A/32/PV.26 General Assembly

Mr. President, the delegation of Rwanda adds its tribute and good wishes to those which have been addressed to you on your brilliant election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and wishes it complete success. At the same time, my delegation would like to pay a particular and well-deserved tribute to your country, Yugoslavia; a finn pillar of non-alignment whose contribution to international peace and security merits recognition by the world community. 2. Your predecessor, the eminent Ambassador of Sri Lanka, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, once again deserves our great appreciation for the remarkable manner in which he di~harged his responsibilities as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. 3. My country, Rwanda, has always greatly appreciated the efforts and the wisdom shown by our Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in carrying out his very delicate tasks to ensure for the United Nations influence and effectiveness in keeping with its mission. Thus it is with real gratitude that I express once again the confidence of my Government in his tireless devotion to the ideals of the Charter and his personal role in bringing about the advent of a world of peace, justice and international solidarity. 4. It is with profound joy tinged with some emotion that my delegation welcomes the entry of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the young sister Republic of Djibouti into our great family. 5. We always deplored the obstruction of the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations despite the support of almost all the international com- munity. Its admission to our Organization is a tribute to the wisdom and objectivity of those who realized that the NEW YORK opmIon of the vast majority of the international com- munity could no longer be opposed. Once again we salute the courage and determination of the Vietnamese people and their leaders, who by glorious combats and untold sacrifices have won their independence and their dignity and earned the consideration and respect of the whole world. 6. We reiterate our friendship and brotherhood with the valiant people of Djibouti and salute their resistance to the violence and pressures of all kinds to which they were subjected as well as the wisdom which enabled them to counter all the deceitful manoeuvres designed to obstruct the conquest of their dignity and national sovereignty. 7. The glorious history of ~ach of these newcomers to our large family is a guarantee of their future contribution to progress towards the attainment of the oJjectives of vur Organization. 8. Since the last session of the General Assembly the vast ~najority of the nations represented here have enjoyed relative peace. It is no less true that this peace continues to be endangered as long as hotbeds of tension exist and the quest for power by some among us leads them, instead of seeking to f'md appropriate alternatives to the relations of force and confrontation, to try to transform the ccnflicts into spring-boards for the attainment of unavowed political, ideological or economic interests. 9. On most of the questions which will have to be debated at the present session it seems clear that unfortunately we face the same difficulties that our efforts seem powerless to rr solve. Whether iLis a matter of the problems ofapartheid and racial discrimination, the agitation and dissension provoked by the ideological balance, the occupation of Arab territories by the Zionist State, the usurpation of the most inalienable rights of the Palestinian people,. the dismantling of Cyprus or the occupation or arbitrary division of nations such as Germany or Korea, there has been no substantial change in the positions as we have known them in the past. The preoccupations of the international community are the same today as they were yesterday. ' 10. Africa, barely liberated from the most humiliating fonns of the oppression and violence of colonialism, has in fact for some time been the centre of simmering anned conflict supported by barely veiled neo-colonialism,.which is visibly reflected in the campaign' for hegemony and influence and has reached its h'eight in the lengthy blood-letting in the eastern area, today the theatre of action. 11. For 20 years, from north to south and from east to west, our continent has been the subject of continuous 12. In relation to that very important point, His Excel- lency Major-General Juvenal Habyarimana, President of the Rwandese Republic and Founder-President of the National Revolutionary Movement for Development, stated: "'We have already on several occasions denounced and deplored this confrontation among brother countries; a confrontation that results from struggles for influence among the gfeat Powers. Our continent remains the scene of conflicts sustained by ideological differences. Africa has no need of these struggles. What we ask of friends who wish to help us is support in the campaign we are waging against under-development. Poverty and ignorance are our common enemy, and this struggle concerns all ef us, whatever the colours under which we fight." 13. The world will never be at peace as long as the abscess in Africa, which gnaws at the £outhern part of our continent, is not lanced once and for all. 14. Last year, we welcomed with some glimmer of hope the initiatives then undertaken by Washington and London to find a peaceful solution in that part of the world. But we had not considered the extreme perversity of the rebel lan Smit~ and ofVorster, his neighbour. 15. lan Smith's arrogance and obduracy have resulted in the failure of all negotiations. what can then be done other than to intensify anned struggle, since peaceful solution has failed? Nevertheless, African leaders remain willing to seize every opportunity to realize the aspiratioGs of the people of Zimbabwe for freedom and justice without bloodshed. They could not depart from that attitude unless it were from despair, as they have no interest in fanning the flames ofwar in the heart of their own continent. . 16. But lan Smith and his clique continue to challenge the international community by strengthening the ignominous oppression of the Zimbabwean people. Further, they continuously prepare to implement plans of aggression against neighbouring African States, that is, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia. They will learn to their loss that these acts of mtimidation against "'front-line States", far from discouraging Africa, will but strengthen the necessary support and solidarity for the patriotic fighters of Zim- babwe. 17. Therefore it is up to lan Smith and his allies in Pretoria to grasp the ~ast chance offered to them to introduce the changes called for by the international community and the genuine African majority. 18. 1,t is more than 10 years ago since the General Assembly decided to administer Namibia itself. In defiance 19. This already disnstrous situation has created another, because it is not only a question in Namibia of the independence of a country long deprived of its rights by a usurpation of power, an illegal occupation and humiliations of every kind; the right "f a nation to self-determination and to its territorial integrity is ~quMly at stake. In fact, last August the unholy regime ofPretoria decided to annex part of the Territory of Namibia, the enclave of the port of Walvis Bay, a characteristic way that South Africa has of extending bantustanization. Need I say that this is yet another episode in making vassals of people by the economic fragmentation of those who depend on South Mrica, by the creation of serfs having the nationality of artificial and unviable African States serving only as a reservoir of manpower for the South African economy. In brief, it is yet anotil'ler cosmetic disguise of apartheid the essence ofwhich is disguised under another label. 20. My delegation considers that the whole world com- munity must do everytJung within its power to assist the. Namibian people, represented by the South West Africa People's Organization, to win its independence and sov- ereignty. 21. In its hideous mantle of apartheid the South African Government, which is racist and illegal-I say "illegal", because legitimate power cannot be recognized without the framework of human dignity and the interests of all strata of the population-continues to impose atrocious humilia- tion and suffering on the black populations. Arbitrary imprisonments and the massacre of African populations are the nonnal procedure for preventing the majority from claiming the exercise of their inalienable rights and self- determination: Soweto in 1977 is the same as Soweto in 1976. The blood of all those martyrs would have been shed in vain if the international community did not compel Vorster and his clique to make the necessary changes imposed by the march ofhistory. 