A/32/PV.14 General Assembly
THIRTY-SECOND SESSION
9. General debate I. Mr. ROEL (Mexico) (interpretation from Spanish): On behalf of Mexico I bring you the best wishes of its Constitutional President, Jose Lopez Portillo, for the success of this session of the General Assembly. 2. The fact that Mr. Mojsov is President of this Assembly guarantees impartiality and efficiency,. ~ven his hi~h personal qualities and his country of OrIgm, YugoslaVia, with which we have great affinity in the struggle for a better, more just and equitable world. 3. In the name of Mexico, I also address my greetings to the Secre'£ary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Waldheim, whose efforts to bring about world peace deserve our appreciation. 4. We also pay tribute to Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, the President of the thirty-first session and our efficient leader in the negotiations on the law of the sea. 5. We wish to express our most sincere congratulation~ to the delegations of Viet Nam and Djibouti on the. occaslO~ of the admission of their countries to membershIp of thiS world Organization. Permit me also to pay a special tribute to the brave Vietnamese people, whose struggle for freedom recalls the hercic feats of the Mexican people throughout their history. 6. Mexico has supported the United Nations since its foundation in June 1945-"the sovereign Powers' suprana- tional summit for ordering our affairs"-and has supported its principles and purposes, inter alia the maintenance of international peace and security, the development of friendly relations among peoples, equal rights and the self-determination of peoples and international cooperation in solVing international economic, social, cultural and humanitarian problems, as well as the other noble goals defined in its original Charter.
Friday, 30 September 1977, at 10.50 a.m.
4 Comrade President, it is with particular satisfaction that I wish to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. This elec- tion has been hailed in Yugoslavia for reasons that it would be superfluous to explain. The election to the presidency of the General Assembly of a representative of sociali,st and non-aligned Yugoslavia, at a significant moment in the development of international relations, is a mark of appreciation that we highly esteem. However, it is also an obligation to exert a maximum effort to contribute to the realization of the purposes and decisions of the United Nations.
75. At the same time, I avail myself of this opportunity to pay full credit to the representative of friendly and non-aligned Sri Lanka, Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe who, by his rich experience and fruitful activity, greatly con- tributed to the successful work of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.
4 Mr. Minic spoke in Serbo-Croatian. The English version of his 80. The positive trends I have referred to are, however, statement was supplied by the delegation. uneven, and are meeting with growing resistance and, ever
77. The international community is faced with new challenges that ":;le -nust look straight in the eye if we are to stimulate positive developments and arrest the dangerous slide toward new conflicts.
78. It is a fact that equitable bilateral, and in some areas also multilateral, co-operation among Statc;s has been expanding in many spheres of international life. Ac- celerated national and sociai emancipation, the diversity of approaches to the democratic transformation of relations in the world and the spreading of the struggle for univers~~ application of the principles of active and peaceful co- existence have had the effect of Uniting ever more the forces fighting for the democratization of internationID relations and of constantly shifting the relation of forces in the world in favour of peace and progress. The peoples of the world are resisting ever more energetically all forms of dependence, aggression, interference in internal affairs, domination and exploitation. The affirmation of one's own approach to social development and of the autht"'tic values of social and national communities are becoming in- creasingly one of the essential characteristics of our epoch.
79. All this has also been reflected during the recent visits of President Tito to the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- publics, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the People's Republic "of China. These visits have un- doubtedly contributed considerably to the promotion of relations and the strengthening of co-operation and friend- ship between the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the three aforementioned friendly countries, on the basis of respect for the well-known principles of indepen- dence, sovereignty, equal rights, territorial integrity, non- interference in internal affairs and independent choice of ways of internal social, economic and political develop- ment. One of the very important results of the visits has been yet another strong affirmation of these principles, which form the basis of active and peaceful coeXistence. Strict respect for these principles by all the States Mc.mbers of the United Nations is the most important element of the foundation of peace and security in the world and of the promotion of peaceful, all-round and equitable co- operation among countries and peoples whether with different or with the same or similar socio-economic and political systems. These principles constitute the founda- tion of the policy of non-alignment that Yugoslavia, which is successfully building its system of social self- management, has been pursuing consistently for many years.
81. The evident stagnation in the development of detente, and the ever more manifest tendencies to limit its scope, pose the question as to whether the world is on the threshold of the revival of certain aspects of cold-war policy. This question is raised by the intensified efforts to deepen the bloc divIsion of the world, to step up the struggle for the extension of spheres of interest, particularly in the areas of non-aligned and other developing countries, and to intensify the arms race.
82. The qu'~stion arises whether this development has not reached the dangerous limit that should not be overstepped, as this could irreparably threaten peace and security in the world. And is it not high time to exert our utmost efforts so that we can begin to overcome negative tendencies and resistance to the process of relaxation of tensions, as well as to thwart attempts at making use of detente for achieving narrow objectives? We rejoice at every sign which shows that even the most powerful great Powers, whose policies essentiaily affect the development of the process of detente, are beginning to realize, like the other States Members of the United Nations, where this negative trend in the development of the process of relaxation of international tensions is leading. It remains to be seen whether they are prepared to make the necessary effort, in the same manner as all the other countries, to act decisively in open~ng prospects for a positive development of detente, which a'~so means a positive development of international relations as a whole. On this occasion also, we wish to express our profound belief that the process of easing international tensions cannot prove to be a lasting one, even in its present limited form, without the participation of all countries in solving crucial international issues and the extension of'detente to all geographical regions and to all spheres of international relations.
