A/32/PV.20 General Assembly
THIRTY·SECOND SESSION
9. General debate I. Mr. O'KENNEDY (Ireland): I should like first, Mr. President, to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly. It is a source of particular satisfaction to me that you should take the chair in the year when Yugoslavia is host to .the review conference of the Conference on Security and Co·operation in Europe, and in the year in which, after many years of fruitful contacts between our two countries, Ireland and Yugoslavia have entered into fonnal diplomatic relations with each other. 2. I also wish to extend a warm welcome to our two new Members, the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. This represents a further significant step towards that universality of membership which we all wish to see and which can be one of the major strengths of this Organization. 3. I should also like, following his election last year, to voice my Government's confidence in the Secretary- General, Mr. Waldheim, whose deep concern for this Organ- ization and for the preservation of peace is so clearly manifest in his latest report on the work of the Organi- zation [A13211}. 4. Since I have very recently taken office as Foreign Minister and since this is the first time I appear as representative of my country before this General Assembly, I think it is appropriate that I should reaffirm the commitment of the new Irish Government to the principles and the Charter of the United Nations. 5. Ireland has always strongly supported this Organization since we were admitted in 1955, and my Government will continue to do so. We know that the United Nations is not perfect; but it has a valuable-and indeed essential-role to play in world affairs. It is a meeting-place which is now almost universal in membership; and States from all corners of the world which belong to different regional groups find here that they have so much in common. They may come to understand-if not necessarily agree with-each other NEW YORK through fonnal and infonnal exchanges; and States in dispute with each other can explain their respective positions and seek the support of the world· community in resolving these disputes. 6. Indeed the mere fact that the opening weeks of the session bring government leaders here from all around the world and oblige them to focus their attention seriously on major world problems can be so valuable in itself. Already at the current session there are some indications ofmodest progress on major issues such as the Middle East, southern Africa and Cyprus-though it would, of course, be unwise to be too optimistic. 7. We also see an important mediating role for the United Nations-through the actions of our Secretary-General, for example, or by the provision of peace-keeping forces in situations of conflict or potential conflict. Ireland has welcomed and supported such efforts in the past and we will continue to do so in every way open to us. 8. These are all good reasons to value our membership in the Organization and make it for each of us a pledge of our common commitment to peace, justice and the right of each member of the human family to a life of human dignity. But we must now, I feel, ask ourselves a further question: are we prepared to face. together, as truly united nations, a series of major problems which have forced themselves upon our attention with a new urgency as problems for the world community as a whole? 9. It seems to me that anns control and disarmament in particular are issues where we need a new sense of collective responsibility. Thisis vital because, as the Secretary-General points out, if we stumble once again into a world conflagration all our other hopes and activities will be in vain. While the Charter does not impose disannament as an absolute obligation or specify exactly how it should be brought about, we know well that we do face a time-table. 10. It is a time-table imposed by the steady build-up of probabilities. If the world continues to ann and prepare itself for conflict, it becomes increasingly likely that it will stumble into conflict. If the balance in the world continues to depend on a regular and competitive addition of weight and force from each side, it becomes increasingly probable that it will not be maintained but will topple into disaster. 11. It follows then, as is said so often here, that a halt must simply be called to the growth of annaments, and real progress towards disannament must be achieved. But can we move on from such a statement at the level of general principles? Can we make the specific choices and, if necessary, accept the particular risks which will lead to concrete negotiations and result in specific measures? This 12. This means, in particular, the nuclear Powers. A State does not become a nuclear Power by accident, but by choice. It is legitimate therefore for those who are not themselves engaged in this race to sugge·st that those who are have a very special responsibility to all of us. President Carter, in his statement to the General Assembly yesterday [18th meeting],' drew attention to this special respon- sibility and accepted it on behalf of the United States. But others, too, have their responsibilities to face, in particnlar those who have chosen to build up their forces for the purposes of general or regional deterrence or advantage, or who help others to do so, even if they have not themselves become nuclear Powers. 13. The need to curb the staggering waste of the arms race and to redeploy for the good of mankind the resources thus released explains the world-wide support for a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament next year. 14. In some ways the forum which this General Assembly provides is not well suited to disarmament negotiations. But it can and must focus attention on the problem and bring the forces of world opinion to bear in establishing priorities. 15. We need to speak plainly and we need to elaborate a precise programme if the world public is not to regard the special session as another ritual meeting irrelevallt to their real concerns. 