independent Zimbabwe. Meanwhile, allthe Members of the United Nations must strictly implement the sanctions adopted by the SecurityCouncil. 36. South Africa continues its illegal occupation of Namibia. The international community and especially the United Nations have assumed special responsibility for the achievement of self-determination and independence for Namibia. TheSouth African regime mustheed the demands of the Security Council and the General Assembly calling for immediate South African Withdrawal and free elections under United Nations supervision and control. The pro- 37. In South Africa itself the system of institutionalized discrimination against the black majority through the policy of apartheid has caused suffering and provoked determined resistance in Soweto and other locations. The Finnish Government must express its strongest disapproval and abhorrence of the violence and brutality shownby the South African authorities. The United Nations must strengthen its policy of sanctions against the Government of South Africa. As an immediate measure by the inter- national community my Government would welcome a decision by the Security Council on a compulsory arms embargo against South Africa as proposed by the Nordic Foreign Ministers. Finland for its own part has already manyyears agobannedarmsexports to South Africa. 38. The active participation of the permanent members of the Security Council and of the African countries isin our opinion of decisive importance in the search for just and lasting solutions to the problems in southern Africa. We therefore welcome the recent initiatives that have been taken and hope that they will be pursued and lead to results. 39. The peace-making process in the Middle East and in Cyprus has come to a standstill notwithstanding strenuous bilateral 311d multilateral efforts to reach negotiated settle- ments. It is our sincere hope that the parties in both cases will resume their efforts towardsa peaceful solution on the basis of the relevant reaolutions adopted by the Security Council. The Finnish Government has followed with great concernand deep sympathy the protracted human suffering in the Middle East and in Cyprus. It is our fervent hope that, while the search for peaceful solutionsis going on,all the parties concerned respect and facilitate efforts of humanitarian aid to the suffering civilian population. 40. In the searchfor a peaceful solution my Government continues to give its full support to the United Nations . peace-keeping operations in the Middle East and in Cyprus. In this context, I cannot but draw the serious attention of the Member States to one important aspect of the peace-keeping activities of the United Nations Le, their fmancing. The growing deficit in the budget of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus is causing great concern to my Government, whichiscontrihuting troopsto the peace force. The troop contributors have too long shouldered a disproportionate share of the expenses in- volved and face the prospect of increased burdens if contributionsfrom other Governments are not initiated and augmented. Takinginto account the joint responsibility of the Members of the United Nations to maintain inter- nationalpeaceand security,westrongly feel that there isan obligation of all Member States to participate in financing of the peace-keeping activities agreed to by the United Nations. 42. As a representative of Finland, the host country for the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, I feel bound to review the development of the situation after the signature of the Final Act of the Conference just more. than a year ago. Some reserves were expressed on the importance of the Final Act and voices of doubt can still be heard, but I think it is fair to say that the over-all assessmentis clearly positive. 43. Thus the Final Act of Helsinki is a political codifica- tion of the rules of inter-State conduct between the participating countries. Certain new forms of political, economic and humanitarian co-operation have emerged. The spirit of the Final Act of Helsinki reflects perfectly and, indeed, conforms to the principles and purposes of the United Nations. This underlines the non-isolatingcharacter of the European Conference. As a whole the imple- mentation of the provisions of the document is well on its way, and, in good faith, the Governments have shown a great responsibility in doing this. Political, economic and social co-operation on a regional level can only enhance global detente and dialogue, which are the main concern of this world Organization. 44. Finland attaches a great importance to the follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to be held in Belgrade in June next year and is doing its best to contribute to its success. I am happy to mention in this context the important role of the Economic Commission for Europe of the United Nations in imple- menting the Final Act and paving the way to the follow-up conference. We hope that the Conference of Belgrade will play Its part in promoting international understanding and co-operation on a regional level, which would also extend its benefits to global endeavours. 45. My Government has long considered disarmament an integral part of detente, and genuine progress in arms control and in disarmament negotiations an essential factor in underpinning the continuing process of relaxation of international tensions. To our mind it would have been reasonable to expect that the impressive gainsscored in this respect particularly on the European continent could have been translated into tangible results in the field of disarmament. But to our profound regret this has failed to materialize, at least in the two most crucial sets of negotiations: the SALT negotiations [Strategic ArmsLimi- tation Talks] and the Vienna talks. In saying this I must add that my Government is fully aware of the complexity of the issues involved, of the persistent efforts devoted to their solution and of the intrinsic value of these negotiating processesin the context'of lessening of tensions. 47. Though my Government will have an opportunity to propound more fully its views on the manifold disarma- ment items in the course of the disarmament debate in the First Committee, I hope it will not be amiss for me to say a few words from thisrostrum to illustrate the effort that the Finnish Government is devoting to this common task of the United Nations. Because of our awareness of the organic union between political detente and disarmament, the Finnish Government has already for some years tried to increase its contribution to disarmament efforts in a practical way both in terms of manpower and money. Obviously our resources remain limited and we have therefore concentrated our efforts on a few selected projects concerning the control-of chemical weapons, the study on nuclear-weapon-free zones and the strengthening of nuclear safeguards in the context of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373(XXII), annex]. The response to our initiatives so far has been most satisfactory, and.this cannot but encourage us to continue to pursue the objectives they are designedto achieve. 48. In the changing and more just world which we are working for, respect for human rights assu.mes special significance. We are all too painfully aware of the violations of human rights that are continuously brought to our attention. My Government wants to give its fullsupport to the United Nations in its efforts to combat affronts to human dignity. The wide basis for this work has been defmed in the Charter and in the International Covenants on Human Rights which have now entered into force. We hope that the Covenants will prove effective in our common fight for human right~ and human dignity. This can only happen if they are ratified by the largest possible number of MemberStates. 49. It is increasingly evident that we are in the midst of a profound change in the world economy, Our aims have been fmnly set in the decisions of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly-a revision and readjustment of the entire economic system which has evolved since industrialization began more than 200 years ago. Although concrete results so far are relatively modest, the United Nations system has nevertheless embarked upon this task with the goal of reaching viable solutions based on negotiation between equals instead of on unilateral deci- sions. 51. Finland gave its support to the integrated programme for commodities and to the concept of a common fund at the fourth session of UNCTAD. We look forward to a period when discussions on international economic rela- tions and development at last move from generalities to specifics. Important as the commodity problemsarein this context, the question of the debt burden of developing countries is equally in the forefront and deserves urgent attention with a view to arriving at a satisfactory solution. 52. The recent Fifth Conference of Heads of State 'or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo-which my Government was honoured to attend as an invited guest-was an important step in the ongoing discussions on international co-operation for economic development. Fin- land has repeatedly expressed its support of the conceptof collective self-reliance, which was strongly endorsed in the economic deliberations of the Colombo Conference. Co- operation amongdeveloping countries in the economic field deserves the support of the entireinternational community. My Government tends to view such co-operation as a complementary part of a future world economic order rather than an alternative to a truly global set of solutions basedon the principle of interdependence of all nations.We therefore also welcome the readiness shownin Colombo to pursuethe negotiations betweenNorthand South. 53. My Government has also observed with interest the negotiations in the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris. In spite of the difficulties which the Paris Conference has encountered my Government hopes that the negotiations will regain their momentum and thus contribute to the work carried on within the United Nationssystem. While it is certainly to the advantage of all States that substantive progress should be reached in the work of that Conference, it is nevertheless obvious that in the fmal analysis only the United Nations can give the results of the Conference the global validity which they need to be translatedinto action. 54. In the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization the Secretary-General stresses the need for: the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system [see A/31/1/Add.l, sect. Xi. My Government shares hisconcern.It is inconceivable to us that the changes in the world economy which we are witnessing could take place without the activeinvolvement of, and strong leadership by, the only Organization where the principles of universality and the equality of Statesare observed. Therefore, the United Nations must be struc- turally preparedto take on this greatchallenge. ss. Looking now beyond the critical period immediately ahead of us, we fmd particularlyinteresting the suggestion to begin the preparations of the third United Nations development decade and to devote it to the establishment of the new international economic order. The present

First of all I shouldlike to congratulate, through you, Mr.President, Ambassador Amerasinghe on his election as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.On behalf of the Danish delegation I wish to say that weare fullyconfident that he will preside over the negotiations with impartiality and efficiency. We promise to do our best to make th.e session proceed in a constructive and realistic atmosphere. Every effort must be made to avoid new confrontations which might bring into doubt the possibilities and objectives of the UnitedNations. 57. We welcome the Republic of Seychelles to the United Nations family and look forward to co-operating with this one hundred and forty-fifthMember State. Its admission to the United Nations has brought us a step closer to the important goal: that all peoples of the world shall be represented in the worldOrganization. 58. In the opinicn of the Danish Government all States should be entitled to join the United Nations and remain Members thereof in accordance with the provisions of the Charter. We favour the admission of both the People's Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. Should the Republic of Korea want to renew its application fOJ: membership, wewouldsupport that, too. 59. Among the many serious problems confronting us, I intend to confme myself to four, namely the dangerous situation in southern Africa, the. North-South dialogue, disarmament and the way in which we deal with it in this Organization and, finally, terrorism. 00. The Danish Government notes with satisfaction Mr. lan Smith's statement a few days ago accepting the proposals put to him by Mr. Kissinger for a peaceful settlement in Zimbabwe and for majority rule within two .years. The acceptance of these proposals by Mr. Smith's Cabinet represents a first step forward-a decisive one we hope. It offers a hope of bringing peace to' Zimbabwe and of averting the threat ofinteosifled warfare and bloodshed.. Thisdevelopment alsodemonstrates the progress whichcan be achieved when allStatesMembers of the United Nations act together. can to the success of the coming 4ifficultnegotiations. . 62. However, histo.ry has taught us 10 be sceptical about any promise of progress towards self-determination in southern Africa. In the past thisscepticism hasbeenamply justified.Since the outline of a solutionnowon the tableis ambiguous on decisive points, it is understandable that the peoples of Africa should show reluctance to relinquish pressurelt on the white regime of Mr.Smith before the necessary guarantees have been obtainedthat the proposals will be carried out in goodfaith. 63. We appeal to all concerned to Y<ork constructively for a peaceful solution' in the area.' I"t, me stress, in this context, that it is particularly 'imporumt ·that the African movements in Zimbabwe unite and avoid giving Mr. Smith any pretext for not going'ahead towardsmajorityrule. 64. 'The developments in·Zimbabwe should not make us neglect the other important southern African questions. 