A/32/PV.22 General Assembly

The Assembly _will hear this morning a statement by the President of the Republic of Cyprus. On behalf of the General Assembly, ! have the honour to welcome His Excellency Mr. Spyros Kyprianou to the United Nations and to invite Wm to address the Assembly. 2. Mr. KYPR~ANOU (Cyprus): Mr. President, it is with particular pleasure that I extend to you sincere congratula- tions upon your unanimous and well-deserved election to the high office of the presidency of this General Assembly session. YOJr election is a tribute paid to you personally for your outstanding qualities of statesmanship, experience and diplomatic skill and, at the same time, it is an added recognition of the leading role played in world affairs by your country. We, in Cyprus, have always attached great importance to the very close ties we have maintained with Yugoslavia, reinforced through many years by the friend- ship between our late President, Archbishop Makarios, and President Tito, two of the co-founders of the non-aligned movement, born at the historic Belgrade Conference I at which I, too, had the privilege to participate. We have always felt that in Yugoslavia, as indeed in the non-aligned movement as a whole, Cyprus has a friend in its hour of need 3. Likewise, I wish to pay a warm tribute to Ambassador Amerasinghe, the representative of Sri Lanka, another fellow non-aligned country, for the outstanding way in which he discharged the onerous responsibilities of the presidency of the General Assembly during its last session. We trust that, as President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, he will continue to offer his effective leadership and unique experience towards the early and successful conclusion of this' very important undertaking of the international community. 4. I should also like to express our deep appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for his endeavours for 1 First Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held in Belgrade from t to 6 September 1961. NEW YORK the promotion of the objectives of the Organization generally and, more particularly, for his untiring efforts with regard to the solution of the Cyprus problem in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and its relevant resolutions. s. I also wish to express gratification at yet another step towards the universality of this Organization through the admission to membership of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti, and to welcome them in our midst. We are convinced that their presence will have a favourable impact upon international relations and will positively contribute towards peace, co-operation and mutual understanding. 6. As we embark upon this important session of the General Assembly, it is relevant to address ourselves to the fundamental questions which the Secretary-General raises in his report on the work of the Organization. "What ...", he asks, "is the real position of the United Nations in the affairs of th(; world? Is it really a central element in the foreign policies of most Governments? Do its hard-fought resolutions, decisions and guidelines have a strong bearing on the conduct of nations? " / A/32/1. sect. ILl 7. I cannot, of course, speak for others but in so far as my own country is concerned we have always held the firm conviction that to all these questions the answer should be a resounding "Yes". 8. The principles of the Charter have always been central to our foreign policy. We have supported positions con- sistent with such principles and have invariably maintained that the various international problems and issues con- sidered by the United Nations should be solved through the implementation of its resolutions. Since its emergence to independence from colonial rule-and not only from the time we have been faced by a dire problem ourselves- Cyprus has been" United Nations-minded, endeavouring by word and deed to enhance the effectiveness of the Organization and to promote the universal application of its principles and the full implementation of its resolutions. 9. In saying this, I do so not only in answer to the very pertinent questions po'sed by the Secretary-General but also because I strongly believe that this ba:;ic philosophy of making the United Nations and its principles and resolu- tions .central to the foreign policies of Member States is-or ought to be-common to all Member States, and especially to those which emerged to independence from colonial rule and are politically non-alighed, economically developing and militarlly weak. I believe that this philosophy should be 11. The special session can prove a success if the op- portunity is taken for a more thorough and enlightened examination of the problem of disarmament in its close relation to, and dependence on, international order and security through the United Nations, as provided in the Charter. 12. Progress on disarmament presupposes the cessation of the arms race, but nations cannot abandon their armaments in a vacuum. There must be an effective system of international security through the United Nations in ac- cordance with the.Charter so that nations may feel safe in abandoning the course of armaments. In our tech- nologically advanced world of close interdependence, the security of nations can no longer rest on the outdated concept of the balance of power, which is tantamount to a balance of weapons, since that inevitably implies an ever-escalating arms race in the effort to retain the balance. In consequence, this race has resulted in astronomical figures of wasted resources in preparation for a war which, if it should occur, would mean total catastrophe for mankind. 13. The pattern of world order provided for in the Charter depends on the effective functioning of the Security Council. According to the Charter, the Security Council shall not only "determine the existence of any ... breach of the peace, or act of aggression" but also decid{; what effective measures shall be taken to restore peace and security. Those provisions of the Charter are mandatory, and rightly so, since the availability of enforcement action for Security Council decisions is the corner-stone of international security and legal order through the United Nations. 14. Therefore, no realistic prospect of disarmament can exist until the international community, recognizing the imperative need to comply with the Charter for inter- national security through the United Nations, finds a new approach more adapted to the urgent requirements of our times. IS. The enormous waste of resources resulting from the absence of an agreement on disarmament brings into focus the widening gap between the rich and the poor, which is one of the main sources of tensions and conflicts in the world today. The developing countries have become more and more dependent on unpredictable and exogenous factors and, consequently, their sustained development is becoming increasingly more difficult. 16. Our position is that the international community must take a global view of development. Just as in any particular country richer regions help and contribute to the develop- ment of the poorer regions, in the world community of multilateral organizations richer countries anc1 countries 17. It has been rightly observed that, perhaps more than in any other field of international activity, in the field of hur.lan rights we face the wide gap between idealistic declarations and hard realities. This is no doubt due to the failure to translate declarations into actions, in spite of the fact .that respect of individual dignity and fundamental freedoms is a solemn undertaking expressly contained in the Charter as well as in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 18. It is a source of satisfaction that the International Covenants on Human Rights entered into force in 1976 and, therefore, the review mechanism provided by them has already been established, thus offering additional guar- antees for the protection of human rights by the States legally bound by the Covenants. We would therefore express the hope that the countries which have not as yet ratified the two Covenants will soon do so. 19. The effort to ensure universal respect for human rights and the struggle for the elimination of racial discrimination in general and of apartheid in particular have been given a new impetus following the signing on 1 August 1975 in Helsinki of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and the adoption of the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid. 2 20. Turning to a more specific issue, we welcome the recent signature of the Panama Canal treaties. They represent, we think, a fair and reasonable agreement arrived at through negotiations in accordance with the principle of. the peaceful settlement of international disputes on an issue involving fundamental points of principle. This is an event of historic significance and furnishes an excellent example of how long-standing, thorny and potentially explosive international problems can be solved if approached by those concerned with goodwill, a spirit of compromise and genuine respect of each other's position and legitimate interests. 21. As very aptly stated by the Secretary-General in his report, . "The situations in southern Africa, the Middle East and Cyprus are serious in themselves and also have very special implications for international peace and security." [A/32/1, sect. IlLj Indeed, in all three situations fundamental issues of principle are involved and striking similarities exist. 22. In South Africa the situation has deteriorated because of the intensification of the abhorrent policy of apartheid and has resulted in massacres of the African population in Soweto and elsewhere. My country has always by word and 2 See Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2)~ chap. X.. 23. In our neighbouring region of the Middle East the systematic defiance of the decisions of the United Nations and the illegal occupation of Arab territories continues and is in fact being consolidated through systematic efforts to change the demographic composition of these territories and through illegal settlements. We firmly support a just and lasting solution based on the relevant United Nations resolutions and the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people as defined in those resolutions. We also favour the early reconvening of the Geneva Confer~nce on the Middle East with the participation of all parties concerned, including representatives of the Palestine Liberation Organi- zation. In this respect we welcome as a step in the right direction the recent joint statement of 1 October 1977 by the Secretary of State of the United States and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union. 24. For the fourth consecutive year the question of Cyprus is included in the agenda of the General Assembly as a major international problem. 25. The membership of the United Nations is therefore not unaware of the series of devastating calamities brought upon the people of Cyprus, Greek and Turkish alike, through the double aggression and invasion by Turkey in July and August 1974. The membership is also fully aware that the Cyprus problem in its essence is one of aggression by Turkey, a large and militarily powerful State, against the Republic of Cyprus, a small and virtually defenceless non-aligned State. It is indeed because the problem of Cyprus involves the violation of the peremptory principles of the Charter regarding interstate relations that the United Nations is concerned with it. 26. At its twenty-ninth session in 1974, the year of the invasion of Cyprus by the Turkish armed forces, the General Assembly,· voicing the grave concern of the international community over the Turkish aggression and the serious situation created thereby, unanimously adopted the landmark resolution 3212 (XXIX). In its primary and key provisions this resolution calls for respect of the independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, for the speedy withdrawal from its territory or. all foreign armed forces, for the cessation of foreign interference in its affairs, and - for the urgent return of the refugees to their homes in safety. 28. The aggression against Cyprus and the systematic violation of the fundamental human rights of its people proceeded to increase befcr~ the eyes of the international community without any effective action being taken by the United Nations for the implementation of its resolutions on a matter involving the basic principles of the Charter. And therein lies not only the tra,gedy of Cyprus, but more widely the unfolding tragedy of an ineffective United Nations. 29. Thus, Turkey, unrestrained by any effective measures, found it possible to pursue a policy of falts accompli... and, using the Turkish Cypriot leaden-hip as an instrument, proceeded to the purported setting up of a so-called Federated Turkish State of Cyprus. 30. The Security Council, in its resolution 367 (1975), rejected this unilateral action, reaffirmed its earlier resolu- tion, and expressed its concern over all unilateral actions compromising the implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions. The Security Council further called on the parties concerned to refrain from any action which might prejudice the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of CYPf'lS as well as from any attempt at partition of the island or its unification with any other country. However, Ankara's, policy of sowing intercommunal -discord and divisiveness and promoting, through the oppressive presence of its army of occupation, its partitionist designs against Cyprus continued unabated, thus necessitating the adoption of new resolutions by the General Assembly and the Security Council. 