A/32/PV.33 General Assembly

Mr. President, it is an honour to extend to you on behalf of the delegation of Senegal and on my own behalf, our warmest congratulations and best wishes, as well as those of the Government and people of Senegal, on the occasion of your election as President of the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. We well know your great abilities and your vast experience, and we rely upon them for the success of this important session. In electing you the General Assembly has also paid a tribute to your country and its people for the important role they have played in affirming the policy of non-alignment and in promoting peace and security throughout the world. I can assure you that my delegation will give you its complete support in the discharge ofyour 11eavy duties. 2. On this occasion may I express my whole-hearted gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka, a most talented diplomat and esteemed inter- national personality, for the great services he has rendered our Organization and in particular for the competence and devotion with which he worked on the problems the General Assembly had before it in 1976. 3. It is also a pleasure for me to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless ef- forts on behalf of the world community to strengthen the chances of peace in the world and to give our Organization its proper place and role. The re-election of the Secretary- Genefal is proof, if any were needed, of the complete .confidence the international community places in him. I beg him to accept our most sincere congratulations. 4. The delegation of Senegal is participating in the present session of the General Assembly in the determination to contribute to the solution of the problems on our agenda so that the United Nations mJy rise to the challenge of the hopes the peoples have legitimately placed in it. Thursday, 13 October 1977, at 4 p.m. NEW YORK 5. It is, indeed, the duty of the United Nations to be an Organization in which the States of the entire world have an opportunity to be heard and to aftIrm their rights and their interests in complete freedom and security. This is particularly important for small nations, whose aim is to preserve their national independence while cOIitributing to large-scale international co-operation. 6. It is therefore a pleasure for my delegation to congrat- ulate the Republic of Djibouti on its admission to this world Organization. We wish that brother country much success, and we are fully prepared to co-operate with it to our mutual benefit in accordance with the principle of respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of each. 7. Senegal also associates itself with those States which have expressed their pleasure at seeing the Socialist Re- public of Viet Nam finally admitted to our Organization. We have always striven to that end, spurred on by our faith in the principle of universality of the United Nations and the need to take action so that the Organization may represent all peoples and all the countries of the world, whatever their ecoTlomic systems. 8. With your permission, I shall now address myself to the main subjects on the agenda of this session which have been given particular attention by the Government of the Republic of Senegal. These items relate to decolonization, the maintenance of international peace and security, international economic co-operation and respect for human rights. 9. As regards decolonization, Senegal's position has always been consistent. Indeed, long before the attainment of independence by many States in the 1960s, Senegalese leaders were among the first to affirm the right of peoples to self-determination, and our country participated in the drafting of resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960. . 10. Senegal regarded the victories won by the peoples of Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Angola, Sao Tome ,and Prin- cipe, Seychelles and Djibouti as its own. These victories have contributed much to strengthening-the cause of the freedom and independence of Africa and have profoundly shaken the last bastions of colonialism and racism still persisting on our continent. 11. True, we cannot conceal how difficult is what has still to be done in that respect on our continent. But we are convinced that the demands of peoples for -changed conditions of life and for a way out of oppression and poverty are stronger than any violence which reactionary minorities can use and that, while liberation struggles may be held back temporarily by barbaric force, there can be no 12. Thus, as regards the question of Mayotte, Senegal and all the members of the Organization of African Unity /OAUj have denounced and continue to denounce the presence of France there. Th~ United Nations should be able to help bring about a speedy solution of this problem before the situation deteriorates compfetely, with unfore- seeable consequences. 13. As regards the situation in southern Africa, the picture there is a particularly sad one. Not only has our Organiza- tion not been able to act promptly to put an end to a situation which threatens international peace and security, but what is more, some of its most powerful Members refuse to ass~ss the elemenL;; of the tragedy objectively. Need I recall that the United Nations, which was estab- lished above all to safeguard international peace and security, is morally bound to take every appropriate measure to put an end to that dangerous ~ituation? In the meantime, an explosion draws near, the struggle becomes more intense and the risk of useless violence and economic disintegration increases. 14. At any rate, regarding the decolonization of southern Africa, no one can accuse independent Africa of not having warned the international community of the aggravation of the crisis in that part of the world. The President of the Republic of Senegal, Mr. Leopold Sedar Senghor, in his opening address on 5 January 1976 at the Dakar Inter- national Conference on Namibia and Human Rights,l declared, inter alia: "The time has come for the international community to assume its responsibilities. Is it possible that one of its Members can, in its daily conduct, run counter to its purposes and principles without, by so doing, itself bringing into question its ties with the Organization? The provisions of chapter VII of the Charter were drafted for the very purpose of preventing the conduct of a~ State from disturbing international public order. In the near future clear answers must be given to these questions." These questio,ns apply to all the parties still under domi- nation in southern Africa. 15. In Zimbabwe, where Ian Smith claims that his regime serves democracy as defined theoretically by the white man, the actions or the racist minority are in reality the opposite of democracy, because they d,:,ny the majority the most elementary human rights, which ~,l'e the very founda- tions of democracy. 16. Thus, because of its resolute support for the principle of total decoJonization and because of the blindness of the illegal regime of Ian Smith, Senegal firmly supports the freedom fighters who constitute the nucleus of all those who are fighting in Zimbab\·re. My country thus proclaims 17. With regard to Namibia, Senegal has always forcefully denounced the South African Government for its persistent refusal to put an end to its illegal occupation of the Territory in accordance with the repeated requests of the Security Council and the General Assembly. My country condemns in the strongest possible terms the efforts made by the South African regime to consolidate its illegal presence by creating an atmosphere of terror and intimida- tion in the Territory of Namibia and by using tactics based on the inhuman system ef apartheid and bantustanization, which is intended to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. 18. We a:e in favour of any measure taken by any country to find a happy and peaceful solution to this problem and in this context we take note of the initiative made by the five Western countries. But, for the action undertaken by the latter to win o~r complete suprort, it must in no way undermine the South West Africa People's Organization {SWAPOj. 19. Senegal unreservedly supports the position of SWAPO, which is the genuine representative of the Namibian people and which is totally opposed to any political settlement that does not meet the following prerequisites which were reaffirmed at the Assembly of Heads of State and Govern- ment of the OAU, held in Libreville in July: the withdrawal of South African military and paramilitary forces from Namibia; the unconditional release of all political prisoners and the return to Namibia of all Namibian exiles; the endorsement of the United Nations Council for Namibia as an interim authority to be appointed for the Territory before its accession to complete independence; and the accession of the Territory to independence within its present boundaries, which include Walvis Bay. 20. May I take this opportunity to welcome the positive results of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe, which was held at Maputo, Mozambique, from 16 to 21 May, and the United Nations Council for Namibia. Senegal was presellt ?.t the Maputo Conference and fully supports the proposal to establish a University of Namibia and the convening by the General Assembly of a special session on Namibia. The Maputo Conference undoubtedly constituted a new stage towards the attainrr..ent of independence for those two Territories. It is to be hoped that this Assembly will take up the challenge. 21. With regard to South Africa itself, the massacres at Soweto and its aftermath, which left hundreds of dead and thousands wounded or imprisoned, seried to demo~strate that white supremacy does not hesitate to use the most brutal violence, becaus:: apartheid is, by its very nature, a system which cannot be maintained other than by force. In 22. Certainly Senegal continues to support all the resolu- tions of the OAU, of the non-aligned group and of the United Nations on the question of South Africa. In particular, we welcomed during the thirty-first session of the Geiierai Assembly the measures decided upon by the international community, which can be described as a genuine anti-apartheid code [see resolution 31/6/. But the problem is not only to adopt resolutions; it is essential to ensure their implementation. 23. I have discussed Africa at length because it is the continent which I know best. But I am not unaware that our region is not the only one where armed conflicts take place. The situation in the Middle East and in Palestine is one of the most serious probl~m~ confronting our world. For many years this question has regularly been included in the agenda of our Assembly, which has considered it in cm effort to fmd a solution, or at least to lessen its gravfty. As I had an opportunity to emphasize fron this rostrum during the previous session of the General Assembly: "The most important result reached by the United Nations in this connexion may well be the decisiOil taken by the international community to recognize the Pales- tine ' ~beration Organization as the only authentic repre- sentative of the Palestinian people and to grant it observer status. " It has become clear to one and all that the solution to the problems of the Middle East does not lie solely in separating the armed forces confronting each other nor in the partial or total withdrawal from the occupied t.erritories, but rather in the settlement of the fundamental problem ..."2 24. Along this line of thinking Senegal fully endorsed the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its thirty- first session approv:ng the recommendations of the Com- mittee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People [resolution 31/20/. My country con- sidered the recommendations of the Committee as a basis for the solution of the question of Palestine. . 25. My Juntry has always defended, and will continue so to do, the principle of the recovery of the inalienable rights of the Palestinians to self-detem:nation and to the estab- lishment of <:n independent Palestinian State. The con- stancy of our policy reg:uding the Middle East and the Palestine question was recentiy emphasized again by the President of the Re;mbiic of Senegal, Mr. Leopold Sedar Senghor, when he received Mr. Yasser Arafat at Dakar on 6 June last and said: "Senegal supports the just ~ause of the Arabs in general and of the Palestinians in particular. In essence, that is because we are attached to respect for the territorial integrity of States and the dignity of nations we denounce any policy which is based on the oppression of peoples and usurpation of their national rights. That is why Senegal in the United Nations, in the Organization of 2 Ibid.. Thirty-first Session. Plenary Meetings. 25th meeting, raTa. 134. 26. Today, while there still are a numbel of clouds, we continue to hope that wisdom will prevail and will lead the Israelis to respect United Natior.l.s resolutions. 27. As far as Cyprus is cO~1cemed, my delegation reaffirms its support for respect for the territo·.~al integrity and non-alignment of that ~tate, and for a resumpti:m of the intercommunal negotiations leading £0 an egaiitarian and harmonious coexistence within it. 28. The peoples of the third world have chalked up many victories won at great cost against coloniaHsm and imperialism. 