16. We need a strengthening of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; we need a compre- hensive ban on nuclear tests: we need to limit and reduce the immense expenditure on conventional arms, since more than 80 per cent of the world's military expenditure goes on such weapons. 17. A particular burden of responsibility in the matter of nuclear restraint rests on the two nuclear super-Powers. It is important, in my view, that the hopes expressed by President Carter here yesterday for progress towards a Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty should be realized, and that progress should be made on a workable international programme which will ensure that peaceful nuclear tech- nology is available, under proper safeguards, to the non- nuclear Powers. 18. But what we do on these questions, at the special session or otherWise, will be a success only if we work towards genuine disarmament and not simply towards controlled armament, which would not be an acceptable substitute for a real reduction in weapons systems. The Secretary-General has made this point very clear in his report fA/32/1, sect. IV/' 19. The Secretary-General has reminded us, too, that we have not yet produced the results which were hoped for 20. Today 25 per cent of the world's scientific manpower is engaged in military-related pursuits, and 40 per cent of all research and development spending is earmarked for mili- tary purposes. For the past several years, military expen- diture has been about $300 billion each year. This sum is spent in a poverty-stricken world which urgently needs a new, more equitable, international economic order. It is a chilling fact that the resources devoted to the arms race since the end of the Second World War are roughly the equivalent of the total 1976 gross national product for the entire world. Think for a moment what a difference it would mean to the developing world if even a proportion of these funds could be used to help the countless millions living in poverty, those still without clean water, the sick, the uneducated, the deprived. 21. How much longer can the community of nations accept this scandal, that we direct so large a part of our resources to weapons with which to destroy one another? Surely a basic concern for humanity should make us cry out against this in a world where there is large-scale poverty and premature death from starvation of millions each year. 22. An end to wasteful expenditure on armaments alone is not sufficient, however, since much of the world's poverty and misery is due to under-development and to inequity in the distribution and use of the world's resources. We now have new reasons for concern about this. Mutual inter- dependence is no longer simply a phrase to be used in a speech. It is now an evident reality in the market-place and in the world economy as a whole. Whatever the historic origin of the present gross imbalance between those who are developed and those who are not, each now needs the other, and neither can go it alone. If the rule for our world today is to be, as it was often in the past, "what I have I hold", then the rule for tomorrow may well be "what we now ignore will return to haunt us". 23. We ~ave s\lrely had some salutary lessons in this regard in recent years. F~w of us can have good memories of the crisis in energy supplies over these past years. But it has at least brought home some valuable lessons to those who suffered directly as well as to those who appeared to gain. 24. It seems to me. that the drawing of these lessons and the setting of priorities to deal with the problems which arise should be a particular function of the General Assembly, because it can take a broader and more political view of what is necessary than other specialized agencies. But detailed negotiations to bring about the necessary change may have to be held elsewhere. 25. Economic development, of course, is not simply a matter of the transfer of resources, though that will certainly be required. It must also involve consideration of stru'cturaI change which will permit development, once under way, to continue, and which will ensure that the
Mr. Ashtal (Democratic Yemen), Vice-President, took the Chair.
May I through you, Mr. Presi- dent, congratulate the President of this Assembly on his election. Our pleasure at seeing him in the chair is also
77. At this stage I should also like to express to his predecessor in the chair. Ambassador Amerasinghe, my country's thanks and recognition for the tact and excep- tional insight with which he led the previous General Assembly. His conduct of our deliberations was in kee ping with the best traditions of his country, Sri Lanka.
78. It is a special joy for me to greet the new Members of this Organization, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nllm and the Republic of Djibouti. Their admission is consistent with the principle of the universality of the United Nations laid down in the Charter and will contribute much to the success of our work.
79. The Vietnamese people have painfully experienced the horrors of war. We can therefore expect that that people will be among the most resolute champions of II policy of peace.
80. This Organization was created after the catastrophe of a great war in order to give mankind peace and security. The immediate past, in which millions were denied their dignity and were deprived of their righ ts, was the origill of a deepening concern to protect human rights for the future.
81. By setting up the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and proclaiming the Universal Declamtion of Human Rights, this Organization made itself an advocate of the rights of man. Nex.t year will be the thirtieth anni- versary of the Declaration. That occasion makes it appro- priate to assess the work of our Organization and this Assembly in the light of the goals of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
82. Since the admission of my country to tltis Organi· zation. Austria has consciously sought to promote the protection of human rights and has made such protection a major efforl and objective of its foreign policy.
