A/32/PV.27 General Assembly

Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation, I wish to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. The Zambian delega- tion warmly welcomes your election for two important reasons: First, you are a familiar and respected personality around the United Nations. During your successful tour of duty as Permanent Representative of Yugoslavia to the United Nations, you distinguished yourself as a dedicated and highly competent diplomat with an abiding faith in and commitment to the principles and purposes of the United Natio.ns. Secondly, you represent a great nation and people who have made a tremendous contribution to world peace and security under the visionary leadership of President Tito. We acknowledge, in particular, the contribution of Yugoslavia to the birth and growth of the non-aligned movement, which today is a dominant force in inter- national relations. In addition, Mr. President, we recognize the warm relations that exist between our two countries and peoples. My delegation is certain that your eminent qualities, coupled with the prestige of your occupation of the high post of Deputy Foreign Minister, will be an invaluable contribution to the success of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. 2. This is also a propitious moment for me. to pay a tribute, Sir, to your predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, who presided over the thirty- first session of the General Assembly with distinction. Both your own presidency and his bear testimony to the contribution of the non-aligned countries to the achieve- ment of the objectives of justice, peace and development. 3. The Zambian delegation warmly welcomes the admis- sion into the United Nations of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti. We have long held that Viet Nam was qualified for United Nations member- ship and, together with other non-aligned countries, we Monday, 10 October 1977, at 3.25 p.m. NEW YORK have defended its right to belong to this world Organization. 4. The independence of Djibouti, a sister African country and a member of the Organization of African Unity fOAUj, situated in a sensitive part of Africa, has particular significance. The victory of its people, which relentlessly strove for the independence of their country and for the preservation of its territorial integtity, cannot fail to inspire their brothers and sisters in southern Africa who still have to rid themselves of the shackles of white minority racist and Fascist domination and exploitation. It is imperative that we rededicate ourselves to the liberation of the territories still under colonial and white racist minority domination, so that with their independence we shall have moved still closer towards the goal of universality of membership of the United Nations. 5. Once again we are called upon to assess the con- temporary international situation. One naturally wishes that the balance-sheet could indicate that we have moved closer to the objectives we have all undertaken to promote under the United Nations Charter. But, alas, the inter- national situation has not become appreciably better in the" last year. In many cases the situation has even worsened; in others a false sense of hope and expectation may have been created, with· the concomitant potential of giving way to despair, bitterness and even generalized war. The inter~ national economic situation still remains a source of grave concern: the arms race continues unabated; the questions of southern Africa, the Middle East, Cyprus and Korea still await a solution; and new flash-points of conflict have appeared on the horizon. 6. I propose to deal first with the grave issues of development and international economic co-operation. 7. The growing uncertainty of the present economic situation is a source of great concern to my delegation. Despite a few encouraging signs of better economic performance during the past year, the total picture remains gloomy; and, unless vigorous action is taken, the forecast for the remainder of the Second United Nations Develop- ment Decade is equally discouraging. Meanwhile, inflation, unemployment, external trade deficits and the revival of certain protectionist tendencies dominate the present eco- nomic scene. 8. The people in developing countries continue to suffer from the ominous consequences of a system designed essentially to support and promote the economic and social progress of the industrialized world. They still remain virtually powerless to influence the existing international system and its effects, including the decisions affecting their well-being and destiny. 10. The decisions adopted by this Assembly at its historic sixth and seventh special sessions, as well as the Charter of Economic Rights. and Duties of States adopted at the twenty-ninth regular session [resolution 3281 (XXIX)]. have been instrumental in the emergence of a recognition that the removal of poverty and inequality calls for fundamental changes in the international economic status quo. There is now at least a growing awareness that a new international economic order in which a life of dignity and well-being should be the inalienable right of all will not emerge from marginal changes in the prevailing economic structure. Nor is there any longer faith in the traditional prescriptions of aid and assistance as a cure for the pervasive poverty and inequality. 11. Notwithstanding the growing awareness of inter- dependence, it is disheartening to note that the responses to the compelling need for a new economic order have, so far, been extremely slow and limited in scope. The outcome of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris, the painfully slow progress in the multilateral trade negotiations, and the assessment of negotiations in UNCTAD have all been disappointing. 12. It is indisputable that, in the prevailing atmosphere of economic uncertainty, the continued absence of concrete and significant results within specific time-frames will have grave repercussions for the ongoing efforts to achieve genuine internationa! economic co-operation on the basis of the consensus obtained at the seventh special session. Within the framework of that consensus many pressing issues of intimate concern to the developing countries remain unsolved, including commodity trade, external debt, international monetary reform, balance of payments, trans- fer of real resources, and access to capital and trade markets of the developed countries. Accordingly, it is imperative that during the current session we focus our efforts on generating new political momentum to facilitate the on- going and future negotiations on such issues in the appropriate bodies of the United Nations system. It is in our common interest jealously to protect the hard-won consensus from the real risk of dissipation. 13. Any consideration of priorities among the pressing needs cannot fail to highlight in particular commodity and debt problems. In this connexion, my delegation would urge the full and speedy implementation of the Integrated Programme for Commodities adopted in resolution 93 (IV) at the fourth session of UNCTAD.I We would equally urge the developed countries to demonstrate political willingness J Sce Proceedings ofthe United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session. vot I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.II.D.1 0), part one A. 14. The critical debt problems facing the developing nations merit serious and sympathetic reconsideration by the developed countries so as to facilitate the early provision of effective and meaningful solutions during the forthcoming ministerial session of the Trade and Develop- ment Board. In the continued absence of fair, remunera~ive prices and the secular decline in the purchasing power of their primary exports, on which they depend, the develop- ing countries are obliged to borrow what they are in fact entitled to earn. To that extent, international credit does not serve its developmental role. It is not inconceivable that in some cases developing countries have to incur debts in order to finance debts. 15. In the field of industrial co-operation, the effective method by which the developed countries can assist the developing countries to industrialize is to provide them with greater market access for the kind of goods in which they have an advantage. The role of industrialization, like that of agriculture, has become increasingly crucial in the satisfaction of basic needs and in the reduction of income disparities within the developing countries. 16. My delegation calls upon the industrialized countries to ensure that the multilateral trade negotiations acquire a sense of urgency and purpose. 17. The obligation to ensure the survival of a large segment of mankind is a global one and should be shared equitably by all, regardless of responsibility for the exploi- tation, poverty and deprivation of the developing countries. 18. I should, however, like to reaffirm Zambia's convic- tion that progress towards the new international economic order will be dependent largely on the political com- mitment and willingness of the developed countries. 19. Undoubtedly, the developing countries acknowledge primary responsibility for the sustained development of their own societies. They acknowledge that self-reliance, at both the national and other collective levels, is an essential feature of d~velopment. 20. Zambia attaches great significance to the vital subject of economic co-operation among developing countries. It is our strong belief that the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, to be held next year, assumes a special dimension within the over-all context of the new international economic order, and in the light of the action programmes adopted by both the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo in August 1976, and the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Mexico City in September 1976. 21. The international community is at the cross-roads in the field of development and economic co-operation. Tile search for viable and effective solutions in all the pressing areas under deliberation and negotiation can be greatly 22. It is Zambia's firm belief that there is a great need for the international community, particularly the developed countries, to educate their populations so that they can better appreciate the reality of interdependence and com- munity of interest. A better-informed public opinion will equally be able to perceive the benefits, to the rich countries as well as to world peace and security, which would derive from the accelerated development of the third world. 23. There are, undoubtedly, other important areas, includ- ing that of the law of the sea, in which the principles of interdependence and community of interest can and should be recognized and respected as a viable basis for genuine international dialogue and negotiation. Accnrdingly, the international community must recognize the urgency of the imperative need to establish a just, equitable and lasting legal order governing the seas-an order which duly respects the legitimate rights and interests of all nations. 24. It is the firm belief of my Government that the introduction of the principles of justice and equity in this area, as in the economic and other fields, would constitute a major contribution to international peace and security. 25. The situation in the Middle East has for decades defied solution and remains a serious threat to international peace and security. The problem here is clearly that of Israeli intransigence. Israel continues to treat with contempt United Nations resolutions demanding its withdrawal from occupied Arab territories and the recognition of the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to a homeland. Efforts at reconvening the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East are being frustrated by Israel, which persists in its refusal to allow the participation of the Palestine . Liberation Organization [PLO!, the legitimate representa- tive of the Palestinian people. 26. My Government firmly believes that there simply cannot be a durable settlement of the problem of the Middle East if the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, as represented by the PLO, are naively denied. The Palestinian people, who have suffered for far too long, must have a homeland. Equally important is the need to have Israel withdraw from all occupied Arab territories. The acquisi- tion of foreign territory by forceful means is totally inadmissible. And, to compound tillS problem, the Israelis have embarked on a deliberate programme of legitimizing Jewish settlements in the occupied Arab territories. My Government strongly condemns this and urges Israel to desist from so illegal and dangerous a course. 27. The threat to the independence, sovereignty, ter- ritorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus remains real. As we have done before. we demand the withdrawal of all foreign military forces which continue to occupy parts of Cyprus in utter defiance of United Nations resolutions. We also urge the immediate resumption of the talks between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General. 29. Zambia's position on the question of Korea remains clear and firm. We support the tireless efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to seek the peaceful reunification of that artificially divided. peninsula, in accordance with the North-South joint communique of 4 July 1972.2 The presence of thousands of foreign forces in South Korea is certainly not conducive to efforts at peaceful reunification. We therefore reiterate our demand for the withdrawal of those forces and for the termination of the so-called United Nations Command. 30. There can be no genuine international peace and security in a world characterized by a massive and intensive arms build-up. Unless and until States abandon the notion that military might guarantees their security, however defmed, the goal of general and complete disarmament under effective international control will remain a pipe- dream. The arms race will continue and will grow even more intense, so long as States entertain the illusion that military superiority i£ a yardstick for power, prestige and influence. Indeed, as long as actual and potential causes of conflict in the world are not eradicated, the arms race can be neither abated nor reversed. 31. Thus, Zambia subscribes to the proposals for a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament and a World Disarmament Conference. We must make a real start in the field of disarmament on .the basis of premises and general principles that can truly guaraJ;ltee durable peace and security in the world. It remains the conviction of my Government that priority in the field of disarmament should be accorde.d to the destruction and complete eradication of nuclear weapons. To this end, Zambia looks forward to the special session of the General Assembly on disarmament to be held next year, and hopes that States will seize that rare opportunity to reflect seriously on the consequences of this race to oblivion. 32. The Indian Ocean has become a focal-point of great-Power rivalry for supremacy. The security and in- terests of littoral and hinterland States are threatened by the ever-increasing militarization of the Indian Ocean. 33. We urge the full implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)/. The great Powers and the other major maritime users of the Indian Ocean should co-operate fully. with the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean. Further, it is the view of my Government that the proposed meeting of the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean should be held without delay. 34. Zambia is also seriously concerned about the situation in the Horn of Africa and in the Sahara. It is in the interest 35. The grave situation in southern Africa is of particular concern to us in Zambia. Beacuse of our geopolitical location and our fIrm belief in the principles ofjustice and equality, including the right of all peoples to self- determination and independence, we cannot but remain affected and involved in the events in the region of southern Africa. Conflict has been all around us since we gained our independence 13 years ago, and we still remain intimately affected and deeply involved in the growing conflict in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa- that bastion of all evil in southern Africa. We have a generation of Zambians who have lived through and know nothing but sustained conflict on our borders. They are convinced, as are the older generations of Zambia, that only the total liberation of southern Africa will guarantee the security, peace and tranquillity for which they yearn. 36. The people of Zambia are encouraged by the success of the armed struggle in the liberation of southern Africa. The oppressed peoples are determined, more than ever before, to liberate themselves. Political consciousness among them has spread like a bush fire. The gallant freedom fighters have intensified the struggle and are scoring impressive victories over the enemy, and final victory is certain. 37. The response of the panic-stricken racist minority regimes has been the intensification of their savage brutality against the black civilian populations. Their reign of terror is, more than ever before, characterized by intimidation, arrests, imprisonment, torture and the systematic mass murder of innocent civilians. The racist minority regimes have also escalated their acts of aggression against Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and my own country, Zambia, in the vain attempt to dissuade these neighbouring indepen- dent African countries from supporting the struggle of the oppressed people. The acts of aggression committed against these countries are also intended to tempt them into direct military involvement in the conflict between the racist minority regimes and the people they oppress. The situa- tion in southern Africa is, therefore, dangerously worsening and posing an even greater threat to international peace and security. 38. It is the duty of the international community to respond positively to this grave situation because the attitude of the world community is an important factor in the struggle for liberation. The racist minority regimes have persisted so long because major Western countries have paid only lip service to the struggle of the oppressed people, while fraternizing with these regimes and acquiescingin their policies and practices. It is encouraging that there now appears to be emerging a general appreciation in ,the international community of the need to overthrow the forces of evil in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and South, Africa. 39. The success of the International Conference in Sup- port of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo in May, and the World Conference for Action 40. Let me now turn to the specific issue of Rhodesia. The intensification and victories of the armed struggle in Rhodesia have led to a flurry of initiatives for a negotiated settlement. After the failure of the Kissinger initiatives of 1976, we are now confronted with the new Anglo- American proposals. The significance of the current Anglo- American initiatives is that, at long last, the United Kingdom intends to assume the responsibility over South- ern Rhodesia which we in Zambia have always argued it possessed. The United Kingdom came to the Security Council to seek help, and we hope that, having been given that help, it will leave no stone unturned in resolving the situation. Equally significant is the involvement of the United States, the Power to which the racist minority regimes have always looked for protection. 41. Zambia, together with the other front-line States, has lent its qualified support to the Anglo-American proposals contained in the white paper4 as providing a basis for further negotiations. The over-all position of the front-line States on t11ese proposals was eloquently presented to this Assembly by President Samora Machel of Mozambique {17th meeting] . 42. In so far as the proposals are concerned, I think, it ought to be said that the majority of them are not new to us. Except for the proposal relating to the Zimbabwe Development Fund, the foundation and subs~ance for the rest are what we in Africa have been advocating ever since the rebellion in Southern Rhodesia. The principles con- tained therein' are those for which we have, over the years, tried to solicit the support of the Western countries. Our most eloquent document embodying these principles is the J11saka ManifestoS adopted in 1969 by the Heads of State of East and Central Africa and subsequently endorsed by the OAU and the United Nations. 43. Our question to the United Kingdom and the United States is, therefore, simply this, What decisive action are the two countries and their Western allies willing and ready to 44. In this respect His Excellency President Kaunda of Zambia has recently stated: "The British-American-backed White Paper stands on a glaringly falsf:' principle of the willingness of Smith to volunteer to surrender. On this premise, this move is a non-starter. It is a no-move. Twelve long years are enough for anyone even with the dimmest understanding of that madman to know that he will not volunteer." 45. I can assure you that from all indications Smith has not changed and has no intention of capitulating. 46. The success of the Anglo-American proposals will depend on the willingness of the United States and the United Kingdom to take decisive enforcement measure3. We urge those two countries, together with their Western allies, to seal off the oil lines in order to immobilize both the military and the civil machines which have sustained the Smith regime for this long. The Western multinational oil companies must be prevented from continuing their oil supplies to South Africa, directly or indirectly. 47. The international community has time and again expressed the desire to see a negotiated settlement in Rhodesia, but we are convinced that the illegal Smith regime will only relinquish power and accept majority rule when sufficient pressure is brought to bear on it. Zambia believes that a determined effort to tighten sanctions, particularly oil sanctions, could increase the chances of a timely and peaceful transfer of power in Rhodesia. As President Kaunda has stressed: H ••• there could be no greater contribution to the liberation struggle today in southern Africa than to end the sale of oil to rebel Rhodesia." This fact, fortunately, was underscored by the Commonwealth Heads of Government, at their London meeting from 8 to 15 June 1977 when they recognized that: "... the breach of sanctions, particularly in respect of petroleum and petroleum products, is a crucial factor in the survivai of the illegal regime in Rhodesia." 48. It is against this background that Zambia has decided to take legal proceedings against five Western oil companies which have subsidiaries in Rhodesia for their role in an oil conspiracy breaching sanctions and causing great financial loss to Zambia. 49. We believe that the stage has now been set for the removal of Smith and his illegal regime. The international community represented here should use all methods at its disposal, but while negotiations are under way the armed struggle should continue until total victory has been achieved. Nothing should be done to interfere with or sabotage it. 51. We commend the United Nations for the positive role it has continued to take in seeking a just solution to the Namibian problem. The United Nations Council for Na- mibia is a vital organ in the implementation of the decisions of the United Nations and should' be given greater support than has been forthcoming hitherto. 52. Zambia fully supports the position of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] with regard to the current initiatives of the five Western countries to seek the withdrawal of South Africa from Namibia. It is imperative, in our view, that any general election in Namibia be preceded by the complete withdrawal of all South African military forces. Such withdrawal, coupled with the im- mediate release of political prisoners, detainees and re- stricted persons as well as the return of all Namibian exiles, would create the right atmosphere for a genuine national election in Namibia. South African political machinations designed to revive the spirit of the Turnhalle are totally unacceptable. We condemn them. 53. I wish to stress here the importance of preserving the territorial integrity of Namibia. We in Zambia categorically condemn the South African aimexation of Walvis Bay, which we shall continue to regard as an integral part of Namibian territory. This action by South Africa, coupled with the unilateral appointment of a so-called Adminis- trator-General for Namibia, is an act of bad faith in the current efforts to reach a negotiated settlement. Such deceptive manoeuvres and desperate acts will lead to an escalation of the armed struggle, to which Zambia is resolutely committed. 54. Apartheid South Africa is at the core of the constella- tion of the forces of evil in southern Africa. The Pretoria regime has arrogantly pursued its insidious brutality and terror against the freedom-loving people in South Africa. The untimely death of that gallant South African Steven Biko is but the latest in a calculated programme of annillilating all opponents ofapartheid. 55. The revolt in South Africa is spreading like a bush fire. The bloody events of Soweto, Alexandra and Langa have continued to inspire the enslaved people of South Africa, who are more determined than ever before to overthrow the apartheid system, which has oppressed them for far too long. 56. A new and critical dimension added to the southern African conflict is South Africa's programme of developing nuclear weapons for aggressive purposes. This development undoubtedly poses an increased threat to international peace and security. However, nuclear weapons will not 57. We call for a mandatory arms embargo and the imposition of economic sanctions, including oil sanctions7 against South Africa. We note with satisfaction that the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, which recently held its fourteenth regular session in Libreville, Gabon, decided to appoint a committee consist- ing of seven members which will visjt the countries members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries with a view to implementing oil sanctions against South Africa. In all these efforts we shall need the fullest co-operation of all Member States represented in this Assembly. 58. The role of the United Nations in finding lasting solutions in all the areas I have discussed is increasingly crucial. Both ~he viability and the effectiveness of our world body in fulfilling the mission it has assigned itself under the Charter ultimately depend on the political will which all of us should be prepared to demonstrate. 59. The United Nations has at times not lived up to expectations. Nevertheless, because of its universality it still remains the only world body to which we can pin our hopes for lasting peace.