22. To that end, the international community must strictly apply the sanctions which have been recommended against the rebel Rhodesian regime, and the total economic embargo, particularly on weapons, against South Africa. Great ills require great remedies. 23. The recommendations of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo in MaY,l and the more recent World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos in Augu::;t,2 should present a valuable guide for the action to be taken 1 Sce document A/32/I09/Rcv.l-S/12344/Rev.1. 2 See Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2), chap. X. 24. A glance of the map of the world shows that it is not only Africa which is being injured in its southern and eastern parts. In the Middle East an oppressed people-the Palestinian people-is bleeding to death. Let us call on those who have the power to persuade Israel that it is in its own interest to live in an atmosphere of peace with its neighbours and that any settlement must include the restitution of the occupied Arab territories and cannot take place behind the backs of the Palestinian people. rep- resented by the Palest~ne Liberation Organization. 25. Cyprus too for a long time has been, as it remains, a subject of major concern of this Assembly and of our Organization. For the delegation of Rwanda, the territorial integrity and national unity of Cyprus should guide every discussion among the parties concerned, which should be free from foreign interference. 26. With regard to the divided nations, my country, Rwanda, has always hoped to be able one day to support an initiative which would assist the German people in their long march towards the unification of the two German States into one great nation. We have always hoped for this in the firm conviction that the final settlement of the German problem would constitute a very important step towards the peaceful coexistence so often proclaimed by the civilized world. 27. Likewise, the question of Korea, which since the last session has not been included in our agenda, remains no less a matter for anxiety. Our position is well known: the withdrawal of all foreign troops is an essential prerequistite to enable the Korean people to attain their dream of unification in peace. 28. The tragedy through which a divided people lives can be felt only by that people itself, and all the international community can do is promote all factors which would help towards the attainment of that inalienable aspiration to national unity. We all know that national unity in freedom is not a gift but a fundamental right. ~9. In addition to the rather discouraging picture I have Just drawn of the situation in certain areas of our earth there is a certain atmosphere which continues to weigh o~ contemporary man; threatened as he is in his security by the weight of armaments of the most sophisticated and dea~ly k~d. It is regrettable indeed to note that even today proliferation, both vertical fmd horizontal, of nuclear weapons proceeds apace, contrary to appeals for modera- tio.n and wisdom. New types of weapons are continually bel~g developed, and nuclear technology spreads like an oil staIn throughout the world. Gloomy predictions are made that by 1985 approximately 40 countries will have nuclear capability. It is intolerable that more than $300 billion should be swallowed up annually in the arms race while !hree quarters ~f mankin~ live in the anguish of poverty. Ignorance and disease. It IS not conviction of the absurdity of a nuclear war that will continue to reassure us. The 30. The principle of harmony and community of interests should complement the principle of international democ- racy in the refonns it is fitting to introduce in our Organization. In all these reforms to be effected or envisaged it is necessary that profound changes likewise take place in the minds of men, .who must perceive the objectives of the reorganization of our system. Effec- tiveness will depend on true reflection, not on the psychosis of an apocalypse which would follow on the division of responsibilities. 31. With regard to world economic relations, the relations of domination of the developed world over the third world have led to the definition of a new international economic order based on a world-wide democratic redistribution of power in the economic, commerical, financial and industrial sectors. The third world, faced with the constant deteriora- tion in the terms of trade, could no longer be satisfied with simply being a provider of raw materials and energy in exchange for what amounts to alms in place of the co-operation promised by the wealthy countries. The fear of seeing the third world transformed into an equal partner in the conduct of world economic affairs might sllggest to certain strategists, politicians and economists the making of a few spectacular concessions and a favou.<101e response to specific claims in order to defer the fundamental require- ments. Thus the adoption of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIXjJ, the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly and the convening of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation might appear to be bold concessions. 32. But what exactly do we see today? The creative and venturesome dialogue that the third world requested has not been seriously started. It is constantly deferred to a later time. The fundamental problems remain the same, and my Head of State, Major-General Juvenal Habyarimana, President of the Rwandese Republic and Founder-President of the National Revolutionary D~velopment Movement, recently expressed again his concern in the following terms; "At the level of international economic relations, it is regrettable to note that the present economic crisis weighs daily more heavily on" the peoples of the third world. Any declaration and any programme of action will remain a dead letter in the absence of a definite commitment by the developed countries to alter the ~tructures of world economy and trade. "The conduct of the developed cow~tries during the latest negotiations was not fully in accordance with the declarations of good intentions they had made at the seventh special session of the United Nations General A~emb~. . "'To be persuaded of this, it is sufficient to note how little heed was paid to the legitimate and reasonable 33. Along with all these timid steps, we might mention the law of the sea. The Third Conference on that subject has just concluded yet another session, pending another one, but in the most absolute silence. What was expected to be cried out loud as the greatest victory of mankind within the United Nations did not occur. Rather it was in an embarrassed silen·ce that the representatives departed. Once again a convention on the law of the sea acceptable to all was not forthcoming. It is certainly a failure, because mankind has not been able to agree with itself on its own interests, but there is not yet nothingness, since the dialogue has not been defmitely broken off. 34. The crises, the tragic divisions and the inequalities which our earth is witnessing today show how far we are from the attainment of the objectives included in the Charter of our Organization. Nevertheless, it is not Utopian to expect that the aspirations of mankind to peace, unity, freedom and universal so~ial justice will be attained, if only in certain measure. It is to the extent that each Member State is vigilant in seejng to it that new international ethics prevail that our Organization win be strengthened and fully play its role as a privileged centre for dialogue and agreement and also for seeking the final triumph ofjustice and solidarity throughout the world.