29. Nevertheless, we still are confronted not only with the heinous practices of apartheid and racism as in Africa, but also with new threats to ""'r recent independence and territorial integrity, all of'·,hich jeopardizes our right to live in fret'dom and dignity. That means that peace and security are not fully guaranteed to all peoples. 30. At i!s thirty-first session the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution reaffirming the inalienable sovereign right of every State to determine freely its political, social and economic system and its relations with other States [resolution 31/91/. At the same time, it denounced any form of interference, and condemned all forms of overt,-subtle and highly sophisticated techniques of coerd.on, subversion and defamation aimed at disrupting the poli.rical, social or economic order of other States or ocstabilizing their Governments. But, in fact, peaceful coexistenGe does not yet extend to all parts of the world. 31. In this connexion, I would say that detente has generally been presented to the world asa constructive step towards promoting international security by a reduction of tensions. That work has already been begun in Europe as a result of the agreements reached at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held at Helsinki, but Senegal considers that European security is inseparable from that of the rest of the world, and that genuine peace can never prevail as long as detente is limited to Europe. We Will, in fact, always wonder whether this is not a case of mutual accommodation among the great Powers to main- tain the status quo of insecurity and instability elsewhere, since their immediate vjtjnity would be spared, while the theatre of their activities and conflicts would be displaced to other areas, threatening the security and peaceful development of the nations of those regions. A universal reduction of tensions, based on the active participation of all nations, is the best guarantee of international peace and security. .33. For its part, Senegal attaches particular importance to measures designed to lessen the danger of nuclear war. This means that the nuclear Powers must put an end to all nuclear weapons testing and continue, in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclf~ar Weapons fresolution 2373 (XXIX)!. to negotiate effective measures of nuclear disannament. This also means that all States of the world must seriomly assess the risks of a proliferation of nuclear weapons and should'~r the resulting obligations. And, when nuclear equipment and technology is transferred from one country to another, there must be ways of guaranteeing absolutely that all nuclear energy· produced in the recipie::lt country will be used exclusively for peaceful purposes. 34. Today, more than SUS 300 billion are spent annually for military purposes, while the total for assistance to development given by the rich countries to the poor represents in aB only one fifteenth of that sum. These figures dearly indicate the gigantic and tragic waste of material and human resources in the world, a source of injustice withiil nations. Obviously, all these expenditures bring us no closer to the desired aim of increased collective security, whereas t!1~y could constitute a vast reservoir of resources for the attainment of a neVv international eco- nomic order. 35. It is easy to grasp that there is a link between disarmament and world development; consequently the role of the United Nations in the field of disarmament must be bolstered. 36. In that connexion, Senegal welcomes the idea of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarma- ment questions. Such a session would allow all States Members to contribute to the strategy for a genuine disarmament, and would mark the beginning of a new and fruitful era for the survival of mankind. 37. Indeed, it is important to note the fact that resort to force in international relations is linked to the fundamental inequalities which characterize the modern world; it reflects a situation in which the weakest nations are subject to domination and interference on the part of other States. 38. Accordingly, any instrument designed to promote the non-recourse to force in international relations cannot be dissociated from the task of establishing justice and order in the relations among States. Hence any treaty must include not only provisions prohibiting the recourse to force, but also measures enabling States to prevent the c<;luses of such recourse, as well as procedures for the settlement of disputes, freely accepted by all States. 39. Of course, such a treaty could in no way affect the right of peoples struggling for their independence to use all means at their disposal, including anned force, pursuant to Article 51 of the Charter and article 6 of the Definition of Aggression/resolution 3314 (XXIX). annex/. 41. Be that as it may, it is essentially because of the discussions held within the United Nations that it is now appar~nt to all, even to the rich countries, that the economic, social and cultural under-development of two thirds of mankind and its aggravation during the last decade, are no accident of history but largely the result of a system of international relations based on domination and exploitation of the weak. Although the recent accession to political independence of countries formerly subject to foreign tutelage has contributed to the retreat of the most visible fonns of colonialism, the fact remains that the economically dependent situation of the- third world has to a varying extent persisted; in some cases it has even been accentuated in recent years, in proportion to the growing inequalities in income, and hence in well-being, which is characteristic of the present-day world. 42. An analysis of production and trade conditions among developed and developing countries shows the persistence of the relationship of unequal forces which underlies international relations; it explains the obstinate refusal which for long was the response to the requests of the third world for the organization of the international market in major commodities, the principal resource of the poor countries. This also explains the singular paradox of these raw materials; the recent situation has proved how essential they are to the prosperity of the rich nations, yet they are still undervalued in relation to the capital goods and raw materials which we import from the industrial countries. To take the example of Senegal, even though it is not among the poorest countries; from 1973 to 1975, the average price of our exports rose 57 per cent, while that of our imports rose by 196 per cent. Thus in two years there has been a deterioration of 139 per cent in our terms of trade. Since then, the price of ()ur exports has stagnated or declined, while the average price of imports continues to rise. 43. It is against that backdrop that Senegal, together with the members of the non-aligned group and the entire third world, calls for a larger contribution on the part of the developed countries to the efforts of the developing countries. This appeal is within the framework of co- operation between developeq and third-world countries aimed at setting up a genuine association between them, without delay, for the sake of balanced progress. 44. Regrettably, this has not yet materialized. Indeed, only a few weeks ago, after the very mediocre results of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, the so-called North-South dialogue, at Paris, the Organi~ation tor" Economic Co-operation and Development published figures which ShDW that the efforts of the rich countries to help the developing countries continue to decline. Govern- 45. Anong the group of rich countries, the Scandinavian countries are the lone exception, and it is only fair to give due credit to their contribution to the development of the third-world countries. 46. The rich countries must realize that what is called aid-whether bilateral or multilateral-is not, nor can it be, a permanent solution to the economic problems of the world. The realities of our time require genuine co- operation among rich and poor countries, because it is perfectly obvious that as the number of nations that are consolidating their sovereignty over their national resources is always increasing, interdependence in every sphere of international life is becoming a fact which one must take into account. No country, no group of countries-whatever nillitary or economic power it may have-can completely resolve its problems unilaterally and independently of the rest of the international community. It is therefore urgent for the developed countries to take decisive measures to establish a new international economic order in order to lessen the danger of a confrontation which could threaten the very life of mankind. 47. At any rate, the United Nations must continue to make sustained efforts to promote a process of real economic and social progress everywhere, in a spirit of international solidarity, so as to arrive at its final objective, namely, peace, justice and social development for all. 48.- The quest for peace and justice also implies, first and foremost, respect for human dignity. Through the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the international community assumed the responsibility of making known and defending human rights and of accepting that as a permanent obligation. In the course of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, as I pointed out: "Unfortunately, a climate of civil and civic violence flouting elementary human rights and condoned more and more by the conscience of men and peoples has arisen almost everywhere since the end of the Second World War. Our Organization, however, ha~ failed to react to such violations, preferring rather to imitate most of the Governments which remain silent, either because they wish to spare the feelings of friendly countries or for ideological, political or other reasons under the pretext of not interfering in the internal affairs of other States. "The condemnation of such acts of violence is by no means unjustified interference because the respect of human rights is essent'qJ to the establishment of friendly relations and relations of co-operation among States. But our Organization has as one of its tasks, as proclaimed in Article 1 of the Charter, the achievement of international co-operation in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without' distinction as to race, sex, language or religion."3 3 Ibid., paras. 151 and 152. 50. Certainly we are not going to preach anarchy. The construction of a nation, particularly when it emerges from colonial domination, requires some discipline from its citizens and imposes certain duties with respect to the national community. But too often this has·been used as a pretext to deprive people of the most elementary freedoms ana ~ven to endanger their lives. My country cannot agree with such behaviour and will always refuse to be associated with the silence of complicity which seems to be rashion- abl':l today. But in the defence of human rights as well as in other matters, Senegal relies on the wisdom of our Organization. 51. It is this confidence that we place in the United Nations which leads us at this thirty-second session to reaffirm in all sincerity our commitment and devotion to seeking a permanent solution to the burning issues of our time, so that relations among nations may be based on genuine peaceful coexistence. Conciliation and not conflict, co-operation and not confrontation, must become the rule in these relations. It is only in this manner that our ultimate purpose, which is the establishment of a total and perma- nent peace with prosperity and justice throughout the world will be attained. To that end a reform of the functioning of our Organization is urgently needed. 52. In the unceasing change which is the fundamental law of our world-and this 'World has never changed as rapidly as it is doing at present-peoples and institutions must adjust to new circumstances and the United Nations is no exception. 53. The revision, or rather the adaptation, of tl1e Charter to the present international situation, is particularly neces- sary at a time when many Members consider that the right of the veto is too often used against the rights of the weakest, in violation of the principles stated in the Charter. Thus, the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Govern- ment of Non-Aligned Countries, which met at Colombo in 1976, considered that the hegemony of the great Powers in the Security Council and their use of the veto have lessened the prestige of the United Nations and the importance of its resolutions. Accordingly, that Conference invited States Members of the Org:.,.mzation to review the Charter, particularly with respect to the right of veto.4 4 See document A/31/197, annex IV, resolution 14. SS. And yet, because of the role that it has played and still plays, our Organization, such as it is, remains the support and the hope of small nations and of the less developed nations, among which most of the third-world countries are to be found. And because of this, my country supports the United Nations, and assures it of its co-operation in the accomplishment ofits historic.mission.