Mr. President, may I, on behalf of my Government and the delegation of Singapore, congratulate you on your election to the important office of President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. Your election is a tribute to your personal qualities as well as to your country, Yugoslavia, a leading member of the non-aligned group, of which Singapor~ 's a member. Your election to this high office is the culmination of your brilliant career in law, journalism, diplomacy and government service. The realistic and prag- matic approach you advocated in your presidential state- ment [ 1st meeting! augurs well for this session. 61. I should also like to thank the previous President, Ambassador Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, who presided over the difficult thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly with his customary flair, intelligence, eloquence and fairness. 62. The Secretary-General has again steered the United Nations through a difficult year and our thanks and felicitations are extended to him once more. I would especially highlight the skill and tact with which he has presided over the Cyprus talks and the unpublic!zed good work he has undertaken in specific human rights cases and in the improvement and streamlining of the international civil service that supports the functions of the United Nations. We are indeed fortunate to have Mr. Kurt Waldheim, a man of great experience and few illusions, to hold this most difficult and thankless job. 63. This year we welcome two new Members: the first, the Republic of Djibouti, yet another new nation from Africa that is joining our ranks. I should also like to welcome the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which happens to be a member of the region in which we live and a neighbour of for~e and the right of States to live within secure and recognized borders. My Government remains convinced that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (I973) proVide the framework for the search for peace in the Middle East. 65. As for the question of southern Africa, my Govern- ment welcomes the Security Council's decision in its resolution 415 (I 977) to authorize the Secretary-General to appoint a commissioner for Zimbabwe. We share the view that the United Nations should co-operate with the administering Power and the United States to help to bring about a negotiated settlement in Zimbabwe. We hope that this effort to bring about a non-violent transition to majority rule in Zimbabwe will be successful. We also hope that the ongoing talks between the Government of South Africa and representatives of the five Western members of the Security Council will lead to an internationally accept- able solution in Namibia. As for South Africa itself, the abhorrent system of apartheid should give way to a new polity in which the minority will recognize the rights of the majority and the majority will 'respect the rights of the minority. 66. Overshadowing the issues I have briefly touched upon and, in the long run, pertinent to their resolution, is the world economic crisis which shows no sign of receding. There is a responsible body of opinion which contends that a second great depression, far more catastrophic than that of the 1930s, is possible within the next few years. 67. If this prognosis is correct, then no nation in the world can escape its consequences, and the first casualties will be among the 'lOO or so Members in this Assembly listed as poor and developing. For a number of the poorer coun- tries-the so-called "fourth world"-the consequences could be permanent crippling, economically as well as politically. The effect of the recession on the developed world so far has appeared in the emergency of some 15 million unemployed. However, without underestimating the seri- ousness of this to the developed world, it is nevertheless necessary to put this distress of rich nations in proper perspective. In the developed world unemployment does not entail starvation or !lubhuman distress. The unemploy- ment relief conferred in the developed countries exceeds by far the normal earnings of some 30 per cent of the world's population, who are estimated to earn SUS 100 or less per year. 68. Moreover, the 15 million unemployed in the rich countries are far outnumbered by the hundreds of millions 70. I am fully aware that highlighting the greater measure of suffering in the poorer countries is not going to heighten moral sensibilities in the developed countries to a point where they would be willing to undertake sacrifices on behalf of their more desperate brethren. This is as true of rich countries as of the richer developing countries: nobody wants to help anybody else at their own expense. It is a sad fact of life that in lean times-such as those we are going through-the milk of human kindness dries up. Moral appeals make greater impact only if they are also empir- ically valid. Therefore the main thrust of my thesis and argument is not that the rich nations should help the poorer nations as a moral obligation but that, by helping the developing countries, they would in fact be helping themselves. 71. Clearly there is a multiplicity of causes responsible for the present crisis but, in my view, the most fundamental of all, and one which the developed countries have tended to gloss over, is that a world economy where the ratio of percapita income between rich and poor nations is about 13 to 1, where less than a third of the world's population, comprising the rich nations, generate over 70 per cent of its income, must be intrinsically unsound. 72. What is described as a global economy in fact consists largely of trade and exchange between a third-only a third-of the world's population. In 1972, before the advent of the so-called oil crisis, rich countries, with less than 30 per cent of the world's popthdtion, carried out 53 per cent of world trade among themselves. 73. As against this, the growth rate of exports of developing countries-the poorer countries-as a percentage of world trade has declined steadily since the end of the war. It fell from 31.2 per cent in 1950 to 17.4 per cent in 1972, whereas that of the Western countries rose from 60 per cent to more than 72 per cent over the same period. 74. There are as many explanations as there are econo- mists for the present economic crisis, but it is generally agreed that the main element in the crisis is the inability of the industrial economies to expand further. The crisis is attributed to saturation of world markets and a decline in demand. 75. This is true if the world market is conceived of as being confined only to a third of the world's population. Their market has possibly reached the saturation point, and the world economic crisis will persist and worsen so long as 76. The present economic crisis has its fundamental cause in the developed world-the rich countries-and predates the fivefold increase in the price of oil. The oil pri~e certainly aggravated the crisis, but it did not originate the crisis. 77. The genesis of the present eeonomic crisis antedates the oil crisis. The Bretton Woods Conference is the conventional starting-point of post-war world economic history. That Conference was certainly not perfect, but it is also true that the crisis began and intensified as the woi'ld, for political rather than economic reasons, departed from the spirit and underlying principles of the Bretton Woods agreement-.6 The Bretton Woods arrangement worked from the end of the war to about 1958, and it worked well. In restrospt::ct, it is clear that the Bretton Woods arrangement was accepted, not out of deep convictions about its validity, but because in the circumstances then prevailing there was no conflict between national self-interest and its principles. 78. After the end of the Second World War, only the United States wars ina favourable position for providing the necessary international economic leadership. It had the vision and foresight to formulate policies with an inte.r, national perspective based on the premise that world prosperity was indivisible. The United ~tates made available capital and liquidity, directly and through multilateral institutions, while its industries provided the hardware for European and Japanese post-war reconstruction. In the process, American trade policies were liberalized. The most spectacular results of American aid were produced in the more advanced societies. By 1958, partly as a result of United States aid, Europe and Japan had not only fully recovered from the devastation and destruction of war, but had developed the capacity to compete with the United States. 79. The turning-point was when the dollar shortage developed into a dollar glut and the first cracks appeared in the Bretton Woods arrangement. In August 1971, the United States removed the convertibility of the dollar into gold. That was the start of the crisis. Devaiuation uf the dollar followed in December of the same year. In February 1973 the second dollar devaluation took place; and by • March 1973 the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates had broken down. 80. Anoth~r factor responsible for expansion of the world economy until recently was the explosion of technological innovations in major industrialized countries, particularly in the United States. Those innovations brought about in- creases in productivity, and therefore in living standards, and further resulted in the creCition of spectacular new 6 Adopted ut the United Nations Monetary and Financial Con- ference, held at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, from 1 to 22 July 1944. For the texts, see United Nations, Treaty Series, voI. 2, p. 39. 81. One consequence of this for the third world was the transfer from the developed to the developing countries of I)w-technology industries. This transfusion was largely initiated by transnational corporations, which, in the process, forged np,w links in global interdependence. Invest- ments' flowed from the industrialized countries to the developing countries, whose products were in turn exported to the industrial North. 82. Between 1965 and 1973, industria! output as a result of this in the developing countries grew by 7.3 per cent, the comparable figure for the industrialized rich countries being 4_7 per cent. So the poorer countr~e3, despite many disappointments and blunders, were by i:he 1970s respond- ing to the Western exhortation to modernize, industrialize and go in for trade-not aid. 83. Toaay, however, instead of congratulations and en- couragement being extended to the developing countries, the cry in the rich countries now is that they must be protected from the che[<p-labour products of the developing countries. Pressure is now being exerted to prevent inter- national corporations from investing in the developing countries on the grounds that transnationals are morally evil and bent on exploiting the wretched in the developing countries. Unfortunately, some thi.rd-world countri~s were sufficiently :,onfused as to join this campaign to liberate the developing countries from the alleged ills cau jed by transnational corporations. The odd thing, however, about this campaign is that, although the transnational corpora- tions are situated in the developed rich countries, not a single one has been shut down, either by law or hl~i1strial action. 84. The thesis that is clearly projected to the developing countries is that transnational corporations are all right for developed rich countries but bad for developing countries. However, to judge by the t:xperience in my own country, transnationals have on balance been economically bene- ficial. They have brought new jobs, higher earning capacity, increased skills and management expertise which we would not have been able to acquire on our own. 85. Today, new jobs are fewer in the rich countrie~. Among other reasons, it is because of the slackening of technological and productivity. Economic measurements of growth suggest that something like one fourth to one half of gross national product gr~wth is attributable to tech- nological progress. The petty world of quotas, tariffs and neo-protectionism is not going to provide the needed jobs that technological innovation can create. According to some economists, were the countries of the European Economic Communitj to put up tra:de baIliers, YJr example, their current total of 5.s million unemployed, far. from decreasing, would be likely to double. 86. The argument that the jobs of the workers in the developed countries are being threatened by cheap labour from poor cou~trie5 is a myth. By the standards of workers 87. So protectionism is not a defence against cheap labour; it is protection for high-cost industries. It does not create new jobs, but deprives poorer countries not only of jobs but also of the opportunity through free and fair competition to provide inflation·plagued consumers in the rich countries, with cheaper goods and therefore higher incomes. Increased earnings in the poor countries would in turn provide the incomes to buy the sophisticated industrial products of the richer countries. It is ridiculous to chant piously about interdependence and a global economy when the developing countries are denied even the oppor- tunities to compete in the markets of the developed world on the basis of merit, quality and price. Third-world industries can survive only by selling cheaper. So protec- tionism is an attempt to shift the·burden of unemployment on to poor nations that cannot afford even to put their jobless on the dole. 88. It is even more ridiculous that high-technology socie- ties with highly trained labour forces should, in addition to producing jet aircraft, rocket engines. computers and other complex industrial marvels, also fight the poorer countries tooth and nail in order to produce unnecessarily expensive plastic buckets, T-shirts, shoes, undergarments, and pyjamas on the basis of protected markets. As stated by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 in their declaration issued at their meeting in New York on 29 September 1977: "The renewed trend towards protectionism in the developed countries is a cause of deep concern because of its negative impact on the export earnings of developing countries and on their terms of trade, employment policies and development efforts." IA/32/244, annex, para. 4.J 89. One passionately hopes that in the not-too-distant future, and well before the probable great crash, there will be an explosion of technological innovation in the de- veloped world that will reverse trade policies whose effects would be to wipe out in the countries of the third world the pitiful advance in industrialization they have made dUring the last 30 years. 90. But technological innovation alone cannot restore vigour to the international economic system. If the world economy is defined in terms of, and limited to, the economies of the rich North, then there is no way out of this crisis. The capacity of the North to absorb the products of its industries and enterprises has reached the point of near saturation. The debate about the limits to growth is applicable only to the handful of rich nations. Their economies possibly can grow no further. But if the world economy is defined to include the third world, then it is only in the initial stages of growth. As I pointed out earlier, the present crisis has its origins in the fierce competitio.n among. the industrialized nations for shrinking northern markets. After all, 70 per cent of the commerce of the 92. The development and modernization of that 75 per cent could well perform the functions that the post-war reconstruction of a war-devastated Europe and Japan performed for the world economy up till the I970s. It is estimated that about 7 million more Americans will need to find jobs between now and 1981. France will need a million and a quarter new jobs; Japan, some 3 million new jobs. I do not know how many millions more will enter the b:.bour market in other developed countries. Crippling the econo- mies of the third world through protectionism will not provide new jobs in developed countries. It is more likely to increase unemployment. And at the moment the developing countries import nearly 70 per cent of their requirements from the countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. If the earnings of ihe developing countries are reduced through protectionism, there must be a corresponding decrease in imports from the developed world. 93. The way to overcome the economic crisis, then, is for rich countries to pursue policies which will convert the great and almost unlimited needs of the developing ma- jority of mankind into effective monetary demands. This can be done by permitting them to earn more by selling fre~ly, and by encouraging the flow of investments into the third world to set up industries which produce goods far more cheaply. Such a policy will reduce living costs by making available di\:'aper goods to consumers in developed countries. 94. Equally, the increased incomes that poorer countries will earn would be spent quickly on imports from indus- trialized countries. In a very real sense,growing prosperity in the poorer countries will not only bring life to the listless economies of the North, but will also create demands for skilled personnel and expertise from the developed coun- tries. 95. This, of course, requires a new sense of realism and a more responsible approach on the part of developing countries to economic development. They must accept the fact that the road to prosperity is paved with rocks rather than roses. Co-operation between the rich and poor nations should not be on the basis that the former has a moral obligation to the latter, but on the basis that each must benefit fairly from the endeavour, though not necessarily equally. 96. But my address is directed primarily to the developed nation~. My criticism of their current policies is not inspired by a spirit of sterile confrontation but out of a realization that they, as well as we of the developing world, have a common interest in preserving an international economic system which is essentially sound, but which has got into 98. The world economy as now constituted requires an international division of labour if it is to move forward. As one economist said recently, "The international division of labour also comes under the law of evolution of the species." 99. This plea to the rich nations for enlightened economic leadership may be, as one third-world leader put it at the end of a conference, a dialogue between the deaf. The capacity of the poorer nations to retaliate is limited. But their weakness-the weakness of the third world- constitutes a sort of perverse strength. Despite their powerlessness, they have tt~e potential ability to disrupt the international economic order by simply becoming poorer and poorer. They will inevitably be pushed over the brink if the rich nations persist in their present economic policies. If and when this happens, given the logic of an interdependent world, the rich nations too must, not long after, be dragged into the abyss. Should this happen, the only bitter consolation I can offer is that a people inured to poverty and suffering for many, many decades can better endure their vicissitudes than can those accustomed to better things.