It has been re- peatedly stressed from this rostrum at the current session of the United Nations General Assembly that the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia was the main event of the twentieth century, one which radically changed the course of development of all humanity. The first socialist State in the world came i'1to existence 60 years ago. Since that time socialism, which has become a world-wide system, has brought to the peoples of the wor1d peace, freedom, new eqUitable relations and mutually beneficial co-operation. 36. The outstanding achievements of the land of Soviets and the successful implementation of the peace-loving· Leninist foreign policy of the Soviet State have become an important factor in the acceleration of the world-wide revolutionary process and social progress. The magnificence of the October Revolution is undying indeed. It is embodied in the historic successes of the land of socialism, the first in the world, and of all States of the socialist community, in the victory over the dark forces of fascism in the Second War, in the collapse of the colonial system of imperialism, in the consolidation of the principles of peaceful coexistence in the relations of States with dif- ferent social systems, and of the ideals of peace and friendship among peoples. 37. The world-wide historic forces of socialism and pro- gress brought into being by the great October Revolution are growing and becoming stronger; they have multiplied many times over their influence in the world and have 38. The peace-loving foreign policy of the Soviet State has been enshrined in the new Constitution of the USSR. Every line of its section on foreign policy reflects its noble goals and defines specific ways of further strengthening the security of the peoples and the development of broad international co-operation. 39. The most noticeable changes in international relations have occurred in recent years. The process of restructuring international relations on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence is gaining increasing momentum, and detente is emerging as the dominant trend in world politics, thereby diminishing the danger of a new world war and opening the way for further development of comprehensive co-operation. All this is a result of the joint struggle of the States of the socialist community and other peace-loving countries in the world arena in general and in the United Nations in particular. 40. Comrade L. I. Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, stated: "Current international development is characterized by great dynamism. The opportunities for strengthening peace are growing-and· growing irresistibly.... We firmly believe that realism in politics and the will for detente and progress will ultimately prevail and that mankind will be able to step into the twenty-first century in conditions of peace, more secure than ever before." 41. In their struggle for peace, for the deepening of the process of international detente and for its extension to all parts of the world, the States of the socialist community have taken the initiative and are rendering unfailing support to United Nations efforts to prevent war, strengthen international security and develop co-operation among States, in accordance with the provisions of its Charter. 42. Of extreme importance to the cause of peace is She item, "Deepening and consolidation of international de- tente and the prevention of the danger of nuclear war" included in the agenda of this session at the request of the Soviet Union Iitem 127}. By approving the draft declara- tion on the deepening and consolidation of international detente proposed by the USSR [A/32/242, annex IJ J and the draft resolution on the prevention of the danger of nuclear war Iibid., annex Ill. the General Assembly would demonstrate the commitment of the States Members of the United Nations to detente and their determination to carry out a broad range of measures aimed at fleshing out the 44. By building upon what has already been achieved, and by making efforts to achieve the universal participation of States in the multilateral treaties and agreements now in force and their implementation in good faith, the United Nations can set itself such goals and settle such problems as the prevention of the danger of nuclear war, the contain- ment of the arms race, disarmament, the elimination of conflict situations and of the vestiges of colonialism and racism, the deepening and expansion of international co-operation on the basis of 'i:he non-use of force in international relations, equality, non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States, and the strengthening of the feelings of friendship, co-operation and mutual trust among all peoples. 45. It is quite obvious that detente is necessary for all countries which participate in normal international rela- tions; it brings benefits to all those who are concerned about pezce. 46. But the road to peace has never been an easy onc, and the present state of affairs proves this. The arms race is continuing, and more and more States are involved in it. A hostile propaganda campaign is being waged against socialist countries in certain circles. 47. There is no more urgent or vital task than that of making peace durable and unbreakable and of making detente universal, general and irreversible. Any State, whatever its size, can and must have a say in the deepening and advancement of the noble cause of detente, and it is only through the joint efforts of States and peoples, by overcoming the resistance of the forces of war and reaction, that it will be possible to achieve the strengthening of universal peace and the transformation of detente into an irreversible process, and to bring about a restructuring of international relations on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence. 48. Of practical importance to the cause of peace would be the beginning of negotiations, and the conclusion of a World Treaty on the Non-Use of Force in International Relations, as proposed by the Soviet Union and provided for in the pertinent resolution of the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly {resolution 31/9}. In the conditions of the current international situation, the implementation of additional measures to ensure strict implementation of the principle of the non-use of force and to make it an immutable law in international relations is an urgent and important task in the interests of all States. The conclusion of a world treat:v 011 l1e non-use of force would promote the creation of favourable conditions for curbing the arms race and for making progress towards disarma- ment, the further deepening of detente and the prevention of nuclear or any other kind of war. 49. The implementation of the proposal of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, that all participants in the 50. We can judge the state and the development of the international situation primarily by the degree to which we succeed'in moving forward towards the strengthening of peace and the elimination of the threat of nuclear war. Certain positive results have been achieved in recent years in that respect. A number of multilateral treaties and agreements limiting the arms race in certain areas are now in force. We should add to these the well-known bilateral agreements, such as the Soviet-American agreement on the prevention of nuclear war,3 and the Soviet-French agree- ment on the prevention of the accidental or unauthorized use of nuclear weapons.4 51. However, peace on our planet is not yet as durable as it should be in the light of the sitUl~tion in today's world. 52. The prospect of further proliferation of nuclear weapons constitutes a serious danger to the cause of peace. The most urgent and effective efforts on the part of the United Nations, and of all S~ates, are essential to prevent the production of such weapons in The Republic of South Africa and to prevent their emergence in other countries. 53. Among the major and urgent tasks whose achievement is awaited by the peoples of the wor!d of central impor- tance are, of course, curbing ,the arms race, and the transition froni amassing stockpiles of ever more deadly means of destmction to beginning their limitation and undertaking disarmament. 54. The continuation and even intensification of the arms race are threatening the further development of detente. As we stressed in the message of L. I. Brezhnev, to the participants of the World Forum of Peace Forces, meeting in Moscow from 14 to 16 January 1977: "Without even mentioning the direct danger of nuclear catastrophe, the arms race is in itself a senseless waste of the material and spiritual resources of mankind, of which it has such need in fighting hunger, disease and illiteracy, and in solving social problems, and problems of energy, raw materials and the ecology." 