Mr. President, your outstanding t.lection to the presidency of the thirty-second session is, above all, a well-deserved tribute to YQU in your personal capacity and to the role which your country has played and continues to play in the international arena in order to bring about a world of justice, peace and progress for all. 57. I should like to recall in this regard that President Tito, the founder of socialist Yugoslavia, is one of the initiators of the easing of the tense political climate in the world ana of the affirmation of the role of the third world on the international plane. History will remember him as one of the great men of our time. 58. Yugoslavia which, like Mali, is a founding member of the non-aligned movement, was one of the first European countries to support the cause of the colonial and op- pressed peoples, who have all benefited from its political, moral and material support in their struggles for freedom and independence. 59. Permit me, therefore, to convey to you, Mr. President, the warm and friendly congratulations of my delegation. My country, Mali, which enjoys excellent relations with Yugoslavia, cannot but be gratified at the choice of our Assembly. We are thus assured beforehand of the success of our work. Your personal qualities and your great experi- ence of international life are guarantees of that. My delegation wishes, for its part, to assure you of its loyal and active co-operation. 60. I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate, on behalf of the delegation of Mali, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, who displayed such great comPetence in the conduct of the proceedings of the thirty-first session and in his guidance of the difficult debates of that session. The remarkable way in which he discharged his lofty functions does him much credit. We should like here to convey to him our fraternal gratitude. 61. I would not like to end this part of my statement without conveying our warm congratulations to Mr. Kurt Waldheim upon his well-deserved re-election to the post of Secretary-General of our Organization. In renewing its confidence in him, the thirty-first session expressed to him the great appreciation of the international community for his distinguished services to the cause of peace and understanding among peoples and nations. That eloquent testimony of satisfaction is, without doubt, the best 62. By inaugurating its proceedings with the admission to the United Nations of the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the thirty-second session of the General Assembly intended thereby to highlight the event. This solemn public welcome to the international community constitutes an eloquent tribute to two fraternal countries which have won their independence by a noble struggle. The admission of those two new Members has brought the United Nations closer to one of its funda- mental objectives, namely universality, while enriching it at the same'time. 63. The Government of Mali, through me, wishes particu- larly to hail this new victory of heroic Viet Nam, a symbol of resistance against foreign domination, which has written in the blood of its glorious martyrs the most glorious pages of the history of the liberation struggle of peoples. 64. My delegation bids welcome to the two sister delega- tions and assures them of its fraternal and militant co-operation. 65. In reviewing our actions since the last session, we note that no significant progress has been made in the settlement of the serious problems facing the international community for decades now, whether it be the matter of safeguarding peace or the great economic and social challenges threaten- ing the world. 66. Indeed, disarmament, which is the very foundation of that true peace to which humanity aspires, remains a remote objective-indeed, an uncertain one. The meagre results achieved so far relate only to the limitation of strategic arms or the prohibition of outmoded and outdated weapons. New and ever more sophisticated devices of mass destruction continue to appear in the arsenals of the world. That prompted the Secretary-General in his report to note that the agreements concluded so far in the field of nuclear disarmament have more to do with the regulation of competition between the militarily great Powers than with disarmament itself [see A/32/1, sect. IV]. He also stresses that the number of nuclear warheads has increased fivefold in the past eight years. 67.. We should add to this the fact that, according to the International Institute for Strategic Studies, military ex- penditure in 1977 amounted to $375 billion, or 5 per cent of the gross national product of the world. That was an increase of 25 per cent over 1974. 68. As we can see, the arms race continues and even gathers momentum both quantitatively and technologically. It gives employment to 25 per cent of the world's scientists and swallows up 40 per cent of t.ldgets devoted to development research. 69. That unfortunate tendency cannot, however, be justi- fied, because stockpiles of nuclear arms possessed by the various nuclear Powers are enough to destroy, .not a country or a continent, but the whole planet several times over. That is a,tragedy. Those monstrous arsenals have not 70. The peace we seek is incompatible with the over- armament that we are witnessing. The campaign against what is known as the arms trade in the world, that is to say, against the supply of conventional weapons to developing countries for th~ir security needs, is only a diversion in the face of the proliferation and frenzied perfecting of devices of mass destruction. 71. Indeed, the arms race between the great military Powers, far from waning, is spiralling ever upwards at a dizzying rate. New generations of murderous weapons are being developed. The monopoly of the nuclear secret has been broken. 72. The frenzied arms race c,f the great military Powers has left no other choice to those who refuse to shelter under their atomic "umbrellas" because they are jealous of their sovereignty and independence. Thus, in spite of the entry into force of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the proliferation of nuclear weapons has accelerated, both horizontally and vertically, while their dissemination has been actively continuing on all contin- ents, against the will of the peoples. According to the estimates of experts whose authority cannot be questioned, 20 to 30 new States will be joining the nuclear club before the end of the century. That is indeed frightening. 73. It is time therefore that we decided to put behind us this illusion of peace which we seem to have been harbouring since the end of the last world war. Resting essentially on the precarious balance of terror, it carries within itself the seeds of a conflagration that could be fatal for mankind. Let us therefore, before it is too late, strive to free the world from the nightmare of cosmic suicide in which it has been living since the advent of the atomic age. We must renounce, fIrst of all, the use or threat of force in the settlement of disputes which might arise between States, because real disarmament can be contemplated only within a climate of confidence. 74. The abolition of "strategic frontiers", the dismantling of the death-dealing bases scattered throughout the world and a freeze on the production and development of new types of weapons would be an important step towards that objective. 75. Disarmament is a problem of concern to all countries, great and small, and in our view the United Nations offers the most appropriate framework for dealing with it. 76. In spite of their merits, the negotiations begun outside the United Nations-such as the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, the Talks on mutual and balanced force reductions . and so on-cannot bring us to true disarmament. The most that they can lead to would be arrangements or bilateral or multilateral understandings relating to peripheral aspects of the question. 78. Because- of the implacable law of the interdependence of our society, there can be no oasis of peace in our world until we have banished from our conduct all recourse to arms. The last Arab-Israeli war of October 1973, which brought humanity to the brink of nuclear confrontation, is a tragic reminder of this. 79. Detente between East and West, which succeeded tha cold war, can be viable only if it transcends the framework of Europe alone. It must be extended to all continents if it is to lead to the true peace so much aspired to by humanity. 80. That is why we must be determined to extinguish the existing hotbeds of war and tension which are being aggravated in the Middle East, Cyprus, Asia and in southern Africa. 81. With regard to the first, the Middle East crisis has persisted for 30 years. Successive Israeli Governments in Tel Aviv have striven to thwart all attempts at settlement by our Organization. 82. After having occupie.d the western part of Palestine by force, in which they had established-with, unfortunately, the smction of the United Nations-a Jewish national home, the Zionists have put tlteir time to good use by spilling over their territorial "frontiers which the arbitrary partition plan of 29 November 1947 [resolution 181 rII)] granted to their State, by successively annexing by force, in the name of the threadbare myth of "greater Israel", western Galilee and the towns of Nazareth, Ramla, Lydda, J~fa, Be'er Sh~va and the Holy City of Jerusalem. By violating the fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and the relevant United Nations resolutions, they have hastened to extend Israeli citizenship unilaterally to the inhabitants of these territories. It will not be long before they take military occupation of the whole of the West Bank of Jordan, the territory of Gaza, Sinai and the Golan Heights by taking advantage of their treacherous and criminal aggression of June 1967. 83. Basing themselves this time on the false thesis of the so-called "legal vacuum", they will evolve and methodically put into effect a programme of integration for these territories, culminating in the adoption of the Sharon plan, named after the Minister for Agriculture of the Begin Government, who was its initiator. It is certainly worth pointing out here that that gentleman is also the Chairman of the Interministerial Commission for the establishment of J~wish settlements in the West Bank of the Jordan. The purpose of that plan is to bring about the immigration of more than 2 million Jews of the Diaspora into this territory in order to change its demographic, economic and social structures §.nd complete the work of its outright annexation 84. Following the parliamentary elections of May 1977, which put his party, the Likud, into power in Tel Aviv, the Prime Minister, Mr. Begin, hastened to the Kaddum camp, Torah in hand, to proclaim to the inhabitants of this Jewish settlement: "We are here to stay". On 6 July 1977, that is. a few months later, General Sharon, to whom I have already referred, had the Interministerial Commission for the establishment of Jewish settlements in the West Bank of the Jordan, of which he was Chairman, sanction the existence of three squatter settlements of the members of the "Block of Faith"-Maalei-Adumin, Osra and the famous Kaddum camp-through the Interministerial Commission for the establishment of settlements. His response to the general disapproval which this illicit operation aroused in the world was to create five further Jewish settlements on the West Bank. He revealed that to the Ma 'ariv, the official organ of the supporters of "Greater Israel", of the "historic fatherland", in the following terms: "We are not a Government which is content to talk. Five settlements have been established without any publicity." To the National Broadcasting Company, he stated: "We shall continue colonization. We shall never release Judea and Samaria." 85. We shall not revert here to the question of the permanent persecution of the peoples of the occupied territories by the Israeli authorities. nor shall we go into the repression, the acts of reprisal, the dynamiting of houses, deportations, extortions and humiliations which are their daily lot, because these barbarous acts are well known to all. The reports of United Nations "bodies, international agencies and private humanitarian groups have given suf- ficient account of them to make it unnecessary to dwell on the question. 86. That is the response of the Zionist Government of Tel Aviv to the relevant resolutions adopted by our Organiza- tion for the settlement of the grave crisis in the Middle East. It is this language of refusal, this language of scorn towards the international community, which Israel has invariably employed for 30 years in reply to the construc- tive proposals made for the restoration of peace in this area. While the Palestinian people have been holding out the olive branch, the Zionist Government has been sighting its rifles. 87. The machinery of settlement has been blocked be- cause of Israel's unjustified intransigence. During this time, more than 2 million Palestinians have continued to endure their Calvary in exile or under military occupation. 88. Today the prospects are much worse, with the advent of the Likud Government in Tel Aviv. One could not expect any less from Mr. Begin and his friends, whose party has this motto: "Jordan has two banks; one belongs to us, and so does the other." No slogan could better illustrate the spirit of expansionism and annexation of the new leaders of Israel. 89. The general uproar with which the official circles in Tel Aviv greeted the joint Soviet-American statement of 1 October 1977, which in any case is merely a partial 90. The persistent hostilities in south Lebanon provoked by the Israelis could degenerate into a general war in that region at any moment, because the Palestinian and Arab peoples who have been deprived of their land and their property have had to wait for 30 y~ars. 91. The grave risks to international peace and security which have been caused by the latest confrontation between Israel and the Arabs make it necessary for our Organization to shoulder its responsibilities by imple- menting the relevant decisions which it has taken on the question. 