Mr. President, on behalf of my Government and myself, I would like to extend to you warm congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. Your wide experience, your re- known judgement your well-known qualities as a diplomat and your dedication to the ideals of the United Nations augur well for the succest: of this session of the General Assembly. Your election to this high office is also a recognition by the international community of the con- structive tole which the Government and people of Yugo- slavia, under the illustrious leadership of President Josip Broz Tito, are playing in world affairs. The warm fraternal relations that exist between Ethiopia and Yugoslavia, both of which have a common heritage of bitter struggle against fascism and identical aspirations to promote the ideals of the non-aligned movement, are an additional source of satisfaction to my delegation. 101. I wish also to place on record our appreciation of the .accomplishm~nts of yeur distinguished predecessor, Ambas- sador Amerasinghe, who presided over the last session of the General Assembly with a: high standard of leadership and objectivity. 102. It is also my privilege to express my Government's sincere and profound joy in welcoming the Republic of 104. The international community has every reason to rejoice at seeing the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam at long last gain its rightful place in this Organization. The membership in the United Nations of the gallant people of Viet Nam, whose determination, steadfastness, persever- ance and immense sacrifices determined the outcome of the bitter struggle for freedom and independence, is well deserved. It is therefore with a deep sense of emotion that I extend my warm congratulations to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam on its admission to membership in the United Nations. 105. The Ethiopian delegation drew the attention of the thirty-first session of the General AsseITlbly7 to what it then regarded as disquieting developments in the world. We indicated that time was running out for the United Nations, precisely at a period when time was of the essence for the speedy solution of a number of complex problems con- fronting m'Llkind. We also suggested that an impasse was b~inr. reached because of the tendency to use the United Nations as a platform for sterile confrontation rather than a medium for innovative co-operation. The present situation hardly justifies a better assessment. 106. In our view, the world body is still increasingly gripped by a sense of helplessness leading to a high degree of cynicism. On the one hand, resolutions come pouring out of every session of our Assembly; high principles are enunciated from this podium and the Charter is quoted time and again-seemingly with great reverence. But, on the other hand, habitual violators of those same resolutions and principles of the Charter go unpunished, and new violators emerge in the knowledge that the United Nations can do nothing to them. As long as that cynical tendency continues,' the world body will remain immobilized and mankind will be the poorer for it. 107. One of the violators of the Charter-and, indeed, the most persistent of them all-is the South African Govern- ment. Built as it is on the odious system ofapartheid, that regime has been allowed to violate every principle of the Charter and, thanks to its imperialist backers, has succeeded in getting away with it. Over the years, the South African Government has perfected its abhorrent racial system of apartheid and single-mindedly used it for oppressing the African majority in that country as well as in Namibia. The repeated calls of the international community to the 1('~" Such utter helplessness on the part of the United Nations has only emboldened the' apartheid regime in its barbarous acts of systematic extermination of African nationalists. The recent cold-blooded murder of Steven Biko in a racist prison is still fresh in our minds. Even through death, he and the other martyrs have advanced further the just cause of their oppressed compatriots. 109. In Namibia, South Africa has continued its illegal occupation despite the definitive ruling of the International Cuurt of Justice terminating South Africa's fictitious right to administer the Territory. In that case also, with the help of its imperialist supporters, South Africa has managed to defy world public opinion ey utilizing manoeuvres ranging from outright arrogance to sham reasonableness. After the apartheid regime's diabolical plot to establish an interim puppet government through the so-called Turnhalle Con- ference was totally rejected by the people of Namibia as well as by the international community, that regime has now embarked again with the close collaboration of its friends, on yet another scheme, purportedly to achieve a peaceful resolution of the problem. But I should like to make it clear that, whatever deals are being worked out, they will not be acceptable to Africa unless they conform to the guidelines set out in the recent resolution of the OAU adopted at Libreville, Gabon {see 04/32/310 annex I, resolution CM/Res. 551 (XXIX)]. Furthermore, we con- sider the full participation of SWAPO, the authentic representative of the people of Namibia, at all stages of the negotiations for any arrangement as absolutely necessary. Similarly, any arrangement which will be arrived at must be acceptable to SWAPO. 110. On Zimbabwe, our positic~ is just as firm. The racist regime of Ian Smith has lasted for far too long. Its continued existence is not only an affront to the basic rights and dignity of the people of Zimbabwe but is also a serious threat to peace and security in the region. The internationCJ.1 community should not therefore be satisfied with mere condemnation of the racist regime's repeated acts of aggression against neighbouring African States. Rather, the world body, especially the Security Council, must ensure that aggression is punished. While welcoming proposals for establishing majority rule, provided all aspects of those proposals conform with the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe, Ethiopia reaffirms its total support for and solidarity with the liberation movements in Zimbabwe. Ill. In our deliberations on the colonial and racial questions of southern Africa, we believe that we should be guided by the principles enunciated in the Maputo Declara- tion in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, and the Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia, both of which were adopted by the Maputo Conference in the spring of 1977, as well as 113. My delegation also notes with regret that no tangible progress has yet been made to resolve the Middle East problem. The situation in the area thus remains as explosive as ever. The ingredients necessary for any durable peace in the region-including Israeli withdrawal from occupied Arab territories, the rights of the Palestinian people to a homeland and, :oncurrently, the right of every State in the area to independent existence-are already recognized in the relevant United Nations decisions. My delegation therefore ardently hopes that, with a view to a speedy implementation of those decisions, the current efforts to reconvene the Geneva negotiations on the Middle East will produce positive results. 114. Etbiopia's firm position with regard to scrupulous respect [dr the unity and territorial integrity of non-aligned Cyprus remains unchanged. 1I5. In the area of disarmament, it is regrettable to note that significant progress has not been achieved over the last year. The most recent worth-while achievements in the field of arms control have been those of a decade ago. Since the Il)()O~ progress has been painfully slow, while expenditure on armaments has been increasing enormously. Resources that could be used for development are still being diverted to the prnduction and stockpiling of ever more destructive weapons, M' delegation ardently hopes that the forth- coming SPCL . session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament will focus on these and related problems and generate a liew and effective impetus LOwards genuine disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, since nuclear arms at present pose the most serious danger for the future of mankind. 116. In the economic sphere, the relations of the develop- ing countries with the industrialized countries are still suffering the consequences of the existing unjust and inequitable world economic order. At a time when exploita- tion has to give way to co-operation and when domination has to be replaced by interdependence, it is regrettable to sce that the industrialized countries are still upholding past practices in the interests of preserving their privileged status. We believe that it would be to their long-term advantage to remedy the injustices of the past and face the realities of today, for a world divided between conspicuous wealth and abject poverty cannot provide an atmosphere conducive to peaceful coexistence. 117. Unfortunately, the industrialized countries are still not prepared to engage in a serious effort at eliminating global in.ius~ice and inequality. For almost three decades developing countries have been demanding a fundamental 8 Scc Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2 and 3). 118. The Conference on International Economic Co- operation or the so-called North-South dialogue, which was held in Paris, did not produce any tangible result afrer 18 months of protracted negotiations. Similarly, the fourth session of UNCTAD adjourned without much success, thus further frustrating the expectations and aspirations of the developing countries. 119. Evidently, the present world economic order is incapable of redressing the inequality and injustice that characterize the gap between the "haves" and the "have- nots". Hence, a thorough restructuring of the wmJd economic order is an imperative of our times. The new international economic order, which must be based on the principle of shared prosperity, justice 'and common bene- fits, should recognize the fact that the problem of development is the joint responsibility of the industrialized and the developing countries. 120. In the field of trade, developing countries must be assured of their due share of benefits through free access for their commodities to the markets of the industrialized countries. The prices paid for their products must be equitable and remunerative. 1 he new order should also provide some mechanism for alleviating the crushing burden of debt-servicing. In short, it must enabJe the third world to maintain self-sustained development. Similarly, to the extent that collective self-reliance through co-operation is one way of promoting socio-economic transformations, developing countries should· reorient their efforts towards strengthening co-operation among themselves. 121. My delegation is no less convinced that the solution of the crucial economic and social problems facing the international community today will have a most salutory effect on universal respect for the fundamental rights of all peoples. We believe that while the masses, the most preponderant majority inhabiting the planet earth live in squalid misery and abject poverty, the international com- munity can hardly b~ satisfied in promoting only the marginal e.spects of the rights of that majority. . 122. It is within this broader context that Ethiopia views the need for universal respect for basic human rights. We • are deeply concerned about human rights precisely because one of the strongest driving forces which brought about the Ethiopian popular revolution of 1974 was undoubtedly the deplorable state of human rights which prevailed in Ethiopia under the feudal regime. By concealing from the Ethiopian people and the world at large the fact that, in two of our administrative regions alone, more than 200,000 Ethiopians were dying of famine, that oppressive regime, in its pursuit of vainglory. deprived my compatriots of even the right to life itself. 123. One of the greatest achievements of the Ethiopian revolution was, therefore, to emancipate 'the Ethiopian 124. Thus the new social and economic structure we are building in Ethiopia is directed not only at ensuring marginal aspects of fundamental liberties but, to an even larger measure, the economic and social rights of Ethiopians as a whole, without any distinction whatsoever. The content, direction and objective of the progressive-changes which are taking place in Ethiopia, as well as our continued commitment to a non-aligned foreign po~icy, are clearly spelled out in our Programme of National Democratic Revolution, which has the full support of the Ethiopian people. 125. Over and above the reaction that such far-reaching changes inevitably generated on the part of vested interest groups of the old order, there was that of some external forces, averse to progressive change, which also chose to react negatively to our popular revolution. At the very moment when Ethiopia was making a maximum effort to rid itself of the sordid legacy of feudalism and to build a new political, social and economic order on solid founda- tions of equality and justice, thereby ensuring fundamental 130. It is common knowledge that the root cause of the human rights for all Ethiopians, certain outside forces present aggression is none other than the expansionist apparently thought that, by their concerted effort, they ambition of successive regimes in Somalia. Over the years, I;ould reverse that historic current of change. Not content successive Governments and leaders of Somalia have pub- with frantic and hostile activities directed against the lic1y reiterated this ambition, which is enshrined in the Ethiopian revolution, one of these forces is now engaged in Somali Constitution and on the Somali national flag in the naked aggression against Ethiopia, its unity and territorial form of a five-pointed star. While the two points on the integrity. Somali flag represent the former British and Italian colo- nies, the rest are supposed to symbolize eastern Ethiopia, 126. Over a period of nearly two years, the Government of the Republic of Djibouti and the northern region of Kenya. Somalia has been infiltrating its regular troops into One may very well wonder about the grounds on which this Ethiopia, for the deliberate purpose of committing an lust for other people's land could be based. Essentially, it is aggression short of a full-scale conventional war. These based on the untenable and absurd assumption that any troops, which were heavily armed with sophisticated land on which ethnic Somalis live must be part and weapons such as missiles and anti-tank and anti-aircraft parcel of the Republic of Somalia and that therefore the weapons, had carried out systematic and extensive terror Government in Mogadishu does not recognize international and sabotage in eastern and south-eastern Ethiopia. These treaties, United Nations resolutions and or OAU decisions infiltrators, while inflicting considerable loss of Hfe, have pertahling to inviolability of state frontiers. also wrought immense havoc on the economy of the area by destroying villages, towns and major communication 131. In this context, it is relevant to recall certain basic facilities, including the only railway line in the region, as facts. The history of the Horn of Africa, especially of the well as agricultural settlements and other development last 400 years, has been a history of successive "waves" of projects established by our own efforts and through migrations from the lowlands to the more fertile highlands, international assistance. The Government of Somalia will new groups displacing earlier ones. In these successive have to bear full responsibility in this respect. migrations, the Somali tribes are late arrivals in the region. In their migrations to and expansions in the Horn, they 127. Realizing that the troops thus infiltrated had failed displaced the original inhabitants of the region, who live to achieve its expansionist objectives, the Government of today in Ethiopia and in the rest of East Africa. Indeed, at 128. Despite the preposterous claims of the Somali Gov- ernment that the present war of aggression is actually being waged by a so-called "liberation fwnt", the whole world now recognizes that this ingenious fabrication is quite ridiculous. Somalia's persistent denial of involvement in the undeclared war it has itself initiated and is relentlessly prosecuting is obviously motivated by a desire to conceal the extent of its atrocities. This in itself, far from diminishing its accountability, would only compound the crimes it is committing against the Ethiopian people and the peace and tranquillity of the region. 