A/32/PV.17 General Assembly
THIRTY·SECOND SESSION
Page
Address by Mr. Somora Moises Machel, President ofthe People's Republic ofMozambique
The Assembly will hear this after- noon a statement by the President of the People's Republic of Mozambique. On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome His Excellency Mr. Samora Moises Machel, President of th~ People's Republic of Mozambique, to the United Nations and to invite him to address the Assembly.
1 In addressing this As- sembly for the fust time I should like to acknowledge the honour that this represents for our people. This Assembly embodies the just and profound yearnings of the peoples of the world gathered in the United Nations and is a valuable instrument for surmounting the ills that still affect hu- manity. In its short but intense history our Organization has already made many contributions towards the solution of problems deriving from situations of injustice and oppression, and from threats to peace and international security.
3. Mr. President, on behalf of the People's Republic of Mozambique and the Mozambican people, we wish to congratulate you on your election as President of this .Assembly and for the way in which you are presiding over the work of this Assembly. Your work for the success of this session is also a valuable contribution to the United Nation£ that we all wish to see strengthened. Allow me, Mr. President, to recall here the relations of soHdarity that have united the peoples of the Federal Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of Mozambique since the time of cur national liberation struggle.
4. We wish to express our appreciation of your pre- decessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, and con- gratulate him for the successes achieved by the United
I Mr. Machel spoke in Portuguese. The English version of his statement was supplied by the delegation.
NEW YORK
Nations during his mandate. The way he conducted the work of the thirty-first session of the Assembly is in the fine tradition of leaders of the Republic of Sri Lanka, a country with which we are associated within the non- aligned movement.
5. We welcome with great pleasure the admission to the United Nations of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. The historic contribution of the Vietnamese people to the struggle against colonialism and for the liberation of their homeland, and the successive defeats they inflicted on !be world's most powerful armies, brought added hope to dominated peoples and opened new perspectives for their struggle. The history of Viet Nam is, therefore, the patrimony of all nations which have freed themselves from the colonial yoke and foreign occupation and which today constitute the vast majority of this Assembly. The place that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam occupies by right in the United Nations was won by the courage and countless sacrifices of its people in a struggle against continuous aggression over several decades.
6. With the experience it brings and with its exemplary determination to struggle against injustice and for the dignity of the human being, Viet Nam's presence in the United Nations will certainly enrich the work of the Organization and its actions in favour of freedom, peace and progress for all peoples. The decision to admit the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam represents another victory for the Vietnamese people and for mankind as a whole, and gives meaningful substance to the lofty objectives of this Organization.
7. We also rejoice_ at the admission to the United Nations of yet another African State, the Republic of Djibouti. The independence of Djibout! is the fruit of the courageous detennination of its people in its struggle against French colonialism. The role played by the Organization of African Unity [OA VJ should, however, be emphasized, particularly in the final stage of the delicate process of decolonization. Yet an0ther African people has liberated itself from colonial domination and, in joining the community of independent countries, is beginning to build its future in freedom and sovereignty.
8. The universal dimension that the United Nations acquired by bringing together almost all the independent countries of the world has enabled it to fulfil the deepest aspirations of all peoples for progress, peace and the con3truction of increasingly just and equitable international relations, and for the affirmation of the rights and dignity of man. Only that dimension will enable States to parti- cipate actively in the solution of problems affecting peace and coexistence among nations, and will reinforce the conditions required for the United Nations to achieve the principles and objectives explicitly stated in its Charter.
10. We support the intensification of such actions, which represent a valuable contribution to the elimination of many of the causes of contemporary conflicts.
11. The international community has an extremely impor- tant role to play in isolating the regimes that persist in oppressing peoples and in practising inhuman policies whose cha~acteristics in some cases have profoundly de- grading aspects.
12. We know how difficult the realization of these principles ~d objectives has been. The causes of conflicts between men still remain. Social injustice, oppression, humiliation and exploitation continue to exist and, in many cases, give rise, as the only possible solution, to the violent revolt of the oppressed in defence of their legitimate rights.
13. At other times we see ourselves faced with conflicts provoked and generated by imperialist ambition and the domination of a people, a country or even an entire region.
14. The rebellion of the colonized peoples against the oppressor regimes and their just struggle for independence have found growing understanding and support within the United Nations.
15. The presence of many States in this Assembly today bears concrete witness to the contribution of the United Nations towards the fulfllment of the deepest aspirations of the peoples of the world.
16. The historic resolution 1514 (XV) adopted by the General Assembly on 14 December 1960, recognizing the right to self-determination and independence of peoples under colonial domination, marked a big and important step forward in the achievement of the objectives of the United Nations and was the fruit of the assumption by the international community of its responsibilities.
17. The history of the liberation struggles of our country is eloquent proof of this. The actions of the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly, the Special Com- mittee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the Commission on Human Rights, the Security Council and other organs and spe- cialized agencies brought international recognition to our struggle and denunciation of the massacres and crimes perpetrated by the Portuguese colonialists in Mozambique. Consequently, in 1972, the Frente de Liberta<;ao de Mo<;ambique, the Movimento Popular de Liberta~ao de Angola and the Partido Africano da Independencia da Guine e Cabo Verde received observer status at the United Nations. The United Nations also gave aid of inestimable value to our people in the field of humanitarian assist~nce, particularly in liten~cy programmes and medical care and in the reconstruction of the areas liberated from the colonial administration.
19. The victory of the Mozambican peoples, achieved on 25 June 1975 with the proclamation of the People's Republic of Mozambique, was -also a victory for the international community and the result of the firm action of the United Nations.
20. We wish to salute the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, on his re-election. Be was with us in the decisive moments of our diplomatic struggle against Portuguese colonialism, defending the justice of our people's aspirations.
11. After the decision of the People's Republic of Mo- zambique to apply fully the sanctions decreed by this Organization against the illegal minority Rhodesian regime and during the aggression of which our country is a victim, the Secretary-General has faithfully interpreted the full meaning of international solidarity with our Government and our people.
22. Our victory asserts itself today in the coming to fruition of the fundamental objectives for which our people agreed to make so many sacrifices-the creation of a popular democratic State.
23. On 25 September last all Mozambican citizens began the process of the effective exercise of peopie's democracy by electing people's assemblies at the 10c.J level, in population centres at the base, and at the national level. We are building a new type of State on the ruins of the colonial State. Power belongs to, and is exercised by, the broad masses through the people's assemblies.
24. This is an unprecedented event in our history and was made possible only by our people's victory over Portuguese colonialism and the revolutionary gains won since the proclamation of independence.
25. In this way .the Mozambican people are constructing their history, building democracy, consolidating the vic- tories they have already achieved and determining their future in freedom and sovereignty. Allow us to associate the action of the United Nations with this event of such high significance for the Mozambican people.
26. The present international juncture is eminently favour- able to the people's struggle for independence and peace as a result of the successes of national liberation struggles, the consolidation of the socialist camp and the successes of the workers' democratic movements in the capitalist countries. From this point of view the outstanding victories of the peoples of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Democratic Re- public and Democratic· Kampuchea are a sti!TIulus and a permanent encouragement to all those who struggle for freedom, independence and peace. They prove that im- perialism can be defeated on the battlefield.
27. The liquidation of the oldest and most retrograde colonial empire through the combined efforts of the
28. All these factors extend the liberated zone of hu- manity and create a situation favourable to the full liberation of all peoples from oppression and exploitation. In increasing numbers and with an increasing awareness, the broad masses throughout the world are rising against tyrants, against the exploiting classes, and against monop- olies that enslave men, pillage nations and oppress continents.
29. We shall now touch upon the problem that is of particular concern to the peoples in our area but which is at the same time a source of concern for the international community as a whole, namely, the existence of oppressive and discriminatory regimes in southern Africa and the threat of confrontation that they represent.
30. The geographic situation and the economic resources of the countries in the area turned them into the object of the greed of the colonial countries which, taking advantage of favOl~rable conditions for the implantation of settle- ments, ,::stabHshed in those countries large colonies of immigrants who exploited the wealth of the subsoil and the soil and the laibour of the peoples in the region.
36. We evoke this situation in the framework of new responsibilities and of the consequences of our indifference, of our lack of decision, of the commitment of those whose monopolies enriched themselves at the cost of human suffering. It is therefore among ourselves that we must try to fmd the answer to the questions which are put to us. How is it possible that a system which is diametrically opposed to the deepest convictions shared by all humanity has been allowf;,-l to survive until our times? How is it that a regime like that of lan Smith,> condemned since its birth and cast aside by the international community, can survive 12 long years despite the condemnation of the international community? How is it that in this interdependent world of ours it can survive, growing stronger year by year in the face of compulsory sanctions ordered by the United Nations? The s!lrvival of the Ian Smith regime has been possible only with the direct support of the Portuguese colonial-Fascist regime and South Africa and the camou- flaged support of some Western countries through their companies and their nationals. 32. With different procedures and institutional forms, that was the situation prevailing throughout southern Africa. The patterns of exploitation implanted in southern Africa varied, however, depending on local conditions and the level of development in the colonial countries.
31. Thus was born the whole complex of white domina- tion in southern Africa which until very recently comprised South Africa, Rhodesia, Namibia, Angola and Mozambique. The highly favourable conditions .prevailing in southern Africa as compared with other areas of the world, in particular its mineral and agricultural wealth, led to the settlement of millions of whites in this part of Africa. With the exception of Algeria-and even there to a much smaller extent-no such phenomenon occurred in any other part of our continent. However, we find something rather special in the situation prevailing in southern Africa: it is not the size of the numbers involved but rather the creation of a system of exploitation which has already been set aside by capitalism in the rest of the world, a system characterized by pillage and by the denial to the pOFulation of its most elementary human rights.