31. Turkey, in violation of international law, and of its commitments under the Geneva Conventions of 1949, proceeded further to trample underhot the United Na':ions resolutions by further expulsions of indigenous Greek Cypriots from the occupied area, thus raising the number of the refugees to 200,000, namely, one third of the total population of Cyprus. Worse still, in their usurped homes and properties it settled coloniZing populations massively imported from Turkey. The General Assembly, recognizing the grave threat against the demographic character of Cyprus resulting from the expulsions and the colonization called, by its resolution 3395 (XXX), for the cessation or any action aimed at changing the demographic structure of Cyprus. 32. Last year, as a result of the continuing refusal of Turkey to comply with the aforementioned United Nations resolutions on Cyprus, the General Assembly, considering thus that the Cyprus crisis constitutes a threat to inter- national peace and security, adopted resolution 31/12, by which it expressed the hope that the Security Council would consider appropriate steps for the implementation of its unanimous resolution 365 (1974). 34. I now tum to the intercommunal talks VL l.ch, as provided in the resolutions, have as their subject-matter the internal aspect of the problem. All rounds of talks, despite the commendable efforts of the Secretary-General, have, t'.7C a."'ld a half years after their commencement, failed to produce any positive rerults due to the attitude of Turkey, which, by di~tating th~ Turkish Cypriot position in the negotiations, has never allowed a constructive and meaning- ful dialogue to develop. And, in consequence, the negotia- tions were not freely conducted, as proVided for in the relevant United Nations resolutions. Thus, the only purpose the talks have so far served has been to enable Turkey to cover up its [llits accomplis by a pretence of negotiation and to consolIdate its military stranglehold over the G~cupied area. 35. We have all along held the view that the process of the intercommunal talks is the best available means for the seUlement of the internal aspect of the Cyprus problem. We have accordingly been supporting the commwdable efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, to 'jecure meaning- ful and substantive negotiations. These efforts, however, have so far produced no re~ults because of the negative attitude of the Turkish side, which has been persistently refusing to submit concrete and comprehensive proposals en the subjects under negotiation, unlike the Greek Cypriot side. 36. No problem is impossible to solve if substantive talks are conducted with goodwill and a common objective. This has been and continues to be our view. It is in this spirit that we welcome any initiative from any country which aims at assis!~i!1lg the Secretary-General in his difficult task, as long as such initiatives are kept within the framework of the U'1ited Nations. 37. Similady, we welcome any initiative aiming at the implementation of those· provisions of the United Nations resolutions which refer to dle external and international aspects of the Cyprus problem. With this in view we have consistently be?n sJpporting the proposal for the convening of a wide i."1tf;'~'natlonal conference on Cyprus, which we believr.: couIe:: make a positive contribution to the soiution of the Cyprus problem. 38. The present situation in Cyprus is fraught with grave danger and, if ~'i1owed to continue unchecked, could have very serious implh:ations for peace and security in the sensitive region of,~he eastern Mediterranean. 39. The sulu~ion of the problem of Cyprus revolves around the effective implementation of the decisions and resohnions of the United Nations. I believe that the time 40. Failure of the United Nations expeditiously to pro- mote the implementation of its' resolutions might be interpreted as tolerance or passive acceptance of Turkey's aggression and continuing military occupation of territory of the Republic of Cyprus and would run counter to the basic tenets of the Organization. 41. I have come to this Assembly to seek justice for Cyprus and its people, on the basIs of respect for the principles of the Charter, of international law and of the human rights of all Cypriots. I have come here to seek justice for the 200,000 refugees who, for more than three years. are forcibly being kept away from their ancestral homes and lands, for all those who are being deprived of their basic human 'rights and fundamental freedoms, for the families of the over 2,000 missing persons whose fate is unknown. For these persons and on behalf of their families who live in the agony of uncertainty, I make a special plea that every possible effort be made to ascertain the fate of these missing persons. 42. In our interdependent world, it is in the common interest of all Member States, large and small, to strengthen the efficacy and the role of the United Nations as an instrument-the only universal instrument we have-for the achievement of peace, co-operation and progress in the world. The United Nations has ushered in a new era in international affairs by providing objective standards of behaviour based on principles and by democratizing inter- national relations. Its failures are primarily those of its Members and not of the Organization itself. It is up to the Member States to do what they can in order to strengthen the United Nations and render it the dynamic instrument for peace and progress that it ought to be and can be.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank His Excellency the Presid~nt of the Republic of Cyprus, Mr. Spyros Kyprianou, for the impor- tant statement he has just made.

Mr. President, may I first of all express to you, on behalf of the Kingdom of Morocco and on my own behalf. our warmest congratulations on your election to preside over this thirty-second session of the General Assembly. 45. Choosing you as the person to undertake this heavy burden is the expression of the confidence and the esteem which you enjoy among us. I am sure that our Organization will find in your qualities and competence the best guarantee for a wise and enlightened guidance of our work, in seeking a significant reduction of the acute crises which loom over the horizon of the international community and 46. I cannot fail to express the gratitude of my country to your eminent predecessor, the head of the delegation of Sri Lanka, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, the Chairman of the Group of Non-Aligned Countries, for his exceptional efforts up to the end to ensure that our previous session closed with tangible results. I also wish to state to him our complete satisfaction with his diligence and the high sense of responsibility with which he presided and, we sincerely hope, will continue to preside over the yet uncertain destiny of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Indeed, a happy outcome of this important international conference, dedicated to the establishment of complete and total order in the law of the sea, will owe much to his outstanding guidance and invaluable personal contribution. His name will forever be linked to that great undertaking. 47. I should like at the sam€ time to express my best wishes and welcome to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and to the young Republic of Djibouti which, by acceding to membership in the United Nations, and by committing themselves to undertake the obligations and responsibilities deriving therefrom, will, I am sure, give full meaning to the universal calling of the United Nations. 48. There is no doubt that ·our Organization has. within the space of a generation, fully demonstrated its indispens- able character as an instrument reflecting the lasting nature of human civilization, and as a bulwark for the highest values of that civilization against a massive return of destructive barbarism. It has to its credit far from negligible achievements in its vigilant safeguarding of international peace and security, even though the 9bstacles it has had to confront at times seemed unsunnountable. 49. The appeal launched by our Secretary-General, to whom we must pay a well-deserved tribute for the lucidity and devotion he has shown at all times in serving the true objectives of the Charter, represents the aspirations of the international community towards the work of the Organiza- tion and the confidence that it will continue to place in its future. No Government conscious of its duties can remain indifferent at this time of major historical changes which are at the same time decisive, perilous and promising. 50. The General Assembly will have to deal with a number of important items on its agenda during this ses·sion. Many problems before it, of necessity, remain linked structurally. The number and magnitude of those problems should not lead us to despair of the virtues of patient dialogue and continuous action in harmony, where there ;s good faith and a real will to reach a viable and constructive solution. 51. The questions of the Middle East and of the rights of , the Palestinian people, the situation in southern Africa and of disarmament, the international economic order and development, as well as the universal respect for human 52. Among the gravest political questions at the present time, the question of the Middle East remains one of the major concerns of my Government because of Israel's persistent aggression, stepped up as it is day after day, by its military occupation of the territories of Arab States, Members of the United Nations. It also rem'lins a major concern of my Government because the Palestinian people, whose spoliation and intolerable humiliation are the essence of the problem, struggle continuously to recover their legitimate and inalienable rights, in particular, tluuugh the building of a sovereign and independent national entity. 53. My Government reaffirms its complete support for its fraternal·Arab countries in their efforts to recover their occupied territories and to establish a genuine and lasting peace based on justice throughout the region of the Middle East and, -in consequence and above all, on the basis of a solemn guarantee of the national rights of the Palestinian people. 54. The participation of the Palestine Liberation Organiza- tion, which is the sole representative of the Palestinian people in every diplomatic effort to solve the crisis of the Middle East, remains the prerequisite without which these efforts cannot reach any decisive results. That is why my Government is particularly pleased about the recent de- velopment in relation to the attitude of the Government of the United States of America on tIJe question, and in particular its statement on the need for the participation of Palestinian representatives in all negotiations for peaGe in the region. - 55. Nevertheless, it is regrettable that Zionist leaders, by increasing their provocative initiatives, continue to develop a situation which represents a danger to world peace and security. 56. My Government strenuously objects to the Israeli measur€s intended to establish new settlements on occupied Arab territory in. a senseless attempt to modify their legal nature, their geographical characteristics. and their demo- graphic composition. 57. The lsra,eli claims in considering Arab territories as "liberated Israeli territories"-claims criticized by almost the whole international community-are a clear vi9lation of the provisions of the United Nations Charter and of the fourth Geneva Convention of 1949.3 These claims are a threat to the careful negotiations which have been taking place for four years with a view to establishing a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. 58. Furthermore, Israel's persistence in violating the prin- ciples of the United Nations is an outrage to our Organiza- tion and to the international community 59. In addition, my Government vigorously objects to the recent deployment of Israeli forces on parts of Lebanese 3 Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. of 12 August 1949. 60. Israel's obstinacy in pursuing its expansionist and egocentric policies is a short-sighted view, and its per- petually negative reaction to every initiative to obtain genuine peace on the basis of justice and right inevitably exposes the region to a return of tension and of the turmoil which can only soon threaten world peace and security. It is now more necessary than ever for the international community to review its position on this open rebellion against society's laws and fundamental principles, and even against the most elementary rules which should govern a civilized international society. 61. It is up to the General /lssembly once again to reaffirm that a just and lasting peace can only be established by a total withdrawal from all of the territories occupied since 5 June 1967, the return of Jerusalem to its legitimate status, and recovery by the Palesti~~ian people of their full rights, particularly by its right to build up a sovereign and independent nation-State. 62. Jerusalem is and will remain for the Arab and Moslem world one of the centres of its spiritual existence. Its liberation constitutes one of th~ decisive elements for a just peace and one of the vital conditions for a lasting peace. 