83. I wish to draw attention, at this session of the General Assembly also, to the exceptionally important decisions of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which was held in Colombo last year.5 The present international situation has confirmed the correctness of the clear and resolute stands adopted by that Conference and the significance of the all-round active involvement of the non-aligned movement as an indepen- dent and ever more influential world factor in solving key international problems. The constant efforts exerted by the non-aligned countries since the Fifth Conference in Co- lombo to implement its decisions gradually, particularly by promoting mutual co-operation and launching initiatives
84. The non-aligned countries are encountering major problems and obstacles along this road. The problems with which non-aligned countries are faced today are, to a great extent, a legacy of colonial times or a consequence of profound national and social transformations, and are the concern of the broader international community. Dif- ferences of views and interests which periodically assume the character of conflicts between some non-aligned coun- tries-which are currently most pronounced in Africa-are not a characteristic feature of the movement as a whole. The non-aligned countries have always surmounted dif- ferences and conflicts successfully when their common interests and their activities aimed at solving crucial international issues were involved. We are convinced that the current disputes between some non-aligned countries can be solved peacefully, in accordance with the principles of non-alignment, the Charters of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity. Any attempt by other countries to make use of these disputes or to exacerbate them not only renders their solution more difficult but also creates crises of wider proportions. For that re~on my country has consistently advocated the peaceful solution of the disputes which have arisen, or may arise in the future, and is most resolutely opposed to any outside inter- ference by any other State.
85. We resolutely insist on the need to strengthen the solidarity and unity of non-aligned countries. We also believe that the strengthening of the solidarity of all developing countries belonging to the Group of 77 is of vital importance to all developing countries and also of decisive significance for the establishment of the new international economic order.
86. The unity and the influential role of non-aligned countries in international developments is an essential element of stability in the world and one of the most important factors for eliminating the threat of war and strengthening world peace and security. This should be remembered by all those who hope to undermine and disrupt the unity of non-aligned countries, and are actively engaged in efforts to achieve that enq.
87. The struggle of non-aligned countries is today the most important factor for overcoming the division of the world into antagonistic military-political blocs, opposing the policy of division of the world into spheres of interest and influence, and strengthening the process of relaxation of international tensions as well as the transformation of this process into universal active and peaceful coexistence.
88. In this respect we are convinced that the importance and the role of the non-aligned movement will constantly grow in the forthcoming period and that its contribution to solving international problems will be ever greater. All influential international e~tities should realize that their co-operation and dialogue with the non-aligned is the only acceptable relationship with this great international move- ment, whose historical significance is increasingly recog- nized in the world.
equitabl~ international political relations and to establish the new international economic order.
90. In this context, the United Nations has already played an important role. It has achieved tangible results in identifying international issues and in determining priori- ties, principles and ways for solving these problems. However, the greatest weakness of the United Nations resides in the fact that it has not succeeded in ensuring respect for and implementation of its decisions by all the States Members of the world Organization. !~ is indispen- sable to start an open dialogue about this problem here within the framework of the United Nations and to arrive at adequate decisions.
91. The agenda of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly contains a large number of items. The number of outstanding international problems is constantly growing, but unfortunately very few questions have been solved successfully and removed from the agenda of the United Nations. I take great pleasure in reminding the Assembly that Yugoslavia, in conjunction with Italy and as a result of the Osimo agreements,6 has remov~d two questions from the agenda of the Security Council. This may serve as an example of how it is possible, with mutual efforts and goodwill, to solve a very complex question which had burdened relations between two neighbouring countries and had threatened stability, security and peace in Europe and, more broadiy, in the world.
92. Acute focal-points of crisis in several regions of the globe are at the centre of attention during the current session of the General Assembly.
93. The situation in the Middle East is further complicated by the ever more aggressive policy of Israel. The most recent measures aimed at extending the scope of Israeli legislation to the territory of the West Bank of the River Jordan and the Gaza Strip and the establishment of new Israeli settlements in occupied Arab territories are part of a continued action by Israel aimed at annexing occupied territories and this poses a direct threat to peace and security in the region and beyond. Besides, Israel continues to deny the national rights of the Palestinian people, whose generally recognized legitimate representative is the Pales- tine Liberation Organization, in spite of the ever more Widely accepted fact that the key to the solution of the Middle East crisis lies precisely in the realization of these legitimate rights, including the right of the Palestinian people to establish its own independent State.
. 6 Treaty on the Solution of Border Questions and related agreements, signed at Osimo (Ancona) on 10 November 1975.
95. From' various quarters demands are being addressed to the Palestinians to recognize Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Yugoslavia voted in favour of those resolutions and gave them its support, because it felt that they embodied some essential elements for the solution of the crisis in the Middle East, the withdrawal of Israel from Arab territories occupied in 1967 being the most important among them. However, I believe that the vast majority of countries represented in this hall will agree that those two resolutions are not sufficient, since the national entity of the Palestinian people and its right to establish an independent State are not recognized by them. Therefore we believe that the Security .Council should adopt a new resolution embodying these two key elements. Then the Council would have defined all the elements relevant to a lasting solution of the Middle East crisis and the appropriate action to be taken by it.
96. All those now involved in the search for a comprelien- sive solution of the Middle East crisis should take this into consideration and act accordingly if they really wish to speed up progress towards a peaceful and just solution of that crisis.