'The problem of Namibia and the question of apartheid shouldnot be put into the refrigerator. The problems of the area are not solved until Namibia is a free independent nation and until the inhuman policy of apartheid is abolished. 65. SoUtlil Africa must at the earliest po~ble moment bring to an endits continuedillegal occupationof Namibia, an occupation that. has been condemned by the United Nations and declared unlawful by the International Court of Justice. The international community must go on exploiting every opportunity to make it clear that in the name. of peace and jUstice South Africa must withdraw from Namibia in order to give the country its indepen- dence, with due participation .by the South West Africa People's Organizatiog {SWAPO]. and the UnitedNations in conformityWith the· res~~tiiions of the SecurityCouncil. . ~, 66. TJ1e declaration of,inte'nt adopted by the committee of the Winc;thoek Constitutional'Conference, published last month, filted. that Nar"ibia was reasonably certain to achieve independence by. the e~d of 1978 and that the unity of Namibia wouldbe main~ed. The implications of these decisions do not seem. clear. It is therefore doubtful whether the decisions mark any real progress. Tb~ transi- tion to independence on the premises of the Windhoek Conference will orily prepare the ooH for renewed conflict. It should therefore be made absolu*ely clear that SWAPO must take a full part in the independence process, that the United Nations must .~ allowed free. access to monitorthis process, and that South Afril':l, must accept Namibia as a nationState. 67. The policy of'apartheid practisedby the,Republic of South Africa' has once again manifested itself in violence andbruta1ity~ 'The organized opp~esiion by the South African Government, resting as it does on an .inhuman 68. Confronted with these serious developments we call upon the Security Council to seek agreement on an effective policyof sanctions. I appeal to all members of this Assembly to utilize any opportunity to work for the introductionof measures in accordance withChapterVIIof the Charter. In this context, I refer to the endorsement by the Nordic countries of a binding arms embargo. State- ments about support for the liberation of the African population are worthless if at the- same time arms are supplied enabling the minority to continueits illegal policy. 69. In the course of the currentsession a specific example of the apartheid policy may be introduced, What I have in mind is the Transkei question. Transkei does not meet the objective requirements of a State. It is a reflection of the South African "bantustan" policy. Therefore we are not prepared to recognize Transkei as a nation State. We are gratified that so many countries share our view. A massive international rejection of South Africa's obvious distortion of the concept of independence is extremely important in order to keep up the international pressure against' the apartheid regime. 70. All countries of the world must contribute construc- tively to fmding solutions to the problems of southern Africa. 71. We for our part-and this was clearly brought out by the Netherlands Foreign Minister speaking on behalfof the European Community {7th meeting] -are ready to join in such efforts. This is a policy which for years has been pursued by Denmark and the other Nordic countries- expressed very clearly in the five-point programme con- tained in the communique of the Nordic Foreign Ministers' meeting in Copenhagen lastmonth. 72. However, the outside world must not try in any way to impose any solution. We are faced with African problems. To African problems African solutions must be found. 73. With regard to my second point, the North-South dWogue, the economic relations between the developed and the developing countries constitute a question on which the attention of the General Assembly has been focused increasingly during the last fewyears. 74. An important achievement of the General Assembly was the adoption at the seventh special session of a comprehensive set of guidelines for future co-operation [resolution 3362 (S-Vll)J. 75. We are now in the early stage of a long process of negotiations aimed at the realization of a more equitable internationaleconomic order. 76. My Government understands the demands of the developing countries and we understand their impatience. We recognize the urgency of their problems. 78. At the fourth session cf UNCTAD in Nairobi we succeeded in establishing a negotiating plan for an inte- grated programme for commodities. We must nowbuild on the results accomplished at that session. Our aimmustbeto secure for the developing countries a morestable andmore satisfactory incomefrom their commodityexports. 79. Export earnings from commodities are of ~ital impor- tance to most developing countries. But along with the commodity negotiations we must also strengthen our efforts to bring about a diversification of the economies of the developing countries. We must intensifythe workwhich is already under way in various organizations inside and outsidethe UnitedNations in areas sueh'as trade,mdustrial- izationand technology. BO. It has often been said that building a better Inter- national society will require new thinkingin the developed countries. This is true. It is also true that it requires new thinking in the developing countriesthemselves. 81. The developed countries willhave to acceptchanges in the structure of the international economy that will run counter to vested interests. They must accept the emer- gence of a new international division of labour between developed and developing countries. 82. The developing countrieswill have to accept the fact that increased global interdependence will add to their responsibility for the internationaleconomy. 83. It is only one year since the seventh special session of the General Assembly adopted the resolution on develop· ment and international econoinic co-operation. There may be different interpretations of the results achieved up to now, hut I believe we are irreversibly on the way toward the creation of a more just Intematienal economic order. There is no alternative to 'such a development. 84. In this search for a newinternationaleconomic order, the need (or an increase in development assistance must not be forgotten. The need for development assistance will be withus for a long time. 92. I should also like to recall that in its Final Declaration the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons expressedits unequi- vocal support of the control work of IAEA and recom- mended that it be further strengthened and expanded'! This seems to be the right moment to recall the powerful exhortation by the Director General of IAEAat its General Conference a few days ago. That statement aimed at making it an indispensable condition for the delivery of . nuclear material or equipment that the receiving State acceptlAEA safeguards on its entirenuclearprogramme. 85. Denmark has over the years steadily increased its development assistance. We havedecided to meetthe target of a contribution of 0.7 per cent of the gross national product by the end of this decade. Regrettably some countrieswhich can afford to meet this target arestillway behindit. 86. The aim of assistance should be to promoteeconomic growth, social progress and politicalindependence. In this . effort we should concentrate on the poorest of the developing countries. We shall endeavour to have the aim 87. It is at the same time important not to forgetthat an effectively functioning multilateral development system has been built up inside the United Nations. I have, of course, especially in mind the United Nations Development Pro- gramme [UNDP], which, however, has experienced serious fmancial difficulties during the last year.Onlyif allMember States which are in a position to do so are willing to increase their contributions to the UNDP will it be possible to continue the dynamism of the programme. And only if we .succeed in financially strengthening UNDP will it be possible to maintain the coherence of the United Nations development system and thereby increase its possibility of playing a central role in the new international economic order. 88. I now turn to my third main theme, disarmament, which is and remains a primary objective of the Uaited Nations activities and which commands great interest among all nations, in particular the question of nuclear disarmament. Denmark most fervently wishes to support efforts to bring about a complete test ban to be accom- panied by the appropriate control and verification provi- sions. We have noted with satisfaction the rapprochement in the matter of controlwhichhastaken place between the UnitedStatesand the Soviet Union. 89. Obviou.sly, account must be taken of the problems relatingto peaceful nuclear explosions. This doesnot make it easier to draw up an agreement on a complete test ban. But in this fieldweshallhopefullyhave a better foundation to work on when t"~ '. International AtomicEnergy Agency [IAEA] in Vienna has concluded its work. 90. With regard to non-proliferation we are pleased to note that Japan has ratified the non-proliferation Treaty. The Japanese ratification constitutes a significant strength. ening of this Treatybecause its value dependson the extent to which it is adhered to, especially by countries which possess sophisticated nuclear technology. 91. The arrangement set up in London between a number of important countriesaiming at intensifying control of the export of nuclear material and equipment represents another positive move. 93. These observations aside,it mustbe concededthat the. disarmament pictureis rather gloomy. 95. What can the United Nations do in thissituation? 96. During this session weshallonce moreconsider a large number-and I sigh a little bit-of agenda items in the field of disarmament, in our opinionfar too many. Theadoption of a number of resolutions does not in itself promise results. A tightening of our field of operation and greater concentration on key problems and realistic disarmament proposals, not leastin this forum, would undoubtedly add some of that dynamism and efficacy to our work whichit sosorely lacksat present. 97. The Danish Government therefore appreciates the initiative which was taken at last year's General Assembly to strengthen the United Nations role in the field of disarmament issues before the United Nations may serve this cause. At the same time we realize that the political will of Member Statesto contribute to thisendremains the decisive factor. 98. The idea of a special session of the General Assembly to discuss disarmament issues should be carefully weighed. If such a special session is prepared so that realistic results maybe expected,the Danish Government will endorse the idea. We should deplore very much if a special session developed into anotherbarrenpropaganda forum. 99. I am quite aware that the United Nations as such cannot solve the problems, but by taking a more realistic approach to them and by concentrating our effortson key problems we shall probably be able to reach the point where our endeavours in this field will command greater respect and where our efforts and working results will exert greater influence on those best qualified and able to bring aboutsolutions. 100. I have devoted most of my speech to three very serious political topics of Steat urgency for all of usin this Organization. I would like to conclude with some remarks on the fundamental question of human rights and the prevention of international terrorism. 101. International terrorism as apolitical instrument has indisputably become a sinister feature in the political climate of recentyears. Frustrated population groups have sought to enforce their demands by the taking of hostsges and by the murder of innecent civilians. Thishas become anugly part of life in the 19708. 102. We therefore welcome the intention of the Federal Republic of Germany, mentioned here this morning {7th meeting, para. 113J, to introduce a new agenda item on measures to. prevent the taking of hostages, and the proposal to draft a convention on this issue. The initiative of the Federal Republic of Germany deserves the widest possible endorsement. Being limited to a purely humani- tarian aspect of international terrorism and thereby avoid- ing an acrimonious debate on a definition of terrorism, for which, as all of us know,the worldcommunity is probably not ready, the German proposal should command the supportof allmembers of this Assembly. 104. The Danish Government will continue its efforts to strengthen the respect for human rights and will work actively for the elimination of torture and other degrada- tions of the individual. The role of the United Nations in combatting violations of human rights in all parts of the world must be strengthened. An important stage in the work of the United Nations to promote the respect for human rights was .reached earlier this year when the two International Covenants on Human Rights entered into force. The Optional Protocolto the International Covenant on Cbil and Political Rights, which deals with complaints from individuals about violations of human rights, also entered into force this year, but we have noted with regret that very few countries have ratified it. We urge all countries which have not yet acceded to these three instruments to do so without delay. 105. The work which isbeingdoneby the UnitedNations High Commissioner for Refugees must be backed and facilitated in every put of the wodd by the Governments involved. 106. The problems facing us are numerous and they are difficult. In the search for solutions to our problems we have a unique in,trument in the United Nations. Nowhere else are 145 countries trying in common to solve the conflicts andproblems of the world. If weareto succeed, it is of paramount importance for us to respect and abide by the principles laid downin the Charter. 107. We do not want to stress procedure and formand all these things for their ownsake.Butan Organization of this kind cannot live unless the rules of the game arerespected and observed by all Member States. 108. On the. other hand we must realize tlmt these principles shouldbe applied in keeping with the times. It is important that-within the given framework-our Organiza- tion shouldbeconstantly and constructively adaptedto the newconditions of this changing world. 109. We have the instrument. Let us demonstrate that we have the political will to usethis instrument.