55. The history of the foreign policy of the Soviet State is a story of consistent and tireless struggle for disarmament. The fact remains that the Soviet Union has submitted more than 70 proposals on questions of disarmament for the consideration of international organizations and the Gov- ernments of other countries. All main initiatives in this field have come, and are still coming, from the Soviet Union and the other States of the socialist community. The 56. The progress that we have achieved in recent years in implementing a number of partial measures is convincing proof that if there is real determination, the problems of disarmanent can be solved. One of the latest examples of this is the signing, in May of this year, of the Convention oh the Prohibition of Military or Any Other Hostile Use of Environmental Modification Techniques [resolution 31/72, annexj. We firmly believe that the earliest possible entry into force of this Convention, with the broadest possible participation of States Members of the United Nations, would be a further step towards limiting and curtailing the arms race, and would be in keeping with the interests of the security of all peoples and the interests of the protection of human environment. 57. There are important proposals .)fi the strengthening of peace and disarmament now on the negotiating table. Negotiations are under way on the reduction of armed force~ and armaments in Central Europe, and also on the limitation of the strategic armaments of the USSR and the United States of America. In Belgrade there is the meeting of the representatives of States which participated in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. We hope that concern for peace and security in Europe and for the development of co-operation among European peoples will be the main item before this meeting. 58. The principal guidelines for the co-ordinated actions of States in the field of disarmament were set down clearly in the memorandum of the Soviet Union on questions relating to the ending of the arms race and disarmament, submitted for the consideration of the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly.s They were also reflected in the document entitled "Basic provisions of the pro~~mI!}~gf action on disarmament"6 submitted recently by the socialist countries for the consideration of the . Preparatory Committee for the Special Session of the General Assembly Devoted to Disarmament. In this docu- ment the socialist countries urge States Members of the United Nations to strive for appropriate international agreements in the following main areas: cessation of the nuclear arms race and nuclear disannament; prevention of the danger ofnuclear war; complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapons tests; all possible means of strengthen- ing the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons; 5 See document A/31/232. 6 See document A/AC.187/82. 59. Our task now is to proceed to the implementat.ion of broader and deeper measures than hitherto in all the fundamental problems of disarmament. 60. This session of the General Assembly must provide further momentum for the completion of work on the preparation of an international agreement on the prohibi- tion of the creation of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction. This problem has now become even more urgent because specific steps are being taken in the opposite direction. The duty of the United Nations is to associate itself with the world-wide protest against the creation of new types of weapons of mass destruction. We note with satisfaction that in the course of the general debate many delegations have been condemning plans for the creation of the neutron bomb. 61. The elimination of existing hotbeds of tension is indispensable in the struggle for peace and international security. That is why the Byelorussian SSR most strongly favours the elimination of the consequences of Israeli aggression in the Middle East A just and lasting peace in the Middle East can be achieved only on the basis of the total withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied by Israel in 1967, the implementation of the inalienable rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including its right to self-determination and the creation of its own State, the ensuring of the right of all States directly participating in the conflict to an independent existence and security. 62. The path to the solution of the problem of the Middle East lies through the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East which, in our view, must resume its work as soon as possible with the participation on an equal footing of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization. 63. We must strive for a solution to the problem of Cyprus on the basis of unconditional respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and respect for its policy of non-alignment, the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the territory of Cyprus and non-interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus, as is provided for in Security Council and General Assembly resolutions. 64. In the struggle for a further improvement of the international political climate, for the strengthening of international security and the progress of detente, it is not enough to confine ourselves to the elimination of existing armed conflicts and hotbeds of tension. It is no less important to prevent the creation of new ones. 65. The time has come to implement the decision of the United Nations General Assembly on the withdrawal of 66. Because of the racists and their imperialist protectors, one of the flash-points on our planet is southern Africa. Peace and security here can be achieved only through the elimination of the domination of the racist regimes and the genuine, and not the fictitious, liberation of the peoples of the area. The United Nations must continue its policy of isolation and boycott of the illegal regimes of The Republic of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, of full eradication of apartheid, of ensuring the independence and sovereignty of Zimbabwe and Namibia and of full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples including, as applicable, to small colonial possessions and enclaves. 67. Since the very beginning of their existence the socialist States have constantly striven and continue to strive for the development of broad commercial, economic~ scientific and technological co-operation with all countries on an equal, mutually advantageous and democratic basis. We are con- vinced that the solution of today's urgent economic problems in the interests of afl the peoples of the world is possible mainly by observance of the princip1e of the sovereignty of evety country over its natural resources, of the right of every people freely and without impediment to choose its own path of development and by the elimination of the exploitation of the peoples of developing countries by foreign capital and transnational corporations. In these circumstances the aspirations of developing countries for the establishment of just and equal international economic co-operation can become feasible. In this regard I should like to point out that the successful economic development of the Soviet Union and other States of the socialist community has created propitious conditions for the further development of their foreign economic links with all countries. 68. The society of developed socialism built in the Soviet State is opening up ever more fully its life-giving and creative forces. In celebrating the Sixtieth Anniversaty of the Great October Socialist Revolution, we cannot fail to emphasize the outstanding successes which have marked the development of the Byelorussian SSR during this period. The economy of the Byelorussian SSR is developing at a stable and high" rate of growth. In less than two days the Republic now produces as much industrial output as it had in the course of a whole year before the Revolution. This has been achieved in circumstances when during the years of the Fascist invasion the industries of the Republic were in actual fact completely destroyed. The steady increase of public production and the growth of its efficiency have ensured further progress towards a solution of the main socio-economic problems-the raising of the standard of living for working people. 69. The achievements of our people in the political, social, economic and cultural spheres have been made possible because of the advantages of the socialist system. Socialism is the most just way of organizing society in the interests of the working people. It is a system which is a stranger to economic crisis, unemployment and inflation. It is precisely 70. The tremendous gains and successes of the Soviet people achieved during the years of Soviet power have been strikingly embodied in the new Constitution of the USSR, the articles and provisions of which prove that in our countty, in which a society of genuine humanism and genuine democracy has been created, the fundamental rights proclaimed by the Great October Revolution have been confirmed and guaranteed..It is precisely socialism which for the first time in human history has ensured for all such fundamental human rights as the right to work, education, the protection ofhealth, housing, social security and leisure and active participation in the government of State affairs. 