33. Apartheid, the most extreme and degrading form of domination imposed by force by a Nazi-type regime, reduced black South Africans to the condition of mere instruments of production. This inhuman form of subjec- tion, placed at the service of an aggressive capitalist regime, led to the creation of a bastion of white power in southern Africa. Using an essentially similar system, and with South African support, the settlers of southern Rhodesia, in their unilateral proclamation of independence, sought to extend the power of this racist bastion northwards. Namibia, placed under the Mandate of the Union of South Africa in the days of the League of Nations, was later appropriated
35. This is the scenario in which the great confrontations are taking shape, a scenario which now includes even the nuclear threat. The heavy responsibility for preventing the consummation of such threats and for finding the road to peace devolves on all of us, and especially on the United Nations. That road can only be that ofjust solutions: not a peace that is reached by silencing the shots of rebellion of the oppressed or by gagging the voice of the peoples but the kind of peace that is affirmed by asserting the right of peoples.
37. In the light of the present situation, we must assume our responsibilities; we do not want to substitute ourselves for the people of Zimbabwe in their liberation struggle but to support them firmly and resolutely. To assume our responsibilities is to isolate and eliminate the lan Smith regime now and to guarantee majority rule; to assume our responsibilities is to direct our efforts towards ensuring true independence. for Zimbabwe.
38. It is in this context that the People's Republic of Mozamibique views its participation together with that of the United Republic of TanL:.ania, the Republic of Zambia, the People's Republic of Angola and the Republic of Botswana in the quest for a solution to that problem. This action is inseparable from the political, material and moral support to be given to the freedom fighters grouped in the Patriotic Front.
40. We should like to broach this problem in the light of our experience. If it is a matter of protecting the lives and legitimate interests of citizens from violence, we can understand that' concern; if, however, it is a matter of protecting privileges acquired during the colonial era because of skin colour and, consequently, because of colonialist discrimination, such guarantees go beyond the protection due, and any attempt to impose them is in fact interference in the affairs of an independent Zimbabwe. In fact, in the long run that protection would be prejudicial to those it claims to serve.
41. The whites of Zimbabwe, like the whites of Mo- zambique or of any other country in our zone, can choose to become citizens of the country in which they live, while becoming integrated into its political add social life. The maintenance of discriminatory situations based on race, far from assisting in the creation of an egalitarian society, is prejudicial to the integration of the whites of Zimbabwe into an anti-racist Zimbabwean society and does nothing but aggravate social tensions and create conditions which could lead to racial confrontation. This has been borne out by recent history.
42. We demand the dismantling of the rebel army with its mercenaries and puppets, its shock troops of racism, which is the instrument of permanent aggression against.indepen- dent Africa. The dismantling of this army is a necessary condition for guaranteeing peace and stability in indepen- dent Zimbabwe. This is the army which destroyed Mapai; this is the army which murdered in cold blood 800 defenceless refugees at Nyazonia; this is the army which is still today committing continued acts of aggression against the territory of the People's Republic of Mozambique.
43. The <;riminal army of aggression must disappear; otherwise it will frustrate the best efforts for the establish- ment of a durable peace in the region.
44. Those who think that they can use puppet troops for the protection of whites in Zimbabwe are mistaken. History shows, and our own experience confirms, that it is these elements who, given their initiation in the school of terrorism by the occupier, turn against their former masters at the end of the occupation and carry out the most barbarous acts against them.
45. Finally, we cannot help but point out the profoundly anti-democratic character of the attempt to impose rigid, immutable clauses which will remain in force for eight years after independence; such clauses constitute, therefore, many grave limitations on the full sovereignty of the people of Zimbabwe.
47. However, the immediate removal of lan Smith, the head of the racist, minority Government, is clearly a condition for the success of all efforts. It was lan Smith who was chiefly responsible for the failure of all attempts at negotiation during the 12 years of his racist rebellion, and the sincerity and effectiveness of the present proposals depend to a large extent on the determination and ability of the United Kingdom and the United States to remove lan Smith from the political scene forthwith.
48. The Anglo-American proposals contain many negative points and leave many questions unanswered. However, they can provide a basis for negotiation. This was the conclusion arrived at at the last meeting of the front-line Heads of State, which took place in Maputo.
49. The People's Republic of Mozambique intends to continue to assume its full share of responsibility in support of the Zimbabwe people.
50. In this context, aware of its internationalist duty of solidarity, the People's Republic of Mozambique will remain firm in its determination to implement fully' the sanctions imposed by the United Nations against the illegal racist regime of Southern Rhodesia until the liberation of the people of Zimbabwe.
51. In Namibia, the people's stTUg',gle is being intensified and has achieved new victories at both the political and the military levels. Incapable of openly opposing the demand for independence, South Africa is seeking above all a way out which safeguards its interests. With this aim in mind, the South African regime multiplies its manoeuvres de- signed to divide the territory while searching for a sham independence in Namibia.
52. It is jn this context that the consultations between the colonial administration and the tribal puppets put forward at the eleventh hour as representatives of the people must be placed. Even stranger is the participation of settlers' parties, which always opposed independence in any talks on the country's future. And it is still in this context that the attempt to separate Walvis Bay, an integral part of Namibia, as a condition of the real independence of Namibia, must be placed.
53. The countries in the region have closely followed the consultations carried out by the five members of the United Nations Security Council. To the extent that those consul- tations are to be placed within the context of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), the initiative of those five Powers could contribute to the solution of the conflict. However, we believe that they will be successful oniy if their objective is the total and complete independence of all
54. A solution to the problems of southern Africa implies, above all, elimination of the apartheid regime. The exist- ence of this regime, hostile to humanity, creates intolerable tension and constitutes a threat to the peoples of Africa.
55. South Africa is propping up the Ian Smith regime in flagrant violation of sanctions proclaimed by the United Nations. It invades the People's Republic of Angola, militarizes Namibia, creates, finances and supports groups entrusted with armed subversive operations in the indepen- dent African countries.
56. Therefore, to supply weapons or to create conditions enabling South Africa to manufacture them is tantamount to fanning the flames of war and destruction in southern Africa and collaborating in acts of oppression against independent Africa. In this context the introduction of nuclear weapons in our area creates a highly dangerous situation.
57. However, no weapon, no manoeuvre, will be able to stop the liberation of the South African people, who today resist with their bare hands the murderous bullets of the South African forces of repression and the torturers in the prisons where people allegedly commit suicide. Soweto symbolizes the movement of the rebellion of the South African people-a rebellion whose flame will never be quenched and a people whose great cry of rebellion will never be silenced. These voices are arrows which penetrate our c~mscience and demand our support. All of humanity must make the cause of the southern African people its own.
58. The complete liberation of Africa, the elimination of discrimination and apartheid. shadows of a past which is still projected into the present, are the sacred duty of all the African people and of all the peoples of the world.
59. The People's Republic of Mozambique is aware of its special responsibilities as a Member of the United Nations and as a country geographically adjacent to the last bastions of racism in Africa. The People's Republic of Mozambique will not waver in its fulfilment of that internationalist duty. We will not yield before any intimidation or blackmail. We will not yield before any aggression, no matter how barbarous and cruel it may be. In this struggle we fight with the active support of all countries sensitive to the cause of the liberation of peoples.
60. Here, we should like to hail the decision of the Security Council in its resolution 411 (1977) appealing to all Member States to strengthen the defence capacity of the People's Republic of Mozambique. That act represents valuable encouragement: it is a significant act of solidarity, a great victory for all the oppressed peoples and a victory for the United Natimls. This support is all the more important because the lan Smith regime continues to send its murderous troops against the people and peaceful villages of our country. Provocations, subversion and the
61. Today more than ever we see the end of colonia'iism in Africa drawing near. It is true that threatening clouds darken the horizon; but it is within the reach 'of our determination to overcome the remaining obstades and finally to implant a true peace based on just fI:~lations among men and nations.
62. The People's Republic of Mozambique enshrined in its Constitution the principle ol the transformatior; of the Indian Ocean into a denuclearized zone of pe.,ace. We consider that the peoples of that region who sU',fered so greatly from the evils of colonial and imperialist domina- tion and who today are engaged in the campaign against ·poverty, ignorance, disease and all the consequences of under-development in 11 struggle which is a pre-condition to achieving true human dignity and true freedom should be spared the threat of a nuclear war with all its attendant destruction.
63. The peoples of the countries bordering the Indian Ocean share a common heritage of relations and culture that they wish to develop; they have a shared desire for progress and peace and a will to preserve their hard-won independence against any form of domination.
64. Until a short time ago, the Indian Ocean was safe from involvement in the event of nuclear conflicts. For that reason, although we welcome warmly all those who come to the Indian Ocean with peaceful intentions or for the development of fruitful ecofi(;>mic relations, we are ex- tremely apprehensive about, and resolutely condemn, the establishment of any military bases of foreign Powers in the zone.
65. In this context, we deem it necessary that the international community and, in particular, the countries of the region shoula dedicate themselves to studying ways and means of prohibiting the presence of any (" Ireign military bases in the area while guaranteeing the ,Jismantling of those already in existence and enabling the coastal coun- tries to control the pre~;ence and movement of foreign military fleets.