92. The restoration of peace in the Middle East necessarily involves the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all occupied Arab territory and the restoration to the Palestinian people of its national rights. The General Assembly has reaffirmed that forcibly in several resolutions. With the exception of Israel, the truth of that statement is recognized by the entire international community. Security Council resolu- tion 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967 should therefore be modified to remove any possible misunderstanding about this. 93. The explosive situation prevailing in the Middle East demands the immediate resumption of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East with the participation of all the parties, including that of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the legitimate representative of the Paies- tinian people. 94. I cannot leave the Medit~rranean area without men- tioning my delegation's concern over the crisis in Cyprus. Here again, in the past year no progress has been made towards a just and lasting settlement of the conflict. 95. The hopes which were aroused at the beginning ofthe year by the meeting, under the auspices of the Secretary- General of the United Nations, between the heads of the two communities, the late President Makarios and Mr. Denkta§, were swiftly dissipated following the freeZing of the intercommunaI negotiations in Vienna. As we are reminded by the Secretary-General, the situation remains very serious. Therefore, the parties must refrain from any unilateral action which might lead to confrontation be- tween the two communities. 96. In the light of the mandate entrusted to him by the General Assembly, the Secretary-General should continue his efforts to seek a basis for a just and lasting settlement based on the safeguarding of the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and policy of non-alignment of the country. We make an urgent appeal to all of the parties interested in and concerned with the Cypriot conflict to give him their support in carrying out his task. 97. The Korean crisis is one of the most persistent sequels of the last World War. It is an active hotbed of dissension which may erupt at any moment onto the Asian continent, as a "result of the involvement of external forces in this wholly internal conflict. Powerful foreign military bases 98. In spite of this firm decision, the Power involved in the Korean crisis continues to maintain there, against the will of its people, an army of 40,000 men on a war footing as well as military bases equipped with nuclear arms. The climate, therefore, is fraught with danger for the Asian continent. Only the implementation of resolution 3390 B (XXX), which I have mentioned, can dispel this evil and promote the peaceful and indp,pendent reunification of Korea, which is, above all, a matter of United Nations responsibility. At the thirty-second session the General Assembly should see to it that this task is tackled. 99. The southern part of Africa constitutes one of the most virulent hotbeds of tension in the world because of the colonialists and white racists who have usurped power there. War is already raging there and insecurity is rife. That racial confrontation is liable to set fire to the whole region. The armed acts of aggression that are constantly committed against Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana and Angola by the troops of the white racists of Pretoria and the rebels of Salisbury reveal to us the magnitude of the tragedy. 100. The United Nations cannot remain indifferent in the face of the aggravation of the situation. Our Assembly must contemplate, in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter, energetic measures to put down the racist and rebel regimes of southern Africa, which have remained indifferent to all the exhortations and condemnations of our Organization. 101". At this stage we cannot, obviously, take into account in our assessment of the situation either the Anglo- American plan for Southern Rhodesia or the initiatives of the five Western Powers for the decolonization of Namibia, because those moves do notinvolve the responsibility either of the United Nations or of the OAU. The liberation movements will therefore continue their liberation struggles until the capitulation of the segregationists of Pretoria and Salisbury. 102. The Anglo-American plan, although it has some negative and ambiguous aspects could, in our view, serve as a basis for negotiation between the United Kingdom, the administering Power, and the Patriotic Front, the only legitimate representative of the people of Zimbabwe. 103. As to the initiatives of the five Western Powers for the decolonization of Namibia, we are follOWing them with the greatest attention. 104. Vorster's earlier untoward actions and his procrasti- nation in the negotiations under way do not encourage us to be optimistic. We should recall that in order to be valid, any agreement must take account of the conditions laid down by the OAU for the decolonization of Namibia, namely: respect for the territorial integrity of the country; the liberation of ali political prisoners and detainees; the return of all Namibians in exile; the withdrawal of the 105. It should be made clear that Namibia must accede to independence within the limits of its original, that is to say its colonial, frontiers. The enclave ofWalvis Bay, which has been arbitrarily attached to South Africa by the Pretoria Government because of its privileged position on the Atlantic Ocean, is therefore an integral part of Namibian territory. 106. My delegation takes note of the code of conduct for European companies operating in South Africa adopted last month by the members of the European Economic Com- munity IA/32/267, annexj. Although the reasons for this decision are praiseworthy, we ,do not think that the measures advocated can really contribute to the elimination of apartheid or, to use the very words of Mr. Owen, their initiator. undermine "the principle ofapartheid". 107. International observers, incidentally, consider that it would be difficult for European companies which have been established in South Africa to respect the code because they have to reckon with the laws of the country. which many of them hesitate to violate. Furthermore. experience has proved sufficiently to us that limited measures are ineffective against the racist regime of Pretori~ because of the very fact that they are easily circumvented. They can only encourage that country in its obstinacy and braggadocio. - 108. Is it not because of the clamour which has arisen more or less everywhere in the world in denunciation and condemnation of the segregationist policy of his Govern- ment that Vorster has proclaimed the new Constitution of South Africa, which takes no account whatsoever of the existence of the black majority-that is to say, the 18 million indigenous people, who make up three quarters of the population'? 109. My delegation considers that to deal a blow at the very foundations ofapartheid, the Governments of Western Europe which are the principal partners of that country should be resolute in extending their means of pressure to include an economic, commercial, political and military embargo. Indeed, the crimes of the racists of Pretoria must encourage us to deal with them more severely. 110. This is the proper place for my delegation to commemorate one of the latest victims of the henchmen of Vorster and Kruger. I have in mind the martyr Steven Biko, the prestigious, authoritative leader of the Black Conscious- ness Movement, cut down in the flower of his youth in the course of his detention in a Johannesburg prison. He is the forty-first black political detainee murdered in the racist South African gaols. His sacrifice. far from dampening the enthusiasm of the young- generations of black South Africans which have assaulted the bastion of apartheid. is making them ever more active. 111. My delegation is entirely in agreement with Mr. Vance. the Secretary of State of thl} United States, in saying that "the three problems of Southern Rhodesia, 112. The declaration and the programme of action of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and .Namibia, held in Maputo, Mozambique, in May 1977, and the declaration of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos, Nigeria, in August 1977,5 have produced an appropriate strategy in this regard. 113. I shoul.d not like to end this part of my statement on international peace and security without mentioning the fragmentation of the Comoros which is a matter of concern to Africa. The continued occupation by France of the island of Mayotte, which is an integral part of the Comorian group, is both a grave violation of the principles of the Charter and an act prejudicial to the doctrine of the OAU on the inviolability of frontiers inherited from the colonial regimes. The vast unro,rtaking of decolonization on the part of France will be not be completed in Africa until Mayotte is integrated into its motherland. We venture to hope that France will not remain indifferent to the appeals issued by Africa and the international community and it will restore the province of Mayotte to the Comoros. 114. The international economic situation is no better than the political situation. Inflation, recession and famine have continued to be rife throughout the world, particu- larly in the developing countries. The res~rgence of protectionist policies in certain industrialized countries has disturbed the international economic situation even more. 115. Three years after the special session of the General Assembly, neither the Declaration nor the Programme of Action for the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S- VI) and 3202 (8- VI)}, nor the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)}, have even begun to be put into effect. The official development assistance furnished by the members of the Development Assistance Committee of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development has fallen from 0.36 per cent to 0.33 per cent of their gross national product, and total assistance to development, both official and private, has gone down by $0.4 billion, in absolute terms, while the target established for the Second United Nations Develop- ment Decade was 0.7 per cent of the gross national product. The indebtedness of the developing countries has reached the sum of $208 billion. .5 F~r ~he. Maputo ?~c1arati(\n in Support of the Peoples of Z~mbab.we and Namibia and Programmes of Action for the LI~eratlOn of Zimbabwe and Namibia. sec document A/32/1 09/ Rev:l-S/1~344/Rev.l. annexV. For the Lagos Declaration for Act~on agal~st Apartheid: see R~port of the World Conference for ActlO.n agamst Apartheid (Umted Nations publications, Sales No. L77.XIV.2), chap. X. 117. While the Paris Conference had the advantage of opening the first dialogue between the developed North and the under-developed South as to the future of international economic relations, we recognize that the industrialized countries did not entirely depart from their class spirit in the course of these latest negotiations. 118. The partial failure of the North-South dialogue in Paris was caused far less by the complexity of the problems .dealt with than by the lack of political will in the industrialized countries. which, however, possess sufficient resources to help the world to meet the challenges facing it. 119. Indeed, we note in the Secretary-Generars report on the work of the Organization that: "For several years annual world military expenditure has been about $300 billion. By contrast the World Health Organization has spent about $83 million over 10 years to eradicate smallpox in the world--a sum insuf- ficient to buy one modem supersonic bomber. That organization's programme for eradicating malaria at an estimated cost of $450 million-half of what is spent daily for military purposes- is dragging for lack of funds." [seeA/32/1, sect. IV.I 120. I would add that military expenditures in 1975 amounted to $210 billion and represented even at that time the total national incomes of the poor countries and 20 times the total assistance granted to developing countries. 121. The sums of money devoted in the world to military research are four times higher than those devoted to medical research. 122. In a word, this trend sacrifices development to armaments. 123. This dangerous development is giving rise to much concern in the world because of the very fact that it is taking us further away from the new international eco- nomic order which we have agreed to promote in order to meet the challenges inherent in the present system of economic and trade relations, which have been based upon hegemonistic concepts. 124. The tendency must be reversed if we do not want this change, which is unavoidable, to take place in an atmosphere of confrontation and chaos. 125. The implementation of' the Declaration and Pro- gramme of Action on the Establishment of a New Interna- tional Economic Order has thus become an imperative. 1~6. Only dynamic international co-operation on the basis of effective solidarity and complementarity can help us to arrest the ills threatening our society. 128. To give this rescue operation every chance of success, the industrialized countries must rid themselves of their caution and begin a dialogue with the developing countries on the basis of the relevant decisions of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly. 129. We also stand to gain by intensifying the debate on the relationship between disarmament and development. 130. Indeed, disarmament would release for development purposes vast financial, material and human resources. 131. The tasks of this thirty-second session of the General Assembly are therefore clear. It must above all strive to bring about significant progress both in regard to economic relations and in the fields of disarmament, the decoloniza- tion of southern Africa and the settlement of armed conflicts besetting the world. In other words, it must strive to unfreeze the situation and have the international community embark upon a process of renewal, that is to say, the building of a new international economic order, which alone can guarantee both individual and collective security.