71. The fruitful co-operation of States i.:t the field of encouragement and development of human rights is pos- sible only through the observance of the principles of the sovereign equality of States and non-interference in their internal affairs, the adoption and the fulfilm-:mt of inter- national undertakings by all and the struggle against massive and gross violations of human rights in southern Africa, Chile and the occupied Arab territories. 72. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR attaches great importance to the question of the protection of persons detained or imprisoned for their struggle for self- detennination, independence and social progress, against colonialism, aggressi'on and foreign occupation, racism, apartheid and racial discrimination. At last year's session of the General Assembly our delegation submitted a draft resolution on this question,7 and we shall now seek to secure its adoption. 73. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR has repeatedly set forth its position of principle on the question of the Charter of the United Nations, and our position is this: that we have consistently favoured an increase in the role and effectiveness of the United Nations as an important instrument for the strengthening of peace and international security on the basis, not of the revision, but of the strict observance of the provisions of the United Nations Charter. 74. The United Nations is the most representative and .influential international organization in which the peoples of the world have placed high hORes. Its authority and its degree of influence over the course of events in the world are detennined primarily by the way in which it fulfils its principal task-fostering the maintenance of international peace and security, and preventing a new war. It is precisely this-an active role in the world-wide struggle for the elimination of the danger of war and, above all, the prevention of nuclear war-that the peoples of the world expect from the United Nations. It is our common duty to justify these hopes and, in conditions of increasing inter- national detente supplemented by measures for military detente and disarmament, .to strive to solve all remaining problems, from the elimination of the vestiges of racism,

Mr. President, I off~r you my warmest congratulations on your election as President of this Assembly. It is at once a notable mark of confidence in you personally and a timely acknowledge- ment of your country's standing in the world community. 76. We welcome as new Members the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. New Zealand was privileged to be a sponsor of Viet Nam's application for membership. We did so not merely because of our belief in the value of universal membership of the United Nations, but became we regard the participation of Viet Nam as indispensable in the task of :;olving the pressing problems of South-East Asia. We look forward to developing a positive relationship with this dynamic State both within the United Nations system and in our direct bilateral dealings. 77. This year's General Assembly, like its predecessors, confronts awesome problems which we human beings have created and which-we must believe-human beings have the intelligence to solve, if only we can summon the will and forge the consensus. Our Secretary-General has pin- pointed the issues in his valuable r~port. Many of them have been with us for a long time. Others, as he notes, are new. All directly affect the peace, security and welfar~ of our fragile world community. Indeed, they are basic to its continued functioning and even to its continued existence. 78. Whether the issue be the softening of the expensive and potentially deadly rivalry between the super-Power5, whether it be the establishment of human justice for all the people of southern Africa and the Middle East, whether it ,be the imperative of a more just and workable international economic order, whether it be the conservation ahd orderly use of the resources of the sea and the sea-bed, whether it be the sensible management and sharing of the finite resources of this planet, whether it be the halting and reversal of the arms race-whatever the issue, all of us have a direct stake in the outcome. No one of us can opt out. All of us face the challenge; all of us will share the responsi- bility if we fail to find solutions and then uphold them in good faith. 79. It would, of course, be naive to pretend that this body is an objective research institution or a philanthropic agency. or that national or regional interests are likely to be set aside, or that advances will be made except step by step through deals and compromises. That is the nature of national or international political institutions, of which this is one. We represent our constituents, and they have their interests and their aspirations, to which we must be responsive. But all of us, I think, can feel in our bones that in its economic, no less than its political, condition the world is not many steps away from chaos; and that for all of us the consequences of failure are so grave that, however intractable the problems, however elusive the solutions, we are called upon to make the effort to face them with seriousness and compassion. We are then in the area of attitudes. Attitudes determine political will, and without a shift 'of attitudes the indispensable consensus will continue to elude us. 81. ir. recently reviewing the decline in the terms of trade of countiies which produce agricultural exports, and considering measures such as the supplementary financing facility established by the IMF, my Prime Minister made this observation: "We cannot say to a poor country, 'We will p:lY you much less in relative terms for your goods than we used to pay, but you need not worry as we will lend you the balance at ma.ket rates of interest providing you take the steps to lower the standard of living of your people.' It is difficult," he said, "to cut what you haven't got." 82. As an exporter of agricultural products, New Zealand has suffered greatly from declining terms of trade and, I might add, from the social burdens involved in adjusting to a greatly reduced income. We are therefore well placed to understand the far greater difficulties of the oil-deficient developing countries. We claim no special sympathy for New Zealand because we are well placed by comparison with most of the world's population. But our difficulties stem from causes similar to some of those which frustrate the developing world: declining terms of trade for countries which export agricultural goods and 'increasing protec- tionism on the part of the affluent industrial countries. In many countries belts have already been tightened up to, and beyond, what is socially and politically acceptable. We must all think in terms not of palliatives but of funda- mental shifts of attitudes and policies. 83. In such a situation more attention must be given, not just to financing deficits and tightening the belt, but to enabling the primary producing and newly industrializing countries to increase their earnings. And this must involve facing squarely twp fundamental questions, namely, the relationship between the prices of primary products and industria'l goods, and the question of access to the markets of the affluent industrial countries of the world. These are political questions of the greatest importance, questions that must be tackled by those in whose power it lies to diminish both surpluses and deficits. And surely it must be obvious that for the rich, industrialized world to do so would be no more than enlightened self-interest. Could it not help to revitalize their falterin~ economies and to provide their societies with a renewed purpose and sense of direction? 84. The problem is, of course, at the very essence of politics. It is the far from easy task of convincing electorates and, more specifically, of emuring that special interest groups in those electorates are harnessed to wider national and internat~onal imperatives. We are convinced that most of the leaders of countries whose policies will determine the course of the world's economy, and the 85. I have concentrated some attention on the responsi- bilities of the affluent market-economy nations, but it is not only their problem. It is the problem of all, regardless of ideology, regardless of economic system. 