66. In the· Middle East the situation created by the continued denial of the right of the Palestinian people to their own homeland has for decades been a' factor of tension that has led to increasing violence, wars of aggression, the occupation of the territory of sovereign countries and, above all, to a persist"mt and systematic violation of human rights. The painful events in Lebanon are a result of that situation.
67. The root of the problem is to be found in the racial basis and expansionist nature of th~ State of Israel, which obstructs peaceful coexistence among the countries of the region.
68. The nuclear threat aggravates the climate of tension. The collaboration of the new axis of oppression--South
69. We believe that the stabilization of the Middle East can be achieved only by the recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to create their own State and by the withdrawal of all Israeli troops and settlers from the Arab territories occupied in 1967.
70. Anti-Semitic racism, with its aftermath of horror, must be buried OIice and for all. Those who were its victims are today, in many ways, becoming real agents for the resurrection of analogous and equally reprehensible forms of racism. From that standpoint, we consider the resump- tion of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East to be an imperative need, a conference in which the Palestine Liberation Organization should participate as an equal member.
71. Other situations of confrontation continue to exist across the continents and require the attention of our Organization in the context of support for the struggle of peoples for their liberation. On our continent, the violation of the generally accepted principle of respect for existing boundaries and the greed of the great Powers have led to the invasion, the annexation or the dismemberment of certain countries. Such is the case of the island of Mayotte-an integral part of the Republic of the Comoros-occupied by France. In the north of Africa, the Saharan people are unable to exercise the iight to self- determination inasmuch as their territory is occupied.
72. The People's Republic of Mozambique condemns the illegal occupation of Mayotte and Western Sahar.a, which violates the right of all peoples to self-determination enshrined in the United Nations Charter, and expresses its solidarity with the struggle of the Comorian and Saharan peoples and demands that an end be put to the violation of the integrity of their countries. At the same time, the People's Republic of Mozambique reaffirms the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes between African countries.
73. In East Timor, after almost two years of military invasion by Indonesia, the Maubere people are resisting heroically. That occupation was launched, not as an anti-colonial act against Portuguese domination, but after the collapse of colonialism.
74. We firmly support the fight of the people of the Democratic Republic of East Timor and call on the Government of Indonesia to withdraw its troops and establish relations of good neighbourliness and co-operation with that country.
75. We firmly support the efforts undertaken with a view to the peaceful reunification of Korea, to which the withdrawal of American troops is linked as a conditi:)n to enable the Kc)rean people to resolve their problems without external interference.
77. We welcome the recent agreements on the Panama Canal which constitute a positive and decisive initial step towards putting an end to the old imperialist policy of dismembering countries and dividing peoples.
78. We condemn in particular the' terror instituted by the Chilean military regime in violation of all the values held by the community of nations. We condemn the arbitrary arrests, the torture, and the disappearance of prisoners.
79. We are, however, confident that the dark shadow of fascism, which at the moment engulfs various countries of Latin America as a desperate reaction to the conquests of their peoples, will finally be overcome and that democracy will be re-established.
80. We should like to believe that the campaign that has been launched in favour of human rights will represent the beginning of a new phase in the policy of denunciation of Fascist regimes in Latin America, whose inhumanity is notorious in the extreme. May the results of that policy be the withdrawal of support to those puppet regimes.
81. The People's Republic of Mozambique cannot but condemn the continuation of situations of oppression, and demands the fulfilment of the principles of the United Nations Charter.
82. We fare convinced that harmonious relations between States are achieved through the recognition of the right of peoples to decide their own destiny, along the paths of their own choice, for the good of all mankind. The peoples of the world want peace.
83. Disarmament is a fundamental necessity if we are to achieve co-operation between States in peace and security. We are greatly concerned at the development of weapons research, and of research into the development of in- creasingly powerful and inhuman lethal arms capable of the irremediable destruction of life on earth.
84. Consequently, the People's Republic of Mozambique defends the principle 'of general and universal disarmament and of the immediate cessation of the arms race, embracing all types of weapons of mass destruction. In this context, tuo, the People's Republic of Mozambique congratulates the European peoples for their successes in their policy of European detente, while at the same time expressing its conviction that that process must not be limited to one part of the wurld alone, but, rather, should be affirmed universallv as a constant factor in international relations. . .
85. We wish to affirm our full support for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations to deal with this question, as an important step towards the holding of a world disarmament conference.
86. In every continent, the peoples under colonial domi- nation have progressively won political independence. The countries thus liberated from the colonial yoke have
88. The rapid development of our productive forces and the overcoming of inherited backwardness and dependence necessarily imply technical and economic co-operation with all countries. However, those economic relations and that technical co-operation are not always approached with a view to just mutual benefits, reciprocal respect, and non-interference in internal affairs.
89. Responsibility for the existing situation of imbalance which must be changed, falls in particular on the highly developed countries, whose development process was achieved at the expense of those countries which are today the most backward.
90. The present tensions in the world have been brought on essentially by the economic interests and the unbridled greed of the international monopolies. It is in this context that we understand the differences between countries, the existing situation of injustice in international economic relations and the contradiction where we see some colo- nial-type relations.
91. In the present-day world the contradiction between developed and developing countries cannot be put on a geographical North-South basis. There exists a profound contradiction between exploitation and the people's inter- ests, a contradiction which opposes the oppressed peoples and the colonial Powers, the working classes and the monopolies, socialism and capitalism.
92. It is this situation of injustice and inequality, surviving from colonialism, which confines the young independent States to the role of mere producers of raw materials and importers of manufactured goods. There is also a tendency on the part of imperialism to transfer to those countries industries having obsolete technology or those which carry out the partial processing of raw materials through the use of cheap and abundant labour. On the other hand, when highly advanced industries happen to be established, this is done in such a way as to create situations of technological dependency. The conquests of science and technology are thus used as weapons of domination.
93. The new international division of labour which impe- rialism seeks to impose on the world by internationalizing the brutal exploitation of human labour will serve only to sharpen world economic conflicts.
94. It is in this context that we participate in the struggle of the developing countries for the establishment of a new international economic order. This struggle, which is hindered by great obstacles, requires an effective and co-ordinated effort against those economic and political forces which seek at all costs to maintain their relations of exploitation with the developing countries and which use
95. The struggle for the establishment of a new inter- national economic order requires concerted action by the international community with a view to transforming the relations of dependency and exploitation into relations of mutually advantageous co-operation based on equality and reciprocity of benefits. It furth~r requires greater technical and economic co-operation among developing countries struggling to create a strong and independent economy, which is the basis for the solution of the countless social problems caused by the domination to which they were subje-cted in th~ past.
96. A new international economic order will constitute an important factor in the solution of the problems of developing countries and will undoubtedly facilitate their efforts to overcome their economic under-development. However, the decisive factor for the achievement of victory over the backwardness left behind by colonial domination must be found in the development of productive forces and in profound social changes that will make possible the construction of the material and ideological bases that will help us build a society free from exploitation.
97. At the same time we believe that at present our fight cannot be limited to the struggle for economic indepen- dence. That independence and the steps that marked its conquest, particularly the right to dispose of one's own natural wealth and resources, could be emptied of content or even wiped out if these victories are not consolidated through the establishment of new relations in production at the intemallevel and of a popular regime.
98. Fundamentally, in order to break away from the state of dependency it is necessary to industrialize our countries and consequently to have our peoples control their natural resources while fighting the international monopolies. The creation of a heavy industry capable of producing the necessary equipment and factors of production required by our economies will allow the mechanization of agriculture and make it possible to meet the people's fundamental needs in food. Thus the bases for developing a manu- facturing ivdustry will be created and high levels of productivity and true and independent economic develop- ment will be achieved.
99. Our conception of development is that the building of a national heavy industry is the decisive factor for our effective liberation from economic dependence.
100. We are firmly convinced that the Manila Declaration2 is a valid basis for discussion in the United Nations. We hope that, unlike what has happened in the past, in future talks there will be the political willingness necessary to break the deadlock in which we find ourselves.
-2 S~e Proceedings ofthe United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vol. I, Report and Annexes (Unit'ed
Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.II.D.I0), annex V.
102. Our presence in thi!t Assembly today enables us to reaffirm our deep conviction that only harmonious co- existence between nations will make possible the develop- ment and consolidation of correct and fraternal relations among peoples.
103. In greeting the peoples of the world through their representatives in this Assembly we are also expressing certainty that the hope for freedom which lives in all men will be transformed by our action into the reality ofjustice, well-being and p'eace so earnestly desired by the peoples of the world.
104. The struggle continues.
On behalf of the General As- sembly, I wish to thank His Excellency, the President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, for the comprehensive and important statement he has just made.
9. General debate
May I start, Sir, by offering you my heartiest congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly and by pledging the co-operation of the Sierra Leone delegation in the execution of the duties pf your high office.
107. I find it reassuring that the problems facing the contemporary world are being considered and discussed under your guidance. In addition to your personal qualities, you represent a country which, together with a few others, pioneered the evolution and successful establishment of the non-aligned movement which became, and still is, a strong moderating force on the harsh ideological struggle and sterile military competitiveness of the super-Powers. With your outstanding diplomatic and international experience and your experience as your country's Deputy Federal Secretary for Foreign Affairs, we are assured, Mr. President, that you are well placed to execute the task of steering the General Assembly through its thirty-second session.