At the outset I wishto congratulate Mr.Amerasinghe on hiselection to his most highly respected post as President of the General Assembly. I know that there are heavy responsibilities ahead of him in the coming weeks. Our delegation has the utmost confidence in hiscapabilities, and I trust that under hisableleadership this session will be a success. 111. On the occasion of PapuaNew Guinea's admission to this Organization in October of 1975, our Prime Minister, Mr.Somare, stated that our Govem..nent's first priority is the welfare of our own people. This is still valid today. We wish to advance in conditions of peace and security and 113. This is the second time that Papua New Guinea has taken its place in this Assembly. We are proud to have come through our f11'St year of independence. We are also proud that we came through it so well and that we are able to report to this world forum that we have maintained the Impetus towards development and social justice set in motion before our independence. We have maintained and developed the trust which was handed to us by the Trusteeship Council. 114. The f11'St year of the 'operatioJl of Papua New Guinea's independent foreign policy has justified our faith in choosing whatwecallthe "universalist" path. 115. "Universalism" as practised by Papua New Guinea is not widely·understood by our friends. It is often confused with "non-alignment", which it certainly resembles, but the two concepts differ in many important areas. "Univer- salism" to Papua New Guinea meanstakingthe middle path without veering to either side on questions relating to political ideologies, creeds or governmental systems. We see it as a balanced policy with which Papua New Guinea will make no enemies. But it does not mean just sitting on the fence. It is an active and positive policy. Papua New Guinea has recognized and entered into diplomatic relations with all the large Powers of the world on an equal basis. We are happy to have entered into diplomatic relations with countries having varied forms of governmental systems and geographical location. We have recognized andenteredinto relations with both the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on an entirely even-handed basis. 116. The one area in which the Papua New Guinea Government does not intend to pursue universalism is in respect to regimes which pursue apartheid or racialist policies which are unacceptable to us. The Papua New GuineaGovernment has not and willnot recognize, or have any dealings whatever with, countries which practise these policies. We endorse the work of the decolonization Committee2 in seeking self-determination for allpeoples in accordance withthe Charterof the UnitedNations. 117. I have mentioned before that PapuaNew Guinea has recognized both the North Korean and South Korean Governments. We desire most earnestly, for the sake of the future security of the region in which we live, that these two Governments should commence a dialogue between 2 Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Imple- mentation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 118. Papua NewGuinea ,is geographically verynear to the island of Timor,.which has seen some'most iuifortunate incidents during the course of this year. As a close neighbour we have been most concerned by theseincidents and have watched them closely. We advocated for Timora period of decolonization under the United Nations. But Papua New Guinea is a very small and new actor on the world stage,and it was clearfromthe outset that there was not any way in which Papua New Guinea could influence the events on Timor in one way or another. Papua New Guinea therefore has not played any active role in.the settlement of the Timorsituation.We hope, however, that the people of Timor will be assured their rights and freedoms as outlinedin the:United NationsCharter. 119. Papua New Guinea has watched from afar the problems of the Middle East.. We wish to commend the work of the United Nations in moVing towards a peaceful solution. . 120. I have already mentioned that the Government of Papua New Guinea considers its. fIrSt priority to be the welfare of its own people at home. Papua NewGuineahas onlyachieved a verylowlevel of industria! development. Its export income is derived mainly from the sale of primary products. The nature of our economy is such that sharp changes in world market prices have very important implications for economic planning in our country. We know that we are not unique an4 that other countries are also experiencing the ill-effects of the current world recession. I feel confidentin saying that the effectsare felt more acutely by those of us in the third 'world who are heavily dependent on earnings from the we of·primary products. It is in this context that the Government of Papua NewGuinea commends the efforts of the Secretary- General of UNCTADto bring about a ~ficant change in the.existing worldeconomic order.. " , " 121. The fourth session "of UNCTAD, recendy held in Nairobi, marks the opening oi a"new and vitally iIr~portant chapter in relations between the'economically'adVUltaged and the economically disadvantaged countries. .~·Qpows put forward have far-reaching implications for all third- world countries.Papua New Guinea, U in islanddeveloping country, applauds the special recognition given to the problems of least-developed, land-locked and island de- veloping countries. We welcome and endone resolution 96 (IV) adopted at Nauobi relatingto the expanaion.and diversification of exports of manufactures and semi.. manufactures of developing countries, .and resolution 93 (IV) on the. integrated programme for commodities.' However, caution needs to. be voiced. We sincerely hope that time does not bear' witness to the fact that the programmes were too. ambitious' and as a result stalled under their own weigh.~ 3 SeeProcetdingr ofthe United Natlo",Conference on TrtHle Ind Development, Fourth Smton; v.ol•.1,R,fJOrt. .nIl Anntxll, (United 123. However we have noted that in the absence of a treaty it is inevitably the stronger nations that are able to take the initiative in developing State practice in this field. In these circumstances smaller nations like Papua New Guinea in protecting their interests have no alternative but to seek such security as may be found in regional arrangements. There is no question, however, that this is our second preference. It is a poorer alternative, both for ourselves and for mankind. No one can contemplate the possible failure of the Conference without being filled with despondency for the future of allwho mightbe affected by the use of the oceans, whichinclude all nations represented at this Assembly. 124. Finally, I again reiterate my Government's commit- ment to the maintenance of Peace throughout our region and the world. M3 Government is deeply committed to a nuclear-free zone in the Pacific and supports the other Pacific countries in calling for such a declaration. My Government commends the work of this Organization, its subsidiaries and affiliated organizations in upholding the principles asexpounded in the Charter.

Allow me first to express the congratula- tions of our delegation on the keen perception with which the General Assembly has chosen Mr.Amerasinghe to preside over this session containing in its agenda issues for study and decision of great importance to StatesMembers of the United Nations. We are certain that his privileged experience and his wisdom will facilitate the achievement of our common purpose in the search for just solutions as well as in the results of our deliberations. Let us then hope that, guided by the values he represents, we will be ableto say at the endof our work that at this thirty-first session of the General Assembly considerable progress hasbeenmade and that wehave beenableto clearup the unknown factors that have held back progress toward a new policy of understanding and effective decision-making in the difficult task of fulfilling the mandate imposed by the expectations of our timesunder the Charter of our worldOrganization. 126. I wish to convey the most heartfelt congratulations to Mr.Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the GrandDuchy of Luxembourg for the brilliant manner, the goodwill and competence with which he presided over the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. 127. 1 also wish to express the deep appreciation of my Government for the effective and vigorous work of Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who has so faithfully served the principles of the Organization. 129. We are here at the thirty-first session of the General Assembly of this important body at a time when the economy of developing countries such as ours are facing difficult situations which must fmd a prompt and happy situation. At the same time,however, we are strengthened by the ideals which inspired the founder of the Republic, Juan Pablo Duarte, known among .us as the "Christ of Freedom"-whom all Dominicans honour this year in just tribute on the centenary of his death-whose selfless life was passionately and completely devoted to the emergence of a new nation in the American continent under the protection of God,the fatherland and liberty. 130. While we realize that all items to be discussed at this session are of great importance, wecannot forgetthe needs we are faced with, and speaking on behalfofmy country I wish to mention in particular that we shall raise the problem of the sugar market withits falling prices aswell as other points whichhave beencausing a deteriorationin the peaceful coexistence of nations and our very existence as States. That is whywearegoing to limitour considerations to those matters. 131. The idea of a collective security system has always been presentin the United Nations. On the other handit is not too bold to think that it has never beenmorejustified to see to it that its Member Statesfavour having a practical instrument, an instrument which may prove effective in preserving peace and proscribing the scourge of warsoas to imbuethe Charterwith more vigour in that field. 132. We know very well that there are innumerable obstacles to the emergence of sucha mechanism because of the differences and the controversies which produce stag- nation and which create a climafie adverse to reconciling conflicting interests-interests which instead of diminishing havemultiplied in the last 10 years. 133. The problem, as complex as it may be, must be viewed in the light of other criteria. Among them that of the international economy isessential. 134. Actually there are also reasons to consider it neces- sary to recognize that collective security is not possible without economic security. Both causes produce the same effects: economic insecurity drives peoples to collective insecurity. 'Thus, if the former could be attained througha process simllar to an effective moratorium on the tensions produced by harsh disputes and conflicts it would be possible for peace not to be precarious, which it has been for many years, and to reduce coercion and threat which were the agents determining the instability affecting the principles embodied in the Charterof our Organization. 136. A review of the disturbances caused in the territories of States Members of the United Nations shows that violence in its most inhuman forms has not diminished but has rather increased and intensified considerably. We cannot deny that those facts have negative international implications such as the hijacking of aircraft, a subject which involves States with all the characteristics we know. 137. Seizing hostages is no doubt one of the mostodious forms of violent coercion. Now this practice has spread to the Americas, where it has createdthreatsto publicorderin the form of kidnappings which defyauthority to obtain the objectives pursued, disregarding the fact that the victims are actually innocent persons-and this makes these deeds barbarian crimes. .. 138. In this danger zone of crime in the international arena we must admit that the instruments available to usso far have been ineffective to prevent or punish violations which are contrary to moral and cultural progress, in contrast jo the technology which is leading us to ever deeperpenetration of outer space. . 139. The General Assembly in previous years has been concerned with this serious situation, and the statements made on those occasions weresoconservative that we could say today that they have been largely the cause of the'evil weare nowfacing without any apparentremedy. 140. The frequency with which this type of violence occurs all over the world makes a more thorough review necessary in order to fmd new, more effective instruments to check the proliferation of terrorism, hijacking and kidnapping, in allits forms, so that this evil may be halted before this covert method of warfare unleashes an inter- nationalconflict which couldleadto a newwar. 141. It would not be an exaggeration to give priority to the idea of a preventive and corrective mechanism for this purpose, which has already been studied by the General Assembly. Preventive action may consist in the formula which is applicable to other cases similar to the ones we have mentioned. We think that time has come to consider terrorism to be an offence under ordinary law, taking into account not merely the motive, but the dreadful natureof the crime and the fact that its victims areinnocent people. This would also provide the necessary means for the prevention and punishment of hijacking of aircraft, the holding of hostages etc. These specific offences must be regarded as crimes against mankind, with all the legal consequences. 142. The Dominican Republic has attached special im- portance to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and within its' possibiliti~ has lent its decided co-operation toward the adoption of a draft convention that would be viable and effective. 144. This is a challenge which we cannotneglect, since the world is beset by prospects of food scarcity in particular, and the wealth of the sea is important for survival and human progress. No one can ignore the situation, whichis linked,so to speak, to a fixed time-table. The realities have placed usin a "state of siege." 