97. The Cyprus crisis is in the same geographical region. We are very concerned over the absence of any progress in solving the crisis in Cyprus, where ever more frequent attempts are being made to legalize the division by force of the sovereign State of Cyprus. Yugoslavia continues to believe that negotiations between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities provide the only way conducive to a lasting solution-negotiations founded on full national equality and based on the generally adopted principles contained in the relevant resolutions of the General Assembiy and the Security Council, which require the preservation of the territorial integrity, independence and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus. Our &ession should give a new impulse towards an accelerated search for a solution of this acute problem under the auspices of the United Nations.
~1\ 99. The situation is ~~1so very disturbing owing to the unsolved problem of Sc-\Jthern Rhodesia. Ian Smith's racist regime continues to d(ftry the demand of the international community that it han;~d over power to the majority of the people of Zimbabwe.}' It is intensifying its war effort in Southern Rhodesia :'~.nd simultaneously, with the con- tinuous help of SouJ:h Africa, it is carrying out constant aggressive actions aga~nst Mozambique and other neighbour- ing countries.
100. The United Nations should offer effective support and assistance to the liberation movements-to SWAPO in Namibia, and to the Patriotic Front in Zimbabwe-in their struggle for independence, as well as to the front-line countries in their fight against racism and apartheid. Any lasting solution rnust be based on full respect for the essential and legitimate interests of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe. Only within this framework is Yugoslavia ready to support anyone's efforts to bring about a peaceful solution of these questions.
101. The United Nations should also fully support the people of South Africa who are fighting against racist terror and for the liq"lidation of apartheid. The present situation in South Africa could be the source of a crisis of wider international di,mensions.
102. Accordi.ng priority to southern Africa, the United Nations should on this occasion again renew its categorical demand for the Iiqu\dation of colonialism in the still remaining cO'il::mial enclaves wherever they may be. There are no so-called small unresolved colonial questions. What is involved is the equal right of all peoples under colonial rule to self-determ:ination and independence.
103. A new crisis has recently flared up upon the Horn of Africa. The -settlement of conflicts and outstanding prob- lems in that region can in our opinion be achieved only by peaceful m~l;ans on the basis of respect for the territorial integrity and independence of all the countries of the area and by ensuring their free social and economic develop- ment. Otherwise this latest conflict in Africa will benefit only those forces that are interested not in strengthening the independence of the African countries but in advancing their own :interests and influence in Africa. My country believes that it is the duty of all the States Members of the United Nations to adhere most strictly to these principles. All those c·auntries which act contrary to this are playing with fire wl'tich could set ablaze an armed conflict of wider proportions.
104. Although the Korean question is not on the agenda of this ses~,ion it merits our full attention. because the
105. The signing of the new Panama Canal treaties-which is the result of a persistent and long struggle by the people of Panama and of broad international solidarity, primarily of the Latin American and other non-aligned countries, as well as a result of the readiness of the Government of the United States of America to reach agreement-is an encouraging step towards achieving the effective sov- ereignty of Panama over the Canal Zone, which will also contribute to the struggle of the peoples of this continent for full political and economic emancipation. We have already congratulated the Governments of Panama and the United States of America on the successful conclusion of the negotiations and the agreement reached, whereby an important step has been made towards solving a long-lasting neuralgic issue.
106. A particular problem for the peace and security of the world is posed by the practice of interference in the internal affairs of other countries and pressure by in- creasingly varied and subtle methods and forms with the aim of undermining the economic development, the social and political stability and the national unity of independent countries. This so-called indirect aggression, which belongs to the category of so-called special warfare, is directed mainly towards the destabilization of certain non-aligned and other developing countries for the purpose of imposing new aspects of neo-colonialism and hegemony or to overthrow some legal Governments. The non-aligned coun- tries have always accorded exceptional importance to the question of non-interference, having in mind that lome of them ~re in f~,ct the most frequen'L victims of thl :Orm of the use of force. At the Fifth Conference of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo this matter was given special atten- tion and, on the initiative of the non-aligned countries, the thirty-first session of the General Assembly adopted a special resolutiop {resolution 31/91] dealing comprehen- sively with this acute cause of international instability. For this reason we fully support the initiative of Guyana on the adoption of a declaration on non-interference f see A/32/ 164, sect. Il}, which would be an important contribution to the c0·.tjification of the principles on which equitable co-operation and democratic and stable relations among States should be built.
107. We have always believed disarmament to be one of the most important problems for which it is most urgent to find a solution. The decision to convene a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament 'is an· essential and timely action that expresses not only the readiness of the international community for the broadest involvement but also the need for concrete measures to halt the anns rac\~ aild to begin a process conducive to general and complet'~ disarmament under effective international
108. Yugoslavia is consistent in its support of the non- proliferation of nuclear weapons, although it has already had an opportunity to criticize strongly, in various inter- national forums, the failure to abide by the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, especially by the most powerful nuclear Powers. Yugoslavia, however, rejects attempts by nuclear Powers to establish, under the pretext of ha~ting the proliferation of nuclear armaments, a total monopoly on the transfer rnd use of nuclear technology and energy for peaceful purposes, which monopoly is a new threat to the sovereignty of all non-nuclear countries for which nuclear technology is indispensable for their eco- nomic and social development.