108. Secondly, Mr. President, permit me to express my Government's recognition and appreciation of the in- valuable role played by Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka when he was ~rving in the position you now occupy. His contribution to the work of the United Nations and to international understanding in general goes some way beyond his presidency of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. Difficult as his task was, Mr. Amerasinghe also very ably presided over the law of the sea Conference and the Ad Hoc committee on the Indian Ocean. His efforts contributed greatly to bringing about
110. The issues which will dominate this session are not new. Some of them are as old as the United Nations itself. The fact that we continue to discuss them means that we are all determined to arrive at some solution. The world is beset with problems, among which the inequality of opportunity in satisfying the most basic human needs should be of primary concern. Furthermore, we are compelled to contend with the reinforcement of bastions of racism and the denial of basic human freedoms and fundamental rignts to millions of people all over the world. This situation has been aggravated by the unbridled accumulation by nations, both large and small, of weapons of mass destruction. We entertain the hope that under your presidency, Sir, solu- tions will be devised to accommodate the differences that have long divided us.
111. Significant among the issues before the Assembly is the grave threat to world peace and security, which, every minute, even as we sit here now, looms above in southern Africa like a gathering storm. Almost every year, shortly before this body is scheduled to meet, there is a flurry of diplomatic activity which quietly dies down with the closing of the session. Whether at this podium, as I stand here, or in State capitals all over the world, representatives of governments loudly proclaim their support for efforts at ending South Africa's illegal presence in Namibia, bringing down the illegal regime of Ian Smith in Zimbabwe and putting an end to the odious crime of apartheid in South Africa itself. It has become customary for these pledges to serve in the great majority of cases only as masks for hiding what is actually going on behind the scenes.
112. In a plural society-and my delegation is persuaded to assert that South Africa is in fact such a society, as indeed are many, if not all, of the States in the inter- national community gathered here today-it is imperative that every section of that society, through its elected representatives, participate fully in government. Apartheid, by its nature, and its failure to acknowledge this principle represents the very negation of humanity and a denial of the democratic process.
114. South Africa must note that adjusting to the views of others, accepting and benefiting from their information and experience, requires a sensitivity and restraint which makes all the difference between what is civilized conduct and what is not.
, 115. The choice, as my delegation sees it, is a simple one. Mr. Vorster is left with the choice of either ensuring the survival of all minorities in South Africa by accepting the immediate and imperative process of democracy, or en- during the consequences of the bloodshed which will inevitably result from his stubborn detennination to stick to the obdurate policy of apartheid.. The Sierra Leone delegation hopes that Mr. Vorster will be persuaded to choose democracy because time is decidedly running out for him.
116. It is a disturbing fact that South Africa has acquired nuclear capability, in spite of its shameless denial that it has done so. Already the regime is steeped in the blood of innocent African schoolchildren, whose only crime, if crime it be, is to have dared to question the way they are taught and governed. With its acquisition of nuclear technology, South Africa's aims must be ominously clear to all of us. It is quite conceivable that, either through desperation or by a deliberate act of aggression, or a combination of both,. it may em"0ark on the dangerous adventurism of the total annihilation of all Africans from the African c.ontinent in order to preserve it for its so-called white civilization and against the "spread of communism" for which the prin- ciples of apartheid, we are told, have become Holy Scripture. The responsibility for this criminal intention is as much South Africa's as, indeed, it is of those who by their complicity, silence or indifference have encouraged it.
117. South Africa continues to occupy Namibia with a superciliousness that baffles even its most loyal collabo- rators. It has deployed and continues to maintain a large part of its armed forces in that territory in defiance of General Assembly and Security Council resolutions and the International Court of Justice. In addition, and in total disregard of international public opinion, it decreed on I September last the annexation of Walvis Bay and with characteristic arrogance added that its annexation of the Bay, although without prejudice to the future status of Namibia, was not negotiable. -How long can the inter- national community tolerate this arrogant flaunting of power or remain indifferent to this illegality?
118. Sierra Leone, for its part, once again reaffirms its support for SWAPO. It reiterates that any settlement which excludes SWAPO as the legitimate representative of the people of Namibia is unacceptable and should not be recognized or countenanced by the international com- munity. We therefore call upon South Africa to comply with Security Council resolution 385 (1976) without further delay, for that is the only way to sanity.
120. Commenting on these proposals, His Excellency Mr. Siaka Stevens, President of the Republic of Sierra Leone, had this to say:
"The preoccupation of the Government of Sierra Leone to see the restoration of legality to the political process in Zimbabwe, has for long remained as primordial as has been our solidarity with the African liberation mO'/e- ments in that country.
"One of the most enduring tenets of the conduct of our foreign policy is buttressed by our fundamental belief in the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. This is why we do entertain considerable hopes about the possibilities of a peaceful settlement of the Zimbabwe problem, as contained in the new Anglo-American proposals for restoring legality in Zimbabwe."
121. In this spirit, the delegatjon of Sierra Leone wel- comes the practical measures contained in these proposals. In view of the failure of previous attempts, however, we call upon the United Kingdom and the United States of America to prevail on lan Smith to accept the proposals, and to define in clearer terms, the role of the principal participants, so as to ensure the effective transfer of power to a majority government within a specific period and in an atmosphere of peace and security for all concerned.
122. We have never believed in the delusion to which Smith and his illegal white minority regime have given expression in claiming that an "internal settlement" can be possible within the foreseeable future. We warn him, as before, that time is decidedly running out and that this might be the last chance for him to accept with honour the inevitability of majority rule, and thus prevent the unneces- sary loss of human life and property that will otherwise result from the armed struggle.
123. I wish to reaffirm before this world body that the Government of Sierra Leone is ready and willing to contribute its share to the United Nations Zimbabwe force as contemplated in the proposals. It is also our conviction that the Zimbabwe development fund, if generously sub- scribed to by the international community, could, along with the measures proposed for security. ensure a pros- perous start for an independent State of Zimbabwe, which we are avidly looking forward to welcoming in this Assembly.
125. The momentum generated by the disengagement agreements on the Sinai peninsula and the Golan Heights initiated and negotiated by the former United States Secretary of State, Mr. Henry Kissinger, was acclaimed universally as a step in the rig4t direction. Those disengage- ment agreements marked the beginning of a genuine search for a durable peace. When those efforts culminated in the convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, we entertained the hope that a real possibility existed for a lasting settlement. Unfortunately, the story of the Geneva Conference was that of an exercise in futility, and the thrust of the initial efforts became dissipated by procedural pedantry, ranging from the shape of the table to who should attend and in what capacity.
126. While we welcome the renewed peace initiatives, we are convinced that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of November 1967, notwithstanding its studied ambiguity and omissions in certain particulars, provided to a large measure the point of departure for a viable peace settle- ment in the Middle East. While we acknowledge and reiterate the right of Israel to exist within secure and recognized boundaries, in accordance with the spirit and letter of the said Security Council resolution 242 (1967), we remain resolved that the right of Israel to exist within those borders is as valid and as imperative as the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. In other words, we affirm that the Palestinian people have a right to a secure homeland-indeed, to a State of their own-an1 we believe that the recognition, acceptance and application of that fact by the parties concerned in particular, and by the international community in general, would supply the missing but indispensable link in the chain of a durable and just settlement in the Middle East.
127. In this connexion, therefore, we regard the establish- ment of Jewish settlements on the West Bank and other areas of Israeli-occupied territory and the recently disclosed Sharon plan for further settlements in those areas to be not only patently illegal according to certain principles of international la\"/ but also a real impediment to the efforts now being undertaken to bring peace to that area. The plan for further settlements in the occupied territories are, we suspect, inspired by a kind of Jewish lebensraum, and it will. we are certain, inevitably evoke an Arabia 'irredellta response from the other side. This, unfortunately, is a recipe for perennial instability. The world cannot tolerate it.
128. We therefore call upon Israel to discontinue plans for the establishment of new settlements and to dismantle those already established.
129. Finally on this point, no fact in the history of the twentieth century is more staggeringly improbable than the State of Israel itself. lts establishment owes much to the finest ideals in man and much to his darkest b:ubarism. We therefore call upon Israel to recognize as a fact that the
130. The Cyprus situation continues to elude efforts towards a meaningful solution-a fact further complicated by the premature demise of President Makarios. The concerns of the Secretary-General as expressed in his report to this Assembly [Aj32j282] are therefore real. We shall support any solution which does not impair the indepen- dence and territorial integrity of that Republic and which assures the harmonious coexistence of the two communities without external interference. We therefore support tlJ.e recent Security Council resolution [414 (l977)} which encourages the intercommunal dialogue and calls upon all concerned to exercise restraint.
131. When the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe convened in Helsinki in the summer of 1975, my country and, I believe, many others in this Assembly, expressed the hope that that event marked the beginning of a general period of stability. We took the optimistic view that military empires belong to the past, and that thence- forth science, technology and productivity would deter- mine the ranks of individuals and nations, and we looked forward to sharing as beneficiaries of this great accord. In other words, detente meant, to us, a general lull in confrontation and a guarantee of our security, and, indeed, it created an atmosphere in which our economic well~being would be catered to. We entertained the hope, expressed by many speakers before me from this podium, that the enormous resources, both material and human, now devoted to armaments would be diverted to development. It is in this light that we support this same idea, as enunciated by the Foreign Minister of Sweden when she addressed this Assembly earlier f13th meetingj, and we look forward to the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament.
132. None the less, we have been disappointed in the fact that the events that have been unfolding in Africa since the Helsinki Conference bear all the marks of a shift of the theatre ,of confrontation from the European continent. We cannot remain indifferent to the proxy wars being fought on the African continent. We therefore appeal to those Powers that have influence to take joint action with us to avert the disasters attendant on those confrontations. For us there is no substitute for peace.