May I remind representatives that the General Assembly, at its 5th plenary meeting on 23 September, decided that out of consideration for the other speakers and in order to preserve the dignity of the general debate, delegations should refrain from expressing their congratulations in the General Assembly hall after a speech has been delivered. I should therefore appeal to repr,c- sentatives to have a little more r);;tience during the final hours of the general debate and tQ be kind enough to express their congratulations to the speaker in some convenient location outside the hall.

At the outset of my state- ment 1 should like, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, to express deep feelings of sympathy and condolences to the Government and the people of the Yemen Arab Republic on the sad occasion of the sudden and tragic deaths of Mr. Ibrahim Mohamed AI-Hamdi, the President of the Yemen Arab Republic, and his brother. 134. Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to convey to you the sincerest congratulations of my delegation on your election to the presidency of the thirty-second session of -::~~ General Assembly My delegation is confident that your well-known qualities of wisdom and good judgment will enable you to preside successfully over o~r deliberations. In extending its congratulations to you, Sir, my delegation also expresses to you its assurance of full co-operation in the spirit of the policy of non-alignment to which both our Governments are committed. We wish you every success in fulfilling the tasks of your high office. . 135. I should also like on this occasion to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, for his valuable efforts in the servke of the United Nations 137. The corner-stone of my Government's foreign policy is its belief that neither regional nor international peace can be secured unless peoples under 'colonial or alien rule are granted the right to self-determination. It is on the basis of this belief that my Government has consistently supported the legitimate struggle of peoples to attain independence and to take charge of their own destinies. The consistency and determination with which we championed the cause of the people of Djibouti throughout its long struggle to be free from colonial rule is known to all. It is therefore with great satisfaction and joy that we extend a fraternal welcome to the Republic of Djibouti as it takes it~ rightful place in the community of nations, We are confident that the deep-rooted historical, ethnic and cultural ties which link our peoples will ensure continued goodwill and friendly co-operation between our two States. 138. The struggle of the Vietnamese people for freedom from foreign domination and for national unity was an epic one. We express our satisfaction at the accession to United Nations membership of the Republic of Viet Nam after an unnecessarily long delay, and we extend our good wishes for the future of its people. 139. The Middle East is an area where contempt for equal rights and the self-determination of peoples has led to a serious situation which poses an ever-present threat to international peace and .security .The usurpation of Arab lands by the Zionists through various means over the years can be seen today in the acceleration of the plan for t4e de facto annexation_ of yet another area of Arab territory-the West Bank. 140. My Government believes it is of the highest im- portance that the General Assembly condemn, without reservations apd without a dissenting voice, Israel's attempt to change the demographic and political character of Arab territories through the establishment of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, on the Golan Heights, in the Gaza Strip and in Sinai. 141. The Palestinian question is at the heart of the Middle East conflict. My Government wishes to reaffirm its continued support for the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole representative of the Palestinian people. While we welcome the momentum towards the reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East and the growing acceptance of the principles on which the Con- ference should be based, we do not believe that this should be an end in itself. There are basic and fundamental principles that must firs~ be recognized if a peaceful, just and lasting settlement is to be achieved. We firmly believe that full participation of the Palestine Liberation Organiza- tion in a reconvened Geneva Conference is essential for any meaningful progress towards peace. 143. The lack of political will to pursue vigorously the application of internationally sanctioned principles en- courages the racist minority regimes to persevere in their defian.ce and allows the traditional allies of racism to continue their collaboration with impunity. 144. In South' Africa, the economic co-operation and friendly relations of its trading partners have not helped in the fight against apartheid, nor brought stability. On the contrary, they have strengthened it. The murder of prom- inent political personalities and of schoolchildren, and the atrocities committed against the people continue unabated. 145. If the situation in South Africa was a potential threat to peace almost 20 years ago-as the Security Council concluded at that time-it is certainly a real threat to peace today 146. Havihg supplied South Africa not only with sophis- ticated weapons and their patents, but also with nuclear power, its trading partners now express surprise and alarm because the monster they created has the capacity to produce and test nuclear weapons. 147. If the United Nations action against South Africa is to have any meaning or effect, the international com- munity, and in particular the powerfu,l friends of the racist regime, should have the moral courage fully to assume their responsibilities under the Charter and to implement the decisions of the Organization. 148. The liberation of Zi;:'lbabwe is another source of deep concern to my Government. Unfortunately, the situation there has been allowed to drag on interminably over the years and to deteriorate to the point where it constitutes a distinct threat to peace and security in the region. 149. The reality of the situation is that no matter how much the Smith regime and its supporters twist and manoeuvre, majority rule will inevitably be established. 150. My Government fully supports all efforts aimed at finding a peaceful solution to the problem in conformity with the principles of the Charter. Such efforts must not, however, be allowed to prolong the racist minority domina- tion of Zin 1abwe, nor should they compromise the aspirations of its people for genuine independence. 151. In conformity with our policy in the past, my Government will cor-tinue to support to the fullest extent possible the liberation forces of the people of Zimbabwe so long as the intransigence of the minority regime and the realities of the situation render armed struggle necessary. 152. lVith respect to Namibia, the illegal presence of South Africa in a Territory with international status and 154. My Government hopes that there will not be a repetition of t:le sterile ultimatums, the successive periods of grace, and the vetoing of meaningful resolutions which have frustrated the will of the majority of Member States. We trust that South Africa's friends on the Security Council will give their powerful support to the only kind of pressure which the Vorster regime understands and which the situation merits: measures under Chapter VII of the Charter. 155. I shall briefly touch upon the international economic situation. The slow pace of efforts to establish a new world economic order constitutes yet another threat to world stability. My Government regrets that the Paris talks, the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, while achieving some progress, fell far short of reaching inter- nationally established goals. 156. Our world today is characterized by ever-growing interaction and interdependence of which the rising expec- tations of the peoples of the poorer nations for a better life and the tremendous technological capabilities and produc- tive capacities of the developed nations are the essential components. In this respect, while the developing countries themselves should exert maximum efforts for speedy development, it is necessary that the advanced nations agree to utilize their resources and technical know-how for others to develop in turn their own resources without exploitation. 157. Another matter which needs careful study and resolute action is the growing protectionism of the indus- trial States. This unfortunate rfevelopment could well invalidate any progress made towards equalizing the condi- tions ofworld trade. 158. My delegatIOn hopes that the more widely represen- tative forum of the General Assembly will be able, during its present session, to come to grips with the issues which still present obstacles to the establishment of a just and equitable world economic order. 159. In this connexioil, better terms of trade established through commodity prices and easier access to markets, the improved quality and increased flow of aid on concessional terms, easing of indebtedness and monetary facilities, sharing- of technology and the accruing benefits, and a host of other equally important related issues constitute the 161. Both situations have given rise to dangerous tension and to conflict and will continue to do so unless the rights of the people concerned are recognized and their aspira- tions given practical expression. The twentieth century has witnessed a decisive repudiation of outdated practices and justifications for territorial acquisition and the development of a new moral, political and legal ethic: the self- determination of peoples. 162. The development of international law on the ques- tion of self-determination, particularly through the deci- sions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the International Court of Justice, as well as the various legal instruments agreed to by the United Nations, makes clear the principal points: first, that self-determination is a fundamental right in contemp0rary international law, and, secondly, that the right to self-determination is available to all peoples who are subjugated, that is, who are functionally subjected to colonialism. 163. My delegation considers it necessary to draw atten- tion to these fundamental principles because disregard for them is the source of the tension currently obtaining in the Horn of Africa. The threat to peace in the region is the direct result of the denial of the right to self-determination and independence of the people living in the area. The struggles taking place in Ogaden, and in other areas within the Ethiopian empire are manifestations of the determina- tion of the people to free themselves from colonial rule in exercise of their inalienable right to self-determination. 