63_ It is also up to the General Assembly to declare that all measures taken by Israel in the occupied territories to establish settlements there and to apply its laws to the Arab populations in these territories are null and void and can have no legal effect. 64. I could not conclude this vital question without greeting with satisfaction the Joint Soviet-American state- ment of 1 October 1977, which constitutes a positive step towards a just and lasting settlement of the conflict. 65. What I have said about the policy pursued by Israel in the Middle East may be applied, in the very same terms, to the policy of the "rearguard struggle" of the real "bunkers" of the colonial era in Africa, namely the racist minority regimes of southern Africa 66. The parallel between the two policies may in the past have seemed bold to some and, for reasons which are more sentimental than objective\ may have led to violent and indignant protests. Even if Hle situation in southern Africa has unfortunately during the past year han to share the spotlight with the situation in the Middle East III their daily efforts to command the attention of world public opinion, it has nevertheless brought into tne open the alliance between the rebel regimes of southern Africa and Israel. This de facto alliance, which has become increasingly organized and deliberate, is taking on the aspects of a plot, with incalculable consequences for Arab and African p~oples and international peace and 'iecurity. 67. My Government reaffirms its full and unconditional support for Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania in their 69. As regards Namibia, the scandalous last-minute at- tempt by the Government of Pretoria to detach the port of Walvis Bay from Namibian territory cannot but give rise to additional concern as to tne possibility of a forthcoming settlement that will safeguard the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia, to which our Organization remains legally and morally bound. This attempt cannot but remind us of the no less scandalous Zionist attempt in occupied Arab territories, both dictated by the same illusion of gaining time or keeping all options open by hampering the achievement of a peaceful solution in accordance with international ~aw within the time-limit set by the United Nations. 70. The World Conference for Action against Apartheid, which met in tr,e month of August this year at Lagos, was a vital step in making the international community aware of the need to accelerate, by every possible means, the promotion of the cause of human freedom and equality in southern Africa. 71. It is indispe~sable to isolate the racist minority regimes and to ensure the full and effective application of United Nations decisions and resolutions with respect to the economic boycott of those regimes and the strictest embargo on the sale of arms to them. 72. We firmly hope that the appeal made in the fmal declaration of the Conference will be universally heeded so as to eliminate as soon as possible the imminent risk of a generalized explosion, with unforeseeable consequences, in that part of the world. 73. If our African continent appears to be dramatically within the "storm zone", that is due in part to the permanent violence in which it is placed, despite the Charter, by the illegal and anachronistic regimes of racist opprl;ssion, and in part to the geo-political time bombs that the colonial ·era and the era of recalcitrant decolonization which succeeded it in the past 20 years have thoughtlessly planted among its peoples to perpetuate division and create or exacerbate among them, down the years and at the cost of fratricidal struggles, an unnatural antagonism 74. The Kingdom of Morocco is convinced that An·ican unity remains one of the most positive achievements of the international community. It is thanks to its strengthening that the continent has been spared fmm becoming once again, as in the previous century, a mere pawn in international relations, a haven for the exercise of big Power rivalries destined to be ? mottled chequer-board ef so-called zones of influence. 75. In truth, there is nothing more absurd than ~e introduction of the notion of so-called "ideological fron- tiers" in an effort to justify an abnormal cleavage among 76. Nor is anything more perilous for the continental orgllnization and for its capacity for unity, given the real threats to which it remains exposed because of distracting interventions from outside Africa and the deliberate perver- sion of juridical and ethical concepts and values which have always served and still serve to support the legitimate struggles for national liberation, in order to provide a pretext-~odious in more ways than one-for more or less open subversion and aggression af,dnst neighbours. 77. That is why Morocco, in accordance with the Charter of our continental organization, maintains more than ever solidarity with all other African countries in the actions undertaken jointly to liberate that part of the world from any form of foreign domination and to resist any· illicit recourse to force. 78. This policy has already been demonstrated by the first meeting L.:' the Heads of the African States, which took place in Casablanca from 3 to 7 January 1961 and which, for the first time in contemporary history, laid down for the continent the bases for African unity, co-operation and solidarity, which were three years later endorsed by the Charter of Addis Ababa. 79. It was in this same spirit that the first ccnference of liberation movements in the former Portuguese colonies was held also in Casablanca in April 1961. 80. It is because Morocco is faithful to those same principles that we have twice accepted the shedding of the blood of our sons on the field of honour in Zaire-first in 1960, after the appeal made by the United Nations, and again some P"0nths later following the appeal made by Zaire thrOl..1,- . i:he Organization of African Unity /OA Uf. 81. Once the objective had beep obtained, th~ Moroccan troops were eacp time repatriated in order, discipline and honour,iheir action having served first and foremost to circumscribe a serious and th(':ny problem within an inter-African context, mU') avoiding the danger of an extension of a conflict which threatened international peace and security. 82. The ninth session of the A.~sembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Rabat in June 1972, was undoubtedly one of the most notable milestones in the history of the OAU. "The spirit of Rabat" which emerged on that occa~.on and which represents a means-frank, realistic 3l,d cordial, but free of passion-of tackling questions of importance, continues to inspire the policy of my Government in respect to inter-African relations. We cannot doubt that that spirit will continue to prevail in the higher interests of our peoples in the bodies responsible for taking decisions in the plenary conferences of the Heads of 84. It is in this spirit that IP.y Government has seized the two regional organizations of the situation of artificial tension which has been created in the Maghr~b subregion since the outcome-I 1 years after the item was included by Morocco in the agenda of the United Nations-of the process of the decolonization of the Moroccan and Mauri- tanian Atlantic Saharan prm mces formerly under Spanish domination. 85. It is also in this spirit tilat Morocco supported resolution 81 (XIII) of the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government which met at Pf~rt Louis, Mauritius, in July 1976. This resolution advocates the convening of a special African summit meeting to study the ins and outs of what has come to be called the "question of Western Sahara", although the harshest light has been thrown, day after day, on the true nature of that question by the very evolution of events. This in itself enables anyone whose judgement is not obscured b~' .t'artisan passions readily to see through the Sllbterfugwo> m which this question has been only too abundantly enmeshed and to see more clearly what is nally at stake, in good conscience and with goodwill. 86. Thus, confident that a meeting at this level of respons~bi1ity could not be intended further to envenom the situation, already very regrettable and explosive, with regard to present relations among three neighbouring brother countries and, in general, inter-African relations, Morocco was tli.e first to support the proposal of the c'....n-ent Olairman of the GAU, Mr.Omar Bongo, the Presidefit cf the Republic of Gabon, to convene the special summit that it was planned to hold in Lusaka, the capital of Zambia, during the fIrst two weeks of October. We know, however, that at th-e beginning of the month of September the Government of Zambia made known to all States members of the OAU that it was no longer in a position to act as host to that summit meeting because of the grave circumstances confronting its country and because only two countries had agreed officially to take part. 87. After haVing placed great hopes in the results that such a pan-African conference, meeting in the reqUired condi- tions, could have in improving inter-MaJhreb relations, Morocco can only profoundly deplore the circumstances which have compelled the Republic of Zambia to rescind its generous invitation. My Government wishes to take this opportunity to repeat to the Government of President Kenneth Kaunda its total solidarity in the trials to which his country is subjected by the racist oppressors of the people of Zimbabwe and its sincere admiration in con- nexion with the heavy price which the front-line geogra- phical position of that brotherly country obliges it to i"ay 88. The consistently misguided temptations of a certain policy have alone been at the root of the problem of interstate relations existing in our Magheb subregion and facing the regional organizations to which we belong. They have also, unfortunately and very directly, been at the root of a humanitarian problem of particular gravity, that of the Moroccan and Mauritanian citizens who are at present held against their will iQ the region of Tindouf. Because of the me(ll1S and methods by which it was creal:ed from whole cloth in the very last phase of a process of decolonization that was difficult and often tedious but juridically and politically inevitable, this problem serves to mask an adverse design, at first modestly unannounced, and then--at the most critical moment when the unanimO:.!5 solidarity of African brothers 'should not have been denied us-more and more openly revealed by its actions, which are more eloquent and more revealing than soothing official state- ments or solemn engagements enter~d into in conferences of heads of State or the carefully weighed and duly ratified clauses of a treaty of brotherhood and good neighbou~- line~. . 89. The thousands of original inhabitants of the Moroccan and Mauritanian provinces of the Sahara who have re- turned, having been disil'')ssessed of their homes because of the v~cissitudes of decolonization, are innocent hostages of an ill-judged policy that is doomed, through its successive twists and turns, to reach an impasse. 90. The ranks of these displaced persons have been greatly swollen, either by the Touraregs of the central Sahara or by genuine refugees who have fled from the Sahel because of the exceptional drought of the last three years. They have also been led by mercenaries, most of whom had belonged to the Spanish colonial forces and who did not hesitate to offer their services to the highest bidder in the confused situation resulting from decolonization. 91. My Government has absolute proof that the vast majority of persons displaced from the Atlantic provinces of the Sahara and settled in camps in the region of Tindouf have been held against their will. In spite of intensive indoctrination, entire families and armed elements have continued their efforts to 'regain their homes, at the risk of their l~ves, ever since the appeal launched by the Heads of State of Morocco and Mauritania, His Majesty King Hassan 11 and President Moktar Quid Daddah. 92. It is flagrantly obvious that the Atlantic Moroccan and Mauritanian Saharan provinces are peaceful and perfectly integrated in the national life. The vast majority of their populations, according to the last census taken by the former Administering Authority, have remained in their homes and therefore participated normaJly thi3 year, with a high electoral turn-out, in communal, provincial, profes- sional and legislative elections. 93. It is high time, therefore, to put an end to the isolation and sufferings of these displaced persons. In future 94. It is in this spirit that the Executive Committee of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees adopted at Geneva on 12 October 1976 a decision in which it: . "Took note of the statements made by the observers for Mauritania and Morocco, who drew special attention to the fact that measures were called for with a view to voluntary repatriation, in accordance with the appeal made by the Heads of State of Mauritania and Morocco, and who declared that the persons in question had been brought in and detained against their will;"4 and requested the High Commissioner: " ... to continue his programme of humanitarian assist- ance and at the same time to undertake discussions with the Governments with a view to the speedy implementa- tion, in accordance with the usual policy of his Office, of permanent solutions, including voluntary repatriation and durable settlement".5 95. My Government took note with satisfaction of the decision of the Secretary-General to organize withe 'jt delay a census of the displaced persons from the former Spanish Sahara. On 2 September we also informed the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees that we were fully prepared to co-operate with his Office so that the census could be held on a completely honest and impartial basfs and without any delay that might prejudice its humani- tarian objective. 