109. I therefore wish especially to emphasize the particu- lar importance of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and te'chnology and their introduction into the energy systems of the non-nuclear countries, primarily the developing countries. Instead of the fulfilment of existing obligations on the transfer of nuclear technology, a monopoly over the use of nuclear technology for peaceful' purposes is being further strengthened, new obstacles are being created and attempts are being made to impose new obligations on the developing countries. There is therefore an urgent need to find international solutions for ensuring the free transfer of nuclear technology and its use in the interest of the accelerated development of the non-nuclear and, primarily, of the developing countries.
110. Since the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations, when the founda- tions of the new international economic order were laid,
intem;~ve negotiations have taken place between the de- veloping and ~he deyeloped countries'which, despit~ some progress in identifying the whole complexity of existing economic relatiJns rnd the unequal position 0; the develop- ing countries, have not produced the expected re:;ults.
111. The existing situation causes us serious concern, and the developing countries cannot accept it. The une1tis- factory result\ of the Paris Conference, which did not achieve the indispensable break-through in the sense of establishing the new international economic order, and the well-known outcome of the resumed thirty-first session of
112. In this respect all the States Members of the United Nations should devote full attention to the declaration adopted by the Group of 77 [see A/32/244J developing countries at yesterday's meeting held at the level of ministers for foreign affairs. That declaration expresses the unanimous views and appraisals of developing countries concerning the present state of international economic relations.
113. The General Assembly at its current session should direct and stimulate negotiations and, in that sense, give priority to the consideration of these problems.
114. In a situation in which we are faced with uncertainty concerning the state of the world economy and the constant worsening of the position of the developing countries, it is high time that all the developed countries, regardless of their socio-economic systems or size, should show the necessary political will to become specifically involved and to contribute to the solution of the acute world economic problems, and thus to contribute by deeds' to the establishment of the new international economic order. Yugoslavia believes that without such readiness on the part of all the developed countries it is impossible to achieve true co-operation between the developing and the developed countries, and all of us here in the United Nations consider that the only way to reach a speedy solution ef crucial international economic problems.
11 S. It is clear to all of us that the establishment of the new international economic order is a long-term process, but it is certain that it can and must be built by common efforts and through co-operation. In this regard a special responsibility rests on the developed countries. The de- veloping countries see in ,the new international economic order a way to solve the most important problems of the world economy as a whole, for which the basic prerequisite is the more rapid development of developing countries and an equitable position for them in international economic relations. An orientation toward co-operation would in- clude a determination to act resolutely with a view to implementing the programmes and decisions adopted so far.
116. Of no less inlportance is the start of the negotiations to work out a new international strategy for development. For this action the political fJ;'amework is already embodied in the resolutions on the establishment of the new international economic' order. However, it is essential that, having learned from the negative experience of the First and Second United Nations Development Decades, we keep in mind the fact that a new strategy s..~ould reflect to the fullest extent the relations of interdependence of all
118. In the social and humanitarian field, we attach particular importance to the successful outcome of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discri- mination, which would be one of the greatest contributions to respect for, and the advancement of, human rights and freedoms as a component part of the struggle for peace, emancipation and social progress. The continuing mass and brutal violations of those rights by colonial and racist regimes and other reactionary forces are a subject of legitimate interest on the part of the international community.
119. Human rights constitute a totality which, in addition to civil and political rights, include economic, social, national, cultural and other rights, 'and only their integral application ensures their full enjoyment. The realization of these rights is a long and complex historical process conditioned by many historical, social and developmental circumstances. Therefore, it goes without saying that today, too, we must conduct an open and constructive dialogue on the problem of human rights. It is clear that we must all exert great efforts over a long period in order to achieve the exercise of human rights in all their aspects, bearing in mind that this problem is an important element of peace and security in the world.
120. However, singling OlDt some aspects of human rights and attaching absolute significance to them, using them for purposes of political pressure and to infringe the sov- ereignty of independent States, of bloc rivalries, and imposing one's own social model on others are not activities that will conduce to the actual promotion of those rights. Effective action for the advancement of human rights must be conducted primarily from the position of generally adopted international treaties and the necessity of the accession of the greatest possible number of States to numerous international documents and also their full implementation.
12I. The question of ensuring the protection and advance- ment of the rights of minorities is one the international regulation of which would significantly contribute to the further promotion of human rights. Existing international instruments cover only partially the question of the position of minorities within the framework of the general regulation of human rights and the principle of non- discrimination.
123. As host to the follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which was provided for in the Final Act of the Helsll1ki Conference of 1975, Yugoslavia will act in favour of having the meeting adopt measures for the integral implementation of the Final Act, with the aim of strengthening co-operation and security in Europe and the Mediterranean.
124. I should like to call your attention to the global international importance of the problems of European security and co-operation. The majority of the countries of Europe, as well as the United States of America and Canada, belong to military-political blocs; by far the greatest quantity of armaments and armed forces is in that part of the world; the greatest economic, financial and technological power is concentrated in the hands of those countries. Merely these few obvious facts confirm the broad international importance of European security and co- operation, and thus also the importance of the follow-u p meeting to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe.
125. The Final Act of Helsinki provides a platform not only for detente but also for overcoming division into military-political blocs, and for the expanded implementa- tion of the principles of peaceful coexistence, the strength- ening of security, the consolidation of peace and the pror-1otion of equitable international co-operation in Europe and in all the world. .