145. We have been disappointed to see that on many of the subjects involved in the law of the sea not only have opposite positions been taken-and this has disturbed recent meetings on the subject-but they have also made impossible the adoption of agreed formulas and have delayed the possibility of agreeing on a convention that can be adopted on time, bearing in mind the urgent need to exploit the resources of the sea,while wemove towardsthe year2000. 146. The reference to food shortages and malnutrition leads us to the resolution of the World FoodConference,4 which is of great topical importance for the problem of hunger. It is difficult to conceive that despite the impor- tance of the International Fund for Agriculturai Develop- ment, the on-producing countries have not contributed to that mechanism for the mobilization of agriculture, at the levels required by the urgency of that programme, the implementation·of which would alleviate the demand for food in critical areas and reduce the devastation brought about by malnutrition. 147. It is clear that this problem is becoming more acute and spreading everywhere, and it is that eontinuous projection which remains a question to which no replyhas so far been forthcoming on the basis of populationgrowth forecasts and other statistics endorsed by competent organizations. 148. The Dominican Republic shares the concernoverthe need to make use of all available resources for agricultural productionwith a view to attaining the maximum possible level, i.e.,the need to act nowwith a view to preventing the ills that are threatening future generations. That is why the Government headed by His Excellency President loaqu{n Balaguer, not only maintains a vigorous agricultural policy but has also been gradually changing the land-holding re.sime so as to open up more opportunitiesin agriculture and in all other fields of productionIncluding mirJng-an unprecedented change. The system which has been estab- lished for agrarian reform includes recovering State lands 4 See Repon 0/ the World Food Con/erencI, ROrM, 5-16 November 1974 (United Nations pubUcation, Sales No.75.II.A.3), chap.11. 149. Ourdelegation wishes to make special mention of the sessions of UNCTAD through which developing countries expect to receive the means which will vigorously con- tribute to trade and development. Thisrecognition leads us to hope for the best results from a world economic survey as well as an analysis of the prospects for the second half with regard to means to speed up the transfer of real resources to developing countries on a secure, foreseeable and permanent basis. 150. We share the idea that the time has come to introduce reforms into the Charter of the Organization. We understand that instruments relating to world order must be revised from time to time in the light of experience. Also,and for the same reason relatingto changes in the life of nations, new forecasts made mandatory by the facts of internationallife must be incorporatedinto the ordering of the objectives brought about by the constitution of our system. 151. We must admit that some of the difficulties we are faced with are the result of some existing principles or of the lack of others;we must admit that theseabnormalities should be largely attributed to the Statesthemselves owing to the alternatives of international politics or to the fact that States do not subject themselves to existing principles. 152. There is very little marble that hasno imperfections, says the dictum, and we can therefore say that no human endeavour is perfect. Hence we can state that if the United Nations is imperfect the same applies to the States that constituteit. There is thereforeno reason for despair. 153. That being understood, it follows that the task we have before us requires the firm will to make the Charter more effective and worthy of respect so that it will always condition the objectives for whichit was established on the basis of the experience of total war, whose consequences stillto some extent weigh on our presentcivilization. 154. There is a new manifestation of discrimination no less detrimental to mankind than those which involve the economy of States. Economic discrimination leads to distrust and to fear in the States which are affected. This risks bringing about controversies and may disturb peace placing in jeopardy the basic objectives of the Charter of the Organization. 155. There is the risk of having a type of economic totalitarianism which would upset the international bal- ance. It distorts the economy and applies great but unforeseeable pressures-even a kind of slavery-on the peoples directly affected. That evil should disappear since weareconvinced that today the ideaof domination is being replaced by that of the "commonheritage of mankind". 156. In addition to the realities which lead us to recognize that we are still suffering from a crisis in a law,wehave the crisis in international co-operation, which may be in a 157. It seems that the oil crisis engendered by inflation in development centres is becoming a regressive phenomenon with inevitable characteristics, and it is occurring precisely at a time when the forecast is that the problems of population growth, unemployment and malnutrition will have doubledby the endof thiscentury,while on the other hand production will not suffice to meet the demand for food and alleviate the tragedy of hunger. Hunger is the war that can unleash war. .158. We should therefore like to offer statements of the greatest importance for our de1ec;ation. We refer to the problem of the sugar markets whose ups and downs since 1974 have been of extraordinary importance for the economy of many exporting countries, our own among them. 159. The history of the efforts made in order to stabilize basic commodities would take too Ionaevento summarize. Onthe other hand,it is well known by:~, and therefore we need not recount what has occurred hitherto. Rather, we would like to start from nowand to look for solutions that are positive, just and mutually advantageous for exporting countries as wellas for importers. Theformer wish to have security with regard to surplus supplies and their conse- quential depressing effect on prices. The latter need protection from scarcity and violeritly inflationary prices. Consequently it would seem that the obstacles to a harmonious marketing of many raw materials-and sugar is a case in point-depend on how the partiesinterpret that is just and reasonable, and we must admit that it is not easy to attain unanimity on defmitions. It is, however, a challenge, and the best opportunity available to mankind today to take the initiative on a subject as vital as international commodity agreements, if we wish to attain positive facts free from that endless rhetoric to which we are used, is international co-operation which is meaningful to producers, consumers, exporters andimporters. 160. One of those agreements canbe envisaged. UNCTAD has already set in motionthe convening of an International Sugar Conference for April 1977. There are many docu- ments ready for the preparatory work and experts have examined in detail the possibilities of laying downthe basis to eliminate from the resulting convention the concept of "exploiters and exploited," which would be frustrating for all parties. 161. First of all we thinkit essential to maintaina certain relationship between production costs and prices in the light of the results obtainedby the efficient producers. In this regard we shouldpoint out that production costs, for totally extraneous reasons which have nothing to do with the recognized efficiency of some producers, have-as isthe case of our country-increased for entirely extraneous reasons. It is a fact that, due to the influence of the higher oil prices and the inflationary trends prevailing all over the wodd, the cost of the input essential to producesugar and other consumer goods has risen astronomically. In a document presented some months ago to the International SU8'U' Organization there is a comparison, as an example, 162. It is thus obvious that maintaining price levels for sugar and other export commodities siinilar to those prevailing at the beginning of this decade would be, and they are indeed right now, simply ruinous to the countries whose national income and whose balance-of-payments depends substantially on them. It is in the light of this situation fraught with serious consequences for the develop- ment and the well-being of the less developed nations that we must in a broad spirit of international solidarity focus on the search for a solution which can and must be found within the framework of the negotiations towards a new International Sugar Agreement. However, pending the adoption of a new international instrument on this subject we must adopt measures which would henceforthpreventa greater disruption in the international prices of sugar. 163. Inestimable and adverse consequences arise when world sugar production and consumption, according to the best estimates available, barely amount tJ 90 don short tons without any great surpluses to depress prices. We car safely say that in the presentworld situation,where there are such pressing needs, to speak of a·sugar surplus ismost erroneous. 164. That is why we are faced with a situation which we thought had been superseded and would not be repeated, since we believed that market forces would moderate the traditional sharp rises and drops which have frequently curbed the expansion and prosperity of one of the most strategic industries in the agricultural sectorin this century. Furthermore, we thought that sugar cane production was no longer one more rawmaterial widely marketedthrough- out the world. That concept has been superseded owing to the production of valuable by-products obtained in the industrialization process. 165. The many applications of sugar cane by-products in modern industry, which lacks essential rawmaterials, made it impossible to think that an asset of that magnitude would not with a full expansion of the world economy respondto the real demands for all these goods. However, since the real forces of the markethave not taken over,the industries of many exporting countries are being forced into bank- ruptcy, since, because of declining prices, they will have to cut back production acreage, not process existing crops, close down their factories and declare bankruptcy. How- ever, afterthe contractionhasbeenfully felt, after marginal producers have been eliminated, and after the supply of what appears to be surpluses has been reduced,prices will again rise, consumer countries will be increasingly con- cerned andwilllift import restrictions, encourage the useof sweeteners, offer incentives to domestic production and resortto marketing mechanisms to depress prices. 167. Our delegation sincerely believes in the goodwill of countries represented here to co-ordinate their interestsat this crucial moment in the history of mankind. In this regard we think it pertinent to express in general lines the position of the Dominican Republic on this very important matter, for the destiny of our countries and in general for the world in whichwe have to live. 168. In the annual report submitted to the National Assembly on 27 February 1975 the President of the Republic, Mr.Joaquin Balaguer, defmed the position of our country with regard to the meeting which was to be heldin Puerto Plata by the group of sugar-exporting countries of LatinAmerica and the Caribbean asfollows and I quote: "In effect, in the same mannerin which the increase in the price of oil and its derivatives disrupted even the economy of industrialized nations, an excessive hike in our export products, suchas sugar or coffee,couldwreak havoc on the economy of countneswhich maybe forced to acquire those productson extremely hard terms. ''The best contributionthat couldbe made by the Latin American countries which export their raw materials to the highly industrialized countries of the area would be not to aggravate, through a disproportionate increase in their raw materials, the crisis brought about by the risein the prices of oilandits derivatives. It wouldbe preferable for consumer and producer countries alike to reach an agreement establishing fairprices for sugar, coffee, cocoa, etc. These new prices must be set at levels which allow developing countries to pay the high price broughttoday by the fuel needed to run their economy, and which enable consumer countries to obtain LatinAmerican raw materials at prices which are acceptable and equitable for both parties." This position has been repeatedly maintained by the Government of the Dominican Republic on all those occasions in which we have participated in the efforts of the international community to pursue objectives of justice and equity in economic relations among States and will be maintained in all meetings where we participate. For that reason we shall defend our position in the new agreement, not in terms of a confrontation between opposing interests but as forms of co-operation among nations large or small, rich or poor, to attain objectives of human solidarity which may gradually erase the social and economic contradictions which, rather than diminishing have been deepening in recentyears. 169. These thoughtsare confmnedin the facts which have prevailed in our.economic activity. It would be sufficient to mention that while we are forced to import at extremely highcosts everything that our expanding economies require to increase the income levels of the population, we are forced to sellin the international markets some of our main 170. To understand our situation, suffice it to say that at these prices the production of crude sugar of the Domini- can Republic, which is more than 7 million short tons for export, would hardly cover the cost of oil imports for 1976, which are estimated at $175 million. 171. In view of those circumstances we wonder what a country like the Dominican Republic can do, a country which is not an economic or military Power, which does not have vast energy resources but which is striving to diversify its production, which is making efforts to capi- talize its savings, to expand its infrastructure, to introduce technology into agriculture, to multiply its industries, to expand its technological and scientific base, in a word, to develop its economy to the greatest extent possible. Simple as it may seem in countries which havebeen traditionally in similar situations, the way out points to the need to resort to international financing or to appealfor a debt renegotia- tion. Nevertheless we have started measures of austerity to combat the crisis internally by adjusting our budgetary expenditures, by limiting superfluous expenses and by establishing a system to restrict the use of foreign currency resources. 