83. At the time of the founding of the United Nations the concept of human rights was limited essentially \0 the so·called civil and political freedoms as they emerged at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. Today, however, human rights embrace, in addition to these freedoms, economic, social and cultural rights. At Least since the 1968 Teheran Confe.rence,s their equal status was no longer disputed. Man's dignity, the guaranteeing of his social and economic seCllrity, and the free development of his wllole personality are today's goal in the protection of human rights.
5 International Conference on Humllll Rights, held a( Teheran from 22 April to 13 May 1968.
"Perhaps more than in any other field of international activity we face in the human rights field the gulf between idealistic declarations and hard realities." {see A132/J, sect. v.j
85. Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that today more than ever before in history human rights are more deeply rooted in the consciousness of men and even of Govern- ments-even those which violate them. This may well be the reason why we frequently have the impression that today human rights are violated on a laf!cr scale than in the past.
86. In the past, with less awareness of the subject, violations of human rights were often not recog.nized as such. The first and decisive step in the realization of an idea is always the creation ofawareness. Therefore, information and education play an all-important role in the realization of this idea. For this reason Austria follows with great interest the relevant work of UNESCO and the United Nations University. We shall vigorously support these efforts.
87. Recent years and decades have enabled us to recognize tbe interdependence between a policy of respect for the dignity and worth of the individual and the maintenance of peace and security. Today we see more clearly than ever that peace and security require progress in man's free social, political, economic and cultural development.
88. It is, therefore, a source of deep concern for us that, despite repeated and sincere efforts in the past year, hardly one of the world's crises is closer to a settlement. The people of the areas concerned are still denied a life in security and peace. It seems worth making the point that the causes of all these problems lie ultimately in the violation or denial of human rights. TIlis is true for the crises in the Middle East, in Cyprus and in $Outhe rn Africa, as weD as for the lack of progress of the disarmament efforts. It applies equally to the crisis in the relations between North and South. That crisis has its origin in the imperfect provision on II global scale of economic and social rights to ail the peoples of our planet. In view of its joint commitment to guarantee human rights, the international community as a whole bears joint responSibility for improving this situation.
89. We are still far from securing a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Prominent among the indispensable elements of a peace settlement are the principles laid down in Security Council resolu tions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Another element is the reciprocal recognition of justified demands. In this connexion it must be expected of Israel that it recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, 1n particular their right to self·determination and a homeland. From the Palestinian people we must expect the recognition of Israel's right to exist in peace with its neighbours in the area.
90. Finally, the parties to the conflict must refrain from any action that might prejudice a negotiated solution. Thus,
92. The continued suppression of the peoples of Zim- babwe and Namibia has already led to violence and bioodshed. We are particularly distressed that the victims of violence include i;u'locent men, womp,n and children, and people h ho had dtluicated their lives to the service of their fellow-men.
93. Every opportunity !TIust be seized to s.~cure by peaceful means the long overdue exercise of theit right to self-determination and to intrc<i'..,lce forms of Governmfnt that are based on democratic principles and on N~spec~ for the rights of the majority, as well as those of the minority.
94. "i,le impr rtant role the United NaHons piays in the
L'11plement~ii(Jn of the right of the peopll~ of Zimbabwe to seif-detennim tion hus been demonstratea bv the recent decis;on of tl'e Security Council concerning'the appoint- -nent of a representative of the Secretary-General for Southern Rhodesia in its resolution 415 (1977).
95. We appreciate hig.J,Uy the endeavour of Western mem- bers of the Security Council, in close co-operation with the South West Africa People's Organization and the Secretary- General of the United Nations, to secure the speedy independence of Namibia. We are also following with great interest the further efforts of the United Kingdom, sup- ported by the United States, to create the necessary conditions for majority rule in Zimbabwe.
96. The most serious problem in southern Africa, for which a solution is still not in sight, is the policy of apartheid of South Africa. The Government of that country must be brought to realize that the system of apartheid offends our sense of moral decency. The South African Government must fmally recognize that peaceftll co- eXIstence among the peoples of southern Africa is not feasible as long as the vast majority of the population of South Africa is denied full and equal enjoyment of civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights. There can be no doubt that it is also in the self-interest of South Africa's white population to renounce the inhuman policy of apartheid.
97. The World Conference held at Lagos last August furnished yet another impressive proof of the world-wide rejection and Icondemnation of the policy ofapartheid.