133. The United Nations system r~presents a continuum in man's drive for co-operation and a search for peace on this one planet, earth. The'Charter in 1945 realized, then as well as now, that for prosperity, as well as for peace and freedom, the world is one. The basis of the international economic system should be that poverty anywhere con- stitutes poverty everywhere for poverty like peace is indivisible. Articles 1 and 55 of the Charter of the United Nations commit the Organization to the solution of problems of an economic, social and humanitarian char- aCter. It cannot be otherwise, for neither peace nor freedom can resist disruptive forces if the economy fails to provide
135. Unhappily, we have not on the whole succeeded in translating those decisions into reality. We have often ended up with different groups within our system maintaining uncompromising positions on all the crucial issues. Such a situation, we believe, not only is undesirable, but is likely to lead to that confrontation and sterility which we have laboured so much to avoid. It is our firm view that the developed market economies have not made the conces- sions which we expected of them, nor have they yet made the required rational and equitable adjustments of their consumption of the non-renewable resources of the world. The result of such an attitude has been the failure to fmalize our negotiations on such key issues as the common fund for buffer stocks which, within the Integrated Programme for Commodities,3 we expect to be a key stabilizer of the earnings of developing countries.
136. Seven years after the launching of the Strategy for the Second Development Decade, the targets which were set to narrow the gap between the developed and devel- oping countries have not been achieved. Only a few developed countries succeeded in meeting the target for the transfer of official development assistance in the form of grants and concession loans in accordance with the require- ments of that Strategy.
137. The various negotiations on problems of the world's economy held with a view to bringing the new international economic order into being, produced equally unsatisfactory results. Among the efforts made in the past 12 months to achieve an equitable international econ.omic order, my delegation believes that the Conference on International Economic Co-operation provided a usefUlI and challenging forum for resolving the differences that exist between the
d~veloped and developing countries. To be sure, the Conference achieved only limited and meagre results on a number of crucial issues; but then one does not expect the new international economic order to emerge overnight. My delegation would like to see the discussions continued and sustained throughout this session of the General Assembly, so that some compromise and und1erstanding will be achieved on the key issues which are still unresolved.
138. Speaking specifically of the International Develop- ment Strategy, we can say that its failure is due manifestly . and mainly to the performance of the developed countries,
3 Ibid., part one A, resolution 93 (IV).
179. Those nations which are most powerful and whose interests are best served by the status quo have advocated stability far more than change. This was the case when the developing countries demanded" a redistribution of the world's resources and called for a fuller participation in the decision-making process. In this regard, stability for the developed countries became conterminous with the "con- tinuance of their material prosperity_" But that very continuance of material prosperity happens to be the root-cause of instability in the world economy and, unless this fundamental contradiction is resolved, concepts like "the new international economic order", "intemational co-operation" and '"interdependence" will merely continue to mask the political and economic self-interest of the more powerful. The extremely meagre achievements of the Paris talks, in our view, confirm this assessment.
140. Unfortunately, the failure of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation to resolve crucial issues continues to create considerable anxiety and concern among developing countries. Nevertheless, we in Sierra Leone believe that the Paris talks formed a basis for promoting understanding and have brought into fuHe'" focus some of the underlying problems connected with develop- ment and international economic co-operation. We there- fore took a keen interest not only in the proceedings of the Conference itself, but in all the subsequent international efforts deployed for the continuation of the dialogue within the forums and under the auspices of the United Nations. Sierra Leone's guiding principle here is to give each and every memb~r of this community of independent and sovereign States an opportunity to participate and to be heard.
141. My delegation's concern for the impasse reac.hed in the Paris talks transcends the much-talked-about under- standing of contemporary economic relations which was thought to have been engendered. While acknowledging the . limited results of the talks, therefore, Sierra Leone does understand and share the frustration of the South, to which we rightly belong, at the way the spirit of goodwill, so refreshingly manifested by all concerned during the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly, failed to translate that understanding into the vital agreements :m crucial issues which the group of 19 developing countries represented at the Conference fought so hard to secure. The perpetuation of that goodwill suffered an even greater setback by the failure of the resumed thirty-first session of the General Assembly4 to come up with an agreed text for an objective assessment of the outcome of that Conference.
143. We are convinced that related to the global search for a new international economic order are the endeavours embarked upon in Caracas in 19745 for rational gmd more intelligible ground. rules for the exploitation and U'idization of the sea, which represents three-quarters of mankind's living environment.
144. We therefore believe that the international COUl- munity should procteti in its efforts to develop a body of rules-an instit.ution, if you will-to regulate the use, exploration and exploitation of the sea. It is for us rather disappointing that the international community has so far not been able to complete the n~gotiat~ons necessary for the a.doption of a comprehensive regime for the law of the sea. We hOl'e, however, that those areas on which a reasonable amount of agreement has been reached will be protected against further amendment which, if encouraged, will continue to move the Conference round in circles in a never-never world.
145. In spite of the many criticisms aired in recent times about our Organization, my delegation still has faith in the validity and viability of the United Nations. We believe that an institution of this nature, once estab~ished, acquires a life of its own, independent of the element) which have given birth to it, and it must develop, not necessarily in
a~cordance with the views of those who created it, but in accordance with the requirements of contemporary. life.
146. 1nl meeting the challenges attendant on this transition of the Organization from the way it was conceived in San Francisco in 1945 to the way it is adjusting to the demands of contemporary life, it is our view that the Secretariat has over the years discharged its functions with praiseworthy effectiveness, despite the meagre resources upon which it has had to rely.
147. In this respect I should therefore like to pay my delegation"s special tribute to our Secretary-General and the dedicated members of his staff, through whose untiring efforts the ideals and principles of the Charter still continue to keep us together in our joint venture to a belter and prosperous worlc.
148. Mr. r;AGLAYANGIL (Turkey) (interpretation from French): ~!ir. Pn~sident, :.lUOW me, on behalf of my Govern- ment, to co,gratulate you warmly upon your election to the presidency of the thirty-second sessiL~ of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your election should be considered a tribute to your country, whose contributions to the United Nations, to the cause of international
5 Second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held in Caracas from 20 June to 29 August 1974.
150. Speaking on behalf of Turkey, I should like also to express our satisfaction at seeing as President a represen- tative of a country with which Turkey has traditionally enjoyed excellent relations based on a common desire to safeguard and develop understanding, harmony and co- operation in the Balkan region.
151. AHow me also to take this cpportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Amerasinghe, who presided over the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, distinguishing himself by his diligence and competence.
152. I should also like to reiterate the appreciation of my Government to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our Secretary-General, for all his efforts to promote the principles and ideals of the United Nations. 153. At this session the United Nations family has expanded with the admission of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. A new and very important step has thus been taken in the field of decoloniza~~on towards the ultimate objective of the universaiity of the United Nations and the consecration of the ideals and principles of the ·Charter. 154. I should like to welcome with joy the representatives of these countries. Th~ road which has led to the independence and unity of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has been marked by countless trials and tragic sufferings. We wish the people of Viet Nam every success in its task of reconstruction, which it has already begun. 155. We look forward to establishing close relations with Djibouti, which will surely be facilitated by the cultural affinitie:; existing between our two countries. 156. It is always difficult to make a global evaluation in the field of human activities. In reviewing the problems which confront us, in reflecting on the situation which exists at this particular time and on the prospects for me future and in evoking the recent history on which today's world has been modelled, one cannot help being perplexed by the rlevelopments which inspire optimism and those which give rise to apprehension and even distress. The changes and developments which have taken place over the last quarter of ~ century, particularly the progress in science and technology, the intensification of international and regional co-operation, the absence of a generalized confla- gration, the achievements in the economic and social fields in certain parts of the world, detente between the major Powers, and the moral and political force, exercised by the third world in favour of peace and an international order in 157. Each year we gather in this universal forum to discuss these pending problems and to attempt to provide a substantial contribution to their solution. At this session our attention will be concentrated in particular on issues concerning southern Africa, the Middle East, disarmament, human rights and international economic co-operation. 158. For several years now, southern Africa has been a focal-point for the preoccupations of the United Nations. But the situation there has never been as critical as it is at this time, nor has it ever presented a greater danger to the peace and security of the world. It is both urgent and imperative that a peaceful solution be found for the problems of southern Africa. The International Conference, in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and of Namibia in their struggle for liberation, which convened in Maputo in May, and the World Conference for Action against Apart- heid, which met in Lagos in August, have emphasized the need for urgent and appropriate action concerning prob- lems of southern Africa. Those two Conferences constitute important steps towards the mobilization of international action for the support of the peoples of southern Africa. We are of the opinion that the i.lternational campaign against the minority regimes of southern Africa should be conducted with vigour and perseverance. 159. Desp~te the deplorable tension which exists in south- ern Africa today, we still maintain our hope for a peaceful solution. We are following, with special interest, the efforts made with a view to achieving independence for the peoples of Namibia and of Zimbabwe through negotiations. We hope that those efforts will be crowned with success and will lead to just and early results. 