86. There appears to be a general recognition that it is within the United Nations framework that the efforts of the international community to promote such action should be carried forward. The present session of the General Assembly has a special responsibility to put in hand preparations for a new international development strategy. The conclusions and agreements of the Paris Conference or. International Economic Co-operation held earlier this year need to be followed up. 87. New Zealand was not a participant at the Paris Conference. We have, however, welcomed the progress made, and my Government has now completed its st'.ldy of the measures agreed at that Conference. We endorse the agreements reached, limited though these were, and will take up the debate in the various forums concerned on the topics left uncompleted. 88. An important element in our efforts to promote development and greater equity in the distribution of the world's resources is, of course, international energy co- operation, with particular reference to the interests and needs of energy-deficient developing countries. We are encouraged that the Secretary-General has recently made proposals for such co-operation within the United Nations system, and we shall play our part in working out this concept in the course of this session and thereafter. 89. It is now almost three years since the World Food Conference decided to establish an International Fund for Agricultural Dev~lopment. The Fund represents a new approach to the age-old problem (lf world hunger-the pooling, on a hitherto unprecedented scale, of resources to be devoted exclusively to improving agriculture in develop- ing countries. The Fund's initial pledging target of $1 bil- lion was achieved at the beginning of the year, and the Agreement establishing the Fund was thrown open for signature in February. New Zealand will formally ratify the agreement today, We look forward to its early entry into force and the fulfilment of initial pledges by donor countries so that operations may begin. 90. New Zealand will also participate actively and con- structively in the resumed session of the United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities. We earn our living by the export of primary produce, and therefore share the concern of developing countries that greater stability should be introduced into the commodity markets of the world. 92. In our interdependent world there are no issues that can be considered in isolation. The refashioning of .he global economic system is closely linked to negotiating settlements in southern Africa and the Middle East~ to halting the arms race, and to controlling and ultimately eliminating weapons of mass destruction. The more we can establish conditions of security and stability the more chance there is of securing the massive diversion of resources and the rearrangement of economic activity needed to reduce the unacceptable disparities that new exist among nations. How, then, do we address these problems? 93. All of us agree that the situation in southern Africa is a tragedy~ L tragedy compounded by intransigence and repression, a tragedy of expanding and enveloping dimen- sions. Change must come, and it will come. The question is not if, but how. Here, of course, there is less agreement. 94. Some claim that armed struggle is the only way; and if intransigence persists they wiII, of course, be right. But it is a way that would extract a terrible prioe in human lives and suffering and would create bitter prob:lems for the future. 95. When the Anglo-American prop~sals OH Rhodesia were announced, I said publicly that they offered the last chance for a peaceful settlement. if the Smith regime tosses this chance away it might buy itself a IiUle time, but it can only be a time of t~nsion and a time of knowing that the end will almost certainly be bloodshed in Salisbury and Bula- wayo. I would urge the Smith regime to realize it) not only for their own sake; but also for the sake of Zimbabwe as a whole. 96. There has been some progress on Namibia. The southern African authorities have apparently recognized the futility of pressing ahead with the Turnhalle proposals and have accepted the need for elections on the basis of one man, one vote. The Maputo Conference showed them, if they needed any showing, that the international com- munity is united in its demand that Namibia should _be free and independent. But if there has been some progress, there remain formidahle problems. One of the most taxing is that of Walvis Bay. There can be no question that any exclusion of Walvis Bay from Namibia would undermine that coun· try's integrity and impede significantly its chances of building a viable economy. 97. The gravest problems are those of South Africa. They are complex and deep-rooted. And they are on a huge scale. White South Africa remains to be convinced that it has no alternative but to accept fundamental changes of attitude. Even a society that is as inward-looking and as determined to go its own way as South Africa cannot survive alone. It is part of the world whether it likes it or not. If the rest of the world makes it clear that it will have nothing to do with rele~lje of portical prisoners and in condemning the brutal treatiLent which has led to the unexplained deaths in confinement of more than one black leader-most recently Steven Biko. In short, we shall do all we can to bring about the atmosphere in which a just solution of the problems of racism and minority rule in South Africa might be achieved before a long, drawn-out and bloody armed struggle becomes inevitable. 99. The Arab-Israe!i dispute is another problem that threatens world peace. It is a dispute about which we have little direct knowledge and we are certainly not well placed to presume to offer any new ideas on how it can be resolved. Even so, it seems to us that certairi things stand out. One is that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) must continue to form the basis .for any settlement. We are obliged, therefore, to reject any attempt by one party to the dispute to pursue policies that are contrary to the principles laid down in resolution 242 (1967). We believe that territory occupied by Israel must be returned. 100. The second thing is that the Palestinian peopie have a right to a homeland, either as a separate State or as a part of a larger. Arab State. The precise boundaries of that homeland are a matter for negl""';ation by the parties directly concerned. But if there is to be a peace in the Middle East, the principle must be recognized. .It does not derogate in any way from the fundamental right of Israel to exist as a sovereign, independent State within secure and recognized boundaries, free from threat by any acts of force, and indeed we believe that a final territorial settlement will confirm and help to protect that right. 101. And, finally, it is imperative that negotiations begin soon. The longer a start is delayed, the greater the build-up of tension and the greater the chances of the outbreak of another war. Obviously, to be constructive, negutiations must include all the parties to the dispute, including the Palestinians, through their chosen representatives. 102. In another long-standing dispute, that betwen North and South Korea, the resumption of early negotiations 103. We have a deep concern also for the security and prosperity of South-East Asia. We therefore welcome the co-operative, constructive efforts of the countries of the region through the Association of South-East Asian Nations / ASEANj. ASEAN is a non-military association dedicated to the establishment of peace and stability in South-East Asia. Its leaders have made clear on many occasions their desire to promote friendship and understanding with their neighbours. We hope they will soon get a response. For our part we are glad to be associated with ASEAN in its efforts to improve the well-being of the people of this area. 104. This same developing regional co-operation is to be found 21S0 in our own part of the world, the South Pacific. There, the South Pacific Forum, a group of ten States, five of which are represented in this Assembly, is the principal vehicle for co-operation and consultation. Two of the Forum's recent initiative,) deserve particular mention. In June it was agreed to establish a regional shipping line, the Pacific Forum Line. Ships are to be chartered to the Line by participating Governments and it will operate services within the region, commencing early next year. Sea transport, of course, is the key to economic development in the region and the Forum Line will open new possibilities. 