106. The world economy is another area which requires intensified international co-operation. The uncertainty that now marks the economic situation of many countries demands resolute concerted actiun by the international community. 98. Human rights also play an important role in another crisis: the crisis of Cyprus. We hope that this crisis will be resolved by maintaining the certury-old bonds of the two communities in a Republic of Cyprus, whose independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity this Organization has so often acknowledged.
100. Credit for the significant role which the United Nations plays t'l the maintenance of peace in the Middle East and Cyprus belongs not least to the peace-keeping
for~es operating under the United Nations' flag.
101. May i once again express to all the United Nations troops our deeply felt thanks for their splendid contribu- tion. At the ~ame time I wiiili to pay a tribute to the memory of those who gave their lives serving the United Nations.
102. In this connexion, may I express our deep concern about the current state of the financing of the peace-
keepmg operations, Compared to the modest amounts spent by the international community on peace-keeping operations, the scale of the annual expenditures on arma- ments remains enormous.
103. The arms race of recent years has not led just to an extremely dangerous blurring of the line between nuclear and conventional weapons and to the incrc(tsed danger of a further proliferation of nuclear weapons. It also entails irresponsible squandering of financial resources, of human research capacity and of raw materials.
104. I am very well aware of the very complex nature of disarmament and arms control measures, as well as of their link with the security of States. For this reason we realize the difficulty for the forthcoming special session of the General Ausembly on disarmament. Yet we must use that opportunity, which may not come again, to devise, with the active co-operation of all, a new and a comprehensive approach to the problem of disarmament and to adopt genuine disarmament measures. If, in so doing we again
point to the special responsibility of the great Powers, that does not mran that all other States are released from their responsibility. It means rather that by objective criteria the existing arsenals of those Powers imply not only special prerogatives but also the obligation to cle2:r the way for genuine disarmament, which is inconceivable without their co-operation. In this respect we are encouraged by the forthright stand taken by President Carter in his important address to this Assembly yesterday [18th meeting}.
105. Finally, in addressing tht; problem of disarmament and particularly the problem of non-proliferation of nuclear arms it is impossible not to mention the important role of IAEA.
107. A broad consensus is now emerging that a new international economic order is one of the most important pre-conditions for the establishment of better economic
108. A new international order will contribute, therefore, to the realization of human rights> without which many imndreds of millions have no hope of worthy human existence. But such an order will also require new forms of international co-operation, especially with regard to the creation of the infrastructure necessary for economic and social progress in t!le developing countries.
109. At an earlier stage of the debate the Austrian Chancellor, rv.r. Bruno Kreisky, urged a faster rate of infrastructural development, primarily in the field of transportation, within the framework of a major multi- lateral plan for the developing countries, especially those of Africa. As many industrialized States as possible, together with other States in a position to do so, should co-operate in an endeavour of this kind. In view of the tasks to be accomplished and of the scale of the resources required, such an initiative could well be compared with the Marshall Plan whir.h w~s (:{'\ pssenti"l f".. tho ..oh..;l,1:"'g o~ cu-~-- - __A, _ u_ _ '",u .& &,,,",.1. 'wt" l,",UUJ.IULJl 1. J...j IV}JC after the Second World War.
110. We have noted with particular satisfaction that the Conference on Intemational Economic Co-operation, re- sponding to an initiative of African States, agreed on measures for the improvement of Africa's economic and social infrastructures, with emphasis on transport and communications. A further step was taken at this year's summer session of the Economic and Social Council by the adoption of resolution 2097 (LXIII) providing for the proclamation :Jy the General Assembly of a Transport and Communications Decade in Africa for 1978-1988. Austria warmly welcomes this resolution and hopes that it will be endorsed by this Assembly. The Austrian Federal Govern- ment is ready to co-operate act.ively in the preparation and implementation of programmes for the- attainment of the objectives of such a d~cade.
111. One of the central tasks of the United Nations in the coming years will be to work out a new international development strategy consistent with the new international economic order. We expect that the current General Assembly will begin, in a practical way, to lay the groundwork for the formulation of this strategy and thus create the conditions for real progress in the relevant negotiations. fartkalar care should be taken, in our view, that work on the new strat:,;gy does not prejudge commit- ments entered into for the current Second United Nations Development Decade.
112. The fundamental objectives of international develop- ment co-operation undoubtedly include a better exchange of scientific and technological knowledge and closer inter- national co-operation in the application of this knowledge to the development process. Hence the special significance of the 1979 United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development.