160. In this context, it should be emphasized that any solution to the problem of Namibia should take into account the basic principles contained in Security Council resolution 385 (1976). In Southern Rhodesia the entire international community demands a constitutional govern- ment based on majority rule. 161. The peaceful return to legality in Southern Rhodesia must involve the restoration of peace in the first instance, so that thereafter there could be further steps towards decolonizing that Territory. We, therefore, support the Security Council's latest resolution [415 (l977)J which aims at facilitating and accelerating the transition to 162. In South Africa there can be no solution to the problem of apartheid as long as the Government of that country maintains its policy of excluding the majority of the population from the political lifl~ of the country and as long as it imprisons or exiles the acknowledged and respected leaders of that majority. Such a policy can only create increasing internal strife,' provoke international outrage and diminish the chances of a peaceful evolution towards majority rule. 163. The Middle East conflict still constitutes the most serious source of danger for peace. We observe, with . increasing anxiety, that the fundamental causes of that crisis have not yet been eliminated, that the principal elements are still unresolved, that the occupation of Arab territories continues, and that the legitimate rights of the people of Palestine are still ignmed. 164. The position of my country on this problem remains unchanged. Turkey firmly opposes the acquisition of territory by force. It believers that a solution will have to be based on a restoration by brael to their rightful owners of all the territories occupied during the war of 1967. We also believe that the solution to the problem should safeguard the independence, sovereignty and the security of the recognized frontiers of all the countries of the region. Such a solution should take into account the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine, including their right to establish a State of their own. 165. The ratification of the rights of the Palestinians is an essential elem~nt of any negotiating process. The proposed Geneva Conference will have to be open to the participa- tion of all parties directly concerned, including the Palestine LiberatiQn Organization. In this context, we welcome with satisfaction tIle joint statement on the Middle East ~ssued by the United States and the Soviet Union on 1 October. We hope that the initiatives taken with a view to convening the Geneva Conference as qUickly as possible will be successful and that rapid and substantial progress will be made towards a just and equitable solution very soon. 166. Without a solution to the problem as a whole that wou!d establish a durable peace, there is a risk that that region will once again be dragged into a crisis that might well be more devastating and dangerous than ever. On the way to substantial negotiations, the parties should refrain from all actiom: that might exacerbate the existing situa- tion. In this context, the establishment of settlements on the left bank of the Jordan River clearly constitutes an obstacle to the search for peace. 167. More than 30 years have elapsed since the first session of the General A~sembly of the United Nations adopted its first resolution concerning disarmament. During the period since then, despite regular appeals by the international community for disarmament, occasional inte~sive negotiations and a number of international agree- 168. Despite these disturbing developments, it is never- theless encouraging that the world is becoming more and more aware of ~he dangers of the universal arms race. The decision to convene a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament comes at a propitious moment. My Government hopes that that special session will give a strong impetus to negotiations on disarmament. 169. The Charter itself urges the United Nations to undertake the task of promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The constitu- tional and political system of Turkey is based on the concept that economic and social rights, on the one hand, and civil and political rights, on the other, are inseparable and interdependent. We are also convinced that a world order based on peace, justice and equality cannot be conceived without the respect and effective protection of human rights. 170. Mankind should be protected not only against 9Ppression and injustice but also against terror and violence. My country, which has recently been the victim of several attacks against the lives of its diplomatic represen- tatives, is ready to contribute to initiatives taken to combai'r effectively international violence. 171. The North-South dialogue on the establishment of a new international economic order will, no doubt, occupy a very important place in our deliberations. During this session we will have the opportunity to review the results of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, a task that was carried over from the thirty-first session. 172. Despite the fact that some agreements-although limited in scope and nature-were reached in the Confer- CIlce, it is clearly understood that the global issues comprised in the proce~)s of reshaping the new.economic order can best be dealt with in the United Nations system. We believe, in fact, that negotiations within a larger framework will facilitate the consensus and prevent repeti- tion of discussions made in other f0wms. 173. In the negotiations on the establishment of a new international economic order it would be wrong to think that where one party gains the other must necessarily lose. Such ati assumption could have been understandable to a certain extent in the shm'! term; however, in the medium and long terms it will definitely be possible to deal with the problems in such a way as to converge and maximize the interests of all the parties concerned. 175. On the other hand, the negotiations cm those problems must not make us lose sight of the urgent problems faced by the developing countries. Those prob- lems cannot await the establishment of the new inter- national economic order. The balance-of-payments dif- ficulties of the least developed countries as wen as the middle-income countries call for urgent remedies. The international financial institutions cannot lose sight of the particular characteristics of the economies of the devel- oping countries. In a world dominated by injustice and social and economic disparity those countries could hardly be caned upon to restrict their growth perspectives for the sake of strict internal financial stability; on the contrary, emphasis should be laid on increasing the flow of external savings to them. 176. In the field of long-term measures aimed at restruc- turing the world economic order, a fundamental fact imposes itself. The present economic order which was established in the post-war era enables the transfer of resources to the developing countries only in ratio to the growth rate in the industrialized countries. If this concept remains unchanged, all serious efforts would be stalled until the end of the recession. But under existing conditions, it is most probable that the medium-term growth performance of the industrialized countries will fall far short of that recorded during the 1960s. Does this mean that throughout this period we should follow a policy that would delay the growth in the developing countries? 177. It becomes more and more evident that, in the final analysis, economic growth in the industrialized countries dep~nds upon their economic and trade relations with the developing' world. Increasing industrial exports to th~) developing countries constitutes a very significant indicator in this respect. It is evident that the transfer of real resources to the developing countries not only will help increase the supr,ly of raw materials to the industrialized countries, but also will enable the developing countries to import more from the former. 178. It is more or less an established fact that the transformation the world economy is undergoing and the adoption of new methods of approach to development problems, should lead the United Nations to embark on a new strategy, which ought- to take into account the present situation and the. internaConal economic negotiating process, as well as the, concer1 of a new economic order. 179.' The Cyprus question is once again on the agenda of the General Assembly. We ~egret that this conflict, which has lasted since 1963, has not as yet found a just and Gen~ral Assembly, which call on the two communities to continue the negotiations, and a procedure which prevents the p~rticipation of one of the parties to the dispute in those very deliberations. It can very well be said that this attitude is without precedent. In these circumstances, the Assembly cannot hold to a valid debate on the question of Cyprus as long as the Turkish Cypriot community has not been given the right to participate in the debate to the fullest extent permitted by the rules of procedure. Any decision contrary to this principle c;:.'l only be detrimental to the negotiations. 180. I would not like to refer to the question of Cyprus in a manner which would provoke controversy. 181. I am, rather, of the opinion that we should rigorously refrain from attributing the responsibility for the existing situation in Cyprus to one or the other of the parties. The other day mention was made here of an invasion, of the non-observan r ; by Turkey of the United Nations resolu- tions, of the presence of Turkish military units on the island. But the reasons fGr which Turkey was compelll~d to intervene in July of 1974 have not been explained. Nt~ither has there been any mention of the military coup d'etat instigated at that time by Gr~ece for the purpose of annexing Cyprus. Nor has anything been said a;bout t.he presence of the Greek army in Cyprus, at times officially and at other times in disguise, ever since 1964. We are quite familiar wlth the usual litany, according to which Greece was governed by a military junta at the time of the coup of 1974, and that the present Government is not responsible for the crime perpetrated by that junta. This argument cannot be considered as valid. Every State is responsible for the actions of its Governments and has to bear their consequences. 182. The Tu" .ish Cypriots are accused of being in- tmnsigent. I do not wish to enter intG the details of these queations. It would be enlightening to compare the previous statements ef those who used to enjoy military superiority with the declarations they now make. now that the balance of forces has changed. The striking contradiction between these two attitudes is clear evidence of the value of expressions of goodwill and sincerity so generously put forward. 183. The intercommunal talks will certainly continue one way or another. It would therefore be not only useless but also extremely harmful to try to put the blame on one party or the other fior the lack of results. Let us not try to be the judge, but~ rather, let us try, by all means at our disposal, to encourage negotiation and agreement. 184. The negotiating process cannot be divided. Its scope is the entirety of questions to which a solution has to be 185. The position of Turkey regarding the Cyprus ques- tion has frequently been explained from this rostrum. In our opinion, the future solution should be based on the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Cyprus. Even though Turkey is not a non-aligned country, it believes that a policy of non-alignment would be desirable for Cyprus and would contribute to the peace and stability in the eastern Mediterranean. 186. The events precipitated by the Greek military inter- vention in 1974 have inevitably produced a regrouping of the two communities. Sixty thou~,and Turkish Cypriots have found refuge in the ~I")rth of the island after abandoning their homes and properties in the .:;outh. A movement in the opposite directiorl has taken !,lace for the Greek Cypriot population of the n01th of ~he island. An agreement between the two communities has completed this exchange of population Various problems that have emanated from these movements can be settled only within the framework of an over-all solution. 187. The Turkish forces that are in Cyprus have been sent there in conformity with the obligations undertaken by Turkey. However, Turkey does not have the least intention of keeping its forces in Cyprus. It has already substanti&lly reduced its forces on the island -;lle totality of troops sent to Cyprus after the events of July 1974 will be withdrawn as soon as a l.:\sting political SJlution is reached. However, a complete withdrawal of TurKish troops in the absence of such a solution and in th? present atmosphere of distrust and political 
Mr. President, the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar is particularly gratified at your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your great experience in international affairs as well as the committed and decisive role that Yugoslavia has always played within the non-aligned movement and .in concert with the devel- oping countries qualifies you more than any other to preside over our deliberations.
227. My delegation would also like to stress the dedication with which the Secretary-General has endeavoured, in all circumstances, to make the collective will of Mf:mber States prevail, pursuant to the mandate that we have entrusted to rum. .
228. The Democratic Republic of Madagas,car welcomes with joy the admission to our Organization of the Republic of Djibouti and of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.