126. The countries participating in the follow-up meeting at Belgrade face the task of reaching a constructive agreement on the further strengthening of security and co-operation in Europe and elsewhere. At the same time, Yugoslavia has been exerting efforts towards making the European processes a component part of trends in the world that lead towards the strengthening of peace and security, bearing in mind the fact that Europe could make a much greater contribution to the solution of global questions, especially in the economic field. It is obvious that Europe cannot be an oasis of peace and prosp~rity, independent from developments in other parts of the world.
nati9nal security [resolution 31/92J-towards adopting appropriate decisions in the United Nations on the trans- formation of the Mediterranean into a zone of peace and security. I should also like to inform the General Assembly that attention will be devoted to the problem of the situation in the Mediterranean at the Belgrade meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, with the participation, we hope, of non-European Mediter- ranean countries, with a view to adopting measures for applying the provisioIlS of the Helsinki Final Act to the Mediterranean region as well.
128. There is no doubt that international relations have w.orsened in some important areas and that dangerous new situations of crisis have been created. We cannot reconcile ourselves to this state of affairs. The international com- munity has the power to prevent negative developments; this is an expression not just of subjective desires but also of actual possibilities and needs. There has never been a greater number of countries engaged in the building of equitable international co-operation in the world, and, at the same time, there has never been greater awareness of the power of the international community. The priority questions of this session are concerned with the solution of crises and the elimination of focal-points of crisis, primarily in Africa and the Middle East, together with progress towards the adoption of genuine measures of disarmament and the solution of problems of prime importance to the establishment of the new international economic order. It is illusory to think that without progress along these main lines of international relations it is possible to ensure a relaxation of tensions and lasting peace and stability.
129. Therefore it is essential to strengthen the role of the United Nations, which is the most suitable framework for the international community's efforts to solve international problems, an~ essential to prevent attempts to circumvent the world Organization or to push it into the background. We are, therefore, faced with the constant task of making the world Organization, with the participation of all its Members, more effective and ensuring the implementation of its decisions.
•
130. Mr. BlTSIOS (Greece) (interpretation from French): Mr. President, I am very happy to convey to you my warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly, which constitutes just recognition of your high qualities and of your profound experience in world affairs, as well as of the important role that your country plays in international life. The Greek delegation is particularly gratified by the fact that our two countries, which are linked by close ties of friendship, are sincerely collaborating, at both the international and the regional levels, for peace and co-operation among peoples.
131. I am also happy to express our deep appreciation for the lofty spirit and great competence shown by your
132. We welcome the admission to the United Nations of the Republic of Djibouti and of the Socialist Republic. of Viet Nam. We address our sincere wishes to the new Members, which, we are certain, will make a valuable contribution to the work of the United Nations.
133. Regarding the world situation and the current state of international relations, we cannot but subscribe to the analysis made by the Secretary-General in his report on the activities of our Organization [A/32/1J. This year, which has raised so many hopes, leaves us no closer to the solution of the great problems which preoccupy us. Whether it is the problem of the Middle East or of South Africa, or of Cyprus or even of the establishment of a new international economic order, we are still faced with persistent obstacles. The task this General Assembly is called upon to fulfIl is to renew its efforts in favour of law and justice.
134. It is indeed not sufficient to record each year the deficiencies of our Organization and to deplore them in unison; we must show that we have the political and moral will to correct them in order to render the United Nations worthy of its mission. We must above all react against the erosion of the security system prOVided for by the Charter, and against the lack of respect by some for the decisions of the principal organs of the United Nations and particularly for the decisions of the Security Council. In fact we find ourselves, more and more, faced with the use of force or the threat of force in relations between States, while we note at the same time a tendency towards the adoption by the Security Council of anodyne resolutions "by con- sensus", which place 'Offender and victim on an equal footing.
135. On the other hand, we are witnessing a terrifying recrudescence of the arms race, which is no longer limited to the great Powers but is spreading to all regions and to all the corners of the earth. This phenomenon results in an appalling waste of resources which, in turn, seriously obstructs economic progress and the well-being of peoples.
136. Consequently, it is important that we should strive for the success of the new efforts which are being made on the crucial question of disarmament.
137. It is in this context that Greece supports the convening of a special session oI the General Assembly dedicated to disarmament and expresses the hope that this session will, with the active participation of all States, result in a programme of action entailing concrete measures with a view to general and complete disarmament.
138. For the same reasons we are in favour of the convening of a world conference on disarmament.
139. It is understood that disarmament should cover both nuclear and conventional armaments. It should also ensure the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons by proyiding guarantees to the non-nuclear countries as regards both their security and the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes.
141. We continue to foHow with great attention the development of the situation in the Middle East. For our part we feel that the time has come for a major effort towards peace in that tormented region.
142. It is therefore essential not to waste more time on procedural questions. In this connexion we appreciate the substantial steps which the Arab Governments principally concerned with the problem have taken in order to facilitate the convening of the Geneva Conference. As for the substance of the question, we adhere to the United Nations resolutions which, taken in their entirety, lay down the guidelines for a just and lasting solution. Such a solution must entail the evacuation of all Arab territories occupied since June 1967, on the basis of the principle that the acquisition of territory by force is inadmissible. It must also provide solid guarantees for respect for the sovereignty, the independence, and the territorial integrity of all the States in the region. There can be no doubt that any negotiation must take into account the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and their aspiration for a national homeland.
i43. The intense diplomatic activity and efforts made to solve the problems of Namibia and Southern Rhodesia, as well as the focusing of international attention on what is going on in southern Africa, augur well for respect for human rights and for the application of the principle of government by majority rule.