113. Austria stands ready to contribute its best to the successful conduct of this most important United Nations
114. In the process of breaking new grounds and creating new ideas we expect a significant contribution from the commission whose establishment. waa announced from United Nations Headquarters by Mr. Willy Bnmdt,6 the former Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany.
115. My remarks so far have focused on the need for comprehensive and universal implementation of human rights and fundamental freedoms and their connexion with economic and social development. Concern for the well- being of the individual is one of the cardinal principles of Austrian foreign policy. We are not afraid to stand up for the victims of human rights violations, no matter where they may occur, and we are always ready to give help to the greatest extent possible.
116. Austria has always tried to make an active contribu- tion to the work of the United Nations bodies concerned with human rights questions. I should like to express Austria's appreciation of the work done ty these bodies. They have constantly sought to advance the cause of human rights despite the wide variety of views and the differing social and political systems represented in these bodies.
117. In speaking of human rights I should like to pay a tribute to the valuable contribution which regional orga-ni- zations make in this field. As the re('resentative of a European country I should like at this point to stress the significance of the European Convention on human rights and the European Social Charter.7 By adopting these instruments the member States of the Counc;} of Europe have agreed on effective machinery for the protection of human rights.
118. Respect for the dignity of man, of all men, is, as I have already said, one of our essential concerns. The denial of equality and of the equal dignity which is the birthright of all people by means of racism, especially in its most extreme form-apartheid-is r~volting to the conscience of man. Therefore we support the objectives of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, as proclaimed in resolution 3057 (XXVIII), and we hope that the world conference to combat racism and racial discrimi- nation, scheduled for 1978, will bring us closer to the goal of eliminating all forms of racial discrimination.
119. We agree with many other members of the Assembly that the combating of international terrorism, which represents a serious threat to fundamental human rights, is an important task of our Organization. In addition to dealing with the comprehensive aspects of this issue, we must also tackle as a mattr.r of particular urgency its most abominable manifestations. Therefore we welcome the fact that the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an
6 Independent Commission on International Development Isslies. 7 See European Yearbook, vol. IX (The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1962), pp. 247-277.
120. Despite earnest efforts the United Nations has still not succeeded in making a decisive break-through in the fight against the use of torture. We appeal once again to all the Members of this Organization to work together to eliminate this barbaric form of violation of human rights and to create an effective tool for combating it.
121. The primary task of our Organization is the establish- ment and maintenance of peace in the world. This task cannot be viewed solely in terms of the Organization's mediating role in conflicts or the sending of United Nations troops on peace-keeping missions. The United Nations has rightly recognized that peace requires a broad basis. Day by day we in this Assembly are working at building and extending this basis.
122. We consider the promotion and development of the policy of detente to be an essential prerequisite for that endeavour. We should like the policy of detente to be understood not merely in its original East-West context; rather it should be understood L*1 a broader sense. In an
interdependent world where space and time have been mastered on an unprecedented scale, detente must be seen as a global process. It should be understood to be that desirable minimum of mutual trust in inter-State relations which provides the fertile soil for the flowering of human potentialities. Detente is the foundation on which human rights and freedoms can be shaped and developed, the framework for the peaceful competition of ideas and systems. For us, detente is a goal to which world politics must constantly aspire; it is a dynamic concept.
123. In this connexion I wish to express our appreciation of the special role of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which marked a qualitatively new dimension in the process of detente. The review conference that has just opened in Belgrade is another important step in the direction in which the Helsinki Conference has pointed.
124. If detente is to be effective and lasting it must operate also at the human level and must take account of humanitarian concerns and the desire for a better flow of information and exchange of contacts across frontiers. If people and nations can perceive the direct results of detente in this way, they will better understand the need for detente.
125. Let me now briefly refer to the agreement reached between Austria and Italy eight years ago which is concerned with increasing the autonomy of the South Tyrol and lays down a time-table for that process. In the spirit of neighbourly co-operation between our two States we have been able to make further progress this past year within the framework of that agreement. However, a number of measures provided for in that time-framework have still to be put into effect. We are confident that the efforts devoted to tlus question, on which the General Assembly adopted resolutions 1497 (XV) and 1661 (XVI), will soon produce further progress and bring us closer to a fmal solution.