96. It is regrettable to note that to date the Algerian Government has not replied to the request for information addressed to it by the High Commissioner for Refugees despite the urgent nature of those requests. 97. Furthermore, my Government wishes to emphasize that the assistance given by humanitarian organizations has done nothing to lessen the sufferings and hardships of the persons concerned. On the contrary, this aid has a.cted as an encouragement and impetus to a war-like undertaking, systematically sheltering behind displaced-persons camps in violation of' multilateral humanitar~an conventions and protocols, including the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, signed at Geneva on 28 July 1951 6 and the OAU Convention Governip.g die Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, signed at Addis Ababa on 10 September 1969. Qf this war-like undertaking, the true objectives of which will be a secret to nu one. the attac!<s at Nouakchott and Zouerate are flagrant examples, if any were needed. 98. Nevertheless, the Treaty of Mutual Defence. which has united Mauritania and Morocco since 13 May of this year. confirms the determination of the two countries jointly and 99. Morocco solemnly reaffirms its determination to stand by its Mauritanian brothers and to spare no effort to assist them in safeguarding their refound unity and reconstituted territoriul integrity. 100. Any attack directed against either of the two countries would, in the eyes of the other, automatically constitute an attack against its own unity and be a violation of its own territory. 101. If I have taken the liberty to dwell at such length on the abnormal situation created in our Maghreb subregion during the last two years, it is in order to make it understood that this situation has reached a crucial point where there is a choice between, on the one hand, the obstinate pursuit of a policy of "reasons of State" totally lacking in any normal reasoning, and which, moreover, if continued would constitute an insult to our common past and the recent struggles of the people of_Maghreb, and on the other hand, once the page of errors and offences has been turned, a new start in the building, on a basis of mutual respect, of a common future which will for us represent, both rationally and emotionally, something that is historically inevitable. 102. One cannot speak, furthermore, about the "Maghreb of the peoples" and persist in ignoring a genuine national liberation cause-the will of a people so clearly expressed as that of the peoples of Morocco and Mauritania, who will spare no sacrifice to defend their respective dearly-bought unities. 103. To quote His Majesty King Hassan 11, who said this quite recently: "One cannot live as neighbours by turning our backs on each other. Every politician who considers such a possibility would be of a reprehensible frivolity ... "In blocks of apartments there is a manager who settles problems among the tenants; in the Maghreb the manager is the unwavering will of its population ... "Even if we did not desire this aim, the population would desire it because it is the dream of the preceding generation. And it is our dream. Furthermore, it is our well-being. It is vain for each of us to seek our own resources, our own opportunities, in development or elsewhere for we cannot hope. at a time when the world is uniting economically in regional groups in order to survive, to live in isolation. in separate islands. The will of our peoples is the true manager of the building to which I referred." 104. My Government is concerned to avoid anything that may be irreparable. and wishes to lay solid bases of good understanding and co-operation in our subregion of the Maghreb; we accordingly rejoice at the opportunity offered by the States members of the Conference on European Security and Co-operation to participate with other Mediterranean Arab countries in the work of the forth- "In considering questions relating to security in Europe, the Committee will bear in mind the broader context of world security and in particular the relationship which exists between security in Europe and in the Mediter- ranean area."7 . 106. Morocco, geographically the closest to Europe, is impelled to bear witness to its constant interest and its encouragement of the historic enterprise that Europe is undertaking to eliminltte the vestiges of the past and to replace confrontation and challenge by dialogue, so as to consolidate, in an irreversible fashion, peace and co- operation in that part of the world. 107. However, in the light of past and present events, those efforts seem to be limited in their objective and scope. We are convinced that, to become more active and effective, detente cannot be limited only to the European .continent but should, 0' the contrary, be extended to all peoples liVing on the shores of the Mediterranean. 108. More than ever, the Mediterranean represents one of the axes on which the destiny of Europe turns. It is still a crucial area particularly sensitive to any factors which affect the destiny of Europe, which in turn is immediately sensitive to any deterioration in the conflicts in the Mediterranean. 109. Any attempt to separate the security of the two shores of the Mediterranean would seriously jeopardize that security; to leave it incomplete would be to leave it fragile and more apparent than real. 110. We hope that in the months and years to come a Mediterranean co.nscience will develop at the political level, in order to realize the region's vocation to be, as it has been called, a "lake of peace" and a unique centre of coexist- ence, or, even better, of convergence, among civilizations and cultures, in the same way as coexistence spontaneously developed at the technical level, so that the Mediterranean can preserve its marine environment and marine resources from irreversible deterioration. . 111. We consider that the restoration of harmony in the subregion of the A~gean Sea, including the reconciliation between the two Cypriot communities that is being actively pursued under the auspices 'of the United Nations, to be one of the most decisive tests of the maturity of this "Mediterranean conscience". 112. The international community now views the problems of disarmament as being the most agonizing problems of our time. It is entitled to expect the utmost from the special session to be held on this item next year. While final solutions may be too much to expect, there must at least be an urgent plan to stop the feverish arms 7 Scc Final Recommendations of the Helsinki Consultations (Helsinki, Valtion painatuskeskus, 1973), p. 7. 114. As our Secretary-General said in his report: "The task ahead is immensely difficult and complex ..." {AI 3211, sect. IV.j. With him we hope that in the years to come the United Nations: "... will be able to show its collective determination to fulfIl them" [ibid.}. 115. The close link between a solution to development problems and a global disarmament policy has been perceived with a reasonable degree of certainty. The special session next ye~r will have to consider these priority questions on its agenda. 116. Since the sixth special session, the plan for a new international economic order has proceeded from the stage of an idea to that of a sufficiently specific concept, both in its regional and sectoral aspects, without, however, yet becoming operational. 117. For this we must pay a tribute to the President of the Republic of France, Mr. VaIery Giscard d'Estaing, for having taken the initiative to convene in Paris the Confer- ence on International Economic Co-operation in order to try to give real content to some of the generous but rather vague and indefinite goals of the pla~ of action. 118. Thus, despite the scepticism manifested at the closure of debate, we consider that the Conference has produced results which industrialized and developing. coun- tries should consider to be positive. The Conference never claimed to lay down an operative scheme that would lead to the immediate establishment of a new international economic order nor to overcome the differences between groups of countries on such delicate su bjects as energy or the indebtedness of developing countries. 119. We consider that the Conference is a gain for the international community, We shall do everything we can in the international agencies to bring about a project, the technical content of which has been defined but whose realization remains subject to the political will of the industrialized countries. 120. Now that the North-South dialogue is under the auspices of the United Nations, it must continue of necessity on the basis of broader concepts of North and South both here in the General Assembly and in UNCTAD. 121. We consider that all forms of agreement, Euro-Arab and Afro-Arab dialogues in particular, are sectors of rapprochement and solidarity, not only between wealthy and poor countries but also among the developing countries themselves. 122. As regards the Euro-Arab dialogue, I must add that from the Arab point of view this dialogue must be 123. If the aspirations to a new economic order have not been totally dashed during the past year, it is due largely to the Arab-African conference on co-operation, held i:1 Cairo,8 which has demonstrated the sincere desire of the Arab countries to work for a harmonization of develop- ment efforts in the Arab world and on the African continent. 124. Only with the passage of time will we be able to assess the importance of this first Arab-African conference for the maintenance on a rolid basis of an equitable balance between countries with financial surpluses and those which have not. 125. It is however to be deplored that the most advanced countries have been so inert in bilateral or multilateral negotiations and seem more prepared to act on the basis of expediency rather than to change their structures. 126. The protectionist reactions of the advanced countries in respect of manufactured and semi-manufactured goods from the developing countries reveal reflex actions rather than reflection. They are the clearest and most irrational manifestation of what an enlightened economist called the "great fear of development", which sacrifices to short-term interests the common prosperity to be gained over th'e medium term. Because trade remains the major law of industrial development and, conversely, industrial develop- ment, as it progresses, leads to trading conditions fa- vourable to the parties concerned, small wonder that the bulk of international trade takes place among the indus- trialized countries. 127. We are pleased that our partners in the European Economic Community have finally had the foresight to reconsider the most restrictive measures taken this year. The world trend nevertheless remains disturbing. Unless it is reversed in the spirit of GATT and unless public opinion and the legal bodies of the most advanced countries are not told, as they should be, of the nefarious consequences of such a choice, we very much fear that all opportunities to correct the most flagrant anomally in international eco- nomic relations, that is the continued deterioration in the terms of trade, will be lost. 128. The upheavals in the world economy in past years have affected the structure of the international monetary system to such an extent that one can speak of dislocation. Despite this structural turmoil, there have been important changes in a positive direction in the activities of IMF. 129. We consider that it is encouraging to have an agreement on the principles and procedures applicable to a firm supervision of the exchange systems and practices of 8 First. Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, held at Cairo from 7 to 9 March 1977. 131. I cannot better conclude than by reaffirming the unflagging faith of my country in the sacred principles upon which our institutions are based and our determi- nation to work together with those who believe in the future of the United Nations so that peace, understanding and solidarity will for ever prevail in international relations. 132. It is in this context that we are in favour of prior agreement, objective dialogue and a positive attitude which will of necessity lead to positive solutions, if everyone submits to a strict observance of the rules which we have ourselves decided on, and the principles which add to the wealth of our supreme law. 133. The Kingdom of Morocco, aware of its responsi- bilities, true to its commitments and vigilant about the respect of its rights, will spare no effort to see that, beyond passion, pondered logic, fruitful moderation and active solidarity prevail in seeking the best solutions. 134. At a time when, in many parts of the world, armaments seem to have become the only form of debate, it has become more than ever essential solemnly to invite nations to a more humane cQnception of international life and to a more rigorous respect for the &acred values of our civilization. 135. I venture to hope that the present session of our Organization will, with all necessary vigour, remir.d one and all ef the vital need for respect for the rule of law. 136. I believe that our common, sincere and determined efforts will once again prod the consciences of those who be",r responsibility throughout the world regarding the moral obligations which they have freely entered into.