144. Greece has constantly supported the principle of self-determination during the historical process of de- colonization. It vigorously condemns apartheid and every other form of racial discrimination. We shall continue to give all our support to efforts ain:ting at ensuring respect for human dignity, equality, security and progress for all the peoples of that region, without discrimination on grounds of race, colour or creed.
145. Before dealing with the Cyprus problem, I wish to pay a tribute in this Assembly to the memory of Arch- bishop Makarios, the first President of the Republic of Cyprus. The deceased Chief of State dedicated his life to the idea of freedom and struggled for the independence of his country and for the preservation of its territorial integrity. He was one of the founders of the non-aligned movement, which plays an import~mt role in our time.
146. The Greek Governm~ilt has on many occasions expressed before the General Assembly and the Security Council its position regarding the evolution of the situation in Cyprus. At the time of the invasion of the island by the armed forces of Turkey, the Ankara Government pretended that it had acted in pursuance of the Treaty of Guarantee. Without entering into the examination of the legality-more than doubtful-of that action, it suffices to observe today that, after three full years have elapsed, the Turkish army is still present in the island in spite of all United Nations resolutions to the contrary. Moreover, far from having re-established the state of affairs provided for by the treaties, Turkey, by pursuing its aim to create a situation
147. It is common knowledge that one of the most important elements of an eventual solution is the territorial aspect of the problem. In a federal arrangement, it would be inadmissible for the 18 per cent minority to retain under its jurisdiction 40 per cent of the island's territory, occupied now by the Turkish army, which would perpet- uate the problem of the 200,000 refugees in the south. And yet, very recently, when it was expected that a real effort towards peace would be undertaken, the Turkish Cypriots chose the moment to unleash the threat of colonizing the new city of Famagusta, which has remained sealed off and has symbolized Turkish acceptance of the principle of revision of the staus quo imposed by force.
148. We all know that the Security Council has pro- nounced itself against such action.
149. It is not clear to what extent the Turkish Govern- ment supports these extreme positions of the Turkish- Cypriot leadership. One might say that in the presence of a strong Turkish army in Cyprus, the Turkish-Cypriot leader- ship are not able to act as they please. It is evident that if Ankara and the Turks of Cyprus do not adopt more reasonable and moderate positions'in the immediate future, the few remaining hopes for a rapid solution will disappear. We believe that the General Assembly should once more express its determination to see the Cyprus problem settled without delay on the basis of the previous resolutions of the United Nations,
150. Greece, being in favour of the policy of detente, has done everything possible in order to improve and deepen its relations with all countries and particularly those of neighbouring regions. We are happy to say that the results have been very positive and in certain cases remarkable. Whenever disputes arise, we have always opted for peaceful means of settlement. This is precisely the case in our differences with Turkey, which are due to problems that have not been caused by Greece. In compliance with our obligations under the United Nations Charter, we are determined to resolve these problems by peaceful means and, naturally, within the framework of respect for the sovereign and legitimate rights of our country.
151. That is our contribution to detente ano we hope that Turkey will do its share in order to avert all dangers to peace in this region.
152. In pursuit of this policy, Greece has actively partici- pated in the preparatory' meeting in Belgrade of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and we welcome the constructive results that have been obtained. We intend to continue this effort in co-operation with the countries signatory to the Helsinki Final Act in order to
153. I would not like to conclude my intervention without referring to two major issues: the new economic order and the question of human rights.
154. Concerning the first one, we regret that the Con- ference on International Economic Co-operation has not had the success it deserved. May I be allowed to express, in this regard, the concern of my country for the economic problems of third~world countries, wru.ch for reasons beyond their will, have fallen considerably behind in the march toward development. We consider that it is indeed time to set in motion the process for the establishment of a new economiG order and for the restructuring of inter- national society on the basis of a more equitable sharing of resources. For we cannot hope for fruitful international co-operation or the prosperity of peoples so long as the present flagrant inequalities continue to exist.
1SS. In the area of human rights, I should like to recall that Greece, during the past sessions of the General Assembly, has taken a number of initiatives for the suppression of torture and other inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
156. We intend to persevere in this direction and we are ready to support firmly all efforts in the United Nations aiming at the progressive elimination of imperfections or deficiencies in the application of the Universal Declaration of "Human Rights. We shall do so in the profound conviction that our Organization must never lose from sight its raison d'etre, which is respect for the dignity and the progress of that unique being, man.
Mr. President, I should first like to congratulate you on your unanimous election to the high post of President of the General Assembly, and also to express our gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe, for his very fruitful activities.
158. I am particularly pleased to welcome the newly admitted Members of the United Nations, the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. We are convinced that heroic Viet Nam, which has now taken its rightful place in our Organization, will make a valuable contribution to the work of the United Nations through its active and peaceful policies.
159. The thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly has convened on the eve of the sixtieth an- niversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, which is correctly described as the main event of the twentieth century.
160. And, true enough, the October Revolution not only became the turning-point in the history of Russia, but also marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of the world, a stage distinguished by a profound Nconstruction of the old system of international relations. That Revolu-
161. It is because of this policy which has been pursued unswervingly and supported by all peace-loving forces in the world, that mankind has not experienced the horrors of a world war for more than 30 years and that international relations h!lve gradually become free from anachronisms and recurrences of the cold war.