229. The determination of the liberation movements of Djibouti and the politicalleade~of that country have made it possible for that country to overcome the difficulties inherent in its colonial situation and to make the will for unity and emancipation of its people prevaH.
230. The presence among us of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is a source of particular satisfaction for the delegation of Madagascar because it marks the culmination of the long and difficult struggle of a people firmly attached to its freedom, its sovereignty, its independence and to the promotion of social progress.
231. The admission of these two States to the Organiza- tion bears witness to the predominant role that the countries of the third world intend to, and ought to~ play in international affairs without there being any need to refer to a certain polarization that has pre-determined the direction of decisions and actiohs of the United Nations since its foundation. This change, which we welcome but some still question, requires in our opinion a reordering of priorities and a new attitude in the perception of the over-all interests of the community of nations.
232. Developments in the international situation between the two sessions of the General Assembly have not been such as to allay anxieties.
233. Denpite our collective efforts, the United Nations has not been able to make a positivf~ contribution to the solution of many problems the persistence of which justify our pessimism about the effectivene~is of our procedures for negotiation arid the sincerity and will of one and all to make the necessary compromises.
234. The conflicts of convictions, of ideas and of action continue to sustain flash-points of tension, particularly in Africa. New forms of intervention have been devised to undermine the security of certain States, the political options of which cannot and could never coincide with those of the imperialist, capitalist and neo-colonial interests.
235. However, in the past 10 years; we have witnessed the emergence of conditions which in our opinion can ensure n'1e triumph of world revolution.
236. The universal acceptance of pflaceful coexistence, the growing challenge of the concept of power, the decrease in
237. These encouraging prospects have produced negative reactions on the part of the imperialist capitalists, who cling blindly to the acquisitions and privileges of'the past and are thus bent on preserving the status quo.
238. We are forced to recognize that there is a situation of confrontation which some seek to conceal or to force into oblivion by preaching the virtues of selective interdepen- dence, of dialogue, of gradual action and prolonged negotiation, all of which constitute excessive delaying tactics.
239. It may be too early, of course, to speak of a real crisis, but we have the firm conviction that the preliminary signs are there.
240. Indeed, the world is today Witnessing attempts at colonial reconquest and the resurgence of neo-colonialism. The principles of the Charter, such as self-determination, have been distorted in a shameful and cynical way.
241. In order to safeguard their economic, political and military interests some are not inhibited either by the resumption of the "peculiar dialogue" with the racist regimes of southern Africa or elsewhere or by the destabili- zation of the progressive revolutionary regimes committed to the true struggle for freedom of the peoples. Interference in the internal affairs of States has become a common practice in the name of moralizing principles and attempts are made to impose on others norms that are contrary to the safeguarding of their own security.
242. That understanding which is the main objective of international relations is still a distant goal. Positions are being marked out to such a degree that we are seeing a real regression, concealed by bits and pieces of measures and gestures of so-called "goodwill".
243. The countries of the third world, particularly the non-aligned countries, have no choice other than to take up the challenge hurled at them by international reaction. We for our part are not bent on confrontation but it is our duty to preserve, defend and promote the achievements ~f the past decade. It is from this st~ndpoint t~at .we ~I11 analyse the world political, economic and SOCial SituatIOn and it is on this basis that we will determine our positions and our action, and decide on the measures to be taken within the United Nations.
244. Africa cannot be said to have neglected its economic and social development because two important meetings have been held there: the eleventh extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the OAU, held from 6 to 10 December 1976 in Kinshasa and devoted to economic affairs; and the historic Cairo Conference of March 1977,9
9 First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo from 7 to 9 March 1977.
245. But obviously the major problems facing the African leaders are political in nature and concern independence, security and the total liberation of the continent.
246. Indeed, international imperialism has not renounced the desire to keep the African contipent under its domina- tion: interventions against progressive countries have in- creased as is evidenced by the aggression against the People's Republic of Benin, the attempts at destabiHzation in Angola and the political assassination of the late President Marien Ngouabi. The Shaba affair and other local conflicts have unfortunately provided the reactionary forces of the West with an opportunity to establish a new form of interference in the African political scene. This means that vigilance is called for because rivalries that are no longer fashionable in a world of detente are developing in Africa and endangering the realization of the full emancipation of the African continent.
247. In southern Africa the action of the United Nations has not led to the results expected, because of the refusal of certain Powers to recognize the urgency and the gravity of a situation which threatens international peace and security. The crisis in this region would have been resolved long ago if certain Western Powers had not collaborated with the forces of racism and colonialism and had not afforded them their protection and their sanction. We are convinced of the need to deal with the problems ofapartheid, Rhodesia and of Namibia in terms of their profound unity. But it is absolutely necessary to recognize that priority must be given to the situation in South Africa even though there might be some merit in attacking first those points where the forces of racism and colonialism offer the least resistance.
248. In South Africa the objective remains the restoration of human dignity. The true nature of the problem is not restricted to the restoration of human rights; it is not only a question of granting civil and political rights to the majority. Quite the contrary. We are faced with a situation that has to be remade, remodelled on democratic lines. In other words, it is a situation which will not be resolved without a true popular revolutionary process.
249. The 'elimination of apartheid, the cessation of mas- sacres and repretsion are only phases, the recognition of political rights can only be the beginning of a new period of transformation at all levels. Government by the majority will be meaningless unless it is accompanied by an economic and social revolution permitting, inter alia, the recuperation of national wealth that has been seized and monopolized hitherto by capitalist, imperialist and neo- colonialist circles. The struggle should aim at .the establish- ment of an economic system which would benefit the majority and at the elimination of all interests that are incompatible with this approach. We feel that any solution proposed must be examined in terms of these objectives.
250. We reject any initiative the ulterior motive of which is to perpetuate a certain neo-colonial structure which, on the pretext of maintaining the current prosperity of the South African economy, would in fact seek to perpetuate injustice and the exploitation of the Africans.
252. The preceding r')marks also hold true for Zimbabwe and Namibia, whose future depends upon developments in South Africa.
253. In Zimbabwe, where the Ian Smith regime is daily being driven further towards certain defeat by the blows inflicted upon it by the armed forces of the Patriotic Front, the colonizing Power, which since 1965 has not adopted any effective measure to bring down the rebels, has recently oeen endeavouring to find an honourable way out of-the hopeless situation to the creation of which it has con- tributed.
254. The United Kingdom has just requested the Security Council to come to its aid and have the Secretary-General name a special representative. 1 0
255. My delegation cannot oppose a certain United Nations presence in Zimbabwe, if that will facilitate the
complete~ sincere and genuine decolonization of the Ter- ritory.
256. The appointment of that representative as well as his role, his attributes and his powers must be defined in close consultation between the members of the Security Council and the Patriotic Front.
257. The Democratic Republic of Madagascar reaffirms its militant and committed support of the Patriotic Front, the genuine representative of the people of Zimbabwe, and reserves its position with regard to the links which some would wish to establish between the appointment of the special representative of the Secretary-General and the acceptance of the se-called Angle-American plan for a settlement.
258. We continue to denounce South Africa's refusal to co-operate with the United Nations in order to find a solution to the problem of Namibia. We cannot accept or endorse the South African idea whose aim is the dis- memberment of this international Territory and its trans- formation into a confederation of small tribal states, controlled and manipulated by the racist regime and its allies so as to make it a buffer between themselves and independent Africa. We cannot entertain the idea of negotiations before South Africa has accepted the condi- tions laid down by SWAPO and endorsed by OAU, namely, the withdrawal of all South African military and para- military forces from Namibia and the guaranteeing of the establishment of a normal political climate~ the uncondi- tional liberation of all political prisoners and the return to Namibia of all Namibians in exile; the endorsement by the United Nations Council for Namibia of the appointment in the Territory of any interim authority prior to indepen-
10 See document S/12404/Rev.1.
260. The painful vicissitudes of the struggle of the Saharan people point to the emptiness of the claims of those who want to close the file on Western Sahara. Although sanctioned by the former administering Power, the solution of the dismemberment and annexation of that country has never been accepted by the United Nations, ·and still less by OAU.
261. The Democratic Republic of Madagascar supports the right of the Saharan people to a free and independent destiny and, in recognizing the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic, it has demonstrated its willingness not to accept the fait accompli created by the Governments of Morocco and Mauritania.
262. In the Horn of Africa, we deem it essential that the two brother countries, Ethiopia and Somalia, be and remain truly independent, revolutionary and socialist. But that is Where the shoe pinches, for imperialism is trying to prolong the conflict in order to make us forget the Zionist colonial gnp on Palestine and the grip of imperialism, racism and apartheid on southern Africa.
263. That is why we believe that it is the duty of all progressive countries of the world, and in particular those of Africa, to work for a reconciliation between those two sister revolutions so as not to play the game of international imperialism in that strategic region of Africa.
264. The President of the Democratic Republic of Mada- gascar, Mr. Didier Ratsiraka, is not unaware of the difficul- ties of mediation in this conflict. However, he believes that it is no longer possible to remain silent. It would be dishonourable for Africa not to try to fmd a solution to this specifically -t\frican problem or to allow non-African Powers to resolve it in their own way and even to their benefit. For our part we shall continue our efforts, even if we have to begin again a thousand times, for any conflict, whatever it may be, always ends in negotiations.