May I congratulate Mr. Mojsov on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. 138. It is with great pleasure that we greet the admission to membership of the United Nations of two new Members: the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the ~epubIic of Djibouti. We should like to avail ourselves of this opportu- nity to wish the heroic Vietnamese people success in their efforts to consolidate the victories they have achieved for the progress and prosperity of their country. We also wish the people of the Republic of Djibouti success in their efforts to strengthen their national independence and freely and independently to develop their country. 140. The imperialist Powers, above all the United States of America and the Soviet Union, are persistently continuing their policy of war and aggression; they are threatening the freedom and independence of pe'oples, trying to stamp out wars of national liberation, dividing peoples and sovereign States and pitting them against each other in order to stir up incidents and even armed conflicts among them. 141. At the same time, United States imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism and the other reactionary forces are exerting strenuous efforts to exploit, in their own interests, the political and economic situation and the backwardness of some countries. In particular, tp-at is being done to the detriment of the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America. The imperialist Powers are seeking to preserve at all costs the privileges that they have secured through violence, "plunder and exploitation on those continents; they are trying to hamper their independent economic development and to inhibit the development of productive forces. They never willingly renounce their aim of keeping oil and other raw material resources under their control in order to dictate their prices on world markets. 142. However, imperialism, social-imperialism and reac- tion are not in a position to stamp out the struggle of peoples. We are witnessing a 'great development in the whole of international life and international relations, represented by the increasing growth, in both content and intensity, of the national and social consciousness of peoples. The struggle of the peoples for liberation, for the affirmation and for the defence of their independence and national sovereignty, and their efforts to become masters of the assets stolen from them by the imperialist Powers for centuries, to root out the remnants of colonialism, to cut the tentacles of multinational monopolies, to defend their national traditions and culture and to develop them further, are all playing an important role in the present historic world process. 143. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania unreser- vedly supports the revolutionary and national liberation struggles of the peQples, and the efforts of democratic and progressive States to defend and affirm their national independence and to exercise their complete sovereignty over their national assets. The leader of the Albanian people, Comrade Enver Hoxha has said: "Today, the majority of the peoples of the world are exerting great efforts and opposing by force colonial laws and neo-colonialist domination, rules, practices, customs and unequal agreements, old and new, established by the bourgeoisie in order to perpetuate its exploitation of peoples, its hateful distinctions and discriminations in international relations. The two super-Powers are trying by all manner of means to preserve and perpetuate those 144. The Albanian people have been and continue to be in solidarity with the just cause of the peoples of the whole world; in particular they are the friend of those peoples which are fighting for their freedom, independence and national sovereignfy. They have great respect for the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America, who have ancient cultural traditions, who have a great yearning to live free and happy and who are courageously fighting for those lofty objectives. 145. Many of those peoples today are at war not only with the external enemy, which is made up of the super-Powers and the other· imperialist States, but also against internal reaction. The external enemy, which in particular is represented by the two super-Powers, is the common enemy that should be fought by all, and especially by the peoples of those continents that languish under its domination or are threatened by it. The Albanian people, who have liberated themselves from their external and internal enemies and who hate foreign oppression and exploitation, want to see all the peoples which are fighting for their freedom and national independence free, inde- pendent and sovereign, and they are in complete solidarity with their just struggle. 146. We have never interfered, nor will we ever interfere, in the internal affairs of others; but we stand against all the reactionaries who, linked with the big imperialist Powers and playing their game, have become an obstacle to the peoples fighting to win their freedom and independence, to escape from poverty, to enjoy a new life and to utilize the assets of their countries for their own benefit. Nothing can unite the peoples in their struggle with the interests of the imperialists and the local reactionary politicians. 147. The Albanian people express their ardent desire for the complete freedom of all the fraternal peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America who have militant traditions and an advanced culture that in various epochs has flourished and shone forth from the pages of history. We are fighting shoulder to shoulder with the peoples of the world, and we support their just cause, despite the hostile stand adopted towards us by some of their ruling cliques, which we too hate as anti-popular. Our alliance with the peoples is based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism and of proletarian internationalism and on the policy of supporting the liberation movement; this is the reason for the existence of this friendship, solidarity and understanding between the peoples of the world's continents and little socialist Albania. Socialist Albania feels strong not only because it relies on its free and monolithic people-and that is of great importance-but also because it enjoys the support of the freedom-loving countries and peoples of the world. The Albanian people are friends with all the peoples; in particular they are linked in close friendship with the great 148. Herein lies one of our strengths, and this strength is directed against imperialism, social-imperialism and against all reactionaries and revisionists. Imperialism, social- imperialism, the revisionists and international reactionaries are striving to set up new empires, to forge new chains for the peoples. We are against these new chains; therefore, we love peoples, and they love us with all their hearts and fight together with us on one front. 149. In the present conditions it is more necessary than ever for the sovereign, freedom-loving and progressive peoples and sovereign States to increase their vigilance, to thwart the plans of their enemies, to prevent themselves from becoming pawns in that big and dangerous game which is being played by the imperialist Powers on a world-wide scale. Every day new events occur which show that one State is in conflict with another, and as soon as one fire is put out another flares up. This is clearly shown by the events in the Middle East, the conflict between Somalia and Ethiopia, the events in Angola and the strife in Zaire. Who is fanning' these fires? Who is causing these conflicts? Is it the peoples? No. The conflicts which exist today among some African countries and in various areas of the world have their roots primarily in the "divide and rule" policy of United States imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism. The peoples aspire to solidarity, love and brotherhood. And when we say so, we are not in the least indulging in idealistic dreams, but assessing things real- istically. These situations arise because there are exploiting classes which fight against the exploited because, on a national as well as an international plane, there is a clash of conflicting and irreconcilable interests between these classes. 150. The interests of the peoples call for a courageous and determined struggle to strengthen independence and sover- eignty against political, ideological, economic and military aggression, against imperialist intrigues and intervention. In order to keep in check the activities of big and powerful enemies backed by numerous resources, solid unity and true solidarity among the freedom-loving, progressive and democratic peoples and States is essential. The peoples achieve this unity and solidarity through det<:rmined struggle and concrete actions against all their enemies. The attempts to ignore essential differences among political forces in the world in the name of the unity and solidarity of the peoples and to reduce the question of unity to heterogenous groupings of States expressed in algebraic and arithmetic figures, with the most varied political regimes and options ranging from those maintaining anti-imperialist stands to those imposed by imperialism on some peoples and countries-these attempts create confusion, leaving the imperialist Powers and some reactionary regimes a free field of activity to speculate on the aspirations of progressive peoples and States and to weaken the genuine anti- imperialist unity of peoples. The successes achieved by the various countries struggling for their independent political and economic development are not the result of the fact that they are united in various groupings, but are the result of their struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism. Imperialism and social-imperialism cannot 151. Likewise it would be dangerous for the peoples and countries which have recently shaken off the colonial yoke if, in their efforts to strengthen their independence, they agree to join the old ~olonial Powers or the groupings of the imperialist Powers, which are maintaining not only many economic, cultural and military positions there, but are also trying to occupy new ones. The colonialism of former times has suffered defeat. But imperialism, whether old or new, lives on and the methods it employs to establish and extend neo-colonialism are even more rermed and dangerous. 152. Life has borne out quite convincingly the fact that the two imperialist super-Powers, the United States of America and the Soviet Union, are equally dangerous, to the same extent and in the same degree, to the peoples and their freedom. Even if under certain conditions one of them is forced to change tactics because of the blows dealt it by peoples, that does not mean that it has become less dangerous and that it is abandoning its agressive and expansionist policy. Experience has showrr that when a people or a nation is threatened or oppressed by one super-Power, it does not mean that the other super-Power no longer poses any danger to them and, even less, that it has become their "friend". Events in many areas of the world, such as the Middle East, in Africa and in other parts, prove quite well that both super-Powers have the same aggressive and hegemonistic intentions and are feverishly seeking to share the spheres of influence or to snatch positions from each other. The leader of the Albanian people, Comrade Enver Hoxha, has said: "... both when the super-Powers work together and when they quarrel, it is others who pay the bill. The collusion and rivalry between the super-Powers are the two sides of the one contradictory reality, important expressions of the same imperialist strategy: to rob the peoples of their freedom and to dominate the world. They pose the same danger and this is why the two super-Powers are the main and greatest enemies of the peoples. That is why one must never rely on one imperialism to fight or escape from the other." 153. Peoples are becoming ever more convinced that their liberation struggle can be crowned with success only when they fight unwaveringly and uncompromisingly against United States imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, that the independence of States and national sovereignty, security and peace can be preserved and strengthened only by maintaining an unwavering stand in the face of the two super-Powers and the other imperialist powers. 154. For several years the two imperialist super-Powers have been indulging in demagogy and have been resorting to various machinations in order to force the peoples into accepting the dangerous idea that every country must seek protection under the umbrella of United States imperialism or Soviet social-imperialism, that they have no recourse but to accept the protection of its "umbrella". Of course, the peoples cannot accept placing themselves under the tutelage of one or the other super-Power or joining one of them in order to oppose the other only because they are beset with 156. The unity of the peoples in their fight for freedom, independence and social progress is essential. Unity is one of the main weapons of proletarian internationalism. The countries which are building socialism should do all they can to help the peoples fighting to achieve and preserve their national independence, as well as other peoples that aspire to advance on the road to socialism. 157. The so-called "aid" which the Soviet revisionists give other countries is not all sincere and free of self-interest; on the contrary, it is part of a policy of subjugation and coercion, of a chauvinist policy of a big State towards small nations. The revisionists' views about small nations are not in the least different from those of the imperialists. We say this advisedly, for we have had personal experience of it. 158. We are striving, and we shall always'strive, to see that the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America are given sincere and disinterested aid which is free of any political condition and with no hidden motives. Only thus can true friendship be understood. Our Party and our State of the proletarian dictatorship have fought and will go on fighting courageously in that spirit and they are not alone in following this C0l!rse. The peoples of the world are fighting together with them, among them the peo~les of Asia, Africa and Latin America. 