105. The second majUf initiative was the agreemeln of the Forum, at its most recent meeting in Papua New Guinea, to establish a fisheries agency to co-ordinate and develop protection and surveUlance of fisheries within the economic zones of member countries. The proper control of this huge area, which in total is one of the largest in the world; is clearly beyond the capability of anyone member country. By sharing their skills and knowledge, the members will be able to exploit their resources to the best advantage of all countries in the region. At the same time the establishment of exclusive economic zones in the South Pacific and of a regional fishing agency in no way diminishes the impor- tance for the area of the early completion of the treaty on the law of the sea. It is our earnest hope that negotiations will result in an agreed text during 1978. 106. Before I leave the subject of regional co-operation I should like to refer, very briefly, to the signing on 7 September in Washington of the Panama Canal Treaties. This is a significant advance which my Government welcomes. We see the agreements as a milestone for the principal parties, the United States and the Republic of Panama, for the Americas as a whole, and for countries as far flung as my own. The large volume of our trade which passes through the Canal causes us to take a positive interest in its security and efficiency. I warmly congratulate the Governments concerned. 107. The protection and promotion of human rights is one of the basic purposes of the United Nations and next year 108. Before formally committing ourselves to the Cove- nants we have sought to ensure that in every respect our laws and juridical system were capable of enforciIig the obliga- tions of those Covenants. This has been a lengthy task involving the drafting of new legislation. That task is now substantially completed. Enactment of this legislation will mean that our laws will sustain any scrutiny under the Covenants. I expect, therefore, that we will ratify both those Covenants, as well as the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide [resolution 260 A (III)/. not later than 1978. Respect for human rights, for human dignity and the individual's fundamental freedoms have long had a central place in our traditions and values. Through this codification the law in fact will have caught up with our practice. 109. In preparing for the ratification of the Covenants the New Zealand Government has drafted, and Parliament is expected to adopt during the current parliamentary session, a measure which will outlaw every kind of discrimination based on sex or religion. Racial discrimination is already contrCclry to New Zealand tradition, law and practice and New Zealand reports regularly to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. Under the new legislation a national commission of human rights will be established to deal with complaints of racial, religious or sexual discrimination. This legislation should facilitate New Zealand's signature and ratification of the draft Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women [A/32/218 and Add.1 and 2J -when it is adopted-in the preparation of which New Zealand has taken an active part. We hope it will be completed and opened for signature at the present session of the Assembly. 110. I have touched on a number of problems and I want now to turn to the most menacing of all- the arms race. No other issue before this Assembly creates greater hopes and engenders greater despair. The gap between our aspirations and our achievements frustrates and dispirits us, and that gap must be closed. 111. There has been some progress. It is encoaraging that at last serious negotiations have begun among three of the nuclear-weapon States on the content of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. This will provide the most effective restriction on vertical nuclear proliferation Si) far and is clearly the first priority. We hope that a generally accepted comprehensive test-ban treaty will have been drafted by the time the special session is held. No other development, in our judgement, would provide a happier augury for the success of that session. We do not consio :r it acceptable to wait for technology to solve all the l-.olitical problems confronting a test ban. This would be to wait indefinitely and perhaps for ever. The time for action is now. 112. None of the great issues before this Assembly are capable of quick or simple solution. But we can make a start, and if the will is present we can move progressively il3. Mr. NKHOMA (Malawi): Mr. President, just as the speakers who have preceded me have rightly done, I, too, congratulate you upon your electiDn as President of this year's session of this Assembly. The responsibilities de- volving on the holder of that high office are not only arduous but also very demanding. Indeed .the task before you calls for a high degree of patience, fairness and impartiality. Happily these qualities are not lacking in your person. I have no doubt, therefore, that the Assembly could not have made a better choice. It only remains then for me to assure you of my delegation's co-operation. 114. I should like also, with your permission, to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amera- singhe of Sri Lanka, who presided superbly over the thirty-first session of the General Assembly and steered its deliberations to a satisfactory conclusion. 115. It would be remiss of me if I did not in like manner pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. His is an unenviable position and his responsibilities are enonnous. My Government appreciates the difficulties he has in serving, to the satisfaction of all, a membership that is 3S a matter of principle equal in sovereignty but yet different in other aspects, such as population, economic strength, military might and, of course9 political. outlook. I am sure that representatives will agree with me that Mr. Waldheim has acquitted himself well in the discharge of his duties. My Government therefore regards his reappoint- ment for a second term of offic~ as a fitting tribute to his dedication to duty and his total commitment to inter- national peace and stability. 116. We are meeting at the thirty-second session of the Assembly at a time when we face a global situation which gives both encouragement and grave concern: encourage- ment because, since we met last, there have been some signs of a decrease in tension in some areas of conflict and some progress towards the goal of achieving self-determination for all peoples of the world; and concern because in others of those areas tensions have escalated. 117. My delegation welcomes the lessening of tension in East-West relations manifested in the detente that has been taking place. We have noted with sqtisfaction the consolida- tion of peace in South-East Asia, mal' ing it possible for the peoples of that region to assume their rightful place in the community of n::.ltions. In this connexion my delegation welcomes the membership of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam in the United Nations. 118. These developments give mankind a ray of hope that our world can be made a little safer and demonstrate the usefulness of contact and dialogue as a means of solving problems. 119. My delegation has'also noted with satisfaction that the process of decolonization in Africa, though still not completed, has achieved yet another step forward. A fitting 120. There are, however, disturbing developments in other parts of our continent of Africa. In southern Africa for , instance, the problems related to the denial of political rights to the majority governments remain unresolved and the situation has now become serious. 121. We are a part of that trouble-stricken region of southern Africa. We live with the situation day in and day out. We are thus among the best placed to understand the scope and magnitude of the problems of the area. By the same token, what happens there affects us in some way or other. Malawi has made no secret of it~ abhorrence of anc~ distaste for the existing racial policies in South Africa. We have condemned apartheid and the methods used to enforce it; we continue to do so to this day. 122. In pursuit of its policy of apartheid, the South Mrican Government last year granted so-called indepen- dence to an area of that country called the Transkei. Later this year, yet another area will be granted the same sort of independence. My Government rejects this type of indepen- dence. Therefore, Malawi could not and did not recognize the Transkei as a sovereign State, neither will it recognize any other area which is granted such paper independence. 