162. If we had to describe in general terms the period which has elapsed since last year's session of the General Assembly, we could say that the prevailing trend in the development of the international situation continues to be the relaxation of international tensions. The tangible impetus given to detente in Helsinki two years ago made it possible to promote further the cause of peace, not only in Europe, but in the whole world as well. The successes which have been achieved are considerable: political ties and confidence among States have been strengthened, ever more strength has been imparted to the material fabric of co-operation in the fields of the economy, science and technology and culture. Of course, the most important achievement remains that of having made the nightmare of a new world war more remot.e. At the same time, however, it should also be emphasized that certain influential re- actionary forces have stepped up their efforts to slow down, to check and, in the final analysis, to torpedo the very process of detente. What is more, there have been some actions which have created the danger of returning the world to the days of the cold war.
163. One of the manifestations of these efforts is the launching of hostile and slanderous campaigns against the socialist countries. It is not difficult to understand that these campaigns are undertaken as a smoke-screen in order to conceal interference in internal affairs, in order to increase military budgets and to stockpile new armaments. The main obstacle which is now blocking the road to detente and threatening to impair its achievements is the continuing arms race. World peace cannot be achieved as long as the danger of a thermo-nuc1ear holocaust is not removed and as long as real measures are not taken in the field of disarmament. As Todor Zhivkov, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party
"The main objective now is to make detente an irreversible process. This has not yet been done. Further- more, the arms race, side by side with detente, is being whipped up, and I would say even more intensely. That is what is most dangerous for the world now. That is the main threat to world peace. Therefore the halting of the arms race is the immediate, fundamental and most urgent task."
164. As is well known, the countries of the socialist community have put forward a constructive programme with new dimensions for co-operation among States, a programme which is aimed at broadening the scope of detente and supplementing it with measures in the military field.
165. The proposal addressed to the States participating in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe for the conclusion of a treaty whereby each would engage not to be the first to use nuclear weapons against the others is also in this spirit. Reaching an agreement on this question, as Leonid Ilich Brezhnev has pointed out, would provide new opportunities for curtailing conventional armaments in Europe, especially where their concentration is great.
166. Unfortunately, once again certain influential circles are still captives of the one-sided approach towards the initiatives of the socialist countries and have not reacted to them positively.
167. The countries of the socialist community have repeatedly stated that they do not lay claim to the monopoly as far as initiatives are concerned; they are prepared to consider any idea as long as it is genuinely aimed at stopping the arms race. Yet, instead of such ideas, we often hear general declarations which are at variance with and even sometimes completely contradict the actions taken by the respective Governments. It is impossible to fan hostility for other countries while at the same time talking about allegiance to detente, just as it is impossible to speed up the arms race and simultaneously to conduct successful negotiations on disarmament.
168. This peculiar dualism in the policies of certain States is fraught with great danger for peace. All those who bear responsibility for the policies of their countries and for the fate of world peace must become aware of this danger. Mankind, which is anxious to rid itself of the burden of armaments, needs no declarations of good intentions, but rather the pragmatic consideration of specific proposals for
disarm~.ment and the adoption of effective measures to this end, without any attempt to obtain unilateral military- strategic advantages.
169. The intention of beginning the production of the
-sci:Caned~ neutron bomb and its inclusion in armaments has caused serious concern which has taken the form of a storm of indignation and forthright protest on the part of world public opinion. That intention can only be regarded as an attempt to impose a new round of the arms race upon nations, as a challenge to the climate of detente created with so much effort. It is not without point to recall,
170. We do believe that the voice of reason will prevail, so that the way may be paved towards sincere co-operation in order ~o put an end to the arms race and to move forward towards real disarmament. We are convinced that the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly will provide' an opportunity for agreement on a common, principled approach to disarmament, and will create favour- able conditions for convening a world disarmament con- ference in the near future.
171. The most complex and the most important task continues to be that of putting an cnd to the arms race and curbing nuclear weapons both qualitatively and .quantitatively.
172. An important step in this direction would be the total prohibition of nuclear-weapons tests. The People's Republic of Bulgaria has always held the view that this problem needs to be resolved as soon as possible. We attach great importance to the tripartite negotiations in Geneva. We support the constructive position taken by the Soviet Union, and we hope that the successful completion of these negotiations will create favourable conditions for progress towards disarmament and for a general improvement of the political atmosphere in the world.
173. Particularly topical in present conditions is the matter of the prohibition of the development and produc- tion of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new systems of such weapons. The Geneva negotiations ri:.ust be speeded up in order to reach international agreement in this field.
174. Of considerable significance for the achievement of nuclear disarmament are those measures designed. to strengthen the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. It is not difficult to imagine what would happen if the arsenals of the countries engage;~ in local conflict:;, such as flare up in various parts of the planet from time to time, were to be stocked with nuclear weapons. This question becomes particularly acute in the light of the reports that the· racist regime of the Republic of South Africa plans to manufacture nuclear weapons. The ap- pearance of such a weapon in the hands of the present regime of Pretoria would create an immediate danger for all African States as well as for world peace and security. Swift and effective action by the United Nations is needed to avert this danger.
175. During the present session, the Bulgarian delegation will join its efforts with those of other delegations that are trying to adopt measures to accelerate the preparation of an agreement on the prohibition of chemical weapons and also to achieve progress on other partial measures. The entire activity of the People's Republic of Bulgaria in the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament ane: outside it continues to be focused on reaching the ultimate goal, which is general and complete disarmament under strict
177. That is why we warmly welcome and fully support the Soviet Union's proposal to include on. the agenda of the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly, as a matter of urgency and great importance, the item e1"1l'itled "Deepening and consolidation of international detente and prevention of the danger of nuclear war" [A/32/242]. It is our belief that the draft declaration on the deepening and consolidation of internatiorlal detente [ibid.• annex I] and also the draft resolution on the prevention of the danger of nuclear war [ibid., annex Il] will receive the support of all peace-loving States and will serve as a basis for further development in the proc(~ss of easing international tensions. The People's Republic of Bulgaria will do its utmost towards the realization of those propusals.