164. The western Somalia question is not of recent origin, as the Ethiopian Government attempts to portray it. Its genesis goes back to the late nineteenth century, at the time of the scramble for Africa. The international community has only recently become more aware of this problem through press reports on the wide-scale fighting taking place there. It is indeed a tragedy that m the past countless appeals for justice were left unheeded and international interest in the plight of the people of western Somalia had to be aroused only after much suffering and destruction. Unfortunately, there still exist some misconceptions on the origins of the problem, the objectives of the liberation struggle and the position of the Somali Government on this matter. I wish therefore to provide the Assembly with factual information on the question in the hope that it will then have a fuller understanding of the situation. 165. It is important to note that until the European Powers came to the Horn of Africa in the 1880s the Somali people enjoyed an independent existence and controlled their own affairs. The Ottoman Empire exercised nominal suzerainty over the coastal areas and over some inland 166. At the time those agreements between the European and the Somali people were being negotiated, Emperor Menelik of Ethiopia took advantage of the situation and began an ambitious expansionj~t drive' to extend the frontiers of the Empire. In this drive Ethiopia's territorial ambitions were facilitated by the collusion of the three European colonial Powers and by the cupidity of the European arms suppliers. 167. In the enSuing political and military scramble the frontiers of the Ethiopian empire were extended beyond all expectations. Harar, which had been an independent Somali State since time immemorial, fell to Menelik's forces in 1887. Its occupation enabled Menelik to send his hordes into Somali rerritory. In 1891 Menelik brazenly stated in a circular letter to the European Powers: 6 "While tracing today the actual boundaries of my Empire, I shall endeavour, if God gives me life and strength, to re-establish the ancient frontiers of Ethiopia up to Khartoum and as far as Lake Nyanza, with all the Gallas. "Ethiopia has been for fourteen centuries a Christia~ island in a sea of pagans. If Powers at a distance come forward to partition Africa between them, I do not intend to be an indifferent spectllLor. "As the Almighty has protected Ethiopia up to this day, I have confidence he will continue to protect her and increase her borders in the future ...". In the light of the version of this circular letter given on 10 October in this very hall, I emphasize the word "indifferent". 168. Menelik successfully realized his ambitions for terri- torial aggrandizement through a series of pacts and agree- ments with other colonial Powers. These agreements were concluded without the knowledge and against the interests of the populat.ion concerned. 169. The Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 18977 was.a typical example of the betrayal of the trust of the Somali people and the sacrifice of their interests and rights as part of a political bargain with Menelik. That treaty purported to transfer Somali territory to the Ethiopian empire. It was negotiated without consulting the peopl~ concerned, and its existence was not brought to their knowledge until 1934, when an Anglo-Ethiopian boundary commission attempted to demarcate the boundary. The Somali people expressed indbmatioG and outrage in wide~pread disturbances. In fact, 6 See Spanish and Italian Possessions: Independent States, Peace Handbooks issued by the Historical Section of the Foreign Office (London, HM Stationery Office, 1920), vol. XX, No. 129 (Abys- sinia), p. 104. 7 Ibid., appendix I (viii), pp. 95-96. 171. As for the 19reement purported to have been concluded between Ethiopia and Italy in 1896 establishing the boundaries of former Italian SOI1 !1liland and Ethiopia, it sholild be nqted that there is no official ve"""'ion of the agreement in existence. But that is not important. More significant is the fact that, a& in the case of the Anglo- Ethiopian Treaty, the Somali inhabitants were not con- sulted at any ~tage of the purported negotiations. In any case, the question of western Somalia is today not one of boundaries between Somalia and Ethiopia; it is a colon~al question. That colonial situation is LI1 the process of being terminated by the peop;~ concerne~1, with the West~rn Somali Liberation Front ],3 their vanguard. 172. Ethiopia endeavours to mislead internationa~ opinion by repeatedly claiming that until 1975 there had beep no liberation movement ';n western Somalia. This manoeuvre is Hot surprising, sin~ throughout its occupation of the territory Ethiopia has resorted to every device to hide the facts. Until recently it was relatively successful in this regard because of the apathy and disinterest of the international community. Its ostrich-like attitude of deny- ing the existence of the Western Soma:i Liberation Front is characteristic of all colonialists. . 173. The liberation struggle that is being waged in western Somalia is by no means a new phenomenon. It began at the turn of this century when Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan, a great Somali nationalist, rallied Somali forces in a war of liberation against Ethiopian, French, British and Italian colonialism. His struggle continued for 21 years, from 1899 tc 1920. He was born in the Ogaden, and he died there. The liberation struggle he began has continued with varying degrees 01' intensity until this day. 174. The Western Somali Liberation Front, which was established in 1943, has on behalf of the entire people taken upon itself the sacred trust of carrying on the struggle until total freedom is achieved. If Ethiopia pretends ignorance of the existence of the Western Somali Liberation Front, it is because Ethiopia i::; ~fraid to recognize and accept the realities. 175. Following the Italo-Ethiopian conflict :n 1935, Italy occupied western Somalia and remained there until 1941 when it was driven out by British forces. When Empero; HaiJe Selassie was restored to power in 1942, Britain retained the administration of the Ogaden, recognizing that the area was a distinct entity separate from Ethiopia. 177. The final act in the alienation of Somali territory came as late ~s 1954, when another portion of the Ogaden, officially known ~s the Reserved Ar~as, was handed over by Britairi to the Ethiopians. This was again protested wide!y, though in vain, both by public- demonstr~tions and by petitions to the United Na:'~oh£ and the British Govern- ment. 178. In the years that foHo·'·ed. Ethio?ia war able to mamt?b J. military presence in the regIon. Through massh'e supplies of modern aLmamt"'n~sit pursued a "utn.ess colonial policy. Through torture, ar.bitrary arrest, intimklation, the confis-.:atiol1 of prr.>pertiefl and other ir)hum~n wethods, it end-eDvoured to force thl3 people tito scbmission. Whenev~~ the peoole rose in Drotest, their hom~s and ':i1lages wen'" ~ 4 subjected to aerial bom~ardmei1t; their v'ater wells werf; poiso!'.ed and thei\" livestock de:t:oyed. 179. Over the past thr,;e years. ever since i:he present regime came to power, vario~ls lmmanil,arian organizations have amassed a substantial body .If evidence on human right violations in Ethiopia proper. The details of these violations have caused widespread hormr and revulsion in the international community. Yet in terms of scale and intensity < t~lose vi Jatior c~, :ot be compared to the atrocities t!lat have beeI ;ofalmitted by the Ethiopian regime against (he Somali population of the occupied territories. In whatever place the Ethiopians have set foot in Western Somalia they have left a trail of hate, and have unwittingly strengthened the resolve of the population to secure their freedom at any price. 180. Ethiopia continues to use every opportunity ~o exploit for its own purposes the principles of territorial integrity and the inviolability of frontiers. It would like the international community to ignore the fact that its political evolution is not that of a nation-Sta!e but that of an empire acquired through nefarious means. 181. In order to maintain and to keep that empire intact Et hiopia is trying to claim protection under principles which are inimical to the decolonization process. In other words, it is trying to run with the hares and hunt with the hounds. Our Charter and the resolutions of the Security Council and General Assembly enjoin respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peop:es. The Charter Sf:ts out in paragraph 3 of its Article 1 as one of its objectives"... e:1couraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all ...". 183. Imagine what would have happened if the European colonial Powers had used the same arguments EthioI-ia is advancing today and had succeeded! Very few countrit;S would have been able to achievz their independence. 184. By political manipulation, Ethiopia continues to solicit legitimacy for the illegally acquired territories on the grounds that the boundaries of Ethiopia have the same legitimacy as otf'ers. le5. t:l.hiopia is trying to convince the in~ernational community that, having ridden itself of an Emperor, the empire has automaHcaHy been transformed inf'o u unitary State with all the rights and privileges of a State. It hopes by these means to incorporate the colonial tl~rritorie~ and thereby pre-empt any demand for seif-determination or any action w}1jch the international community may wish to make in this fr.e;;:rd. 186. My d:Iegation wishes to make cle,u that it will not be dt:ceived by these manoeuvres and that it will actively support the peop1e in western Somalia. 187. I hope that my intervention has prOvided the General Assembly with the. necessary information enabling a clear understanding of the present situation in the Horn of Africa and of the historical developments that have led to that situation. The position of the Somali Democratic Republic is to seek a just and peaceful solution to the problem. In the past, we undertook several initiatives both at the bilateral level and through the OAU to achieve that end. Unfortunately, Ethiopia continues to be totally obsessed with its desire to hold on to its empire, and consequently has rejected any constructive proposal for a peaceful settlement. 188. In the wake of major victories that have been scored by the Western Somali Liberation Front, Ethiopia has been engaged in a plan to make Somalia a scapegoat for the failure of Ethiopia's colonial policies, and to this end has done everything to precipitate direct military conflict. A series of acts of aggression has been launched against my country by Ethiopia, with considerable loss of life and destruction of property. In spite of constant provocations, my Government continues to exercise maximum restraint. In the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government, held in Libreville in July of this year, and in other forums, we demonstrated that Somalia was not involved militarily in the present conflict. If aggression had been committed, it is Ethiopia which has transgressed against the people of western Somalia and continues to violate their rights. 189. These hostile acts on the part of Ethiopia, the severance of diplomatic relations ar.d their refusal to ackno~ledg~ the existence ot' the Western Somali libera- tion Front are a clear indication of Ethiopia's unwillingness to enter into meaningful negotiations and '1:0 come to grips with the political realities existing within its empire. 191. There is one final point I wish to make: the conflict that is taking place in wer,tem Somalia is a war of liberatioH. Any interference by foreign Powers will exacer- bate that situation and widen the area of conflict.