129. By its present aggression, Somalia not only has violated the cardinal principles of the Charters of both the OAU and the United Nations, but has also trampled underfoot a more recent decision of the General Assembly adopted at its twenty-fifth session. A brief quotation will suffice to amplify my point. In paragraph 5 of its resolution 2734 (XXV), on the strengthening of interna- tional security, the General Assembly solemnly reaffirmed, among other matters: "... that every State has the duty to refrain from the threat of use of force against the territorial and political independence of any other State, and that the territory of a State shall not be the object of military occupation resulting from the use of force in contravention of the provisions of the Charter ... and that every State has the duty to refrain from organizing, instigating, assisting or participating in acts of civil strife or terrorist acts in another State." 132. The population of Somalia, being largely nomadic, has never in history known the confines and restrictions of national frontiers. The only boundary known to them has been the furthest limit to available pasture. It is on the basis of this nomadic habit that the Government in Mogadishu lays its claims to the territories of its neighbours and pursues their realization through armed aggression. 133. If Somalia's attempt to annex eastern Ethiopia is based on the assumption that there is a Somali minority within Ethiopia, then such a reasoning, apart from being a calculated misrepresentation of the polyethnic nature of the Ethiopian polity, is apt to create a dangerous precedent exposing Africa, and perhaps even the rest of the world, to the forces of violence and instability. 134. The fact remains that there is not a single African country which does not have distinct ethnic groups straddling its borders. For example, the Bakongo are to be found in Zaire, Congo and Angola; the Ewe are divided between Ghana and Togo; the Yoruba between Nigeria and Benin; the Ben Amir between Ethiopia and the Sudan; the Masai between Kenya and Tanzania; the Hutu between Burundi and Rwanda; and so on. Similar examples can also be extensively cited outside the African continent. There- fore, if one were to be swayed by the irrational argument of the Mogadishu authorities, it means that the map of the entire world would have to be redrawn on the basis of ethnicity. 135. As if its racist claim to other countries' land, which is no different from Hitler's Anschluss, were not enough, the Somali Government has based its foreign policy on syste- matic denunciation of international agreements and deci- sions. Thus, over the years, Somalia has consistently rejected the series of treaties that have defined its borders, the Trusteeship Agreement9 that clearly endorsed the relevant treaties delimiting the boundaries of Italian So- maliland, and resolutions of OAU and the non-aligned countries in respect of boundaries, as well as the relevant provisions of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treatiesl 0 and the draft articles on succession of States in respect of treaties. 1 1 136. By rejecting the international boundary agreements signed prior to its independence on the ground that it had not participated in their formulation Somalia has in effect denounced the Trusteeship Agreement, which is clearly "The territory to which this Agreement applies is the territory formerly known as Italian Somaliland, hereafter called the Territory, bounded by the Somaliland Pro- tectorate, Ethiopia, Kenya, the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean. Its boundaries shall be those fixed by international agreement"-I repeat, ..Its boundaries shall be those fixed by international agreement"-"and, in so far as they are not already delimited, shall be delimited in accordance with a procedure approved by the General Assembly." 137. When drawing up the Trusteeship Agreement the United Nations therefore not only recognized the validity of the international boundary agreements but also deter- mined that the only outstanding issue was one of border demarcation. Yet Somalia wishes to change this simple issue of boundary demarcation into a territorial one. 138. Somalia's rejection of OAU decisions is based on the even more untenable premise that its dreams of expansion predate the establishment of the OAU. It is on this ground that Somalia refuses to accept the validity of OAU resolution AHG/Res.16 (I) of July 1964 which states, inter alia, that the OAU: "Considering that border problems constitute a grave and permanent factor of dissension, " "Considering further that the borders of J. ican States, on the day of their independence, constitute a tangible reality, "Solemnly" declares that all Member States pledge themselves to respect the borders existing on their achievement of national independence." 139. Thus Somalia would attempt to obstruct every effort by the OAU to play a constructive role because, according to its reverse logic, the Organization would always be younger than the dispute it would endeavour to settle. 140. Apart from its rejection of all int,;-mational agree- ments, Somalia also maliciously attempts to portray Ethiopia as a ·'black colonialist". This, of course, is a deliberate distortion of. hift0ry, designed to prGvide a rationale for Somalia's expansionist ambitions concerning Ethiop~a. That Ethiopia through the centuries had to struggle against successive waves of colonialism is well known and recorded. The fact that it has by and large 141. In the face of the colonial scramble for Africa Emperor Menelik II of Ethiopia wrote a circular letter to the European Powers on 10 April 1891 12 in which he specifically stated: "If the powers at a distance come forward to partition Africa between them, I do not intend to be a silent spectator." 142. Somalia's distorted interpretation of that letter has been heard very ,often. However, the explicit and implicit content of Menelik's letter was simply a clear warning to the Powers that he would resolutely defend the indepen- dence and territorial integrity of Ethiopia. As subsequent events have amply demonstrated, it is obvious that Menelik had nei!her the intention nor the dubious distinction of dismembering <;>ther African countries. 143. Distorted and malicious interpretations of his inten- tions notwithstanding, indeed Menelik did not remain a silent spectator. As it came to pass, five years later Italian colonialism launched its aggression against Ethiopia. Menelik kept his word by defeating the Italian colonialists at the historic battle of Adowa in 1896, thus dealing a blow to the myth of the invincibility of European colonial forces. 144. In its obsession with expansionism and the promo- tion of the illusion of Greater Somalia which it had inherited from its colonialist mentors, the Government of Somalia spares no effort in every forum to portray Ethiopia's demographic composition as if it were a negative phenomenon. Somalia does this with a view to manipula- ting this polyethnicity of the Ethiopian people for its own ends. There is no doubt that such a design is doomed to failure. . 145. Like so many other nations, Ethiopia is proud of the religious, ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity of its people-a diversity which is an asset, especially as it embarks upon progressive national reconstruction and development in conditions of freedom, justice and equality. 146. Not least important is the fact that the Mogadishu Government has often invoked the principle of self- determination to serve its own expansionist purposes. The principle of self-determination was enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations for the sole purpose of promoting the legitimate rights of peoples under colonial domination to freedom and independence. One beneficiary of this principle has been Somalia, which now wishes to distort its content and meaning to suit its expansionist designs. I should like to emphasi~e once and for all that the principle of self·determination was never conceived, nor is it meant to serve, as an instrument for the dismemberment of existing independent States. 147. As far as Ethiopia is concerned, because of the complementary nature of the resource endowments of the 12 Sce, Sp~nis}' and Italian Possessions: Independent States, Pem:e Handbooks Issued by the Historical Section of the Foreign Office (LondC'n, HM Stationery Oftice, 1920), vo!. XX, No. 129 (Abys- sinia), appendix 11, p. 104. 148. It is self-evident that in the face of the unprovoked aggression by the Somali regime the Ethiopian people have no choice but to rise in unison and repel that aggression as they have repeatedly done in the past when others have sought to violate their dignity, sovereignty and territorial integrity. 149. The Ethiopian people are comforted by the fact that their inherent right to defend the independence, unity and territorial integrity of their country is upheld by interna- tional law. It is this legitimate right to self-defence which they fully intend to exercise until all the consequences of Somalia's aggression are obliterated. 150. Somalia's aggression must be repulsed not only because it is directed against the honour and dignity of the Ethiopian people, but also because it seeks to set a dangerous precedent of instability in the African continent by attempting to transform national frontiers into ethnic boundaries. Somalia's aggression must be resisted because it is launched in utter contempt for the sacred principles enshrined in the charters of the OAU, the United Nations and the non-aligned movement. The determined effort of the Ethicpian people to safeguard the territorial integrity of their country is, therefore, not only a fully justified act of self-defence but also an act to uphold the sanctity of these fundamental principles. 151. The OAU as the competent regional organization to deal with. African problems, continues to be seized of the issues involving Somalia's aggression. In this regard, the General Assembly is well aware of the decision taken at Libreville, Gabon, last August, by the good offices com- mittee of the OAU. By reaffirming the principles of territorial integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of States, that decision has rejected Somalia's policy of expansionism. Ethiopia continues to have full confidence in the efficacy of the OAU and believes that that regional organization should be afforded every opportunity and all co-operation to resolve the problem in accordance with the provisions of its Charter and the relevant decisions of its principal organs. 152. If I have dwelt at some length on the brazen aggression being committed against my country by Somalia, it is because we believe that it is our duty to apprise the international community of all aspects of the hostilities now raging in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia, as a founding 153. Ethiopia has always preferred to solve its differences with others through peaceful means rather than by re- sorting to force. But when, as in the present case, naked aggression is committed against It ID contemptuous dis- regard of the principles of civilized conduct, then no alternative is left to it other than the obligation to act in determined self-defence. That is what the Ethiopian people are now actually engaged in. The international community will no doubt recall that the Ethiopian people successfully defended the honour of their country against Fascist aggression four decades ago. Prepared as they are to make every sacrifice in defending their national unity and territorial integrity, the Ethiopian people are once again determined to discharge their historical obligation of legitimate self-defence in accordance with the charters of the DAU and the United Nations.

Mr. President, permit me to join those representatives who have already spoken in the debate, and have offered their congratulations to you on your unanimous election to the office of President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. 155. The cause of human rights received a powerful impetus this year when the President of the United States told this body on 17 March of this year that every nation has a responsibility to speak out in defence of basic rights and freedoms throughout the world. We subscribed fully to this view and we are proud that, despite intense strains and provocations, Israel has succeeded in maintaining a free, open and multiracial society in which the dignity of man and the rule of law are held supreme. 156. Unfortunately, the record of the United Nations in the field of human rights is poor. We are witnesses here to a deplorable exercise in double standards and cynicism. 157. We have also been disappointed that so little progress has been made in implementing the humanitarian principles of the Final Act of HelsinkLl 3 Regrettably, there has been no improvement in the situation of the Jews in the Soviet Union during the past year. Exit from the Soviet Union, the right to leave one's country-a right guaranteed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in the Final Act of Helsinki-is still severely restricted, and those Jews who do insist on their rights are subject to continued harassment by the authorities, to dismissal from their places of employment and in some cases to arrest and imprisonment. The Government of Israel once again calls on the Soviet Union to pennit those Jews who wish to' do so to leave in order to go to Israel to join their people and their families. 158. May I again raise the matter of the sorry plight of the Jewish community in Syria. That community does not enjoy such basic human rights as freedom of movement or 13 Adopted by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe at Helsinki on 1 August 1975. 159. Ever since it joined the United Nations some 28 years ago, Israel has steadily supported all significant moves by this Organization to promote and to propagate the limita- tion of armaments on a global scale. Although disarmament has always been closely linked with security, Israel is prepared to play its part in the reduction of the arms race in the Middle East. 160. In the past three years, an e~timated $US 7.5 billion in arms supplies have been delivered by East and West to Arab countries in the vicinity of Israel. In addition, about $US 22 billion worth of arms was contracted for by Arab States for delivery from the end of 1976 onwards. Israel is ready to enter into an agreement on arms limitation with all the States in the Middle East. 161. With regard to another crucial aspect of disarma- ment, Israel has frequently called on its Arab neighbours to join it in direct negotiations with a view to establishing a nuc1ea~free zone in the Middle East. Indeed, on this issue as on others, the Foreign Minister of Egypt, Mr. Fahmy, has deliberately misled this Assembly. Israel firmly believes that such negotiations should lead to the conclusion of a formal, contractual, multilateral convention between all the States of the region, on the lines of such notable precedents as the establishment of a nuc1ear-weapon-free zone in Latin America and the proposals for similar agreements in the areas of south Asia and the south Pacific. Unfortunately, the Arab States have totally rejected this call by Israel which, after all, is in the interests of all the people of the Middle East. On this occasion I repeat our proposal. 162. A year ago, following the rescue by Israel of innocent hostages hijacked to Entebbe in an Air France airbus, the Vice Chancellor and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany proposed that the United Nations should draft an international convention banning the taking of hostages and providing for the prosecution or extradition of the -criminals.1 4 This was an important step in the right direction, which Israel welcomed. It is therefore very disturbing to note that the Ad Hoc Committee appointed to deal with this matter has made so little progress in attempting to draft a convention for considera- ~ion by this Assembly. If this Organization fails, because of the efforts of those who support international terror, to take even this 'Step in the right direction, then it will have lost all credibility as an effective instrument of interna- tional action. 163. It is regrettable that Arab States have played and continue to play a central role in encouraging international terror. It is to Arab airports that hijacked aircraft are directed by terrorists in their search for safe destinations. The recent Japan Air Lines case is a classic example. The kidnappers and murderers of public figures in Germany are graduates of the courses of the PLO. 164. No cause can justify or condone terrorism. Terrorism is a criminal activity, totally indiscriminate in its effects, 165. So far, the record of the United Nations in com- bating terrorism is dismal. Not once has the St~curity Council convened to condemn terrorists and hijackers. 