123. But my Government has not stopped only at condemning apartheid. We have called upon the· South African Government and the white people in that country to change. However, we have done that not with any rhetorical platitudes. We have done so in the context of political reality as we see it today. That is why we haw' preferred to employ persuasive means of contact and dialogue, as opposed to isolation and ostracism. We believe that this is a matter in which we, the truly independent black African States, must give the lead and example to the whites to the south of us. We believe that by seeing tow black Africans treat the \vhite citizens of their respective countries, the whites in the Republic of South Africa can be influenced to change, as they are assured that all we are against is the political system they pursue and not them as persons. 124. In Rhodesia, regrettably, the political deadlock re- mains unresolved. Indeed, the position has become even more acute. As representatives have already heard, lives are being lost there-the lives of people fighting for their political rights. We are happy, however, that the United Kingdom, whose responsibility Rhodesia is, in conjunctior. with the United States, has now taken positive steps to find a solution of the problem through peaceful means. We note with satisfaction also the positive decision adopted by the United Nations Security Council a fortnight ago in its resolution 415 (1977), endorsing these efforts. 126. I should also like to record Malawi's support for the efforts being made by five Western countries of the Security Council, namely, the United Kingdom, the United States, France, Canada, and the Federal Republic of Germany, to find, on the basis of Council resolution 385 (1976) of January 1976, an internationally acceptable solution of the problem of independence for South West Africa (Namibia), again through peaceful means. My delega- tion has noted the positive steps taken by ~he Government of South Africa in this connexion, and hopes that good faith will prevail on all sides to ensure a successful conclusion to this long-standing problem. As with Rhode- sia, we hope that an independent Namibia will soon emerge. 127. Change is inevitable in southern Africa. How soon it will come, however, will depend on our efforts to make the recalcitrant elements realize that time is not on their side. We must th~refore create a climate that will lead them to respond positively to the call for change. In this respect, I make bold to say that Malawi has always been in the forefront in advocating peaceful change in our region of Africa. My Government has noted the positive development of the process of contact and dialogue which is manifested in a number of current developments. It is the Malawi Government's intention to continue to play a leading ro~e in the creation of a permanent climate conducive to the rapid change desired by the international community. 128. Another troubled area whose problems continue to confront this Assembly year after year is that of the Middle East. We have welcomed and, indeed, followed with interest in recent months the efforts of the United States to find a way to bring to a conference table the various parties to the ronflict. We have also noted the joint declaration issued on 1 October, over a week ago, by the two Co-Chairmen of the adjourned Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, the United States and the Soviet Union, as a further step towards facilitating the resumption of the Conference. It is our sincere hope that a solution will be found which will take into account the fears, hopes, needs and aspirations of all the people in the region. We believe that this can be achieved, gi~en good will and a willingness to compromise among the parties concerned. For only then can genuine, lasting peace be assured. 129. My Government has noted with great concern the continuing sale of sophisticated and very costly military hardware to young nations by major Powers. We are- concerned not only that these weapons drain the meagre resources of these emerging nations. The sale of arms does great harm to international relations and increases the threat to world peace. My Government is further concerned about the continuing nuclear proliferation on the inter- national scene. Malawi can see no need for the increased manufacture of these instruments of mass destruction at a time when the United Nations is committed to a search for international peace. 130. As a developing nation, Malawi is concerned about the enormous amounts of money expended on the purchase 131. When I last had the privilege of addressing this AssemblY,8 I touched briefly on a historic event which promised the advent of a new era in trade and economic relations between developing and developed countries. This was the signing in April 1975 of the Lome Convention,9 under which 46 African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (the ACP group) and the nine members of the European Economic Community [EEej agreed to regulate their trade and economic relations to their mutual benefit. The establishment of the Lome Convention was achieved because both the ACP Group and the EEC had agreed to negotiate in a spirit of compromise and realism, realizing that their economic interest~ were intertwined. 132. Events in recent years have shown that, ultimately, developing and developed countries are economically de- pendent on each other and that the irresponsibility of one is detrimental to both. Developing countries provide not only the source of raw materials for the developed ones, but also the larger market for the finished goods produced by the latter. The ability of the developing countries to produce the raw materials and ensure markets for the developed countries depends on their economic stability and solvency. Unless the developing countries are able to sell at profitable prices, they cannot expand their produc- tive capability, nor can they ensure a market for their finished goods. The continued economic stability of the developed countries depends on the economic viability of the developing ones. 133. My country had hoped that the example of the ACP/EEC Convention of Lome might encourage the partici- 8 Ibid., Thirtieth Session, Plenary Meetings, 2372nd meeting. 9 See document A/AC.176/7. 134. It is Malawi's sincere hope that the North-South dialogue can be resumed and that, when negotiations restart, realism and compromise will be the guiding prin- ciples. Malawi has been encouraged by the courageous steps taken by the Government of Canada, a Co-Chairman of the North-South dialogue, in deciding to convert into grants all Canadian loans to developing countries. It is our hope that others will give this example great consideration, as this will not only generate much goodwill between the developed and developing countries but also enable the latter to break out of the cycle that keeps them in perpetual debt and hinders their development. Developing countries will con- tinue to need assistance from developed ones; but we believe that this assistance should be designed to help those to whom it is given to be independent and not perpetually dependent. 135. While problems and conflicts among nations continue in various parts of the world, my Government notes that peace and understanding have been achieved in many areas through the initiative and mediation of the United Nations. My Government appreciates all that is being done by this Organization in promoting peace·and understanding among nations. Permit me to reiterate my country's readiness to contribute towards making this Organization a medium for ensuring the broadest co-operation among Members in order to promote world peace, understanding and security. 136. My delegati.on also notes the continuing interest and work of the United Nations in promoting and improving the economic, cultural and social well-being of the peoples of the world. In this connexion, I want to take this opportunity to express once again my country's apprecia- tion for the assistance it continues to receive from the various United Nations agencies. This assistance is of great importance in our task of promoting the economic and social development of our nation. 137. I now wish to convey to this Assembly best wishes from my President and the Government and people of Malawi for every success in its deliberations.