Sir, it is with the greatest pleasune that, on behalf of His Excellency Ahmadou Ahidjo, President of the United Republic of Cameroon, as well as on behalf of my delegajon and in my own name, I join the preceding speakers at ~.his rostrum in congratulating you most warmly upon your election as President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. 193. Your accession to thi'· high post bears witness, not only to your outstanding qURlities as a person and a diplomat, and to your knowledge and vast experience of our Organization, but also to the high esteem and respect in which the international community holds your country, Yugoslavia, which is linked to my own by friendship and fruitful co-operation reinforced by the common aspiration to work together in our vast family of non-aligned countries for the safeguarding of ,,'leace, freedom and the indepen- dence of peoples. We are convinced "that under your authority and with your wisdom, our work will reach a successful conclusion. I wish to assure you at once of the full co-operation of my delegation. 194. May I also avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate and to express my sincere gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Amerasinghe, for the devotion, intelligence and tact with which he effectively performed the triple role of Chairman of the non-aligned group in the United Nations, Chairman of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the. Sea and President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. 195. Finally,. we are particularly pleased to reiterate here the support and appreciation of the Government of Cameroon for our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his efforts to advance ~.le r'lfposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. We wish him every success in the discharge of his second term of office. 196. We are happy that the United Nations has been enriched during this session by the addition of two new States, whose admission Cameroon had the joy and honour of sponsoring: the Republic of Djibouti, a sister-country with origins in both Arab and African cultures, whose independence marks an important step in the process of the elimination of colonialism in Africa, and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whose struggle for admission to our Organization Cameroon supported during our presidency of the Security Council. Its presence :lmong us constitutes an historic and significant proof c. f the invincibility of peoples 197. The general debate in which we have the honour to participate at each session of our Assembly should be for all States gathered here :m ideal opportunity periodically to assess how far we have come in implementing the principles enshrined in our Charter and the progress achieved in the attainment of the principal objectives, maintaining inter- national peace and security, promoting international co- operation and settling international economic, sociat, in- tellectua~ and humanitarian problems. 198. It is in order to take account of the constant struggle of peoples for their well-be~ng, for the safeguarding of human freedom and dignity, that we are led to believe that the dialogue we pursue in this Assembly should enable the Organization to be an effective centre for the harmoniza- tion of mankind's common efforts in its long march towards full fruition and happiness. 199. It is with this concern in mind that we examine the past year. 200. hiternational life seems to us indeed to be marked by all sorts of growing tensions and conflicts. Among these are the varied struggles for hegemony in which the great Powers are engaged in a constant effort to strengthen their security to ever-higher levels, thus trigJ!ering a renewed arms race, despite their declarations in favour of peace. A similar source of tension is the persistence of the scourges of colonialism and racism, the most repugnant and criminal form of which is still apartheid. .Yet another source of tension is the resistance to change on the part of those who advocate the present economic order, which enables 30 per cent of the world's population to possess 70 per cent of the wealth of our planet. 201. For aB those reasons, the period under review was one of disappointed hopes, and we agree with the observa- t:on of the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the United Nations / A/32/1/ that the past year does not lead us to be sanguine, because none of the proposals made by our Organization for a just and equitable settlement of the difficult problems facing our world has e.en begun to be solved. On the contrary, new problems have been added to those which already existed, and are now in the forefront, thus rend~ring the international situation even more complex and explosive. 202. Moreover, economic disarray has never been so pronounced: the old economic order in which we live, which some are still trying to shore up by hopelessly inadequate remedies, is sinking everywhere. That unjust system whereby a few countries control 80 per cent of world trade, nearly 95 per cent of private investments, an enormous part of world industry and almost all its technology has left two thirds of mankind in a state of poverty and squalor. A generator of inflation, of monetary disorders, of recession and unemployment, that system has constantly weakened the position of the developing coun- tries by bringing about a deterioration in their terms of 203. These turbulences had to reach an extreme pitch, where they jeopardized the illost solidly established existing economies before the internationai community final!y became aware of its interdependence and the unity of its destiny. . 204. That was why our Assembly adopted resolutions on the establishment of a new international economic order / resolutions 3201 (S- VI) and 3202 (S- VI)j. and on the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States / resolu- tion 328,1 (XXIX)j. as well as certain resolutions relating to economic development and international co-operation. 205. It is understandabie that the hopes which had been aroused by the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-cperation, which was intended to alter in depth the structures of the old order and lay the groundwork for a new and mOle equitable economic order, should have been all the more frustrated because the concrete proposals made h" tho rlovoloninn f'nllntr;p" u/hif'h t'nlllrl h~vp renrpspntprl V1 "I" U'"' '-'I. Y&IJo ",,"vw... ".a_"" .. "'......., .. a_ ••-.- • t"'-- _ ....-- substantial progress along that path, were blocked from the outset by purely internal and limited considerations on the part of the industrialized countries, which preferred to hold fast to their acquired advantages, their selfish interests and their established life-styles, rather than tolerate a change calculated to bring about a world economic development on the basis of solidarity. 206. Indeed, the developing countries had expected real changes in Paris and that solutions would be found without delay for the pressing problems which they were facing in the areas of raw materials and trade, development, and financial and monetary co-operation. 207. The limited results of the Paris Conference are far from satisfyipg the developing world as a whole. 208. But rather than enmeshing ourselves in the coils of controversy about how to evaluate the results, it seems to us that we must now channel our efforts towards the future in three directions. Fir~t, we must strive to ensure that the develop~d countries comply with all the commitments they have so far freely entered into in international forums. Secondly, we must resume and complete, within the United Nations system, negotiations in fields where an agreement is possible. Thirdly, we must resume negotiations on ques- tions which have been stumbling-blocks and find adequate solutions which, as President Ahidjo recently said, "wiU make it possible to take into account the legitimate aspirations of the third world to equality and concerted progress". 209. There is no need to be a prophet to predict that, if nothing is done within a reasonable time to improve the situation of the developing countries, their growing bitter- ness will surely give rise to increasingly dangerous tensions in the world. 210. The sums swallowed up by the production of military arsenals come close to $350 billion, whereas aid for development barely reaches $15 billion. Let us recall that 211. This comparison is obviously not arbitrary. On the contrary, the stagnation, and even contraction, of public aid to development is the direct consequence of the arms race. In fact, while arms production contributes to the promotion of the economic activities of certain States, it undoubtedly leads to pauperization of the developing countries, which have become the toois of ideological confrontations and struggles for hegemony, thus mis- directing their burning desire to devote their resources to 212. We hope that the next special session of the General Assembly, which will be devoted to disarmament, will adopt measures calculated to promote real progress towards limiting nuclear weapons and that once confidence has been re-established the amounts allocated thus far to the balance of terror will be transferred to and used for the pressing needs of economic and social development and the im- provement of the well~being of mankind. 213. The sixth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea recently completed its work at New York, where it prepared an unofficial single composite negotiating text.l\ That text will be submitted at the next session of the Conference, to be held at Geneva starting on 27 March 1978. 214. On some points the text submitted seems to be based on innovating trends which emerged in international rela- tions in recent years and to have taken into account the legitimate aspirations of all the members of the inter- national community. However, consensus is far off on several articles, on precisely those which require the boldest imagination in determining the modalities for the exploita- tion of the sea-bed for the benefit of all countries, particularly the land-locked and geographically disad- vantaged countries. 215. Cameroon, like the other members of the Group of 77, hopes that solutions can be found. It cannot be otherwise as the Conference thus far has had the merit of being influenced by the strong determination of all the participants to arrive at realistic solutions winch would be acceptable to the international community as a whole. 216. At the political level we are bound to note that the situation also has not improved. 217. Thus, in the Middle East the State of lsr~el has persisted in occupying Arab territories by force since 1967 and in refusing to recognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. We are still convinced that there can be no just and lasting peace in that region except within the framework of a global settlement on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), and the recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian people. Consequently, we have welcomed with hope the recent 218. Indeed, as the Palestinian problem is the crux of the conflict, it is neither just nor reasonable, still less realistic, to envisage a lasting settlement without the effective participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the genuine representative of the Palestinian people. 219. We therefore appeal to all States which can take action designed to help to change the intransigence of the Tel Aviv Government to induce that Government finally to conform sincerely to the ideals and objectives of·our Charter. 220. Our membership in the great movement of the non-aligned countries naturally leads us to be concerned over the situation in Cyprus, a founding member of that movement which, because of international tensions exacer- . bated by external interference, is threatened in its very essence as a united State, master of its own destiny. We fear that the untimely death of its unquestioned and honoured leader may further rekindle the embers of dissension. 221. The efforts made io promote constructive talks between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in a spirit of moderation and mutual understanding must be pursued in order to assist them to arrive at a settlement acceptable to both sides that will safeguard the territorial integrity, independence and non-alignment of that country in con- formity with the spirit and letter of the pertinent resolu- tions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. 222. The problems that ! have just mentioned cause us deep concern; but our anxiety is all the greater when we turn our gaze towards Africa, where the situation is particularly alanning in view of the many upheavals and the winds of div~sion that are agitat\ng our continent. Need I say again that it is the experience and conviction of Cameroon that opposition among African countries cannot but weaken them, encourage foreign interference and divert our energies from the true problems that persist in our continent: speedy development and complete liberation from racial domination. 