172. All those measures,however, would seem inoperative given the problems of the external sector of our economil")S and, in order not to appear to exaggerate and since facts offer eloquent grounds, let us examine the experience of Latin America in the last few years and the forecasts prepared by the Organization of American States for tile external sector of the region. It is mentioned in the report of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council that the unfavourable balance of non-financial goods and serv- ices of countries which did not export oil rose in 1975 to $8 billion. If to this we add payments to service the external debt, the needs of external financing resources amounted to some $15 billion. For 1976 it is estimated that the probable flows of funds from multilateral and bilateral sources of official development assistance plus support to the balance of pay.ments would hardly exceed $4 billion. Assuming that reservesare used in the amount of $2 billion, the debt to be financed through non-favoured fmancing would be approximately $9.5 billion. 173. It is obvious, therefore, that the basic problem of our economies continues to be the bottle-neck in the external sector and the sugar-cane exporters of the region have been hit by the plummeting prices on the world market. It is urgent to reorder the international economy and to that end-undertake decisive, bold and broader efforts in the field of multinational co-operation. That Is why we reiterate once again to States Members of the United Nations that, in compliance with the provisions of the Charter on Economic Rights and Duties of States the most important provisions concerning situations such as that affecting the sugar sector should be implemented.. 174. To mention only one example, if we look at our experience with the. sugar market of the United States, a market which. we have traditionally supplied in a steady 175. Furthermore, we wish to emphasize the fact that, while we respect the decisions adopted by countries in defence of the interests of their nationals, that principle of self-determination in the economic field must stop where it infringes the legitimate rights of other nations and when those protectionist measures tend to create artificial con- ditions which encourage specificproducers and displace the efficient and competent suppliers of developing countries. 176. In order that a new international sugar agreement should be a truly effective instrument aimed at stabilizing the market to benefit exporters as well as importers, it should be more than a mere restriction of production whose effects fall most heavilyon exporting countries with the passive participation of importers. This means that to regulate the market it cannot rely on quota schemes adjusted to pre-established patterns of trade which are usually artificial or discriminatory. Although we cannot do without quota arrangements, these should not be the only mechanism to maintain the stability of prices. The impor- tant role of stocks in any new agreement so that the instrument could function effectively in times of scarcity as well as in times of over-abundance of sugar has been recognized. But it has also been saidthat buffer stocks give rise to serious difficulties of fmancing, administration and operation in the case of a product like sugar beeause ofthe special physical characteristics of this commodity, and it is in this regard that we need true solidarity and a spirit of co-operation among the parties. 177. The importing countries, which include most of the larger economic Powers, should forget the traditional scheme of horizontal arrangements according to which all participants are to share in the obligations and sacrificesas if they were on an economically equal footing. The new spirit in international relations should prevail-a spirit which recognizes economic, technological and cultural inequalities or differences among various countries and the different needs which these inequalities imply for the various categories of countries. 178. It is also our hope that the new agreement will include the largest possible number of participants, includ- ing the large highly-industrialized producers and consumers such as the European Economic Community and the United States of America, which have remained outside the most recent multilateral arrangements of that type. Our mpp~~. . 179. We have briefly presented the tragedy which sugar poses for producing andexporting countries fromthe point of view of the delegation of the Dominican Republic. We believe . that our position coincides with that of all agricultural raw material-exporting countries and we ex- press broad support and sympathy for them in our statements. That is why at this session we intendto reach a consensus for adopting international emergency measures to rescue the sugar industry' of traditionally exporting countries fromtheirpresent situation. . 180. In conclusion we appeal to the commonsense of Member States and to the solidarity which should prevail among peoples to design with justice and sincerity, in the light of our needs, strategies needed to give a final thrust to the harmonious development of ourpeoples. 181. We must emphasize the serious responsibility which this world Organization would bear were it to remain inactive in the phase of the tragic situation of sugar affecting exporting countries which basically depend on that productfor drawing up their development strategy. 182. Only our faith in international co-operation which we have resolutely supported andencouraged continuously to retain a cohesive structural base and the open, frank dialogue through which the solution to common problems is attainedleadusto think that there willbe adopted short- and medium-term measures which would contribute to maintaining more just and worthyrelations between highly developed countries, countries which emerged sheltered by the sacrifice of those which today seek their full develop- ment.

Allow mefirst of all to extend my congratulations to Mr. Amerasinghe, the Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka, upon his election to the presidency of the thirty- first session of the General Assembly. His choice by the Assembly is surely warranted by hislong experience in the United Nations aswell ashis diplomatic talent. 184. I also would like at the very beginning of our workto reiterate our deep appreciation for the distinguished serv- ices rendered to this Assembly by the President of the' thirtieth session, the illustrious Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, Mr.Gaston Thorn. 185. Our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, during the annual period which has just passed has continued to accomplish with the greatest devotion, alertness, fore- 186. I am happy to welcome here the representatives of the recently created Republic of Seychelles, which is joining the great family of the United Nations at this session. We are very happy to welcome the Seychelles in10 our Organization. I am convinced that it will make an invaluable contribution to the work of the United Nations. 187. This session of the General Assembly prompts us in the first place to reflect on the role of the United Nations dUring this complex period. The introductionto the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organi:mtion contains a detailed and wise analysis of the traits of this period and highlights the possibilities open to the world Organization aswell asthe obstacles it has to face. We share for the most part his assessments and I should like, in the context of the general debate, to refer in particular to his ideas concerning the procedures on the basis of which the General Assembly adoptsits decisions. 188. The thirtieth session hasindeed in certain cases given results about which we shou!d reflect. The adoption of resolutions which have a dual nature or which are based solely on the views of one of the parties to a conflict is likely to weaken the authority and the credibility of the General Assembly and to render its resolutions completely inapplicable and to impede, rather than to facilitate, the process of negotiation andpeaceful settlement. We allknow that the resolutions of the General Assembly cannot alone settle the conflicts or the problems. None the less, they can contribute to a settlement to the extent that they Correctly and objectively reflect a given situation, a thorough understanding of the positions of the parties involved, respect for them and realism, fairness and justice. I should like to hope that tb1S year the conclusions of the work of the General Asserably may be less controversial, better balanced andmore constructive. 189. At the beginning of this thirtyofmt session we must first of all define the most important problems we are facing. What have been the significant developments of this last year? Towards what goals will we have to direct our efforts in the present circumstances? I should like briefly to submit in their general lines Turkey's views on the international questions which my Government deems areof major interestat thistime. 190. The year which has just elapsed had its difficulties, fears and tensions. If obvious progress was achieved in connexion with certain questions which were debated by our Assembly at its last session, new problems have arisen and conflicts have broken out in certain regions of the world. At the beginning of the last month we commemo- ratedthe first anniversary of the signing of the Final Actof Helsinki, which defines the conditions of detente m Europe. That event was marked by moderately enthusiastic 192. The experience acquired in that brief period of time has helped us to realize more clearly and more decisively that detente cannot be considered and maintained in isolation in any given part of the world, and that it is necessary that efforts aimed at making possible greater stability and more active co-operation be pursued in all partsof the world. 193. In this context we continue to think that peace and security in Europe are closely linked to peace and security in the Mediterranean. That is why we attach particular importance to the document entitled "Questions on Se- curity and Co-operation in the Mediterranean" in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. We hope that the conditions at present existing in that region will develop in a waythat will make possible the total implementation of that document. 194. In the course of the year which has just finished Turkey, for its part, has undertaken all the initiatives it could in order to contribute to the establishment of condi- tions favourable to a newclimate in internationalrelations. In the two parts of the worldwhichfonn its region, Eastern Europe and the Middle East, my country hasrenewed with almost all of its neighbours the existing good neighbourly relations by forming closer ties with them both in the political domain and in that of economic co-operation. I think I can saythat the countries of that region, because of those relations of good neighbourliness and collaboration which they pursue and develop resolutely, make an important contribution to the maintenance of peace. 195. Alongside these efforts which we must make with perseverance, efforts whose objective is to create and maintain international relations based on mutual respect, equality and the spirit of co-operation, several important questions in the economic field require today particular attention on our part. 196. A global consideration of the world economic situa- tion shows there are three trends which are particularly striking. 197. The first .is the tendency towards interdependence among nations. The successive crises of these recent years and the serious problems which the international com- munity has had to face have demonstrated without doubt that co-operation and that close international co-operation and co-ordination areindispensable. 198. The second tendency is the interrelation existing between economic problems both nationally and inter- 199. The third tendency is the evolution in concepts governing economic relations between industrialized and developing countries-that is to say, the recognition that such relations must be based on equality, equity and reciprocal interests. Conscious of this evolution and de- sirous of meeting the aspirations of the majority of the international community to assure a just and equitable .development, the General Assembly adopted the Declara- tion on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the Programme of Action at the completion of its dxth special session {resolu.tions 3201 (S-YI) and 3202 (S-YI)J. 200. Inspired by those very same principles, the resolution concerning development and international economic co- operation adoptedby consensus during the seventh special session {resolution 3362(S-VII,') brought new scope to international economic relations. It provided measures to be taken in the fields of international trade, the transferof resources, financing, development, science and technology, industrialization, monetary reform, agriculture, food and co-operation among developing countries. 201. The year which has just elapsed was rich in the field of negotiations within the United Nations system between developed and developing countries for the purpose of ensuring more rapidapplication of thosemeasures provided for the establishment of a new international economic order. It is difficult to saythat all those negotiations led to fully satisfactory results. None the less, we recognize that serious efforts were made on the part of all the parties concerned. 