159. The concept pf the relationship between the large States and the small States, between the large nations and the small natiolls, interpreted in the sense that the small must submit to the large is a deadly disease, a chauvinist cOJi..:ept, a survival from the past, a heritage of the capitalist-imperialist world outlook. 160. The progressive and freedom-loving peoples are waging and must continue to wage a ruthless struggle against this point of view. We' well appreciate the import- ance and the role of the large States and large nations, but one should also have a thorough and correct grasp of the importance and the role of the small countries and nations, no matter how small they may be. Every nation, whether large or small, makes its contribution to the cause of the freedom and progress of mankind. Life itself, practice and struggle make things clear,. distinguish people, sort out who is on the side of the peoples and who is against them. 161. Here in the General Assembly the great Powers have said quite enough about small nations. When one listens to 162. They attack Socialist Albania because it speaks the truth. It is true that we are small in number, but we are not afraid of the attacks of r'·lr enemies, for we know that today the true words of a small people are listened to with sympathy and respect by all honest men and the peoples of the world. The strength of small peoples lies in their militant spiritual unity with all the peoples fighting for their rights without sinking into intrigues, in their determi- nation to carry through to the end their struggle for the fulfilment of their aspirations, against the aims of the imperialists and the revisionists. 163. In recent years many events have taken place.which demonstrate that the so-called detente is a slogan invented and spread with the purpose of misleading the peoples, creating illusions that, in the world today, the chances of establishing peace ~nd calm are allegedly greater than the dangers of war. 164. For years on end whole speeches from the rostrum of this Assembly have been devoted to the praise of "detente". But what is the real situation? The world has never been at peace. What we see in the world is not detente, but aggravation of contradictions, increasing con- flicts and rising dangers of war. Not a single session of the United Nations General Assembly has been held without some grave crisis or a hotbed of war somewhere in the world created by the interference of the imperialist Powers. The so-called detente is but an aspect of the relations between the two super-Powers at various stages of bargain- ing between them. But bargaining between the imperialist Powers can in no way be considered as easing of tension. It is a source of danger for the peoples, and for international peace and security. 165. For some time the Helsinki Conference on so-called "European security" has been presented as a model of detente. But, just as expected, the Helsinki Conference brought no good to Europe. Not a single positive change has taken place on this continent. Nothing has changed in 166. The Albanian delegation states once again that for real steps towards true European security to be taken the first step must be to liquidate the aggressive military blocs of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Treaty, to compel the United States and Soviet troops to withdraw from the territories of European countries, to dismantle their military bases and to prohibit their military manoeuvres in the vicinity of the borders of the European countries. 167. In the Balkan peninsula, the situation is such as to give no grounds for satisfaction either. The two imperialist super-Powers are renewing their attempt to interfere in the internal affairs of the States of this area. The peoples of the Balkans, who have suffered much from the games of the big Powers, regard those actions with legitimate concern and demand that the interference of United States imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism in their internal affairs be stopped, that they be deprived of the possibility of using the Balkan States, as their instruments, against one another, or of using the territory of a Balkan State as a bridge-head for the realization of their aggressive plans. 168. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has spared no efforts to contribute to the cause of peace and security in the Balkans. More than once it has declared-and this it has borne out with facts-that never, and in no way, will the slightest evil come to neighbouring countries through its territory. We uphold the opinion that in the present situation the aspirations of the peoples of this area can be served better through the development of bilateral re- lations. 169. The continuing tension in Cyprus and the complica- tions deriving from this situation are instigated and utilized by the two imperialist super-Powers for their intentions and interests. As always, the Albanian Government is of the opinion that a just solution to the Cyprus problem must be found by the interested parties, allowing no interference whatsoever by the imperialist Powers,.and in compliance with the sovereign rights of the Cypriot people and the interests of the two communities living on the island. 170. The peoples of the Mediterranean countries have many proofs to convince them that their aspirations to tUI11 the Mediterranean into a sea of peace and tranquillity cannot be realized as long as the aggressive military fleets of 171. In the M'ddle East, the two super-Powers are becoming ever more embroiled in their interests, and are resorting to all means, wiles and intrigues in order to preserve their present positions and to penetrate deeper into this strategic area so rich in oil. With the powerful support of the United States of America, Israel continues to keep the Arab territories under its occupation and is becoming ever more intransigent. While the Soviet Union feigns to give support to the Arabs, it is really trying to deceive the world for, in fact, it is backing Israel and its aggressive policy in various ways. 172. It is clear that the plans of the imperialist Powers, such as the "step-by-step" solutions, the convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, or the creation of a Palestinian mini-State, are nothing, but dangerous manoeuvres prejudicial to the Arab peoples. These are meant to trample underfoot the rights of these peoples, to fan quarrels and divisions among them, to put down the just struggle of the Palestinian people and to liquidate their cause. 173. The Arab peoples are seeing ever more clearly that the Middle East crisis cannot be solved by the United States imperialists or the Soviet social-imperialists, who have provoked it and who keep it ablaze, and that th~ir just cause' will triumph by their relying not on the super-Powers, but on their own determined stn~g:,;l:;:" on the strengtheriing of their unity. 174. The Albanian people,. who have been and will always be on the side of the just struggle of the Palestinian people and the other fraternal Arab peoples, are convinced that these peoples, with so glorious a tradition, will in the end emerge victorious from the protracted struggle against their numerous enemies. 175. The peoples of Zimbal:;we, Azania, and Namibia have intensified their just liberation struggle against the racist regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury, which are propped up by the United States of America and the other imperialist Powers. 176. The Albanian Government supports the just struggle of the peoples of Azania, Zimbabwe and Namibia and of the other African countries against the racist regimes, against apartheid and racial discrimination, against neo- colonialism and the brutal interference of the two super- Powers. It firmly condemns the policy of savage oppression and exploitation practised by the racist regimes'in Africa. It also condemns the armed provo~ations of these regimes against the neighbouring States. The struggle of the African peoples enjoys the powerful solidarity and support of all the peoples of the world; it is a just struggle and it will triumph. 178. The United Nations has been dealing with the question of disarmament for a long time, and quite a few resolutions have been adopted~ Notwithstanding frequent talks, both overt and covert, and despite innumerable resolutions on disarmament, the armaments race is continu- ing at an ever more feverish pace and the two super-Powers are manufacturing more lethal weapons. The war budgets have been inflated as never before. Arms trade has assumed unprecedented proportions. 179. The Albanian delegation holds that the demagogic propaganda on disarmament, which the two super-Powers are conducting, must be exposed in the eyes of inter- national public opinion. Imperialjsm and social-imperialism do not even think of disarmament. On the contrary, they are seeking to have a recognized right to uncontrolled and unlimited arming and uninterrupted perfecting of their weapons of mass extermination. They are trying to disarm others while preserving and increasing their stockpiles of weapons in order to bring permanent pressure to bear on peoples. 180. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania is building socialism successfully and is forging ahead, firmly trusting in the principle of self-reliance. While Albania has received and may still receive some'internationalist aid from a socialist '.:ountry, this aid is by no means decisive for the fate of th.esocialist construction of the country and in no circumstance whatsoever can it become a cause for infringe- ment of the independence and sovereignty of our country. Never before, and even less so today, has the People's Socialist Republic of Albania based its existence, freedom, mdtependence and sovereignty on others. Albania has enshrined in its Constitution the fact that it desires to have political, economic and cultural relations with various States on the basis of equality, respect of sovereignty, non-interference in each other's internal affairs and mutual benefit. 181. We do not stand for autarky and have a correct idea of what commercial relations among various countries should be. Those relations must be correct, equal and mutually beneficial, according to the "give-and-take" prin- ciple. We will be for trade with all those who want to develop trade relations with us. Of course, we do not base the development of our socialist economy on foreign trade, but on the all-round development of industry and agri- culture, relying mainly on our own forces; therefore, the fact that wc engage in trade with other countries by no means implies that the People's Socialist Republic of Albania is dependent on anybody. 182. We will also promote cultural relations with other countries, in compliance with the principles and norms defined by our country, provided they are acceptable to the 183. The foreign policy of socialist Albania has been and is a correct, principled, above-board and consistent policy, the independent.policy of a free and sovereign country. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has not traded on principles and will never do so. The imperialists, ~he social-imperialists and the other reactionaries are tryL-: in vain to spread diabolic slanders about Albania; they are trying to create the impression that, under the pressure of international ~vents, Albania wm be compelled either tu choose isolation and separation from the world or abandon the road it has been following to date. We declare openly and not in diplomatic terms that nobody should cherish illusions that"Albania is not an isolated country", that "it cannot live without foreign aid", or that "it will be compelled to stretch out a begging hand to anybody". 184. The imperialist Powers must entertain no illusions about that nor must they follow their ambition of imposing their will on socialist Albania. NobodY can impose his will on Albania; it does not threaten anybody, nor does it allow anybody to threaten it. It will successfully oppose any aggressor that may dare to violate its sacred borders. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania lives and will live on free, independent and enjoying full national sovereignty. 185. Albania is a fully independent country; it has long Jgo denounced the Warsaw Treaty and will never have l:li1itary alliances with any State. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania and its armed people will always successfully guarantee the defence of the freedom, national independence and territorial integrity of the country, because the policy of socialist Albania is a correct uneqUiv- ocal policy opposed to any form of aggression, rapacious war, diktat at :legemony, tutelage or colonial exploitation, national oppression or racial discrimination. Albania has taken every measure to cope with any danger successfully. It will stand rock-firm, in the first place because its people are led by a strong and tmly Marxist-Leninist party and because there is unbreakable unity between the Party and the people. Under the leadership of the Labour Party, with Comrade Enver Hoxha at its head, our people are suc- cessfully building socialism and vigilantly defending the victories ach~ ved. 186. In conclusion, the delegation of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania wants to point out that it will never fail to make its modest contribution to the discussion of the questions on the agenda of this session.