127. Work on the Donaupark Centre, which is being built in Vienna for the United Nations and will be made available to the Organization free of charge, is going ahead according to schedule. Office accommodation will be ready for occupancy at the end of 1978. From those facilities the United' Nations will derive considerable financial and organizational benefits. Therefore we expect that the General Assembly at its thirty-third session will take, in accordance with the phaself plan contained in resolution 31/194, adopted unanimously by the General Assembly on 22 December 1976, necessary decisions in this matter.
128. The past year has again witnessed serious and tragic conflicts. Yet it cannot be denied that no other era has been so convinced of the possibility and necessity of resolving these conflicts by adhering to universally accepted standards conceived by the ingenuity of man. International co-operation, especially within our Organization, is of the greatest significance for the attainment of that goaL The success of the United Nations depends on the contribution that each individual Member State is prepared to make.
129. As in the past, Austria will make its contribution to the attainment of the high purposes of the Charter of our Organization.
This universe, full of clash and clamour, can it become more harmonious in its very diversity? Harmony, diversity,' peace, justice, equality: these are the ideals which our Organization embraced after the worst test that mankind has ever been put to. Man was revealed in all his nakedness, his moral bankruptcy, his monstrousness.
131. But some 30 years later, the world is facing a crisis, and beyond the challenges of illiteracy, famine, malnutri- tion, economic disorder, armaments and ideological wars, we discern a rather bleak future. We must avert it.
132. Before continuing my reflections, would this august body allow me to perform the pleasant duty of transmitting to it the best .wishes for its encouragement and full success of His Imperial Majesty Bokassa I, whose coronation will coincide with the end of this session. His Majesty -expresses the ardent hope that our work can go forward iIl tolerance and calm, so that we can fInd the proper ways and means to promote a lasting peace, real detente and a new and more just international economic order.
133. The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has been able firmly to translate into practice these principles which are dear to my country: those of non-alignment and genuine national development. Therefore, on behalf of the Central African delegation, I wannly welcome the election of the President for the' thirty-second session. His expe- rience and expertise in international affairs, I am sure, gives him the capacity to lead our work to a successful conclusion.
135. We express to Secretary-General Ktirt Waldheim all our support, our deep sympathy,. for the delicate. and valuable task he has in seeing to it that the purposes and principles of the Charter are observed. He does this task with the modesty and discretion we have come to expect of him and which are guarantees of his effectiveness. Quite rightly, my country voted for his second term.
136. The Central African Empire welcomes with particular pleasure and pride the admission to our Organization of the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. Those countries have shown us yet again, through their heroic struggle and their determination, that the just cause always wins. We are sure that the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam will bring new life to our Organization.
137. I mentioned a rather bleak future.
138. In southern Africa, the stronger the wind of freedom blows, and th.e greater black awareness becomes, the. more violent become the death throes of the minority regimes and the greater grows the risk of conflagration throughout the continent. Here and in other bodies, my country has said, and I repeat, that the Central African Empire joins the international community in reaffirming its condemnation of any discrimination for reasons of race, colour or creed. My country, the melting-pot of African civilizatioTIS at the heart of Africa, holds the position traced by the philosophy of our great national party, the Movement for Social Deyelopment of Black Africa, the philosophy of "Zo Kwe Zo" and "Zo Ayeke Zo": in other words, every man is a man.
139. In Namibia, the Central African Empire reaffirms its support for all the authentic fQrces, and particularly the South West Africa People's Organization, and will continue to support initiatives such as those already under way, to see to it that in 1978, finally, that Territory will become effectively independent.
140. Zimbabwe is still a source of concern. So many efforts hav'e been made to re-establish legality and justice.
141. Despite the efforts undert~~en by the international community at Geneva and Maputo and by the front-line States, lan Smith entrenches himself in his position by a number of clever delaying tactics. Such an attitude is without a future and can only lead to chaos. Events cannot be deflected from their course. The black majority will inevitably come to power under the flag of the Patriotic Front, recognized at the last session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government .of the Organization of African Unity, held at Libreville in July.
142. These hotbeds of tension, which will soon be eliminated, have, unfortunately, been joined by others. Africa has become the field of choice for hegemonic conflict and an attempt is being made to implant foreign ideologies. From this rostrum I affirm and proclaim that the Central African people has chosen its path and nothing
143. International peace is dangerously threatened in the Middle East. The refusal to recognize the identity and the individuality of the Palestinian people, the occupation of Arab lands, the plundering of the land of thJ Arab populations, the difficulties of coexistence betweencom- munities with different origins and religious beliefs consti- tute, in our opinion, among other causes, the signal characteristics of this explusive situation.