202. We can equally note that certain efforts were made during the course of that same year outside the United Nations system in order to contribute to the attalnmentof a new world economic order. The Paris Conference ori International Economic Co-operation, whichwe are happy is resuming its work, the Seventh Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers,s the Manila Conference.s the Colombo Conference and the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries' deserve special mention in the context of all those activities. . 203. My Government is convinced that the establishment of a new international economic order based 0111 equality, fairness, interdependence and co-operation among all States regardless of their economic and social systems will rectify inequality and will correct present injustices. At the same time it wnt make it possible to eliminate the growing gap betweendeveloped and developing countries andwillsecure the economic and social development of presentand future generations in peace and justice. Turkey, a developing country engaged in a process of rapidindustrialization, has 5 Held at Istanbul from 12 t~ 15 May 1976. 6 Third Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77t held at Manila from 26 January to 7 February 1976. 7 Held at MexicoCity from 13 to 21 September 1976. 204. The persistence of colonlalist and racist attitudes is a problem whose seriousness increasesand which increasingly imperils peace and stability in the African continent as well as threatening international peace and security. Turkey, which had to wage an arduous struggle against imperialism and expansionism to safeguard and strengthen its inde- pendence, feels deep solidarity with the peoples who are resolved to ensure their self-determination and their inde- pendence. We welcomed with joy the acceleration of the process of decolonization over the last few years and more recently the accession to independence by Angola, Cape Verde, the Comoros, Mozambique, Papua New Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe, Seychelles and Surinam. None the less, the problems of Namibia and Southern Rhodesia remain disquieting and, unless they are speedily solved, may soon giverise to interracial confrontations in southern Africa. 205. Turkey, as a founding member ol'the United Nations Council for Namibia, has givenits full support to all efforts intended to assist the people of Namibia in its struggle for freedom and independence. The United Nations has taken on a very. special responsibility vis-a·vis Namibia. My delegation has backed the efforts of the United Nations and the resolutions of the Security Council demanding free elections under United Nations supervision. The lack of progress hag seriously worsened the situation by creating new dangers.Wehope that before it is too late South Africa will become conscious of the need to co-operate with the United Nations for the purpose of giving the Namibian people its inalienable right to independence. 206. As concerns Southern Rhodesia, Turkey reiterates its unreserved support of the request for self-determination and majority government by the people of Zimbabwe. We follow with great interest the sustained efforts recently made with a view to promoting and speeding up the solution to the problems in Southern Rhodesia. It is our sincere hope that those efforts will be successful and will make possible rapid progress towards a negotiated solution which, while meeting satisfactorily the needs of the people of Zimbabwe, will also prevent bloody confrontations. 207. The policy of apartheid in South Africa still contin- ues to be a profound source of disquiet and concern for all countries devoted to the cause of racial justice and human dignity. The tragic events which have taken place recently in that country have served as a dramatic illu~ttation of violent reaction which apartheid arouses. Turkey has always firmly stated its opposition to that policy and to racial discrimination in South Africa. We support Securit,( Coun- cil resolution 392 (1976) inviting the South African Gov- ernment to end violence against the African people and to . take urgent steps to eliminate apartheid and racial discnmi- nation. We hope that vigorous condemnation of this policy by the international community will eompel the South African Go",rnment to abide by the judgement of the world conscience and will encourage it to adopt a rapid solution which would give to the African population of the 208. Owing to its geographical situation and its numerous ties and links and relations with the countries of the Middle East, Turkey continues to follow with great concern the conflict between the Arab States and Israel, which is a constant source of danger for peace and security in the region. The position of my country witil regard to this problem has been repeatedly stated from this rostrum. The unswerwng principles on which this foreign policy is based prompts Turkey to be opposed to the acquisition of territory by force. On the substance of the problem, we have always maintained that Israel should withdraw from all the territories it has been occupying since 1967 and that a settlement should allow all countries of the region to protect their independence, their sovereignty and the security of their borders. During recent years we have supported all efforts to ensure recognition of the political rights of the Palestiniansbecause we are and continue to be convinced that this question is at the very heart of a' broader problem-that of establishing a just and lasting peace in the MiddleEast. It is out of this conviction that we have supported General Assembly resolutions reaffirming the inalienable rights of the Palestinians in Palestine-their rights to self-determination, national independence and scwereignty-and requesting that the Palestine Liberation Organization should be invited to participate on an equal footing with the other parties in all deliberations and conferences on the Middle East which take place under the auspices of the United Nations. My Government has followed with great interest and has supported all the initiatives which have been taken over the past few years to bring about conditions for a solution of the conflict in the Middle East. It can be said that certain progress has been achieved in the search for a final solution. This progress essentially is based on a better understanding by inter- national public opinion of the real aspects of this problem. However, if we have thought at times that a beginning has been made towards progress in this conflict, I have to acknowledge with great regret that the Middle East situa- tion appears today to be as inextricably complicated as it was during the most difficult periods of the past. 209. The bloodshed in Lebanon has created new problems in that part 'of the world. Those of us who are neighbours and friends of that country have followed the grievous twists and turns of that fratricidal war with the deepest distress. Salvation lies in a national solution which would safeguard the territorial integrity of the country, based on a realistic compromise among the different groups that are today opposing each other and which would respond both to the exigenciesof a modem democratic St~te as well as to the traditions and the real aspirations of the Lebanese people. 210. With regard to a question which is of vital impor- tance for mankind, that is, to put a stop to the armaments race and bring about disarmament, we cannot help noting with great regret that not only has no progress been achieved in this area since our last session,but that quite to the contrary de'i.e~opmentsare taking place which aggravate and complicate t!:.e'problems still further. No steps forward have been made towards defining the concepts which might 212. In recent years the whole world has witnessed an intensification of acts of international violence. 'fh~ num- ber of hijacked airplanes, of hostages taken and of diplomats murdered has reached alarming proportions. My country, like many others, was a victim of some of those inhuman and cruel acts. We are of the view that the Assembly should devote itself to this problem even if only to consider certain aspects of acts of violencewhich, unless measures are taken without delay to put an end to them, could plungeus into new human tragedies. 213. hnportant negotiations are now taking place in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, whose goal is to adapt international law to the new conditions of world shipping and of the exploitation of sea resources.What has made these negotiations so long and to this date inconclusive is that owing to the novelty of the concepts which are being elaborated in order to ~fi~~ the new law of the sea, each country tends to understand them and interpret them on the basis of its own particular interests, and hence on the basis of its own geographical situation. The geography and geopoliticsof our globeshow all imaginable forms of variety and diversity. The con- tinents and the seas certainly have not been traced with a regularity that would enable them to find simple and easy solutions in a new law of the sea. A global solution could only be arrived at if the Conference were to prepare concepts sufficiently broad to define general principles acceptable to all, but which on the other hand would facilitate ami render possible the solution of specificcases. Those rrinciples must take account of equity. On the other hand, as regards the resources of the ocean, which do not come under the jurisdictional sovereignty of any State, the methods for their exploitation should be determined within the framework of a system which would take account of the rights of each member of the international community to those resources and would afford an equitable distri- bution of the products of that exploitation. 214. I should like to make some remarks on the problem in Cyprus. I am certain that all the Membersof the United •Nations will remember what took place at the thirtieth session. The debate on that question led to an outcome which only hindered the processof negotiation. It wasclear that negotiations could only be reactivated within the framework of a new procedure. And it is with that purpose in mind that we reached agreement with the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Greece on a new basis which envisaged the resumption of the dialogue without pre-conditions, for the purpose of arriving at a "package deal" on all aspects involved in the Cyprus problem. Regrettably and despite the untiring efforts of the Secretary-General, substantial 215. I should like to repeat the considerations and principleswhich guide the Turkish Governmentin its policy concerning the problem of Cyprus. The two communities are engaged in a negotiating process. This fact, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council, require that both communities should be represented on an equal footing in all international forums where the question of Cyprus is debated. In the United Nations this need must be respected to the fullest extent allowedby the rules of procedure. Any action, any decision, which would encroach on that principle could only hamper negotiations and prolong the conflict. . 216. The present situation on the island originated in the military coup d'etat by Greece in 1974 for the purpose of annexing Cyprus. The future solution will haveto safeguard the independence, the territorial integrity and the sover- eignty of Cyprus. The State of Cyprus should be able to follow a policy of true non-alignment, which, in the mind of the Turkish Government, would truly correspond to the long-range interests ofboth communities by contributing to peace and stability in the eastern Mediterranean. . 217. An inevitable regrouping of the two communities in two distinct zones took place during the past two years. Sixty thousand Turkish Cypriots found refuge in the north of the island by abandoning their homes and their property in the south. A movement in the opposite direction occurred among the Greek population of the north of the island. These population movements present difficult prob- lems which can only be settled in the frameworkof a global solution. 218. The Turkish intervention in Cyprus in July of 1974, . which followedthe coup d'etat against the independence of the island, was fully in conformity with the obligations undertaken by Turkey under a treaty which guaranteed that independence.s Turkey in no way intends to maintain its forces in Cyprus. It has already reduced its troops on the island by 12,000. Turkey has no wish to impose a solution and has no interest in Cyprus beyond the independence of the island and the prosperity and security of the Turkish community. Turkey wants Cyprus to remain outside any strategic arrangements and does not want it to become a pawn in the power politics of the major Powers.And along these lines I would like once again to stressthat the Turkish community has committed itself to a policy of non-align- ment for Cyprus. For those reasons, any solution accept- able to the Turkish community is also and without reservations acceptable to Turkey. As soon as a solution is found, Turkey will without delay withdraw its military . forces, which it was compelled to send to Cyprus in conformity with its contractual obligations. 219.. I would like to repeat that in its Cyprus policy Turkey will continue to be guided only by one concern: to 220. Turkey has the same wish concerning the Turko- Greek bilateral problems. Questions concerning the conti- nental shelf of the Aegean Sea, the mllitarization of the islands situated along the Turkish coast and the utilization of the air space of the Aegean callfor urgentsolutions. All of these questions were recently discussed in the Security Council and at the time I submitted the views of my Government on eachone of them. 221. The mllitarization of the islands situated only a few miles away from the Turkish coast in flagrant violation of intematicnal . treaties-particularly the Treaty of Peace, signed at Lausanne on 24 July 1923and the Paris :rreaty of 19479 governing the status of those islands-are a serious threat to the security of Turkey and activate a climate of mistrust between both countries. Effective steps aimed at restoring the demilitarized status of the islands in question should be adopted without delay. 222. The disagreement on the continental shelf stems from the claim made by Greece to exclusive sovereignty and to a monopoly of powers in the Aegean Sea. Thelegal arguments advanced by Greece to supportthis claim arenot valid. The 'legal concepts on this subject are still very far from being well defined, but it is obvious that the configuration of the Aegean, with a multitude of islands among which a vast number are very close to the Turkish coast, will require the application of criteria founded on fairness which will fully take account of the specific conditions prevailing in the Aegean. 223. The demographic factor cannot be disregarded. The population of thousands of islands in the Aegean Sea does not exceed 300,000 inhabitants, whereas the population of the coastal region of Turkey is 10 million. The Aegean is a sea where only Turkey and Greece have coasts. Therefore it is a common sea. The problem of the continental shelfand its delimitation goes beyond purely technical and legal considerations and encompasses political, economic and security factors. Turkey cannot abandon its vital rights, which are linked with the preservation of the general equilibrium in that region. 224. Recent decisions of the Security Council and of the International Court of Justice have confirmed the validity of the Turkish position. The Security Council did not accept the Greek thesis that research and prospecting activities of a Turkish civilian vessel wouldbe an encroach- ment on the sovereign rights of Greece. The International Court of Justice legally rejected the request of Greece calling for interim measures to be taken in order to put an end to the research and exploration activities by Turkey. Turkey has always advocated negotiations·between both countries for the settlement of that dispute and Security. Council resolution 395 (1976) of 25 August last made a recommendation along the same lines, As for us we are always prepared to have negotiations provided that those negotiations not be shadowed by unilateral actions which w~uld be incompatible with the Security Council resolution