"Peace, security, independence and sovereignty for all cannot be seCured by dealing only with the problems of Mr. President, those are your words; you said that in 1973 in my country where you also. represented a nation to which the cause of non-alignment owes so much. Those words express your progressive philosophy and your en- thusiasm for the democratization of international relations, and they suffice to explain why Panama and all the countries of the third world are so deeply and sincerely happy at your election as President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. 188. The unanlmous admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to membership in the United Nations is, at once, an act ofjustice and a world-wide recognition of what can be achieved despite tremendous obstacles by the courage, determination and dignity of a country on the road to freedom and nationhood. We also rejoice because of the admission of the young Republic of Djibouti; we wish it uninterrupted prosperity and progress. These are auspicious signs for the work now being guided by you at this thirty-second session. 189. Further, we wish, on behalf of the delegation of Panama, to applaud Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, who is so highly esteemed by all delegations, for his wise presidency of the previous session. 190. I would wish to express, on behalf of our delegation, the pleasure we share with the Spanish-speaking world because of the Nobel Prize conferred last night on Vicente Aleixandre, a Spanish poet. This really is recognition of vital importance of the so-called "generation of 1927" in Spanish culture. 191. On the American continent, it is only fair to say that events have occurred which no doubt will contribute to the establishment of an atmosphere of cordiality, friendship and understanding among the countries of the region, which will also be reflected in the enthusiastic contribution which the Latin American countries will make to the work of the General Assembly. I refer to the Panama 'Canal Treaty or'1977, and the Treaty concerning the Permanent Neutrality and Operation of the Panama Canal,l 0 signed in Washington on 7 September 19/7 by the President of the United States of America, Jimmy Carter, and by the Head of the Government of the Republic of Panama, Omar Torrijos, as well :)s the Declaration of Washington of the same date signed by tha States Members of the Organi- zation of American States and the Prime Minister of Canad~. 192. As the culmination of a lengthy process of negotia- tion, the United States a,d Panama have arrived at a basic 193. The friendly agreem~nt embodied in these treaties is due to the tenacious and constant campaign of the people of Panama, encouraged over the last years by the anti- colonialist attitude of General Omar Torrijos Herrera. Also, it is fair to recognize that it is also due to the democratic spirit and honest conscience of President Jimmy Carter, which finally rendered null and void the monstrous Hay-Bunau-Varilla Convention of 1903, that no Pana- manian signed. That Convention, which was only voted later by people enchained by its arbitrary clauses, mort- gaged forever the major natural resource of Panama. 194. The Carter-Torrijos treaties constitute a pact on a fixed-term basis, which recognizes the effective sovereignty of Panama over the whole of its territory and ensures the recovery of its jurisdiction over the Canal Zone within a period of not more than three years, assures the United States, as well as all other countries of the world, access for their ships to an open and neutral canal "on terms of entire equality".1 I 195. In the same treaties, the Republic of Panama. as the ~overeign territory, grants the United States a concession for the management, operation and maintenance of the Panama Canal for a period of 22 years. 196. The new contractual relations agreed to between Panama and the United States on 7 September 1977 appear in two Treaties, 3 related agre~ments, 10 annexes, 3 "Agreed Acts", 52 descriptive maps, 2 navigation charts, 9 exchanges of notes and 1 multilateral declaration. 197. Article IV of the Panama Canal Treaty provides, inter alia, that: 201. I must now make special reference to the Treaty concerning the Permanent Neutrality and Operation of the Panama Canal. "The Republic of Panama and the United States of America commit themselves to protect and defend the Panama Canal. Each Party shall act, in accordance with its constitutional processes, to meet the danger resulting from an armed attack or other actions which threaten the security of the Panama Canal or of ships transiting it."1 2 198. But the vital fact, the irrevoca!Jle hope of successive generations of Panamanians, is that on 31 December 1999, the military presence of the United States on Panamanian territory will physically cease. The full historical signifi- cance of that fact is enshrined in the Treaties signed on 7 September last, because it is this military presence which in itself limits and undermines Panamanian natbnality. It is not a matter of friendship or enmity between nations. What is at stake is the very essence of our national feeling, which has nothing to do with possible tactical or defensive alliances aimed at a specific objective and limited, there- fore, by circumstances and other transitory factors. 203. In order to perfect the regime of permanent neu- trality of the Panama Canal, the contracting parties, under article VII, undertake to open for signature by all the States of the world a protocol whereby the signatory States would make the neutral regime of the Panama Canal universal. 11 Ibid.. p. 32. 12 Ibid.• p. 12. 13 Ibid., p. 32. 199. Status as a nation and, as a vital part of it, sovereignty which is its greatest attribute are essentially 200. As for the near future, Panama is aware of its responsibilities and is prepared to take over the tasks of operating, administering-and defending the interoceanic waterway. To do that, we have as a base of support the human capital represented by the Panamanians, who comprise 75 per cent of the labour force employed by the Panama Canal Company. Benefiting from the progress and the growing development of our educational system and professional resources offered by universities, my country has started to train the necessary technical staff. Further- more, we are constantly increasing the number of scholar- $ip students in the large technological training centres abroad. At the same time, as regards the defence of national sovereignty and territorial integrity, a major mission will be carried out by the new graduating class of our national military institute "Tomas Herrera", where, encouraged by the nationalistic spirit of the National Guard of Panama, thousands of young men are being trained in accordance with the new democratic concept which 'will be the most distinguishing factor of the armed forces of the continent. 202. My country is conscious of the importance of the Panama Canal as an international waterway for world navigation and wishes to invite the attention of Member States of the United Nations to the following, most important provision in article II of that Treaty: "The Republic of Panama declares the neutrality of the Canal in order that both in time of peace and in time of war ~t shall remain secure and open to peaceful transit by the vessels of all nations on terms of entire equality, so that there will be no discrimination against any nation, or its citizens or subjects, concerning the conditions or charges of transit, or for any oth,;r reason, and so that the Canal, and therefore the isthmus of Panama, shall not be the target of reprisals in any armed conflict between other nations of the world." 1 3 205. In comrUance wit~ that commitment, this protocol \viII be open to accessk J1 by all States of the world from the date of its ratification and will for ~~ch State enter into force from the time it deposits its in:3trument of accession with the Secretary-General of the Organization of American States. 206. The internaticnal instruments to which I have just referred are subject lO the constitutional procedures of ratification by both parties: in the l:!'ited States, with the assent of two thirds of the members of the Semte present at the ~ime; in Panama. by a majority vote expressed in a nationai plebiscite. 207. What is ef particular significance in this respect is the Washington Declaration signed by the highest officials of the States members of the Organization of American States and by the Prime Minister of Canada, concurred in by a large majority of Heads of States m Government ef the region, on the initiative '~lf President Carter. That Declara..- , tion represents a new era in hemispheric relations and imprints a seal of continental solidarity on the new Panatr.a Canal Treaties. ~Q8. The Washingt~ :1 Declaration not only paves the way towards establishing a new international economic order in the Latin American developing countries, but is also a positive contribution to peace, security and progress for mankind by recognizing the importance for all States of the world of arrangements to ensure the accessibility and the permanent neutrality of the Panama Canal. 209. The lengthy process of negotiation which was carried out during the last 13 years has been justified before national and international public opinion as the peaceful means to set in motion the process of decolonization in Panama. The negotiations had to culminate in a formula of decolonization to put an end to the colonial enclave embedded in the heart of the territory of Panama. 210. To arrive at that goal, the Government of Panama assigned in the vanguard of our diplomatic front a group of negotiators to serve as spokesman for our national con- science. The agreements reached must be understood in their entirety as a formula for decolonization which is viable and acceptable to both Governments, and which is now subject to the scrutiny, review and approval of both peoples in accordance with their Ci)J1stitutional procedures. 211. It is an act of justice to recognize the patriotism, ability and devotion of the Panamanian negotiators who participated in the negotiations on the new Treaties. Also, equal devotion, ability and patriotism must be recognized as belonging to other Gitizens who had equally intense Panamanian feelings but who expressed disquiet, im- patience or disagreement, or who disagreed wholly 01' in part with what is contained in the new Treaties. 213. Precisely in order that there should be no doubt of that rigl,lt to dissent within the bwad popular support of his administration, the Head of Government of Panama, General Gmar Torrijos Herrera, has requested a United Nations presence during the plebiscite on the new Treaties. It is of the utmost significance for my country that the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has agreed to send a missior. to Panama he<lded by a personal representative, to be present during the verification of the mlt!onal plebiscite, which ha5 beell scheduled by ~a. number J3 of 13 Septem- ber 1977 to be :held on 23 O,;tober 1977 b compliance with the orovifjion~ of article 274 of Oti! National Consti- . tution. 214. In this consult~~i')n with the people, Panamanian citizens will decide whether or not they appriL"~ the new Panama Canal Tre;aty. the Treaty conct;rl1~ng the; Permanent Neutr:llity and Operation of the Pail:::ma C,u?!. and the annexed documents, which wer~ signed 011 7 September ifl Wn3hingion. 2i 5. In additior' to the faCt ili~J the Treaties on the Panama Canal are operative in regard to Jecolonllation, 4<the settlement of th~ Panarn~, Canal iswe", as it is stated in the Washington Declaration, Hrepresents a major step toward strengthi;ning of relatIons among the nations of the Western Hemisphere on a basis of common interest, equality and mutua1 respect for the sovereignty and independence of every state" .14 216. The ~...hmian Can~ Ccnvention of 1903, better known as the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty, imposed in per- petuity on the Republic of Panama to ensure construction by the United States of the waterway, is the only instrument still in force of the three ominous treaties designed to mortgage the existence of Latin American States whose territories were considered to be cross-roads for the ma]or world maritime routes. 