144. Despite the establishment of committees of all kinds, the peace plans proposed here and there and the goodwill missions which have followed one on the oth~r, tension continues to increase.
145. Thus we note, with apprehension, that the delays in a settlement of the question constantly give the highest degree of concern to the international community, because of the latest events which have escalated the confron- tations, bringing wounds and bloodshed to the region.
146. Over and above all the differences, we consider that there is a people which has a righf to a fatherland and to recognition of its legitimate rights: that is the Palestinian people.
147. However, within the framework of a peaceful settle- ment laid down by our Organization, the parties in conflict must find the political will to seek solutions which transcend all other motivations. In any case, my country will continue to bring all its support to the effective application of the relevant resolutions adopted by our Organization, among others, resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of the Security Council, for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the region.
148. In the Eastern Mediterranean, that IS m Cyprus, efforts have been undertaken, within the framework of a peaceful settlement of the matter, on the basis of reso- lutions 3212 (XXIX) and 3395 (XXX), but little progress has been made.
149. The Central African Empire will contribute to any initiatives, within .the framework of our Organization, to preserve the independence of Cyprus and initiate a recon- ciliation between the two communities within an indivisible and free State.
150. I cannot pass oyer in silence the terrible problem of the arms race which involves ever more murderous and sophisticated weaponI)'. Everything leads us to believe that international dettElte, which has been so ardently sought by our Organization is far from having been attained. The nuclear and thennonuclear tests, the control of the seas and oceans for military and hegemonic purposes and the insidious proliferation of atomic and conventional arms make disarmament, we must say, a-distant prospect. What would we not do to devote this infinite potential Qf intelligence, knowledge and colossal wealth that has been thus diverted to the solution of the problems of poverty, ignorance and disease, which are the lot of most of the inhabitants of the world.
152. This analysis of the international situation should serve to strengthen within our Organization our will to bring about necessary and urgent changes in a spirit of sincere friendship, tolerance and non-interference in the internal affairs of States.
153. Almost a year ago my country underwent a radical change at the institutional level. On 4 Del-ember 1976, the Centra! African people, united in the naUonal party, the Movement for the Social Development of Black Africa, freely and in complete sovereignty adopted a new Consti- tution which raises the Republic to an Empire and proclaims His Majesty Bokassa the first Emperor.
154. This act of national sovereignty, the establishment of the Central African constitutional monarchy, demonstrates the originality and the will of the Central African people to confirm, in national independence, a new democracy designed to bring about the full flowering of the Central African personality and the harmonious economic develop- ment of the Empire.
155. Hence, concerned to associate the Central African people closely with their own destiny, the Constitution provides for a National Assembly elected by universal suffrage and an Economic and Social Council, and makes the Supreme Court the supreme guardian of constitutional freedoms.
156. Furthermore, the Constitution accords the Central African people the fundamental rights laid down in the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and, in particular, confers upon Central African youth and women a special place enabling them to affirm their identity and play their full part in the nation.
157. Finally, the Constitution makes the Emperor the arbitrator and regulator of the proper functioning of the institutions. He symbolizes the national unity of the Empire and assures its.enduring future.