178. An impoftlli'1t role in this respect is being played by the growing acknowledgement of the principle of the non-use of force or the threat of force in relations among St::1tts. Although there are some who cannot conceive of the contemporary world without the use of force and are even convinced that its prohibition would alimost create a vacuum in the international legal order, it becomes in- creasingly evident that the conclusion of a world treaty on . this matter would greatly advance the pwces~ of detente. . 179. It is really quite difficult to talk about a complete imp:ovement in the international climate when in various parts of the world there occur armed clashes which threaten to spread and engulf new territories. Regardless of the specific pretexts and reasons that give rise to those conflicts, there is no doubt that they are the result of imperialist policies based on the old principle of "divide and rule", and that their common aim is to undermine progressive political regimes.
180. The situation in the Middle East continues to be explosive. The main reason for the stale:mate in :'he settlement of that conflict is the position taken by Israel, which, supported by its allies, is trying to maintain its illegal occupation of the Arab territories, as is ,evidenced by the establi;;hmlmt of new Isradi settlements on those lands. The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria remains convinct~d that genuine peace in the Middle East is
possibl~ only urilcier the following conditions: the complete withdrawal of llsraeli fOices from all the Arab territories occupied in !967; the f"xerdse of the legitimate national rights of the Arab people of Palestine, inc1ur~ng their right to an independent State; and respect for the independence, existence and security of all the countries in the area. We believe that the G~neva Peace Conference on the Middle East should :)e reconvened, without any further procrasti- nation, with the participation of all interested parties, including from the very outset, and with equal rights, the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative C)f the Arab people of Palestine.
i 82. Hitherto, the efforts for the final elimination of the last vestiges of colonialism in Africa have run into stiff opposition not only on the part of the racis'- regimes but also on the part of some forces outside Africa which are helping those regimes. This is unequivocally confirmed by current attempts to distort the process of decolonization in order to preserve the positiolls of colonialism and im- perialism in Africa.
183. The People's Republic of Bulgaria will continue to give full support to the struggle ef the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe for the full and complete elimination of colonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheiri.
184. For us, the situation in Cyprus continues to be a source of concern. The People's Republic of Bulgaria unswervingly supports the kind of solution of the Cyprus question that will guarantee the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the RepUblic of Cyprus in the interests of th~ Cypriot people-the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots-and in the interests of peace and security.
185. The People's Republic of Bulgaria favours the with- drawal of foreign troops from Korean soil and the peaceful reunification of Korea without outside interference.
186. As we all know, one of the purposes of the United Nations Charter is to promote international co-operation in defence of fundamental human rights and freedoms. Under the pretext of fighting for the materialization of this noble objective, certain groups are trying to arrogate to them- selves the right to impose their own moral values upon other countries and peoples, thus flagrantly interfering in their internal affairs. At the same time, those groups undermine the United Nations collective endeavour to cut short the most brutal and massive violations of human rights, such as those in southern Africa, in Chile and in the Israeli-occupied Arab territories since 1967.
187. The problems of economic development and the reconstruction of international economic relations are closely linked with the establishment of peace and security in the world. To carry out this reconstruction on c democratic basis and in order to eliminate all forms of discrimination and inequality, we must fulfil one of the important mandates of our times.
188. We support the just demands to fmd ways of overcoming the under-development and the grave economic situation of developing countries since we are fully aware that historic responsibility for this state of affairs rests with the former metropolitan Powers which have exploited those countries and which continue to amass enormous wealth within the framework of the international machinery which has been set up by them, and thmugh unequal international economic relations.
190. The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria attaches great significance to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, whose work has now entered its crucial stage. Considerable efforts and political good will will be needed, however, in order to bring the Conference to a successful end.
191. The question of the role of the United Nations and the ways to enhance its effectiveness has become recently the subject of increasing discussions. There are also at- tempts, under the guise of concern for the strengthening of the United Nations, to put forward. concepts and views which if they were acted upon would yield the opposite result. In other words, they would result in undermining the foundations of the United Nations and its basic principles, and in .weakening the international basis for peaceful coexistence among State's with different social systems.
192. The People's Republic of Bulgaria will continue in the future to support all efforts to make the United Nations
193. The Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria is fully aware of its responsibilities for peace and is therefore consistently implementing the provisions con- tained in the Final Act of Helsinki. We shall make all efforts at the forthcoming meeting in Belgrade to contribute to strengthening further peace and security in Europe, and to make this another link in the process of the ever-growing detente in the world. It is a happy fact that, as ca-;t be judged by the preparatory work, the majority of the participants are interested in a positive dialogue at the meeting.
194. To make universal peace durable and lasting, to ensure that detente has the go-ahead-these are the objec- tives which the People's Republic of Bulgaria is trying to achieve throughout its activity both inside and outside the United Nations. Along with the other countries belonging to the socialist community, we put forward constructive solutions in order to achieve these purposes, in order to aGhieve and realize the noble objectives and aims of the United Nations.
The meeting rose at 1.05 p.m.