Mr.President, at the beginning of my statement on behalf of the delegation of the People's Republic of the Congo, I wouldlike to bowmy head respectfully before the memory of Chairman Mao Tsetung, a man of thought and action who left such a profound imprint on the history of our time. The sorrow of the great Chinese people, our friends, was very much jfelt and entirely shared by the Congolese people. 227. I consider it a privilege and an honour to appear here for the first time, in this, the most important deliberative assembly of the world. Myfirst act willthereforebe that of conveying to, our President, Mr. Amerasinghe, the warm congratulations of the Government of my country. He has earned the presidency of our Assembly by his long experience of men and the affairs of the world which is in itself sufficient guarantee of the success of our work. It is only natural for me to associate in this act of tribute, his predecessor, Prime Minister Gaston Thorn. It is in large measure to his profound knowledge of international prob- lems that we owe the quality of the work of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly of the UnitedNations. 228. It is also an honour to express the satisfaction of my Go.......ernment at the way in which our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, is discharging his important and deli- cate functions. I have already had occasion to say this to him in the course of his recent official visitto the People's Republic of the Congo. The Congolese Party and State are very appreciative of the efforts made by the Secretary- General and his distinguished assistants to make of the United Nations a heeded, dynamic institution which mea- sures up to the great ideals of peace and international security. 229. The most notable event in the life of nations since the Second World War has been the riseof the third world, which today is calling for the establishment of a new and less unjust international economic order and for solutions to the critical problems of tremendous importance to the very existence of mankind asa whole: troubled economies, the depletion of natural resources, ecologic catastrophy as the unexpected price of scientific and technological pro- gress, uncontrolled stockpiling of thermonuclear weapons, diplomatic deadlocks with regard to problems of detente, international obligations which have not been honoured, ' the crimes committed against the Chilean people-the victims of a bloody dictatorship-artificially fabricated interests in the Atlantic or the Indian Oceans, over- population,famine and culturalimpoverishment. 231. If we analyse matters objectively the SecondWorld War quite clearly appears asa vigorous response to a war of aggression imposed by fascism. Had it not been for the resistance of the peoples mankind would never have been ableto rid itself of Hitler's dictatorship. The hot points of the planetin Asia, in the Middle East,in Africa and in Latin America· conformed strictly to this same logic. Armed strusgles against colonialism, apartheid, foreign domination are here instances of the will to makethe ultimate sacrifice, . something which has become indispensable for the libera- tionof wholepeoples. 232. Consequently the question of whether national lib- eration is necessarily to be brought about by violence no longer needsto be discussed in the UnitedNations for these two fundamental reasons: first, the violence of struggling peoples is nothing but their reaction to tlte initial violence against them by forces of foreign domination and exploi- tation. Furthermore, the United Nations recognizes not only the inalienable right of the peoples of the world to self~..etermination, freedom andindependence, but alsoand above all the legitimacy of the struggle for the exercise of this right in accordance withour Charter.Armed struggle is not a squalid partisan struggle. Armed struggle does not stem from bastard and unmotivated policy which no one ever explains to the peoples. Armed struggle mobilizes to the utmost the energy of the strengthrequired in the course of a liberating struggle.·Armed force is the ultimate form assumed by the class struggle. The United Nations at one point shrankbeforethe need for armedstruggle in southern Africa in the hope for a final return of the South African racists to reason, to good sense and to repentance, but the results were immediate: a strengthening of the system of oppression to such a point fJ:S to render ineffective the measures advocated by the Uri.ildd Nations and thus to discredit our Organization. This material and juridical,the IIlilitary and cultural strengthening of a system of oppres- sion in South Africa is itself the result of the actions of European and United States diplomacy, which has thus brought to South Africa and Southern Rhodesia all the necessary assistance in thwarting the United Nationsinitia- ti'\'es. We have only to look at the last report of the Committee on Decolonization of the Organization of African Unity to realize without any difficulty the under- hand stratagems resorted to by the allies of Pretoria and Salisbury to strengthen racial discrimination and exploita- tion of the blackmanin southernAfrica. 233. At a time when the objective allies of Pretoria and Salisbury are actively studying waysandmeans of imposing Civil war Oil Namibia and Zimbabwe, by setting up puppet governments which are totally committed to them, armed struggle remains the only recourse for the liberation movements in southern Africa. The summit conference at Du ea Salaam earlierthis month once again has confirmed the imperative necessity of tbi&, that is, the intensification of armedstruggle. 234. How are we to explpjn the conductof certain Powers which are suddenly engaging in feverish diplomatic activity via-i-vis African countries, at this important stage, where 235. Let us further consider reality by looking more closely at the facts. We cannot believe that it is out of humanism or the sudden access of a wish for fairness that certain people are now discovering that it is their duty, more today than yesterday, to tske a closer interest in southernAfrica. Thishaste, which issomewhat theatrical, is in substance, a matter of strategy. It results from the need of the imperialist powers to safeguard their interests, which are based on petty-economic calculations. Zimbabwe isthe primary world producerof chrome andpossesses important copper, manganese and gold resources. It is in any case symptomatic to read in the relezan; documents of the United Nations that almost half of United States invest- mentsin Africa are actuallyin SouthAfrica. 236. Behind this haste, too, there are some false political calculations, fundamentally, anti-Communist sentiments: the so-called red peril, which today has succeeded the so-called yellow peril and whichhaunts quite a number of foreign ministers throughout the world. The Western press is quite prolific in reports of this kind. According to the same press the failure of imperialist countries in Mozam- bique and Angola now makes it necessary for these imperialists to establish secure bases in Namibia and Zimbabwe with the support of South Africa. Their plan is to do everything in their power to see that southernAfrica is not edged into the socialist camp. Such a danger is obviously imaginery, and it is extremely serious to confess that racism is conceived and explained in southernAfrica in terms of anti-Communism. Socialism is a liberating pheno- menon, and if ever it is to operatein southernAfrica it will free the people of southern Africa from racial discrimi- nationand politicalsubjugation. 237. Thisanti-Communist behaviour, whichis supposed to explain racism in South Africa, is something which will be questioned. Imperialists know a great many things. They know that the days of the racist, colonialist and minority 238. Our own experience can be mentioned in this connexionbecause it is so illuminating. Only yesterday the People's Republic of the Congo was accused of being a hotbed of subversion and a basefor Communist infiltration in central Africa. The fact is that the whole of Africa, particularly the neighbours of the Congo, is perfectly well aware of the peaceful intentions and the ambition for concord and fraternity of our country with regard to each of them. President Marien Ngouabi has often said, and I quote: "The People's Republic of the Congo wishes always to have good relations of co-operation with all peace-loving countriesof the world,without regardto ideologies". But true peace begins at home. At the present time in the Congo there is not a single political prisoner. I can claim furthermore that the Congolese people is an active factor for peace and co-operation in the world today. The Congo was the first African country to break off allrelations with Israel in December 1972. Thisis practically oneyearbefore the October war in 1973. President Marien Ngouabi was instrumental in normalizing relations between Zaire and Angola after the greatvictoryof the Movimento Popular. de Uberta~ao de Angola over the puppet movements which were in actual fact allies of South African fascism. The Congolese people is takingan active part in the work of the Customs Union of Central African States, which is one of the finestexpressions of our co-operation at the subregional level. The Congolese contribution to the Conference of Heads of State of Central and Eastern Africa has always been a positive one. Similarly, the Congolese people intends to remain an effective member of the Organization of African Unity, the non-aligned movement and the United Nations, which has just welcomed a newmember, Seychel- les,and wewarmly welcome it. 239. But despite this inter-African and international c~­ operation, which we believe to be exemplary, imperialism continues to multiply its attacks against mycountry, often representing it as a cancer in Africa. The presence of Congolese troops has been alleged in Western Sahara. QUite recently, there was a suggestion that therewas a transferof several thousand Cuban soldiers from Angola to the Congo. The whole truth is that our support for the cause of the Saharwi people stems exclusively from our wish to observe rigorously and to applyin our own waythe sacred principle of the self-determination of peoples. We are in favour of internationalpeace and security in northernAfrica, and the undeniable truth in fact is that Angola, an independent sovereign State, has now a tremendous role to play in the inevitable liberation of Namibia. Angola is one of the front-line countries because of its geographical position.In all, the most curious feature is precisely the pregnant silence which is being kept with regard to mercenaries, 241. Outside, Africa is pre-eminently described in termsof material, scientific and technological assistance-that is true. But inside, the problem of the securityof the African peoples is the central problem and the international community, with 811 the force of its conscience, cannot ignore the fact that Africa is today the most coveted and at the same time the mort crucial part of the world. This problem is genuinely fundamental, connected as it is with the survival of the peoples of Africa. 242. The African people are today caught between the north and the south of the continent. 243. For several years nowthe expansionist State of Israel has created and maintained a situation of conflict in the north of Africa. Our former position remains unchanged, namely, the unequivocal condemnation of Israeli expan- sionism and the restoration to the Palestinian people of its rights. TheCongolese delegation cannot but supportstrong- ly all initiatives takento this end by the UnitedNations. 244. The pain of Africa, so evidentin the southernpart of the continent, is fanned, inflated and instigated by the monstrous collusion of the Zionist authorities with the South African racists. Discrimination motivated by fear is now undergoing a tremendous acceleration, liquidating in cold blood every day tens, hundreds of men, women and children, the African martyrs of Soweto, Mexandra and Kimberley. 245. Zionism and'apattheid are identical in substance. Information and experiences of all kinds are regularly exchanged between Tel Aviv and Pretoria.Thisinterchange of criminal ideas isin keeping with no kind of international morality. Our Organization, ardent in its defence of human rights, should,to be consistent, condemnenergetically such a barbarous interchange, which goes hand in hand with the wretchedness of the racist systems. 