166. I noted with interest that, after my Egyptian colleague had talked with the President and the Secretary of State in Washington on 22 September, ·he announced to the press that, for the first time, Egypt was prepared to accept Israel as a. Middle Eastern country and to live in peace in that area. It saddened me therefore that, before this Assembly on 28 September [10th meetingJ, Mr. Fahrny chose to make a personal attack on my Prime Minister and to vilify zionism and to launch a move to isolate Israel in this forum. He also made peace conditional on an end to imptigration to israel, and openly threatened war. It would be easy to rebut him, but I shall refrain. I shall only comment that Mr. Fahmy's double-talk does not enhance Egypt's credibility and is prejudicial to the prospects of peace in the Middle East. 167. Israel will never limit immigration. Zionism is the life-blood of Israel. We will do our utmost to achieve peace and to prevent war; but let me remind Mr. Fahmy, when he threatens us with war, that every war launched by Egypt has ended to its considerable disadvantage. The last cease-fire negotiations between Israel and Egypt after the Yom Kippur war took place 101 kilometres from Cairo. I submit that it would be more appropriate for Mr. Fahmy to stop talking about war and concentrate on the issues of peace. 168. Similarly, I shall not engage in polemics with any of the other Arab representatives who have made countless false and malicious allegations against Israel. 169. However, certain facts must be recalled. We have been reminded that General Assembly resolution 181 (11) of 1947 on the partition of Palestine has not been implemented. True, but the Arab States themselves voted against that resolution, obstructed its implementation and destroyed it by force of arms. For the last 30 years they have been guilty of aggression against Israel. 170. After every war we proposed peace, but in vain. After the 1948 war we negotiated with Abdullah, King of Jordan. We reached an agreement, which was initialled by both sides but because of that he was assassinated by his , . own people while praying at the Al Aqsa Mosque ID Jerusalem. In 1957, we proposed to President Nasser of Egypt that Egyptian troops, and not United Nations troops, should take over Shann el Sheikh, which controls the Strait of Tiran, on condition that Israeli vessels be guaranteed freedom of passage, but Nasser rejected our proposal. After the 1967 war, we offered to negotiate for peace: we offered to return territory in return for peace. The reply we received from the Arab countries was given to us on 1 September 1967 at the Arab Summit ConferenceI 5 -the. three "Nos": no negotiation, no recognition, no peace. 172. There has been much talk about the territories held by Israel since the six day war. But nothing has been said about the reasons for that war; nothing of President Nasser's blockade of the Strait of Tiran and his public undertakings to annihilate Israel; nothing of Egypt's move- ment of forces leading up to the war; nothing of how King Hussein ignored our advice, passed on to him by General Odd Bull of the United Nations, when he joined in the attack on Israel with the forces of Egypt and Syria. 173. We did not plan to go to war. We fought to defend ourselves from the grim fate promised us. 174. We cannot overlook the fact that the simplistic solution, which has been advoc~ted by so many participants in this debate, was a reality on the ground from 1949 to 1967. It brought us war. 175. In 1973, Syria and Egypt again launched a war against Israel. After their defeat, the Geneva Peace Co.n- ference on the Middle East was set up in the framework of which two disengagement agreements were reached with Egypt and Syria in 1974, and an interim agreement was made with Egypt in 1975. 176. Since then, Israel has not ceased to indicate its readiness to resume the peace negotiations at Geneva on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). 177. In view of the many inaccurate constructions that have been put on resolution 242 (1967), let us be quite clear what that resolution does say and what it does not say. It does not require Israel to withdraw unilaterally from the territories it occupied in 1967. It does not call upon Israel to leave all those territories. It does not make peace negotiations contingent upon such withdrawal. It does not fix boundaries. What it does require is negotiations between the parties to arrive at an agreed peace treaty. 178. The wording of the resolution makes it perfectlyclear that new boundaries are to be determined between the States of the region. The statem~nt that "secure and recognized boundaries" must be negotiated implies that previous boundaries were not secur~ or recognized The fact that new boundaries are to be reached can also be inferred from the fact that Arab and Soviet pressure for the inclusion of a reference to "withdrawal from all the territories" was unsuccessful. 179. I quote Mr. Joseph Sisco, who was the United States Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization This is still our position. We have to establish new boundaries, and not to return to the old ones. We have to negotiate permanent boundaries that will afford Israel security. 180. According to resolution 242 (1967), the peace settle- ment must include: "Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area ...~'. The settlement is therefore to be reached between States, and not to involve the participation of any organization whatsoever. 181. Resolution 242 (1967) makes no mention whatso- ever of the PLO. The PLO is a terrorist organization whose record is one of deliberate and indiscriminate atrocities against innorent civilians, including women and children. The PLO is governed by the Palestinian National Covenant of 1964, as amended in 1968 and reconfirmed as recently as in March of this year by the Palestinian National Council in Cairo. 182. Article 6 of this Covenant calls for the expulsion of the vast majority of the Jewish population from our country. In article 15, it calls for the elimination of zionism. In article 19, it calls in effect for the destruction of the State of Israel. In article 20, it makes the preposterous assertion that "the claim of historical or spiritual links between the Jews and Palestine is {not] in conformity with historical fact ...". In article 21, it declares that "all alternatives to the total liberation of Palestine" are rejected-that is, any plan that falls short of the destruction of Israel. 183. There is not a sovereign State in this Organization that would negotiate with a body calling for its destruction. 184. Many delegations have proposed the establishment of a Palestinian State governed by the PLO on the West Bank and in Gaza. Again, this is but a futile exercise in wishful thinking, totally unacceptable to us, ignoring, as it does, the language of resolution 242 (1967) and the basic facts on the ground. 185. A PLO mini-State on the West Bank, which could not be viable in itself, would be a base for attempts to destroy Israel. One has only to consult a map and the political programme of the PLO to realize tlfhc- - 16 Scc the Department of State Bulletin. vol. i..X'm, No. 1623 (Washington, DC, V.S. Government Printing Office, 1970}, p. 153. 187. Moreover, the United States regards resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) as the exclusive basis for a settlement of the conflict. The memorandum of agreement between Israel and the United States on the Geneva Peace Conference, signed on 1 September 1975, declares in article 4 that the United States "... will oppose and if necessary vote against any initiatives in the Security Council to alter adversely the terms of reference of the Geneva Peace Conference, or to change resolutions 242 and 338 in ways which are incompatible with their original purpose". This position was reaffirmed by the United States only a few days ago in a joint statement with Israel. 188. Israel is ready to resume negotiations at Geneva for the achievement of true, contractual and effective peace treaties, including the establishment of diplomatic relations between Israel and the Arab States. There can be no participation of any additional State, group or organization at the Geneva Peace Conference without the agreement of all the initial participants. All negotiations should be conducted on a bilateral basis. 189. Through the good offices- of the United States, we have conveyed suggestions on the substantive, and not merely on the procedural, issues. 190. First, we have provided a draft text of a full peace treaty in all its aspects. Secondly, we have supplied details of our approach in respect of discussion and negotiation on the various issues. This part is in turn made up of two elements: tIrst, a presentation of some of the main questions involved in a peace agreement between ourselves and each of our neighbours, questions such as Israel's security, guarantees of freedom of navigation in all interna- tional waterways, the security of the Jordan River sources in the north, a basis for coexistence with the Palestinian Arabs in the' Gaza Strip, Judaea and Samaria, and other relevant topics-in other words, the questions which we believe we must contend with if we are to sign a tmal peace agreement between ourselves and each of the neighbouring Arab States. The second element comprises our ideas for resolving these questions. In our view, there should be complete normalization of relations, including diplomatic relations, trade and cultural ties. W'e have suggested modalities, including demilitarized zones and other ar- rangements. . 191. In addition, there remains the cardinal principle that the negotiations should be conducted without prior condi- tions or commitments. This principle means not only that neither side obligates the other to agree in advance to any condition whatsoever but also that all issues and areas are 192. For 10 years, between 1967 and 1977, the Govern- ment of Israel was committed to territorial concessions in return for genuine peace, and this implied the redivision of the area. But to no avail. 193. Now our view is that redivision is not the answer. Nowhere is it possible to draw a dividing line which will satisfy not only the security, but also the historical, economic and social needs of all sides. Bethlehem, a satellite town ofJerusalem and dependent on Jerusalem for its tourist trade and indeed its very existence, cannot be cut off from the holy city. Mount Scopus, the site of the Hebrew Unive'rsity and the Hadassah Hospital, cannot be separated from Israel. And are the Arabs in Gaza once again to be bottled up in an intolerably narrow strip of land, unable to get out without passing an international frontier? No. The model for the future must be united Jerusalem, where since 1967 Jews and Arabs have proved that they can live together harmoniously to their joint benefit, where all residents enjoy freedom of movement in all parts of the holy city and where freedom of access to the Holy Places is assured for all. There is no room-and no need-for barbed wire any more. 194. But, for all that, had the Arabs proposed partitioning those territories betwen ourselves and them, we would have discussed and examined their proposal and afterwards would have decided whether we were ready to agree to it or not. In this connexion I should like to point out that we have re-examined the positions of Jordan and of the Palestinian Arabs and we have found no inclination on the part of either for a solution based on the redivision of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip. 195. The criticism which has been directed against Israel in respect of the establishment of settlements in Judaea and Samaria is unfounded. The settlements are legal. Under international law neither Jordan nor any other Arab State has any sovereign territorial rights in the West Bank or in any other part of what was mandatory Palestine in 1948 when the United Kingdom surrendered its Mandate. No State today has any claim of sovereignty to what was mandatory Palestine that is better than or even equal to Israel's claims. 196. The Arab States rejected the United Nations parti- tion resolution and, in violation of the United Nations Charter, they used force in an attempt to prevent its implementation. The Arab use of force in 1948 was an act of aggression-not ofself-defence. 197. "... an armed struggle is taking place in Palestine as a result of the unlawful invasion by a number of States of the territory of Palestine, which does not form part of the territory of any of the States whose armed forces have invaded it."l 7 199. J~rdan's annexation of Judaea and Samaria early in 1950 was never recognized by any State other than Pakistan and the United Kingdom. The United States Department of State, at a press conference on 29 July 1977, confirmed that there were legal problems over the sovereign rights of Jordan in the West Bank. 200. In view of this illegal annexation of the West Bank, the fourth Geneva Conventionl8 is not applicable. 201. But even if the laws of belligerent occupation were applicable, those rules contain no restrictions on the freedom of persons to take up residence in the area involved. The fourth Geneva Convention bans forcible transfers, not voluntary acts of individuals taking up residence in the area of the West Bank. No Arab inhabitants have been displaced by the establishment of these Jewish settlements. Not a single Arab resident of Judaea and Samaria has been made homeless as a result of the establishment of those peaceful villages. And, above all, it is unacceptable to us that Jews should be prohibited from living in any part of their ancestral land. 202. Let me make one point clear: the settlements will not decide the final borders between Israel and its neighbours. The borders will be decided upon in the negotiations between Israel and its neighbours. The settle- ments are by no means an obstacle to peace because, if they were, we should have had peace years ago. 203. We believe that the problem concerning the status of the Arabs living in the West Bank should be settled in the framework of peace negotiations in Geneva between us and the Jordanian delegation, which may include Palestinian Arabs from Judaea and Samaria. 204. One of the central problems that has to be solved in a peace settlement is the problem of t!te refugees. Security Council resolution 242 (1967) refers to "refugees", not "Arab refugees": it covers both Jewish and Arab refugees. When the resolution was being drafted, a Soviet attempt to restrict it to Arab refugees failed. 205. The origin of the Palestinian Arab refugee problem was the Arab rejection of th~ United Nations partition resolution and the war which the Arab States declared against the State of Israel one day after its establishment. The responsibility is therefore theirs. Had the Arabs accepted the resolution, there would have been no refugee problem. Furthermore, because of the wars conducted by the Arab States against Israel, Jews who had lived for thousands of years in Arab lands were forced to leave, abandoning all their property and possessions. For about 590,000 Arab refugees there were about 600,000 Jewish refugees from Iraq, Yemen, Syria, Egypt, Libya and the rest of North Africa. 18 Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time ofWar, of 12 August 1949. 207. We do not intend to send back Jews to Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Morocco, Yemen and other Arab countries, to be hanged in the public squares of Baghdad and to be deprived of their human rights and to become third-class citizens, impiisoned in ghettoes, as in Syria now, in order to take Arab refugees in their place. The fact is that an exchange of population has taken place between Israel and the Arab countries. 208. The difference between Israel and the Arab States is that, while we in Israel from the outset integrated all the Jewish refugees into our society, the Arab States deliber- ately perpetuated the "refugee status" of their own brethren in order to use them as a political weapon against Isrnel. The Arab demand for the return of the refugees to Israel, coupled with proposals for the establishment of a Palestinian State, is caiculated to bring about the destruc- tion of Israel. The refugees should be resettled and integrated into the Arab societies in which they now live. In any peace settlement specific provisions should be made to enable all refugees to find accommodation, employment and adequate compensation. 209. In any discussion of reparations for the refugees, Israel will raise the question of reparations for Jewish refugees from Arab lands and insist that all their claims be settled within the framework of the final peace agreement. 210. There is only one road along which it is possible to move towards peace; that is the road of direct negotiations with no pre-conditions. No conflict in the world has ever been resolved without the parties to the conflict negotiating face to face. Our conflict is not different. 211. The heart of the problem is the Arab refusal to recognize the right of Israel to national sovereignty in the ancient, historical land of the Jewish people. That is the heart of the problem, and until it is overcome the obstacles to ajust and durable peace will remain. 212. The developments of recent days and the possibility of a resumption of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, none the less, give room for guarded optimism which could turn into grounds for great hope. For our part, we are prepared to embark on a common effort, long and challenging as it may be, to negotiate a final agreement to live in peace and security.

The thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly is opening in a world characterized by political uncertainty and economic anx: -:ty. Some, and by no means the least, of the problems which were the subject of our concern at previous sessions still await satisfactory solu- tions. 215. The thirty-second session is another occasion for us to express our fears and hopes. Can the world finally seize this moment to try to conquer the demons of dispute and self-interest? 216. Permit me to welcome the first act of this session, namely, the admission into the international community of the sister Republic ofDjibouti and of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. Our Organization, by enriching itself with those two new eminent Members, is drawing close to its true goal of universality, with respect for the rights of peoples to live freely in a world ofpeace and justice. 217. The peoples of Djibouti and Viet Nam will, we are convinced, bring to the international community not only their experience, but above all their desire and willingness to work for peace-qualities which the whole world has always recognized in them. They should be congratulated on their courageous struggles as a result of which they are here today. Their presence here is a victory for all enslaved and shackled peoples struggling to regain their identity and their rights. The decolonization process is irreversible, and we still await the decolonization of peop!es of other States deprived of their elementary rights under the COIOllialist yoke. . 218. Since the historic date of, 15 April 1974, the Supreme Military Council and the Government, drawing wise lessons from a long and painful experience, have set about seeking a better existence for the people of Niger, in accordance with their natural aspirations for peace and security. We have undertaken the creation and consolida- tion of this better existence within the framework of a national struggle against under-development, the establish- ment of social justice and the constant reaffrrmation of our national identity. 219. The long and terrible years of unbroken drought are still fresh in our memories, and the efforts undertaken for the development of our natural resources and in the search for self-sufficiency in food production constitute today a clear motivation for a common mobilization of all our citizens. For example, national organizations of young men and women, throughout the vast territory of 1,267,000 square kilometres, are engaged in collective activities in the fields of social self-help, development and the reconstruc- tion of the cultural heritag.e of the national community. 220. This national mobilization can be seen today in the systematic tripling of our general national budget, which bears witness to our firm desire to make progress on the road of national development; for the Niger of today rejects verbal, dilatory progressivism whkh deceives no one~ rather, we are pursuing true progress in keeping- v'ith our true 221. Thus it was that on 4 August last, Lieutenant-Colonel Seyni Kountche solemnly opened the Conference of leaders and diplomats of Niger with these words: "Since 15 April 1974, our national development efforts have sought to create a developing society by stressing in particular social justice and a better pivision of national wealth.... We have intensified the search for economic independence, notably by the development of· dustrial, mining and trade activities; we have also improved the natIonal transport network, and we are undertaking the diversification of our countIy's means of access to the sea. But we are ,;;oncerned, above all. with the destiny of our compatriots living !n rural areas ... Hence we have undertaken a vast project to increase the number of wells and replace the livestock decimated by the drought. These efforts aimed at our rural masses have produced among them a rebirth of enthusiasm and of confidence in the future. Everywhere in our villages, the incentive is to work. in order to produce more, so that the spectre of famine may forever be dispelled. But however positive and comforting these results may be, we must not forget that the task before us is still immense, and that we shall still require outside assistance for a long time." 222. As to our foreign policy, it res2s on two major principles through which the diplomacy of the new Niger is expressed: first, that of non-alignment, a positive non- alignment based on our will to assert ou· national Identity and our international sovereignty; and, secondly, co- operation, multilateral co-operation inspired by that non- alignment and flowing from our commitment to open our doors to all countries which share our views and concerns. The essence of this co-operation remains the promotion of the structural development of our economy. 223. At the regional and African level, I am pleased to proclaim our dedication-a dedication that has never gone unrewarded-to a policy of co-operation and dialogue and, above all. of good neighbourliness and socio-economic 'integration with all States of the subregion. That is why, without prejudice to the arrangements establishment by the OAU, the Government of Niger, in collaboration or in paraHel with other African Governments, has made at- tempts at mediation with a view to smoothing out differences and finding peaceful solutions to various dis- putes in order to preserve and consolidate what we hold most dear: om independence. As in the past, Niger will pursue its natural role of promoting mediation and the rapprochement of peoples and their ideas, because we have faith in the virtues of dialogue among brothers, and· ·because we remain convinced that Africa will be liberated '. only by its sons, and that its sons will bl able to liberate it . only if they are united among themselves. They have the ability-because they have proved it repeatedly-to over- come their differences. 224. At the internal.iqn~11~y~1? .o!t~ q~HntJ).,..ti).rC?~gI:l)ts aSSOCiation with the countries of AfriCa; fhe Cai'iboean and the Pacific with the nine countries of the European Economic Community has, ever since the signing of the 225. The meagre results of the various development strategies conceived by the United Nations cannot leave us indifferent. There is a time for everything. We can feel the moment coming when the log-jams will break up of their own a~cord. Failures cannot go on accumulating indefin- itely without awakening pangs of conscience. 226. The Conference on International Economic Co- operation, or North-South dialogue-and here we commend the initiative of France that brought it about -had for a moment led us to believe that it would bring about a noticeable change in international economic relations. Unfortunately, it wound up in deadlock which political will on i::~:' part of the developed countries could have resolved without difficulty. The token assistance given condescend- ingly to those left behind by development can in no case be presented as a significant positive factor capable of satIs- fying the immense development needs of the countries of the third world. The establishment of a new international economic order also represents an opportunity for the industrialized countries, because the reconversion of their economies is inconceivable without the development of the under-developed countries. 227. We must resolve to accept this truth just as we accept the need to exist with others rather than being pitted agai"lst them. The economy is ceasing more and more to be a national affair: it is becoming a world-wide matter. It is better to take note of the situation now and have the courage to see things as they have always been-as a completely worn-out legacy of ideas and concepts from the last century and past decades. The survival of the indus- trialized world depends on its ensuring the development of the developing countries. But, above all. those developing countries must organize themselves, They must consider the perhaps salutary possibilities of ~stablishing organized and dynamic machinery for horizontal co-operation. And here I should like to commend the start made at the eleventh extraordinaly session of the Council of Minister!> of the GAU last December at Kinshasa. The resolutions of principle adopted there contain positive and fruitful ele- ments. In the same context of reformulating regional development strategy. the fourth meeting of the Con- ference of Ministers held during the thirteenth session of the ECA was also held in Kinshasa. and the conclusions reached20 with regard to inter-African co-operation war- rant special attention on our part because they constitute important factors for our States, concerned as they are to establish collective economic security. In the same way, the conclusions of the First Conference 'of Heads of State and Government Jf the OAU and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo in March, [see A/32/61J, constitute, in our view, a potentially encouraging and optimistic factor. At 19 ACP-EEC Convention of Lame. signed on 28 February -1975 at Lome. The text was circulated ~s document AIACI76/7. 228. Those are the views of my delegation on the present situation of the international economy. On the basis of the intentions expressed repeatedly in both subregional and regional forums and in the United Nations system, wt) must seek ways and means of changing people's thinking and giving expressed intenti0ns a real impetus towards realiza- tion. 229. There are some questions which, because they have a ~ocial and economic impact on the future of the developing nations, are matters of constant concern for my country. 230. I would refer, first of all, to the problem of desertification. The first world conference on this topic has just been held at Nairobi. This is encouraging proof of the universal awareness. of the various problems which are constantly posed by a natural phenomenon, 'and the plan of action adopted by that Conference,2 I which is the fruit of three years of thinking and research, could undoubtedly constitute an effective tool if the sacrifices needed for its implementation were widely accepted. Quite apart from the dispute about the institution of a fund, we should like to express our sincere hope that, as in the case of the voluntary assistance which was so promptly provided, the international community would react very favourably to the establishment of permanent machinery to fight deserti- fication. The campaign against desertification is, above all, ar. ecological campaign; the two go hand-in-hand. 231. The second question of concern to my Government arises out of the problems met with in the reconciling of views on the very complex and fundamental question of the law of the sea. While the informal single negotiating text agreed on at the sixth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea22 makes unanimity possible with regard to the principk of the right of access to the sea and from the sea, the no-less-important aspects of the definition of the boundaries of exclusive sovereignty, and the international body for the exploitation and exploration of the sea-bed are still the subject of rigid and irreconcilable attitudes which make any negotiated solution seem a vel);' faint prospect. 232. My country, because of its de"eply land-locked situation, and still suffering from the painful experience of long years of destructive drought, intends to work, together with the nations that share its concern, for a lasting and agreed solution, at the regional level and at the world level, for the economic difficulties which we suffer because of our distance from the sea and our situation at the heart of the Sahel region. With regard to these questions, joint actions are being undertaken at various levels, especially in the framework of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel, the Club des amis du Sahel, the West African Economic Community of the States of 233. It is also with true satisfaction that we have taken note of the announcement made by the Foreign Minister of Canada, Mr. Jamieson 16th meeting], ef the decision of his Government to participate to the extent of 10 per cent in the emergency grain reserve, estimated at 500,000 tons to cover the food deficit for the next 5 or 10 years. This measure is highly welcome to us, because the natural factors that caused the drought are still present in the SaheIian situation. 234. The period since the last session, although relatively short in the life of the nations that we represent, has borne witness, through many regrettable facts and events, to the flagrant and discouraging conflicts which divide the actors in contemporary international life. We continue to deplore the fact that the world in which we live is still confronted with serious problems which open the way to, and all too often result in, a break-down of international peace and security. These two ideals, fundamental in the minds of the authors of the Charter, are thr. final goal of all our actions in this Organization. Thus it is with unspeakable regret that we witness the numerous cases of massive and often deliberate violations of our Charter and its principles. Whether it be a question of the numerous violations of the sovereignty and integrity of States, flagrant violations of human rights or the terrible race to acquire nuclear weapons and·weapons of mass destruction, we will not cease to urge this Assembly to assume its full.respon- sibilities and fmd the just solutions which these situations require. 235. Only a few years ago Africa was united and deter- mined to throw off the stifling chains of an obsolete colonialism. Today the same Africa is witnessing the most horrible fratricidal confrontations in its history. Sister and neighbouring nations, united not only by history and geography, but also by striking natural ethnological, lin- guistic and cultural similarities, are fighting each other in a confrontation in which there can be no victor. The subtle game of the colonialists, which divided us in order more easily to conquer us, has now been taken over by independent and sovereign nations as their own. The 236. In the OpInIOn of my delegation it is urgently necessary that the present requirements concerning human rights, fundamental and legitimate as they are, take account of the indispensable pre-condition of their attainment: respect for the sovereign right of nations and organized human societies, respect for the right of peoples to self-determination and their right to lead in their own countries a life in conformity with their aspirations. 237. These are the prophetic words of Lieutenant-Colonel Seyni Kountche, President of the Supreme Military Council and Chief of State: "Africa has become the pawn of the great Powers. It is, so to speak, the chosen ground for all kinds of military manoeuvres. It is imperative that we prevent its being transformed into an immense battlefield to which the richest will come to drop their surplus bombs on the innocent heads of our already deprived peoples." These prophetic words are being translated today into bitter reality, the backlash of that which we have de- nounced as the greatest scandal of our time-namely, the unbridled arms race. It is inadmissible that certain great Powers should continue to arm themselves and to arm further some small nations which are devoted to peace and tranquillity, thus disturbing the fragile balance of a divided world. How, in the present circumstances, can the so-called civilized nations of the world be understood? While three quarters of mankind are illiterate and hungry, these nations are prepared to display their technology in the form of weapons and other deadly machines from w~ch they gain tremendous profits. Some have put forward a figure of $360 billion, which is the sum necessary to rebuild the economy of a large part of Africa. 238. Peace and security are not the private preserve of anybody. They are necessary for all, great and small countries alike. They are a necessity in the African context, a necessity in the context of all the struggling peoples in all the dominated, exploited and enslaved nations; they are a necessity also in the context of blocs. It is appropriate for me to say here with how much hope we a\vait the results of our next special session on disarmament because in the opinion of N:;ger the detente so dear to some and the development which is always a priority for others cannot be pursued and consolidated if every day a few more weapons are unloaded on the international market. 239. The hotbeds of confrontation proliferate, crystal- lizing daily the subjects of our C0ncern. Thus on Cyprus we continue to deplore the events which have led to the division of that island in which the two communities, despite what separates them, must remain open to dialogue 240. In the Middle East the zionist enemy continues its acts of barbarous and criminal aggression against the Palestinian people, which is trying to regain its usurped homeland. Israel is stubbornly extending its occupation of Arab territories despite Security Council resolution 338 (1973) and subsequent decisions of our Organization. We remain firmly convinced that only the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the territories occupied since June 1967, including Jerusalem, and the establishment of an inde- pendent Palestinian State can lead to the establishment of lasting peace in that region. In this connexion we continue to hope that the obstacles raised to the participation of the Palestinians in the Geneva negotiations will be overcome and that that Conference will resume its work on the basis of the relevant United Nations resolutions. 241. My delegation welcomes the new Soviet-United States position on this question as contained in the statement of 1 October 1977. The jo.int statement signed by the two Governments constitutes a helpful step towards the establishment of true peace in the Middle East. Let us hope that the agreement reached by the two parties will lead to a definitive solution. 242. Turning now to southern Africa, that part of our continent which is still under colonial domination, we are happy to see the interest in its total and definitive liberation demonstrated daily by the international com- munity. 243. The Western countries which, like it or not, were responsible for the birth, the evolution and the economic and technological strength of South Africa and which are becoming increasingly aware of their responsibility, have recently undertaken to try to make Vorster and his clique see reason. Let us hope that their effo IS will achieve speedy success so that racism and apartheid disappear for ever from our continent. But we are familiar with the stubbornness of the bastion of racism and also of the cOinplicity which, under cover of multinational corpora- tions, continues skilfully to circumvent the decisions and resolutions of the United Nations. The international com- munity can no longer content itself with groans of despair in the face of the principal actors in these tragedies through which the black African has to iive throug.l}. It must adopt specific sanctions against all States which encflurage Vorster and Smith. We are all aware of the anachronism of these practices. Yet, alas, there are the African children who died at Soweto; Steven Biko, who, though he was an apostle of coexistence and non-violence, died recently, like many of his compatriots, a victim of blindness and stupidity. 244. The tribute to be pai(l is still very heavy. However, we are absolutely convinCf"j that Africa will recover its dignity. We still hope that the recent Anglo-American initiatives and the efforts of the five Powers with regard to the Namibian affair will provide a seriom basis for the solution of the problem of southern Africa. 246. We understand this responsibility to be that of ensuring increasing rationalization of the administrative machinery, a more efficient co-ordination among the organs and institutions of the system and a greater willingness to implement the decisions taken h conformity with the wishes of tl-.e sovereign nations which we represent. 247. The sad fate of the League of Nations toa~y threatens the United Nations, but we since~ely hope that it will be in no way deflected by the mai1Y and often deliberate obstacles which face it. We must set aside the unfortunate and inefficient practice of making majestic but idle declarations, the proliferation of repetitive resolutions and recommendations which are never implemented-in a word, we m" ~t set aside everything that diverts us from our own will and the compeHing reasons which cause us t~) meet here each year for three months, for the United Nations is and will long remain the last resort of parliamentary diplomacy. 248. At the end of my statement, I should like again to turn to my African compatriots to deplore with them the acute crises, the wars and hatred which have come to our continent through a wide-open door. Our Gonectiw~ security is b~ing put to the test. 249. Our generation, often tempted by ideologies which are extremely difficult to reconcile with our traditions of tolerance and freedom, runs the risk of bearing for some time to come the responsibility for these untimely imports. The great n~":' ',s are no longer making war against each other except (, ,rough intermediaries. Why should we then ii,:cept to sacrifice our peoples at the service of interests which are totally alien to them? 250. Furthermore, nationalism, '!Jhich the whole world cherishes because of its noble role in the building of a just and equitable society, is often robbed of its true nature in Africa. It has become the catch-all to justify crimes, genocide and the greed of power and dominaticn. 251. Africa needs to recover its virtues of tolerance and justice; i1 needs that for the genuine struggle which is coming-that of recovering its dignity, that of its develop- ment. There is no such thing as an insoluble problem. Our meetings in the OAU are often an example of political goodwill in the direction of reconciliation and under- standing. It must be admitted that there does not exist among us countries or men whose role it is to lead others towards any kind o( destilly. Our rules, however weak they may be, our chances at a common life with its everyday 252. In conclusion, I should like, Mr. President, to offer you my sincere congratulations on your election .nd on the skilful manner in which you have so far conducted our debates.