217. The "La Mesilla" Treaty concerning the border between the Republic of Mexico and the United States, signed at Mexico City on 30 December 1853, which assured on an indefinite basis free transit for the army of the United States thrcugh the Tehuantepec Isthmus, was abrogated by the joint action of those two great statesmen, Uzaro Cardenas and Franklin Delano Roosevelt. The Bryan-Chamorro Treaty between Nicaragua and the United Statesl 5 granted the latter country in perpetuity the right 14 Sce The Department of State Bulletin. vol. LXXXVII, No. 1999 (Washington, D.e., V.S. Government Printing Office, 1977), p. 502. 15 Convention respecting a Nicaraguan Canal Route, signed at Washington on 5 August 1914. Sce Treaties. Conventions. Inter- national Acts, Protocols and Agreements between the United Stales and Other Powers, 1910-1923 (Washington, D.e.. 1l.S. Government Printing Office, 1923), p. 2741. 218. The Government of Panama has gone beyond the mere holding of a plebiscite by inviting a United Nations presence. On 13 Septcmbf:r, the Head of Government, General Omar Tordjos Herrera, addressed a telegram to Mr. Andres Aguilar, Chairman of the Inter-American Com- mission on Human Rights, stating that "the new Canal treaties are a symbol to the world of our desire to eHminate d;3Crim~nation and injustice", and invited that Commission to visit Panama and report on the actual enjoyment of human rights there. 219. The statement by Torrijos in that document empha- sizes thl" will of the Government of Panama fully to implement the exercise of fundamental hum?n rights among the inhabitants of the Republic in every part of the country. It also refl(~cts the decision to prcmct': the effective functioning, within the jurisdiction of the Pana- manian State, of the legal, regiona~ and world mechaninns established to make human rights effective. 220, That is T'~ i30lated attitude. The imMediate prece- dent -Jr the l'niversal Declaration of HUIu,an Rights, which was adopted in 1948 by this Assembly. is to be found in the first (haft 011 this quesdon submittej to the General J"..~sfrnbly by the head of the delegation of Panama, Mr. Ricarcio J. Alfnro,16 The ratification by Panama in 1976 of the International Covenant on Ec..onomic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenaut on Civil and Political Rights, as well as the Optional Protocol thereto, was decisive in having those human rights Cove- nants proclaimed by the United Nations enter into force during that same year 1976. It was therefore possible to establish the Human Rights Committee, which affords an unprecedented procedure for the consideration of com- munications from persons who denounce human rights violations committed by States parties to the Protocol. 221. The Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty of 1903, considered by many jurists as a political mortgage, as an anachronism, as a social fossil, will be abrogated in Panama when there is an exchange of the ratification of the Panama Canal Treaties of 1977. 222. Panama, deprived until now of both its ports of entry to the Canal, has not been able to comply fully with its Bolivar~an destiny to assist the sister re~ublics of Latin America to implement the major integration plans of the founders of the republics of our hemisphere. Thus it can be understood how the 1903 Treaty has so far been a barrier to the unity, integration and accelerated economic develop- ment of Panama and of Latin America. 223. The origins and clauses of that Treaty have been so hateful that a distinguished historian from Argentina in his historical outline "From the Panama Congress to the Panama Canal" went so far as to say: ';The programme which Bolivar started in Panama in 1826 came to an end in 1903 also in Panama, which was 225. Bolivar, who made of the isthmus of Panama the centre of his ideals and affection, thought of the city of Panama as a capitai for the Great Latin American Father- land, Referring to the Act of Independence of Panama from Spain in 1821, he exclaimed: "I cannot fmd words to expr.ess my joy and admiration olhlearning that Panama, the centre of the univ~rs.e, is by itself brought' back to life and freed by its own endeavours. The Act of Independence of Panama is the most glorious monument that any American province can offer to history. Everything is contained therein: justice, generosity, national policy and interest." 226. As host to the Amphictyl)nic Congress of 1826, the nation of Panama, despite every '.'icissitude, has never failed to be loyal to the programme or Bolivar for the unity and integration of Latin America. Its most recent achievements in this unifying and integrationist mission were enshrined by the comtitution of the Latin American Economic System reached in 1975 by t~e "Panama Convention",! 7 and the establishment of the Lat~n American Export Bank. This last entity was formally establis,,'1ed 011 the initiative of Panama at the meeting of the Govern0l5 of the Central Banks of Latin America which was held this year in Guatemala City and which will start operating in Panama City with adequate financing from the region as an essentiaJ. element for the sustained development of the Latin American countries. 227. Parallel with the Latin American movements born in the universities and in the major Latin American revolu- tions, new generations of Panamanians with a legacy of the ideals of all those who victoriously planted the standard of the liberator on the summit of Condorcunca have, without let or pause, pursued their arduous and lengthy road to battle for national claims and to redeem the historic mC'rtgage incorporated in the 1903 Treaty. Among them and in the front line are the heroic teen-agers-the "aguiluchos" of the National Institute, as they are called in Panama-who in 1964 placed a cluster of Panamanian flags in the alienated Panama Canal zone and made it fertile with their blood. Together with them, are the students, teachers, professors, intellectual~) artists, the workers in the cities and in the fields, men and women of every age who have at all times responded to the national call and who are ultimately the PanamaniaJl~ he~t entitled to judge what is just and proper in the new Treaties and their annexes. 228. Of course, from a pure, extreme and radical national perspective, iSome aspects of the new Treaties are not satisfactory. But, nationalities are not fully forged over- night, or by a single generation or group of individuals. Along the way towards the full attainment of a national Panamanian personality, there are ob~tacles and vicis- situdes. To rise above them is the task of this generation and future generations, which must complete the work of the present one. 230. In the light of this perspective we have to take into account international circumstances. The Secretary- General, dS the eternal champion of good causes, already said so in his report on the work of the Organization. He smid: '" know, very well that a miraculous and sudden transformation to a new and bcHer world order is inconceivable. I do, however, believe that we must try, in all our activities, to facilitate and accelerate the evolu- tionary process by which the relations of Governments in all important matters will be regulated .and harmonized with the long-term interests of the world community in view." f A/32/1, sect. 1./ 231. Thus, we are living at a time when there are military alliances, large power blocs from which few nations can be free, despite their own power. Fortunately, the spectre of a possible intercontinental conflict becomes ever more re- mote because of the paradoxicai effect of the progress of the technology of war, the balance of terror, and so it may be assumed that the neutrality and operation of the Canal will not he threatened. A promising augury of this is that the Government of President Carter has signed Additional . Protocol I of ~:ie Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco). But this is all for the future, for new groups of men and generations. 232. The Torrijos-Carter Treaties, viewed not only as a formula of decolonization but also as a pilot plan for international co-oper~tion between Panama and the United States with a view to improving hemispheric relations, could be a decisive factor in accelerating the integration and unity of Latin America. 233. This new type of hemispheric relations can only prosper harmoniously, however, by complete compliance with the principles whic:l are deeply rooted in the conscience of the pc:>ples of this region and today enshrined in contemporary international law, such as respect for the territorial integrity and the independence of States, non-intervention by a State in the internal affairs of another State, self-determination of peoples, the peaceful settlement of disputes., the renunciation of the use or threat of force, the sovereign equality of States, and the applica- tion of fundamental human rights. 234. I would not wish to cnd without referring to an opposition which an arrangement in the Partama Canal question arouses in som(~ circles in the United States. As was rightly said by Mr. Shridath Ramphal, Secretary- General of the British Commonwealth of·Nations: 235. There are some who, with repeated obstinacy, seek to confuse the concept of the neutrality and the defence of the interoceanic way with that of intervention; but inter- vention has becom~ a dirty word to the Latin American peoples who have suffered and have learned hard lessons from history. It may be said that the provision of international law which is most deeply rooted in the thoughts and feelings of the Latin American peoples is the principle of non-intervention. This has been the basis of relations between the United States and LaUn America since in Montevideo in 1933 and Buenos Aires in 1936 the great North Amedcan Power renounced the principle of intervention by subscribing to the Declaration of the nations of th'e hemisphere, to the effect that direct or indirect intervention in internal or external affairs is inadmissible.• 9 The United States committed itself, in the event of violation of those principles, to joint consultations with the aim of arriving at a peaceful soiution. 236. The United States, as a State party to the Charter of the Organization of American States and to the Charter of the United Nations, is committed to enforcing this principle at the regional level and throughout the world. 237. The Agreement in Implementation of Article rv of the Panama Canal Treaty strictly refers to defence against the danger of an armed attack or other action that might threaten the security of the Panama Canal or of the ships transiting it. This is not, nor can it be, a treaty to regulate the capacity for reciprocal aggression of the parties. 238. Logically the Treaty refers to third States which might commit acts or threats of aggression against the Panama Canal and the freedom of navigation through it. To confuse this situation with the right to intervene in the internal or external affairs of Panama is to distort a specific clause, vitiating its semantic, political and legal value. This is totally unacceptable to the international community. 239. Here, of course, we are entering the field of moral assumptions because no one in this Assembly is unaware that, if the great Powers were to succumb to the temptation to abandon respect for ethical and legal rules, there is no public treaty or provision of international law which could stop them. 240. No country can proclaim itself the world champion of the rule of law and the freedom of the citizen claiming the Additional Protocol Relative to Non-intervention, signed"at Buenos Aires on 23 December 1936, sce league of Nations, Treaty Series, voL CLXXXVIII, p. 31. 241. The words I have the honour to address to this august Assembly on behalf of my Government and my delegation would be incomplete and lacking in an ele- mentary sense of justice were I not to express the gratitude of the Government and people of Panama for the decisive support they have received from the world community, and particularly from the sister republics of Latin America and