246. Just as the West considers that European securityis connected with the situation prevailing in the Mediter· rsnean, similarly Africans consider the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. Nowthe NATO countriesare today keeping sizable naval forces in the IndianOcean. Complete mastery of international linesof communication is thus secured. We can only expect a multiplication of zones of tensionin the Red Seaand the Indian Ocean and in the southern part of Asia. 248. In the face of suchlarse imperialist reprf,lSive fOlces the problem of the security of the African peoples remains an essential problem and the United Nations cannot entirely diJreprd it. The United Nations nnllt realize that the problem of the security of the peoples.of Africa; noW lIIld in the fumre,is of sreatimportance for the very lifeof the international community asa whole. 249. The peoples of Africa are clearly modernizing. their attitude to thinp &Dd to life itselfis one ot respect. With modernism and their own resources the peoples of Atrica have everything they need to contribute effectively to the general progress of mankind u a whole-a continentwith vast empty spaces, natural reiOurcel which ate practically inexhaustible, people endowed withaif'ts of IIIkiJ1di; and i fundamental cultuni unity. But tint of all we mustsecure the militarysecurity of the ~oples of Africa. 253. This is the occasion to mention the anachronistic institution of the right ofveto. It is even necessary to stress this matter. The permanent and irrevocable nature of the right of veto presupposes that the permanent members of the Security Councl'Ji who have thislight are wise enough to guarantee peace and security in the world. But thisisby no means the cue and history abounds in relevant examples. Th.ree permanent Western members individually were un- able to prevent the wus in Indo-China andVietNam. These same members sometimes very openly perpetuate the total imsecurity represented by IIpQI1heid and the illegal regimes in southern Africa. Last year the great VietNamese nation was kept outside the United Nations because of the abuse of the right of veto by one of thosewhopossess thisright. It will also be recalled the admission of the People's Republic of China was for alongtimeblocked by a twofold veto. The status of South Africa in the United Nations exists only thanks to the right of vetoof the threeWestern permanent members of the Security Council. The Con- golese delegation finds it repugnant and shocking that a sovereign andindependent countrylike the People's Repub- lie of Angola, which is furthermore a member of the Organization of African Unity and the non-aligned move- ment, has not yet been admitted to membership in the United Nations. 251. World public; opinion has recently become very aware of a tremendous problem which directly affects our mode of conceiving the immediate future of the international community. This is the process of establishing a new international economic order to remedy-the present econo- micsystem which is based on the exploitation of the third woddby the capitalist countries. In this regard there has been some very inaccurate discussion of the tactics of the third world. The on wu hasnot :t!ways beenunderstood as an event characteristic of the modern day. In any case the immediate lesson to be learned from thisisthat henceforth the ubiters of international order are going to be more numerous than has traditionally, perhaps arrogantly, been thought. It is quite clear that the economic and social progress of the industrial civiJizafclons in the northern 250. The United Nations should also play a primllY role in taking peate initiatives with reprd to South-Eut Asia. Here apin our Orpnization should shoulder its share of responsibility in the decisive problems which affeCt the very existence of mankind. The essence of the debate ispolitical, juridical, and above all, human. In this instance the United Nations must admit to membership the 1"00t VietNamese nation and reject all pretexts for the leaitimization of any military intervention on the part of the imperialists in Korea. It is quite clear that the United Nations has no choice.. Its ("Rly duty is to create rightnow conditions for peace in Korea by calling for the immediate and uncondi- tional withdrawal 'Of all foreign troops from the southern part of the country. One couldhardly be more explicit in saying that thereunification of the great Korean nation can only be brought about in conditions of independence and free from any influences from outaide. Has sufficient thought ever been liven to the failure of the tremendous commitment of the United States in Viet Nam? Has sufficient reflection taken plice about the victory of the populu forces in Angola? Apeople determined to live free will always emerge victorious from murder by napalm, phosphorous bombardments and all the other infernal inventions ofmodemwufue. 252. We are entitled to congratulate ourselves on the fortunate mitiatives already taken by the United Nations underthe energetic gUidance of the non·aligned movement. But the United Nations should produce, with the help of the vut majority of Members, more dynamic methods of approaching. the problem. The third world today is in peatet need of a fairer sYstem of remuneration for its primary commodities than it is of ass!stance, which is becommg everyday more problematical. A detailed exami- ilItion of the problem of a new international economic order in no way departs &om the ideals of our Organi- zation, Whose primary task is precisely to ensure equality forallnations, greatandsmall,andto cause to prevail, in so far as is possible, peace and security throughout the world. 254. These factscall forsome comment. First,the rightof veto seems to be a mutual accommodation, that is, a right which certain Powers have mischievcusly awarded them- selves in orderto keep theirgrip on the affairs of the world. This mclearly an example of authoritarianism in an international assembly which is committed to peace. The right to vetomeans that the pursuitand achievement of the objectives of international peace and security are not equally incumbent on all Members of the United Nations, . in flagrant contradiction with the United Nations Charter. The irrevocable nature of the right of veto contains within , itself a potential danger for the universality of the United Nations by seriously calling into question the principles of equality and sovereignty of all Members of the United 255. In saying this we do not, however, lose sight of the role played by the United Nations in the maintenance of peace in several partsof the world, withvarying success. 256. Before concluding, we have to recognize the benefits . of the multilateral assistance granted by the United Nations to thir6-world countries. In this regard, the Congolese delegation would like to express its appreciation of the various actions of the United Nations.system in the various areas of State enterprises, financial planning, exploitation of coastal flS1Ung industries, rural development; external trade and reorganization of the Congo-Ocean Railway. It is very much to be hoped that this economic and humani- tarian action will be continued on a greater scale in the future. .. . 257. Among the many burning problems in the world today and in the future, wehave quite deliberately dwelt at some length on the need for an intensification of the armed struggle in southern Africa, something which is inseparable' from the whole casl'; of South Africa, .a case which is itself connected with the urgent problem of the security of the people of AfrJca. The problem has been highlighted from all aspects. !romething of major dirnen- lions must be done. The new organization of the global world to which we all aspire requires, fmt of all, a total settling of all thisvast nexus of international problems. 258. The deadline set by the United Nations for South Africa to decolonize Namibia expired just about a month ago. What we now expect from our Organization is immediate and energetic actionto put am endonce andfor all to ~exation and to the illegal occupation of a Territory which comes directly under the responsibility of the UnitedNations. 259. TheUnited Nations mustimmediately pronounce the cessation of the defacto occupation of Namibia by South Africa, and we haw sufficient power and means for this purpose. Having proclaimed the cessation of this occupa- tion, the United Nations will continue to support SWAPO . to help it in its national responsibilities. SWAPO is the authentic representative of the legitimate interests of the people of Namibia. As to the people of Zimbabwe, they must no lonserbe allowed to continue being oppressed a they have been for so long in the pat by a cYnical minority. Zimbabwe must be governed by representatives of the majority of the people in accordance with the principle of universal suffrage. The struggle of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe is inseparable from the struggle of South Africa. The bloody events in Soweto should be understood in theirproJMlr context, that of the vast and irreversible national liberation struggle going on in southern Africa. 260. The United Nations must now talk in termsof the elimination of apartheid and not of softening a system

11w Assembly has heardthe last speaker for thisafternoon but the representatives of Greece and Cyprus luive asked to be allow1Jd to exercise the right of reply. Members wm recall that the Ganeral Assembly, at its 4th plenary meeting of this session, decided that statements in the exercise of the right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes.

Since my Foreign Minis- ter will be taking the floor the dayaftertomorrow, he will have the opportunity to give the appropriate reply to the statementmade today before the General Assembly by the distlllguished Foreign Minister of Turkey. We have noted with deep regret that that statement contained a series of inaccuracies and distortions regarding both the question of Cyprus and the situation in the Aegean. While rejecting them, it is not my intention at thisstage to goanyfurther, reserving the right of the Greek delegation to do so at the propertime.

My Foreign Minister, inhis participation in the general debate, will no doubt reply to the references made by the distinguished Foreign Minister of Turkey regarding the problem of Cyprus. Meanwhile, may I refer to certain buic inaccuracies in that statement which tend to give a wrong picture, to sa.y theleast,of the whole situation. 264. The problem of Cyprus, which is pending before the Gene~ Asiembly this year, is not as to any dispute between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The question is clearly the non-implementation of the General Assembly resolutions regarding the substance of the problem, which is the aggression, double invasion and military occupation by the forces of Turkey of thegreat part of the territoryof the Republic of Cyprus, a Member Stateof the United Nations. 265. This aggressive invasion and occupation stm con- tinues two years after the fint, original General Assembly resolution wo adopted [resolution 3212 (XXIX)}. It stiU continues in flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and the relevant resolutions on the mbjectadopted by the General Assembly and the Security Count~l. Those resolutions remain to thi, day wholly unimplemented, and during these two yean Turkey has been engaged in actsof sheer fo~"<:e and faits accomplis in the island a well u a series 0..... ether arbitrary activities in open violation of internatior41 law, thereby intending to consolidate a territorid holdon Cyprus. 266. Yet the d.t.stinguished Foreign Minister of Turkey in his reference today in this hall to the Middle East situation did not hesitate to say that the basic tenet of Turkey's foreign policy leads Turkey to oppose the acquisition of 267.> But this is not all. Still worse, there came the unthinkable, massive and ongoing-ongoing now at this moment-colonization of the invaded area by people imported from Turkey, tens of thousands of whom have beenimplanted in the ancestral homes andproperties of the ~fugees. For what purpose? For the purpose of changing by force the demographic structure and character of this historic island. This triple intemational crime, unprece- dentedin the annals of the United Nations, has beendealt with in General Assembly resolutions 3212(XXIX) and 3395(XXX) u well as in Security Council resolution 365(1974), which made General Assembly resolution 3212(XXIX) mandatory and enforceable. These resolu- tions call for the withdrawal without further delay of foreign troops from Cyprus, the cessation of outside intervention and the return of the Rfugees to theirl.':omes. Not only ha~ the refugees not returned to their homes- none of them-but on the contrary thenr number is continually on the increase by reason of the expulsions continuing to ttdS day, and my letters to the Secretary- General written over a number of months of this year- consecutive letters giving the details and names of the persons who have been expelled-are there and have not been denied; they are there for everyone to see.Therefore '269. The PRESIDENT: I call on the representative of Turkey,whowishes to exercise the-right of reply. 270. tI.il. TORKMEN (Turkey): I should like to refer briefly to the interventions of the distinguished representa- tive of Greece and to the intervention of Ambassador ROIIides. The representative of Greece has spoken about IOme distortions and inaccuracies in the statement of my Minister. He has not specified what.these distortions and inaccuracie~ are. Therefore I amunable to give him a reply. As far asAmbassador Rossides is concerned, I thinkthat he made such a long speech that he has pre-empted what his Foreign Minister had to say, andif I have any reaction to him I preferto leave it untilthe Minister speaks. Therefore at this stage the only thing I can do is to note the impatience of the Permanent Representative of Greece and of Ambassador Roaides before their Ministers have come to speakfromthisrostrum. The meetingrose at 7.40 p.m,