Allow me at the outset to convey my sincerr. ::.ongratula- tions to Mr. Mojsov on his elecrion to the high post of President of the General Assembly, which ~le is more than competent to hold. The ability which he Ilas displayed and the fact that he represents a country with which the Sudan enjoys cordial and highly cherished relations make my congratulations all the more p~rtinent. The excellent bilateral relations which we maintain with Yugoslavia will continue to give an example of the ties that should bind developing countries. In the fi~ld of non-alignment, this relationship has proven beyond doubt that, indeed, peoples t'ar placed from each other ca;' maintain and dev,elop mutual understanding and dP:ioy their respective human and material resources in order that peace and security prevail in th~ world. I am ~onfident that Mr. Mojsov will guide the dell:Jerations of thIS Assembly with his recognized competence and high sen£c of responsibility. 154. I take this opportunity also to pay a tribute to Mr. Mojsov's predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amera- singhe, who guided our work during the last session with his wealth of knowledge and expertise. I should like to convey to him the gratitude of my country for the service:; which he rendered to this Organization not only through his pre~.dency 0.:- the thirty-first session but also for his ey.~elbnt guidance of the deliberations of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. 255. May I also pay a special tribute to the Secre~ary­ General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his unremitting, sincere and tireless efforts in pursuit of international peace and security. We appreciate his efforts to enhance the effective- ness of this Organization to enable it to perform with the required competence and dispatch the tremendous tasks entrusted to it. 256. We take particular pleasure and pride in welcoming in our midst today the sister Republic of Djibouti and we express our confidence that, having secured membership in the regional and political organizations to which we belong, the young Republic of Djiboud will no doubt represent an additional force in the struggle to establish peace and security not only in the Horn of Africa but also on the international level. 257. It is with an immense sense of relief that we witness today the success of the heroic struggle of the Vietname:'>f 258. Thirty-two years have elapsed since the establishment of the Organization under whose auspkes we gather today and, notwithsta.nding its past acl-Jevements in the main- tenance of iIltemational peace and security, there still remain many problems in dire need of immediate resolu- tion. A casual glance at the agenda items of this session provides eloquent proof of my contention. We in the Sudan maintain a hopeful attitude towards tht."' capacity of the United Nations to fulfil its international responsibilities in the various areas of its activities. More pertinently so, we in Africa express our particular appreciation to the United Nations for the helping hand which it lent us in our endeavours in the area of decolonization and the elimina.- tion of all forms of racial discrimination in the southern part of our continent. . 259... We live in a world where danger looms high over some areas, and it is incumblmt upon us to direct our whole attention fmd du:)ely inve:)tigate the factors that make those parts of the world hoi:beds of tension. In the absence of serious concern and objectivity in dealing with the problems of those areas, I am afraid that the problems will grow more dittlcult and complex and tha~r the hotbeds of tlnsion will continU'd to cast shadows of destruction threatening the entire world. 260. The Middle East stands high among those interna- tional hotbeds of tension, for reasons solely attributable to the continued I~{aeli occupation of Arab territories and the former's bbtant refusal to recognize the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. At a'time when the Arab peoples and Governments speak of peace and are seriously engaged in the search for peace in the area and persistently strive to achieve it, and while Arab leaders repeatedly emphasize their avowed desire to attain a just peace and permanent security, we are confronted by the extremists in Israel, even in this hall, raising slogans of the so-called "liberated territories" and the "Jewish State". An attitude based on the false concepts, emplvyed to create a smoke-screen over their main objectives, that of territorial expansion at the expense of Arab States. 261. Israel owes its very creation to a resolution of this Organization and has the audacity, along with its twin State of South Africa, to disregard similar resolutions emanating from the United Nations. The record of its behaviour in the annals of this Organization shows that it remains categori- cally opposed to the principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations and the noble objectives for which it was brought into being. It started its record of violations of the Charter by refusing to abide by this body's resolution 181 (11) of 29 November 1947-the resolution that came to be known as the "partition resolution". General As- sembly resolution 194 (Ill), which called for the return of the refugees to their lands, met with no better fate, although to this date Israel enjoys the benefits of General Assembly resolution 273 (Ill), which gave it membership in the United Nations. Isn.el continues to pursue the very 262. Arab leaders have repeatedly and beyond doubt established ~heir statUl;e as avowed champions of peace and justice. It is our unswerving conv.iction that peace based on justice can never be attained in the Middle East t.:nless this question is solved by securing the right of the Palestinian people to return to their land and establish their own State. That can only be achieved through the unconditional withdrawal of Israel from the territories it has occupied since 5 June 1967 and the return of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty, so that the holy city may remain, as it has been for centuries, a holy shrine for Christians, Jews and Moslems, where they may freely carry out their religious practices. 263. We in the Sudan condemn this adamant position of Israel and whole-heartedly support the United Nations' efforts towards a just and peaceful resolution of this problem. Hence, we fully support the call for the im- mediate reconvening of th: Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all parties concerned, including the PLO, as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people and the .;uardian of their aspirations. 264. Israeli practices calling for war and hatred and ignoring the existence of the Palestinian people and. their legitimate rights are matched only by Israel's racist ally in the South African regime. There, too, we are witnessing our African brothers being subjected to the worst kind of practices, those that violate the basic principles of human rights and are an affront to gll religious standards. If the world community represented in this Assembly were to acquiesce or pretend to ignore such practices it would exacerbate the cruelty and add to the suffering of those peoples. 265. It is hardly necessary for me to repeat here the dimensions of the trabulations of our people in Azania, nor do I need to elaborate on the inherent dangers to international peac,e and security that those practices bring upon us. If I were to drive home a point, it would be to address a plea to the Governments of Members of this Organization, which support the inhuman Vorster regime militarily, politically, diplomatically or economically and to ask them to refrain from doing so. It is from that support that such a regime draws its eph'~meral strength and it is that support, contrary as it is to the successive resolutions of this Organizaaon, that tempts th~ Government of South Africa to persist in practising its abhorrent policies. Thus the efforts of this Organization to combat the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination remain devoid of any impact. That policy represents the m\Jst abhorred human practice in its vast and long history. 266. Sudan extends its unwavering support to the people of Azania in their effort te combat racism and racial discrimination and it will not desist from its moral and material support for their armed struggle against the Vorster clique. From this standpoint, we consider our 267. The situatiml in ~;amibia has reached a point where Immediate action should be taken if the threat it imposes is to be averted. 268. Concerted international action must be initiated to compel the racist regime of South Africa to withdraw its political J military and economic presence from that area so that the Namibians under the leadership of SWAPO may assume their right to freedom and independence. It is about time that the United Nations lived up to the responsibilities entrusted to it by virtue of its administrative power. We Africans J therefore, hold the United Nations responsible for the assertion of the unity and independence of Namibia. Implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) must be ensured J and we must see to it that the endeavours of the South African regime to annex Walvis Bay for the Cape region are frustrated. 269. The situation in Zimbabwe is no less dangerous than that in Namibia or Azania because of the continued practice of racial discrimination by the racist and illegal regime of lan Smith and its adamant refusal to yield to majority rule. We support the current efforts to restore the black majority rule because Africans like all the peoples of the Arab world, sincerely wish for peace and consider the current options offer~d to solve the problems in Zimbabwe as a reasonable basis for further negotiations, provided they do not conflict with the continued armed struggle which aims at the overthrow of the illegal Smith regime and the restoration of full power to the people of Zimbabwe. We urge full participation by the Zimbabwean political and military leaders in the coming negotiations, since we sincerely believe them to be the genuine spokesmen of the Zimbabwean people. 270. Different political and regional forums have wit- nessed the fervent and persistent call of African leaders that their continent be spared international rivalry. They have repeatedl.y appealed to the big Powers to refrain from interfering in their internal affairs, as this has proved to be one of the main factors contributing to instability on the continent. Africans are capable of overcoming their dif- ficulties and settling their disputes by peaceful means through a genuine African spirit of conciliation. Some big Powers J in their endeavours to establish spheres of influence in Africa, do not favour stability in the area, as this would prevent their exploitation of differences to further their own interests. That is why these Powers continue to create problems among sister Afncari States and poison their relations as sister States J to find the opportunity directly or indirectly to interfere in the internal affairs of the African . States. We demand that these Powers desist from their interference in the internal affairs of the continent and realize that our peoples, having shed their blood for the attainment of their freedom and independence, vehemently reject the recurrence of foreign influence in their countries in any fOml or under any pretext. 272. The unbridled race among ~tates to manufacture and stockpile deadly weapons is yet another important factor that leads to the creation and exacerbation of tension in our world. Developing countries note with mounting concern the extent of expenditures represented by this feverish race on the part of the super-Powers. Only last year they spent more than $US 300 billion on armaments at a time when millions of people in the dsveloping countries are exposed to disease, famine and death. My country will have its definite views to give on the matter when the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly-of whose Preparatory Committee we have the honour to be a membef-convenes next spring. However, I should like to set forth here the general views of my country on the issue as a whole. 273. First, this unbridled arms race between the two super-Powers represents the most serious threat to interna- tional peace and security. 274. Secondly, it is incumbent upon the United Nations to translate into viable action and seek implementation of the various declarations on Africa, the Middle East and southern Asia as nucl~ar-free zones while compelling the Governments of Israel and South Africa to sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. 275. Thirdly, the United Nations should adopt urgent and effective measures aimed at the implementation of the provisions of the -Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, so that the area may be spared big-Power rivalry. We have noted with satisfaction the agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union to bring to an end their rival activities in the Indian Ocean. We hope that this will be the prelude to the dismantling of their respective military bases in the area in the near future. In this connexion we are exerting all our efforts, in co-operation with the coastal States of the Red Sea, a sea contiguous to the Indian Ocean, to spare that sea also from the risk of international rivalry in the interest of the peoples in the area. 276. It will be noted that the statements delivered before this Assembly rt::flect international concern over the issue of civil and political human rights. We in the Sudan give this vital issue its due attention. However, we feel that, in a.ddressing ourselves to the question of human rights, attention must be directed to the practices of the racist regimes in southern Africa and Israel; that is, where basic human rights are being syst>;matically violated -and where the peoples of Azania, Zimbabwe and Palestine are sub- jected by South Africa, Rhodesia and Israel to humiliation and degradation because they stand up for their basic rights to freedom and independence. The tragedy of those people 277. The current international economic situation is a source of great concern to my Government. The continued existence of major international economic problems, par- ticularly those affecting the developing countries, and the lack of any significant progress towards the establishment'of the new international economic order are rapidly dispelHng the sense of optimism expressed by many leaders at t:,e beginning of the year. Sudan is firmly convinced that, as long as the overwhelming majority of ~i1ankind continues to exist at the subsistence level, there will be a continuation of crises and te,nsions throughout the world, because the problems of peace and economic prosperity are clearly indivisible. Therefore, the concept of the new international economic order constitqtes the only conceptual framework for global development from which benefits will accrue to all countries and all p~oples. 278. My country notes with regret the very small Rrogress that has been made towards the establishment of the new international economic order since its adoption by the sixth special session four years ago. With a few notable excep- tions, developed countries continue to res~st the imple- mentation of the new international economic order despite their public expressions of acceptance of the concept. We in the developing countries are determined to pursue our efforts to bring about a fundamental restructuring of the existing economic order through dialogue and negotia- tions and not through rhetoric and confrontation. This position stems from our belief that the .present interna- tional economic order is inequitable and has contributed to the continuation of the unjust exploitation of the resources of the developing countries and keeping them at the mercy of the great industrial countries. 279. The developing countries have made serious efforts to unveil the grave dimensions of the international eco- nomic crisis besetting the world today during the Con- ference on International Economic Co-operation, which met for 18 months in Paris. In this respect developing countries have presented concrete and constructive pro- posals designed to resolve the major economic problems within the framework of the new international economic order. We must, however, note with regret that the results of the Paris Conference fell far short of meeting the aspirations and hopes of the developing countries. We appreciate the difficulties facing the developed countries in the economic, commercial and monetary fields, but at the same time we sincerely believe that developed nations have the capacity and resources to assist developing countries in all economic fields and to contribute substantially to the establishment of an equitable economic order on the basis of the decisions adopted by the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly. 280. Sudan believes that the United Nations is the only forum where global economic problems can be tackled comprehensively with the hope of finding solutions in the 281. Certain oth.er problems, namely environmental prob- lems, continue to hamper the efforts of many developing countries to implement their ambitious economic develop- ment plans. Sudan, together with other sister African and Arab countries, faces the serious threat of creeping deserts. The phenomenon of desertification, accompanied by a long spell of drought, has led to the loss of thousands of human beings and cattle, and continues to pose a grave threat to arable lands. 282. My country therefore attaches the greatest import- ance to the results of the United Nations Conference on Desertification, recently concluded in Nairobi. From this rostrum, on behalf of the Sudan and other countries suffering from the effects of dcsertification, we address a special appeal to the specialized agencies of the United Nations a~d the rich countries to help us overcome this danger that threatens the life of people, wildlife and vegetation in our countries. 283. The issues that this session of the General Assembly has to deal with are of paramount importance to the future of international relations in their various aspects, and this makes the present session.of particular significance. We sincerely hope that the United Nations will live up to this high responsibility by earnestly seeking adequate solutions to the problems facing our world today. 284. There are new factors in the international arena among both developed and developing countries to which the world must give due consideration. Otherwise, what we aspire to achieve by way of international solidarity and the building of a new world where equality and genuine co-operation prevail will continue to remain beyond our reach. 285. My country firmly believes in the ultimate triumph of mankind over its problems and in its capacity to create a new world where brotherhood, equality, justice and peace prevail, and sincerely hopes that this Organi~ation will play its noble role in the interests of humanity and for the building of a better world. My country is strongly and faithfully committed to its responsibilities towards the achievement of this noble objective.

We have heard the last speaker for this afternoon. Several representatives have requested to

It is truly regrettable that, last Friday and for the second time at this session, one of the spokesmen of the powers in Aden has reiterated lies. This is something we try to avoid, in order to respect this rostrum and not to waste the time of the General Assembly, since we are sure that disputes can be solved, not by exchanging recrimina- tions from this tribune~ but by calm constructive dialogue on the basis of mutual respect and non-interference in other peoples' affairs. 288. You will remember that in our statement to the General Assembly {23rd meeting] we objectively refuted everything that was said by Mr. Salem Robaye Ali, who has intervened in a flagrant manner in our internal affairs. Yet the representative of the Front in power in Aden preferred to continue spouting his lies and recriminations. It is the logic of the frustrated to attack, during what he called his right of reply, His Majesty Sultan Qabus, whose worth everyone has recognized in that he led Oman and its people to sovereignty and along the way to economic and social development, thus earning the respect and all the gratitude his people feel for him. 289. Personal considerations have impelled the repre- sentative of the Front in power in Aden to engage in a personal attack upon me. We all know that personal attacks are an admission of political failure, and I shall refrain from descending to that level, out of respect for this Assembly, which has met here to discuss international problems and not to indulge in cheap personal campaigns. 290. When we refrain from responding to these personal recriminations we do not do so out of weakness or impotence, because we could denounce many events that are occurring in Southern Yemen: training camps for terrorists, saboteurs, terrorism and political attacks llsed as a means of eliminating any opposition inside or outside the country. No one was safe from it, not even the leaders or the ambassadors who represented the regime in the United Nations yet we refuse to do so out of respect for the Charter, which prohibits Members from intervening in the domestic affairs of other countries. We are convinced that one of these days the people of South Yemen will give their last word on everything that is happening there. Perhaps the best proof of the dissatisfaction of the people of Yemen with their rulers lies in the fact that the million citizens who fled from Yemen-out of a total number of 1.5 million citizens-refused to heed the appeal of their representative delivered from this rostrum and to return to their country. 291. We do not wish to talk about the foreign policy of that regime, except to the extent that we are compelled to reply to any interference in our own internal affairs. In any case, I see no need to throw more light on this obscure aspect since everyone knows the extent to which that regime is dominated by foreign external forces in the Gulf area. You have heard from this rostrum their President 292. In all, we proclaim quite frankly our rejection of all attempts on the part of that Power in Aden to impose itself on our region and we shall defend by all available means our sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. 293. Oman is an independent, sovereign country, a Mem- ber of the United Nations and a member of the specialized agencies, of the League of Arab States, the non-aligned group and of the Islamic Conference. We have relations with all countries of the world on the basis of mutual respect and we seek to consolidate friendly relations with all, regardless of different social systems. 294. The representative of that Power in Aden said at the end of his statement last Friday that he was dedicated to the Charter of the United Nations and that he wished to found relations based on friendship, good neighbourliness and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. As a neighbouring country, working with other neigh- bouring countries on the basis of. common interests and links, we think that Democratic Yemen should join this family with a view to ensuring the prosperity and welfare of the people of South Yemen. 295. I would conclude by reiterating the fact that our Government is ready to give every assistance in the interests of our region and its stability.