265. With regard to the Comorian island of Mayotte, my delegction cannot subscribe to the arguments put forward by France to legalize an occupation which has been repeatedly denounced by OAU and the entire international community. "
266. Threats to international peace and security in south- ern Africa; the acute crisis in the Horn of Africa; the maintenance of the French colonial presence in the Comorian island of Mayotte--how could we rerilain indif- ferent and not share our anxiety about these issues?
267. In these circumstances, the Assembly will appreciate
'~lat my delegation cannot emphasize too much the need to implement the objectives of the solemn Declaration by which the General Assembly on 16 December 1971 designated the Indian Ocean as a .~one of peace fresolution 2832 (XXVI)].
269. Furthermore, the coastal States believe that the maintenance of peace and security in their regivn in the final analysis fall within their authority and their compe- tence, without being subject to the interests of Powers foreign to the region. Any bilateral or multilateral negotia- tions on the maintenance of peace in the Indian Ocean cannot be crowned with success if they aim only at a compromise between the interests of those Powers; what is important is to ensure real guarantees of independence and security for the countries of the region.
270. Like other coastal St~tes, the Democratic Republic of Madagascar refuses to admit that the notion of a zone of peace can be dIstorted to justify any military presence or activities incompatible with the Declaration on the Indian Ocean. Indeed, history has taught us how the notion of the freedom of the seas has been invoked by the imperialist Powers of Europe to ensure maritime supremacy. Any idea of supremacy in the Indian Ocean, whether exercised by a single super-Power, or by two or several Powers with opposing interests that counterbalance one another, must be rejected; it is in this conviction that we reaffirm the validity of all the objectives of the Declaration on the Indian Ocean.
271. Elsewhere, both in Africa and in the Indian Ocean region, other hotbeds of tension are ofparticular concern to my Government. In the Middle East, any delay in the solution of the Palestinian question and in that of the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories increases the dangers of war. The responsibility of Israel for the prolongation of this explosive situation leaves no room for doubt. The proliferation of settlements and the recent measures taken by Israel are tantamount to a de facto annexation of the West Bank of the Jordan and of the Gaza Strip. The refusal of Israel to recognize the national and inalienable right of the Palestinian people- to self-deter- mination, including its right to establish an independent State in Palestine, in accordance with the Charter; to apply the relevant. resolutions on the right of return and the right to compensation of the Palestinians; to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people; and finally to evacuate all the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, which it cynically calls "lib~rated Israeli territories", that refusal of Israel, I repeat, aggravates the crisis and danger- ously threatens world peace.
272. Moreover, initiatives have been taken by the Security Council to bring Israel to recognize the political status of
273. With your permission, Mr. President, I should now like to speak of a question which is'nof on the agenda but which in the view of my Government is a source of deep concern inasmuch as it contains all those elements which can at any time bring about a violent confrontation. I have in mind the question of Korea. Indeed, preparations for war, up to and including the maintenance of a sizable nuclear arsenal under the so-called Treaty for the protec- tion of the Seoul regime, are being pursued methodically in the south of Korea. For its part the Government of the United States does not appear to have renounced its design to divide the Korean nation.
274. The General Assembly in its resolution 3390 B (XXX), defined the framework for a political solution to this question. We call for the speedy application of that resolution as well as of the North-South joint communique of 4 July 1972,11 in order to speed up the independent and peaceful reunification of the country.
275. The conflicts and crisis situations which I have mentioned-grave in themselves-would not be that dangerous for international peace and security if they were not set against the background of a world armed to the teeth, possessing the necessary means to self-destruct several times over, and not safeguarded against an accident or an error in judgement that could at any moment bring about its annihilation. That is a state of affairs that hardly gives cause for optimism, particularly since we are only two years away from the end of the Disarmament Decade.
276. The relative failure of any programme for controlling armaments attests to one thing, namely, the attachment of Governments to the erroneous idea that equates the level of security with the level of armaments. Whether or not such an attitude is deliberate or subconscious does not change the fact that the general interest does not lie in the ever-growing sophistication of the conventional and nuclear arsenals of the major and the super-Powers, in the dreaded horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons, or in a quantitative or qualitative expansion in the arms trade.
277. It is in this spirit that we shall participate in May 1978 in the deliberations of the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. We will do so because disarmament, desirable in itself, is one of the necessary conditions for the creation of an atmosphere of trust conducive to l;lniversal security. Its economic and social implications are evident; I will not dwell on them, except to say that it would be of great benefit to divert all or part of the $400 billion spent annually for military purposes to development activities, because the only battle that deserves to ·be waged is that which will liberate man and meet his cultural and material needs.
280. It has become a commonplace to say that political problems or problems of human rights, such as I have just analysed, cannot be taken out of their ieconomic context, because it is easy to find, in any situation of conflict or tension, material interests at stake. This means that we attach great significance to the' numerous and complex economic and financial issues included in the agenda of the United Nations and its specialized agencies, issues for which we hope a speedy and valid solution will be found.
281. In this connexion we should not likt~ to overlook the efforts made by the Group of 77 to work out and submit coherent programmes for change in the economic relations and structures of the international cdfnrnunity.
282. The Charter of Algiers, 1 2 adopieti 10 years ago, th~ International Development Strategy for tht~ Second United Nations Development Decade f resolution 2626 (XXV)], resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI) on the new inter- national economic order-to cite only a few instruments- attest to the constant concern of the third-world countries to put an end to the imperialist exploitation of these riches and mangower, to take into their own hands their economic destiny, to participate in decision;,making which affects them and to condemn, reject and'refuse all forms of coercive and discriminatory economic policy or practice.
283. These considerations will inspire us during this session, which is to consider to what extent the objectives contained in the resolutions on economic development and international economic co-operation have been imple- mented.
284. Nor shall we hide our concern regarding the impos- sibility we found during the resumed thirty-first session of
12 See Proceedings of the United Naticms Conference on Trade and Development, Second Session, vol. I and Corr.l and 3 and Add.l and 2, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.68.II.D.14), p. 431.
285. We are among those who believe that the United Nations system is the most representative and appropriate body to initiate, conduct and succeed in negotiations of a global nature on the establishment of a new international
econo~nic order. Thus, our Assembly will have to elaborate specific guidelines for relevant institutions of the system and ask them to abide by the principles and priorities which it defines.
286. In the forefront of our priority concerns is the problem of raw materials. We deplore' the lack of under- standing of certain Western St~tes' which :still voice reserva- tions about the. objectives, modalities and elements of the common fund aimed: at stabilizing the'. prices of raw materials corriillg from the developing countries. That instrument would make it possible to achieve the ob1ectives of the Integrated Programme for Commodities called for by the producing countries of the third world.
287. We also wish to see the resumption of negotiations, in accordance with the terms of the resolutions of the seventh special session of the General Assembly, on o*er important questions that have been left in abeyance, such as the search for global solutions to the problems of the indebtedness of the developing countries, reform of the international monetary system, and measures aimed at favouring the transfer of technology and promoting indus- tries in the under-equipped countries.
288. Negotiations on those issues should lead to concrete measures inspired by the International Development Strat- egy and should not, as in the past, be con.fined to a search for palliatives contingent upon circumstances.
289. The picture of the international situation which I have just sketched before this Assembly might appear gloomy and pessimistic, and· I hope that no one will take exception to the candour with which my delegation has endeavoured to view and comment on the realities of our time. After all, what good would it do to feign ignorance and not recognize the malaise that exists in relations among the members of the international community?
290. On the one hand, the world of reaction has not laid aside its objectives of domination and exploitation and even seeks to reverse the course of history. When it is asked to pronounce itself on matters of integration and accession to political and economic rights, it avows that it renounces confrontation, but in fact it takes refuge in empiricism. The result is a series of hesitations, delays, imprecisions and harmful improvisations in the development of normal international relations.
291. On the other hand, the forces of progress, to which we belong, firmly believe in the inevitability of the triumph
292. To avoid a confrontation of those two trends firm cormnitments must he made and inconsistent policies have to be abandoned, and we must all recognize the need for joint efforts for the advent of a new world which would look quite different from the old world, of which it is not necessarily the heir.
293. The choice between those two trends must be made in accordance with our determination to respect strictly the principles of the Charter and to work sincerely for the realization of its objectives.
299. The truth is that, just after the total liberation of Viet Nam, while the so-called defenders of human rights were predicting blood-baths in the newly liberated areas of South Viet Nam~ the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam . restored citizenship rights to over 1 million Vietnamese, former collaborators of the aggressors, and helped them to become totally integrated in the life of the national community as a whole, in a spirit of clemency and national reconciliation. That was unprecedented in the history of wars in the world. 296. Mrs. NGUYEN NGOC DUNG (Viet Nam) (inter- pretation from French): At the plenary meeting this morning the delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam heard Mr. Gaston Thorn, the President of the Govern- ment of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, refer in his statement to the question of human rights in Viet Nam. With all the respect that my delegation has for him, we do not wish to enter into polemics at this rostrum. We simply want to make clear what th~ real situation in our country is.
294. If that is not done, the United Nations, a centre of consultation and harmonization, but above all a centre of truth, will no longer have its raison d'etre.
I now call on the representative of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, who has asked to be allowed to speak in exercise of the right of reply.
298. On the other hand, there could be another version of what he said, a version emanating from certain circles, still nostalgic for an inglorious past, which, while unleashing one of the ·most brutal wars of aggression in history, called themselves the defenders of human rights.
300. Because of the late hour, the delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam does not wish to abuse the time of the Assembly this evening, and it believes that the
insigh~ and impartiality of the representatives in this Assembly will ensure that credit is given where credit is due.
The meeting rose at 7.50 p.m.