158. Every country freely chooses its path, and does so in strict observance or the fundamental principles of our Charter. The Central African people has cho3en its path, in accordance with its aspirations. 159. We wish for peace. My country-another Switzerland -has always wanted and always sought peace, basing itself on sincere friendship as the way to better co-operation with respect for national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affaL's of other States. It is our expectation that the same should be true reciprocally. 160. That is why we shall respond to any attempt at interference in our internal affairs and any attempt to lay 161. What can be said that has not already been said about the pressing need to establish a new international economic order based on equity, growth and above all, justice? 162. My country, which is land-locked, feels acutely the effects of economic and financial. disorder, particularly the deterioration in the terms of trade aggravated by inflation. 163. Of course, many conferences and approaches to the matter have been either held or proposed. The last to date, . the North-South dialogue, despite a few agreements ob- tained, has not produced the results so long awaited by the developing countries. None the less, we must note that a move has been made, as we must fully appreciate the Lome Convention between the European Economic Community and countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific. 164. Furthermore, the problem of the release from in- debtedness of.the developing countries, particularly those c:ountries most affected, must find a rapid solution, if we are to be able to talk of solidarity. Similarly, the specific c.onditions. and needs of the developing countries must be taken into consideration on the basis of preferential treatment, in accordance with the economic declaration of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Colombo in August 1976.8 - 165. It is in this spirit that the Central African delegation appeals to the developed countries and the internationd organizations to facilitate the transfer of resources by increasing the real value and volume of assistance to developing countries, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 3362 (S-VII) of the seventh special session. My country also supports the idea of convening a conference of donor, creditor and debtor countries to study the means of easing the burden of indebtedness of the third world. 166. My country also supports unreservedly all measures aimed at putting an end to the devious practices of transnational corporations and at drawing up an inter- national code of conduct for this purpose. 167. The establishment of a new international economic order is a long-term collective task, of course, but the fundamental problem remains the· awareness" and the political will of the "have" countries to bring this about: 168. It is up to the disadvantaged countries to strengthen their solidarity, because the primary responsibility for their development is their own. 169. In this 'respect, the results of the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Mexico last year, and of the ministerial conference on economic co-operation among African countries, held at Kinshasa also in 1976,9 are highly encouraging. 8 See document A/31/197, annex H. 9 Eleventh extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, held at Kinshasa from 6 to 10 December 1976. 171. We are sure that such horizontal co-operation is part of the irreversible. tide ofhistory. 172. We certainly expect a great deal from international co-operation, but it must be in addition to national efforts. The Central African Empire, within the framework of "operation Bokassa"-a strategy for economic and social development-is making vast efforts in the struggle against under-development. There are many examples to prove this to men of goodwill. We shall mention here only the case of the port works at Bangui, Mongoumba, mainly financed from the national budget and intended to solve the delicate and difficult problem of the interruption of navigation (;>n the Ubangui. 173. To complete the national effort under the pro- gramme to provide an outlet from its land-locked situation, my country sets great hope in the building of a railway between Bangui and the ocean, and in the Trans-Africa Highway between ugos and Mombasa. The Central African Empire, through me, declares itself ready to accept any assistance making it possible to carry out these ventures, which are vital for its economy and for the exploitation not only of resources already known but also of those revealed by satellite and known as the "Bangui anomalies". Of course, this must be in the spirit of dialogue and confidence which the Central African Government has always shown. 174. But the Central African Empire, land-locked country, cannot dissociate the thorny problem of being land-locked from that of th~ law of the sea. Therefore, it greatly regrets the inconclusiveness of the sixth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, recently held inNew York, as the Central African delegation, from this rostrum on the same occasion last year,! 0 had expressed its hope of seeing the work of that Conference achieve positive results. 175. We launch a heart-felt appeal to the countries which have the technology, to their spirit of solidarity, so that a consensus may be found in the negotiations to be held at Geneva in 1978 during the seventh session of that Con- ference. 177. Fin9Hy, in the same spirit, we also appeal to the international community and its various organizations to ensure that special terms for transport are offered to the land-locked countries of the third world. 178. After having mentioned and considered with repre- sentatives the events that are of concern to our world in this third decade of the United Nations, I cannot but reflect on the progress made in the twentieth century. 179. Intelligence,' science and technical expertise have dangerously increased man's power, giving a more than disquieting dimension to his instinct of domination. A system of ethics is needed to make him aware' of his actions and his responsibility towards others. 180. That restraining influence, that rampart of solidarity, is of cour~e to be found in the United Nations. That is a human endeavour subject to success but also to vicissitudes. None the less my country, the Central African Empire, remains optimistic and is confident about it, because the United Nations remains the privileged place where together, large and small, rich and poor, we can deliberate and seek ways and means likely to create O effective conditions for co-operation for peace and international security. 181. On 20 October 1970, from this rostrum, His Imperial Majesty Bokassa I, on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Uniicd Nations, said: "The Second United Nations Development Decade ought to be both the Second Development Decade and the disarmament decade. i think it would be pointless to refer to a disarmament decade if an ever-growing multi- plicity of ~ituations of wretchedness,. hunger and frus- tration did not give hundreds of millions of men, who would have little to fear from an apocalyptic death from modem weapons, the ultimate recourse of a differe.nt sort of death, but one which in the end analysis is just as final."! 1 182. Those words still hold good today and, in closing, I should like to join representatives in hoping that tomorrow will be a more cheerful outlook. Let us hope that at least it will be less bleak. The meeting rose at 1 p.m. 11 Ibid., Twenty-fifth Session, Plenary Meetings, 1875th 'meeting, para. 146.
Mr. Mojsov (Yugoslavia) resumed the Chair.