I have asked to be allowed to speak in exercise of my right of reply to a statement we heard today that. was really designed to mislead the General Assembly and' world public opinion, and, perhaps, to mobilize a certain vocal minority in the United States towards intransigence and procrastination. 297. Mr. Dayan began his speech by stating that his Government endorses the notion that every country and nation has the responsibility to speak out in defence of basic rights and freedoms. I submit that, before being eligible to do so, every nation and country should abide by the principles of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and should respect and implement those rights. That is certainly not the case with Israel. 298. Israel has flouted all the basic rights enshrined in the Charter. It has violated all the fundamental freedoms that the civilized world has come to recognize and to respect. The situation in the Arab territories occupied by Israel, including the creation of illegal settlements, is a case in point. The situation in Israel itself is another case in- point where discrimination has become the rule, and second- and third-class citizenship has'become a compulsory way of life in Israel. This is the first instance of a double standard that we noted in Mr. Dayan's statement of today. 299. I come now to the second instance of a double standard and misleading statement of Mr. Dayan. He said that Israel is prepared to play its part in the reduction of the arms race. If that were true, how can we explain the constant pressure that Israel and its friends in the United States continue to apply on the American Administration 300. A third instance of a double standard lies in what Mr.Dayan uttered concerning the establishment of a nuc1ear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. Egypt, to- gether with Iran, has sponsored the item on this subject included in the agenda [item 44J. Both countries have as a goal the sparing of our area from the scourge of such a dangerous course. We are ready to that end to adhere fully to the provisions of the non-proliferation Treaty, which we have already signed. Now the question is: Is Israel ready to accede to that Treaty and abide by its objectives? This is the crux of the matter, and the focal-point if we are serious about establishing a nUclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. I challenge Mr. Dayan to come to this rostrum and declare that in clear terms or to deny the nuclear co-operation that exists between Israel and South Africa. Ambiguity and double-talk cannot help the cause of a genuine and just peace in the Middle East. 301. A fourth example of a double standard and mis- leading utterances is Mr. Dayan's reference to terrorism. Such ta~k coming from a representative of Israel cannot be taken seriously since all of us know of the terrorist activities of the Government and leaders of Israel. An implicated Government cannot preach to us about ter- rorism. 302. The Israeli Foreign Minister lamented the call to end the immigration to Israel. If he wants to fool us, we shall not be foored, but the irony is that he wants to fool himself and, perhaps, his lobby in the United States. An exodus has started from Israel, and more than 300,000 Israeli citizens have left Israel in the last few years. But to insist that Israel will not limit immigration is yet another example of Israel's insistence on expansion and of its aggressive designs, as well as of its interference in the affairs of other countries, which should not be permitted. 303. Mr. Dayan spoke about war and che threat of another war in the Middle East. Let it be known that he and all of us have heard Mr. Ismail Fahmy, the Foreign Minister of Egypt [10th meeting], when he said that the occupied territory has to be liberated; and our right to liberate our land is indisputable. We are ready for peace and the peace process, but if Mr. Dayan thinks that peace does not call for the total withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since 1967 he is either mistaken or misled. Security Council resolution 242 (1967) has to be taken in toto. 304. Just to remind those with a short memory or those who can see only half the facts, the first principle laid down in that resolution is that of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force. What does that mean if not the total withdrawal of Israel from all the territories it acquired by war in 1967? It is only by total withdrawal, coupled with the restoration of the rights of the Palestinian people, that peace can be achieved. It is because of the denial of those rights that peace has not been achieved either before or since 1967. The full implementation of resolution 242 (1967) in all its parts and the just and lawful solution of the Palestine question is the prerequisite for a permanent and viable peace in the Middle East. We cannot 305. In conclusion, Israel should heed the advice of its friends in· the United States who would like to save it in spite of itself.

The Somali delegation reserves its position with regard to the implications of the statement made by the Ethiopian Foreign Minister. I wish, however, to correct certain faults and inaccuracies in his statement. From the outset, the Somali Democratic Re- public categorically rejects the baseless and malicious accusations of Ethiopia. It is ironical indeed that Abys- sinia-or Ethiopia-should charge Somalia with aggression, when Ethiopia has been proved the aggressor in expanding its colonial empire into western Somalia through force of arms and through certain treaties with European Powers. 307. This deliberate distortion of the facts and malicious misrepresentation of the motives of others have been repeatedly used over the years by Ethiopia, particularly against Somalia at the United Nations and at the OAU and elsewhere. These allegations, every time they have been examined in depth, have been proved false. This is a matter of record. A clear example of this is the boundary between the former Trust Territory of Somaliland and Ethiopia to which the Foreign Minister of Ethiopia made a reference. He made reference to article 1 of the Trusteeship Agree- ment. Indeed, article 1 of the Trusteeship Agreement said that, where there were no definite boundaries, a procedure had to be suggested or approved by the General Assembly. After having exhausted all avenues, because of Ethiopia's intransigent position the General Assembly in 1957, in resolution 1213 (XII) decided on a procedure of arbitration and suggested that the King of Norway should appoint an independent person. Indeed, he did; and the person was none other than the former Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Trygve Lie. 308. In 1959,j..lst six months before the Territory became independent, Mr. Trygve Lie presented a compromise. But Ethiopia objected, particularly to article 3, because it made express reference to the principles of the United Nations in disposing of the Territory, and secondly to article 4 because earlier treaties, protocols and situations had to be referred to the Tribunal. Also at that time, because of the Ethiopian position, the United Nations had failed to leave the Territory with definite boundaries. 309. During the discussions the representatives of Ethiopia merely said that their Government would discuss that problem with the Government of Somalia that was ab<;>ut to come into being. Of course, they have never done so. The Ethiopian representative today is telling us that these are the legal international treaties that had to be accepted by Somalia. 311. The Foreign Minister referred to the OAU resolution AHGjRes.16 (I), which Somalia, because of clear situations, could not accept because it did not apply, and it was not indeed intended to apply, in the Somali case. In recognition of this fact, the author of the resolUtion himself said that the resolution was merely a future guiding principle and that its adoption would not prejudice any discussion or any decision taken by the appropriate bodies in the dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia. He particularly referred to Somalia and Ethiopia. 312. Of course, the late President of Ghana, Nkrumah, said that he corollary to the principle of the frontiers is the principle that the machinery-he was referring to the mediation, arbitration and conciliation protocol-should go into action. The Somali Republic then reserved its position on this; and if we leave aside all the deficiencies or the intentions of the resolution, what is involved? It is the wish of the people. It is the problem of decolonization and to that, of course, the resolution could not apply. 313. Another example of the inaccuracies of the state- ment is the reference to the circular letter of 1891 addressed by Emperor Menelik 11 to the European Powers in wQich he said: "If the powers at a distance come forward to partition Africa between them, I do not intend to be a silent spectator." He said Ethiopia has been for 14 centuries a Christian island in a sea of pagans. Let us note that, because the point is very important, because at the Berlin Conference on Africa in 1884 and 1885 a distinction, a clear distinction, was made between the Christian Powers and the rest of the world. Menelik laid claim to vast areas of Somalia; not only that, but to territories stretching as far as Khartoum-this is history-as far as Lake Nyasa and maybe, had his dream been realized, many of us, many of the countries indppendent today, would not be here as free and independent countries. 314. Of course the Ethiopian representative wants us to believe that the Emperor said he did not 4ltend to be a silent spectator because he was going to defend himself. Defend himself from what? 315. The situation which has embroiled the relations between Ethiopia and Somalia is complex, but it has only one root: Ethiopian colonialism. 316. The Foreign Minister of Ethiopia said that the Somali Government has for some time been infIltrating regular troops into the territory. The Somali Democratic Republic fully supports the legitimate struggle of the people of the territory, to whom we are linked ethnically-which is not a bad thing-religiously-which is quite all right-culturally, economically and geographically. That people, even before "Your Parliament in 1966 a~opted a motion calling upon the Government of Somalia to help so-called liberation fronts purportedly operating within Ethiopia." Of course,everybody knows about the war between the two countries, the aggression that Ethiopia committed against Somalia in 1964-ironically on the pretext that Somalia was helping the Western Somalia Liberation Front. 317. By all accounts the territory in question is a genuine Non-Self-Governing Territory; the Charter of the United Nations, the decisions of the International Court of Justice and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights all emphatically state that every people has the right to determine its own destiny. But that people of that territory was, of course, never allowed to exercise that right. 318. In the exercise of their right the Somalis of western Somalia have taken up arms. A legitimate struggle is going on and most of their land has now been liberated-despite the genocidal war of the Ethiopian armed forces, which engage in the indiscriminate killing of innocent people and the destruction ofvillages. The latest report by a correspon- dent of the Daily News who was an eyewitness of a deliberately calculated attack on a hospital in Jijiga is but the latest of those atrocities. The reporter said that he was there amidst scr~aming women and children and that the Ethiopian Air Force had 'Come a day earlier to size up the situation and had made the hospital its target.

The representative of Somalia has already exceeded the time-limit by four minutes. I appeal to him to conclude his remarks.

The suppression of the rights of the people in Western Somalia is an act of aggression against innocent people. 321. However it may choose to style itself, Ethiopia is an empire. An empire is a territorial system in which one racially, ethnically or culturally distinct group imposes its rule on other racial or cultural groups in the land in which they live. The Ethiopian Empire has changed its name and the person of the Emperor, but, like the proverbial leopard, it has not changed its spots: it continues to be autocratic, it continues to be colonialist and it continues to be oppres- sive. 322. Let there be no doubt that the people of western Somalia will accept death in dignity rather than the return 324. I feel a little bemused that I am speaking to an empty gallery. The Jews of New York and the adjacent states are interested only in what the representative of Israel has to say. I think they are mistaken. I presu~e most of them are Americans and, therefore, should have stayed and listened attentively to the other side of the question. Be that as it may, it shows .that of this country's population of about 215 million, the less than 6 million who happen to be of the Jewish faith wield influence. Only a small minority of that 6 million are die-hard political Zionists. I know many American, French and English Jews who would like to be left alone, but those colonialists do not leave them alone and I am afraid that one day they will become the victims of political zionism. 325. Knowing how emotional people can become and how they can be worked up, I promise that I shall not exceed the time allotted for the right of reply. 326. Palestine was a land of peace before those European invaders came under tl~: banner of political zionism. I saw the Mufti of Jerusalem during my first trip to the Holy Land in 1925-52 years ago-and I said to him: "Why do you not let the Jews come to Palestine? Yours is a land of pilgrimage; they will come and spend money here, and if they are prompted by a religious sentiment what 1s wrong with that? " He replied: "Do not be naive, my friend, they want to take our land." He was later vindicated by history. 327. When I was 17 in 1922 the Arab spirit surged in me when I found out that the fertile crescent of the Arabian peninsula-namely, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Palestine-was placed under Mandate by the victorious Powers. The Arabs were promised liberation, but we found that we were placed under French and British high commissioners, and the gist of the Mandates was to prepare the people for self-determination. But the self-determination that had been enunciated by a great President of the United States, none other than the late Woodrow Wilson, fell by the wayside. 328. Two world wars were allegedly fought for what? For freedom and self-determination. 329. In 1919 the Jews were at most 6 per cent of the population ofPalestine-the rest were Palestinians-and that 6 pe. cent was made up of our Jews, Arab Jews. People from Eastern and Western Europe, Khazars converted to Judaism since the eighth century A.D. came holding the torch of political zionism, which was colonialism in disguise. Why did they succeed? They succeeded because major Powers were behind them. 330. Now it is a question of faits accomplis. That is a good term, but history is not based on faits accomplis. Nothing remains as it is; faits accomplis do not exist in world history. When the Crusaders came to our part of the world the Arabs were in disarray. After 200 years of struggle, 331. Now, do not think that only the Christians tried religion as a motivation for political ends. So did the Moslems under the Caliphate. In our history, we Arabs tried to dominate people who were not ethnic Arabs but who had become Moslems. So did our brothers the Turks when the Caliphate was under their control. Did we succeed? No. 332. Now it is the turn of latter-day saints, if you want to call them that-and many can them devils: the Eastern European and Central European Khazars, who were con- verted to Judaism only during the eighth century A.D. The ancestors of these people had never seen Palestine. Yet from this rostrum Mr. Abba Eban in the past used to flourish his hand and say, "God gave us Palestine." And I had to rebut, time and again, and say: "Since when has God been in the real estate business? And if he is in the real estate business, show us the title deed and the seal thereon. And since when, you Americans and British"-I asked them-"have you had a power-of-attorney from the Lord Almighty to transfer territory which is not your own? " 333. Whom are they fooling, those Eastern European and Western European Jews? Some of them hail from South Africa, because they had gone to seek gold and diamonds there; they got rich and then they wanted a State of their own, and used religion as a motivation for a political end. Whom do they think they are fooling but themselves? I feel sorry for them, because they played on the sentiment of innocent Jews. Even many of the Khazar Jews are innocent, and they are being sacrificed. 334. And what about the innocent Arabs who also are being killed? I look at this question from its humanitarian side, not from its narrow nationalistic side. 335. The PLO, Mr. Dayan tells us, is an instrument of war. Good Lord, an instrument of war? Those Arabs received pilgrims; before they became engaged in the struggle to liberate their country, they welcomed pilgrims. Why? Palestine is a land ofpeace. 336. Who bombed the King David Hotel? Who killed Lord Moyne? Who hanged the British Tommies from the branches of olive' trees? Who perpetrated the massacre of Deir Yasin? No one but those Khazars. Our Jews would never have done it. Our Jews are imbued with a humanistic tradition; they would never do it. -And the PLO is called "an instrument of terror". 337. As I told my friends from Palestine, the Zionists would never have succeeded if they only had resorted to terror. But they succeeded because major Powers made of our area a playground for their power politics and the balance of power. Nobody can condone terrorism; no one should condone terrorism. But if terrorism succeeds, others say, "Why not try it, if reason does not reign supreme? " 338. Mr. Dayan gave himself away. He said-I :un para- phrasing now-he wanted the Russians to liberate all the Jews so that they might in-gather in Palestine. He wants 16 million Jews, whether they be Americans, whether they be 339. And now let me tell Mr. Dayan-through the ver- batim record, because he is not here; he would have a fit if he were-let me tell him and all the Israelis that in the long run they will not succeed. They will not succeed because history tells us so. We have seen people come and go. And where are they now? 340. If the Israelis want to live there at peace, let them adapt themselves, seek acceptance and stretch out their hand to the Palestinians, whose homeland has been stolen from them. That is the way to do it. The core of the whole Middle East question is the Palestinian people. Once the Palestinian people and the Khazars-we do not mind if they are Khazars and want to live there-make peace with one another, there will be peace in the Middle East. Otherwise, to repeat what I have told the Zionists from this rostrum, sooner or later, if they do not adapt themselves and adjust, history will show them: in the future they will dissolve like a pinch of salt in a boiling kettle of water. They will still be there as individuals but I hope that, sooner or later, nationalism will fade from this world and humanism will prevail sO that everyone may live in peace and brotherhood.

My delegation has listened carefully to what the representative of Somalia had to say in exercise of his right of reply. In view 0; the fact that the hour is late, I beg your indulgence, Mr. President, and that of the Assembly, to make ~:r,~y brief, preliminary remarks for the present, while at the same time reserving 343. In effect it is the Government of Somalia that is in the dock. No amount of indulgence in diversionary tactics, and least of all spurious subterfuge, can extricate the Mogadishu Government from its guilt in committing naked aggression. However, my delegation wishes to express its deep sympathy to the representative of Somalia, who has the very difficult task of trying to defend that which is obviously indefensible by any known standards.

The representative of Sultan Qabus has repeated what he had already said in his statement. He has not spoken of the presence of foreign troops in Oman-in particular the Iranian military presence, which has pre- vented Oman from benefiting from national sovereignty. Because of this, the people of Oman are struggling against those foreign forces and the Qabus regime, under the command of the National Liberation Front of Oman. That foreign forces are stationed in Oman with the complicity of Sultan Qabus is the main reason for the instability in the region. The withdrawal of those forces would bring stability to the area. 111e meeting rose at 8.15 p.m.