223. It goes without saying that, in our determination to continue to affirm the original identity of AfriCa in the world and to play an active role in the elaboration of new international relations based on peace, justice and con- certed progress, our continent must reject interference, because interference is to be condemned; we must preserve and further consolidate our unity within the OAU, which was established for that noble purpose. That means that Africa must strive to be more fully the master of its destiny and avoid becoming the private battlefield of rivalries among various Powers; likewise, the true friends of Africa should assist us instead of encouraging fratricidal struggles and the self-destruction that ideological conflict fosters. Peace is universal. Afric.a, I repeat, needs peace for its development and complete liberation. 224. As we have said, the inevitable process of decoloniza- ticn has just entered a new phase with the independence of 225. Because Africa can never feel wholly free until it is completely rid of every vestige of colonialism and of the scourges of apartheid and racism, it is aware of the crucial nature of the present phase in the struggle for liberation in southern Africa. Similarly, since freedom is indivisible, the international community itself cannot feel secure so long as a tyrannical regime which has elevated the systematic denial of the most elementary human rights to the status of a political philosophy and system of government flourishes in southern Africa. It is therefore a sacred duty for us to employ every means to make the white minority racists heed the voice of reason instead of ferociously pursuing the extermination of an entire people after having taken from it 80 per cent of its territory and reduced it to slavery. 226. Last year, at this same time, those who are the allies and accompiices of the ignobie regimes. of Pretoria and Salisbury or who are deluded by them urged us to have patience and dangled before our eyes the prospect of a negotiated and orderly transfer of power to the majority. We expressed our scepticism at that time about what seemed to us to be nothing but manoeuvres inspired by the necessities of domestic politics. Today we wish that events had not proved us right. Indeed, in Zimbabwe, Ian Smith, the usurper, far from having yielded power to the majority, has turned his back on any settlement negotiated with those who are fighting, is organizing a mockery of "elections" and periodically massacres the peaceful civilian populations of Zambia, Botswana and Mozambique. 227. We are very pleased with Security Council resolution 411 (1977), adopted on 30 June last, which recognizes the ineffectiveness of sanctions and encourages States to seek more effective means to bring down the illegal Salisbury regime, whose existence and activities represent a grave threat to international peace and security. 228. While we are attentively following the Anglo- American initiative, we nevertheless remain very sceptical about the co-operation that can be expected from the rebel Ian Smith, who has so far accustomed us to his bad faith and his cynicism. 229. The problem of the international Territory of Nami- bia, which has regularly appeared on the agenda of the General Assembly since 1946, is already an indelible blot on the history of the United Nations, which so far has been powerless to take up the challenge flung in the face of the world in the middle of the twentieth century by a handful of white racists entrenched in South Africa. Despite the many resolutions adopted by both the General Assembly and the Security Council of our Organization, the racist regime is strengthening its illegal domination over Namibia, wh?se vast resources are the object of shameless pillage, whIle the hateful system ofapartheid extends its oppression over the land. That state of affairs could not have continued or have been consolidated with impunity were it 231. It is high time for the international community as a whole and each of its members in particular to give positive support to the struggle being waged by SWAPO, the only authentic representative of the Namibian people. so as to put an end unconditionally and without delay to the illegal occupa\ion of Namibia. 232. The oppressive system which rules Azania has often been described here and in the international press by thoroughly impartial. witnesses as the most diabolical a human brain has ever conceived. The United Nations has recognized that apartheid is a ciime against humanity. While life is dear to every man, the people of Azania has become aware that death itself is preferable to the particularly barbaric slavery of which it is a victim. It is no longer daunted by the bullets of its assassins. But we now know since the Soweto massacres that the seeds of violence. fertilized by the blood of many innocent children. will produce an abundant harvest of freedom-in despite of Mr. Vorster. who has set up the scarecrow of atomic weaponry in vain. 233. I should not like to end this statement without leaving with the members of this Assembly the words of His Excellency Ahmadou Ahidjo. the President of the United Republic of Cameroon, who, on 8 August 1977, stated in respect of southern Africa that: "Human rights are indivisible and must be respected everywhere and by all nations. It is an illusion to believe that they can be protected in one part of the world while they are violated with impunity in other parts. The determination and arrogance of the supporters of racial domination must be met with equal determination and unfailing steadfastness in our support of the liberation movements and the dignity of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania."

Throughout the regular meetings, our continued concerns and the exigencies of a f.!Jture which we wish to build despite unforeseeable contingencies. we have had regular opportunities to measure the road yet to be travelled. From year to year, looking ahead on the path to be followed, we witness the closer concern and more attentive responsibility shown by our Organization for the aspirations of our nations, which have long been kept outside the decision-making centres of the world. 235. This sense of dynamism which has been instilled ~nto inte-rnational life increases our determination to tackle the problems which stand in the way of the necessary changes. We are in the midst of a transitional period when 236. In particular, the persistence of hotbeds of tension, the arms race, interference in the domestic affairs of States, the economic system based on inequitable trade and exploitation, and the denial to peoples of their most elementary rights are deep-seated roots of an evil which distorts the image created by the ideals of the Charter. Nevertheless, our capacity to break away from ana- chronistic systems can only be strengthened by the detente entered into between the great Powers, the recourse to democratic dialogue in dealing with key issues, the affirma- tion of the ties of economic interdependence and the ever-deeper conviction of the world-wide nature of peace, security and prosperity. 237. The nations of the third world, who are the victims of the present order and are facing the problem of their survival, were the first to advocate dialogue with a view to setting up structures to ensure the benefits of harmonious development to all alike on the bases of respect for mutual interests and of sovereignty. 238. In this process, the non-aligned countries have played an active role and have put forward proposals for the establishment of a new international order, the necessity and urgency for which are constantly evident to all of us. It is therefore significant that the debates at this session have been organized in terms of that necessity and urgency, and that they should be presided over by the representative of Yucroslavia, a founding member of the non-aligned move- me~t. Your great country, Mr. President, made a decisive contribution to the awakening of conscience, which, with the advent of' decolonization, helped to crystallize the aspirations of the third world. In history the ro~e of harbinger of the emergence and spread of the non-ahgned movement, played with such far-sightedness and commit- ment by President Josip Broz Tito, will be noted. 239. Last year, the General Assembly elected as its President a convinced partisan of non-alignment, our friend Amerasinghe, to whom I take pleasure in reaffirming here our gratitude for the effectiveness and the dedication which he displayed in the course of the thirty-first session. 240. Knowing your experience, Mr. President, your te- naciLy and your faith in the ideals of the Organization, I am sure that your election, while confirming the universal nature of our movement in this Organization, will give the proceedings of this session a dimension commensurate with the expectations of our peoples and a significance equal to the demands of the time. 241. I cannot of course pay a tribute to the President of the Assembly without emphasizing the outstanding qual- ities and talents of our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose perseverance, self-sacrifice and high- mindedness are a continuous encouragement to the activi- ties of the United Nations. 242. This year the Organization has been enrh.-ned by the admission of two new Members. the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti. In welcoming these 243. The Vietnamese people, whose struggle has brought them into a brotherhood of arms with my own people, have written, through their sacrifice and their long martyrdom, an incomparable chapter in the history of resistance to colonialism and imperialism. That nation has the right to expect of the international community .to~ay tes~im~ny of the tangible solidarity commensurate WIth the pnce It had to pay for its liberation and reunification 244. On that continent of Asia which bears the dreadful seal of the division of nations and the partition of their national territories, may peace be restored to the Indo- China peninsula and may the reunification of Viet Nam which has now been achieved favour the peaceful settle- ment free of foreign interference, of the problems of divid~d countries, and particularly of Korea, which is so close to our hearts and so much a part of our concerns. 245. The people of Djibouti, for its part, steeped in an Afro-Arab civilization which has always rejected alienation, today is rising up in the nobility ana dignity it has never lost. It too has afforded the proof, if any proof were necessary, that the greatness of peoples which by den~ition are dedicated to freedom is measured neither by the SIze of their territory nor by the numbers of their population. 246. In these 12st few years international life has under- gone qualitative changes in the establishment of new relationships both in terms of the development of political and economic relations and in the codification of standards of law that reflect the changes that have taken place. The resumption of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks between the super-Powers, their joint statement on the Middle East of 1 October and the climate which has marked the resumption in Belgrade of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe appear to be giving fresh impetus to the trend in favour of detente, although the limits of that movement contin~e to be seen precisely at the confines of the third world. 247. The ever more frequent use of a policy of fait accompli, the use of force and the destabilization of the three continents of the Southern Hemisphere reflects a retrograde situation which is all the more dangerous to peace and seeurity because, in the final analysis, it will prevent the third world from exercising its natural function in the international balance of power and consequently from making detente as universal as it must of needs be. 248. Before the progress of the African liberation move- ment, imperialism has attempted, first of all, to call a Halt to decolonization, but that policy is brought to bear wherever its interests are most threatened. 249. While the revolutionary consci~nce of the peoples of Angola and Mozambique has thwarted these imperialist whims and has foiled the threats and the manoeuvres mounted against their independence, the reality of the system of oppression remains in all its force in the rest of southern Africa. That is the focal-point of the stability of the entire continent. 251. The developments in Namibia are an additional source of concern to the world community. Pretoria, which persists in rejecting the decisions of international bodies, has left the people of Namibia no alternative to intensifying their armed struggle under the leadership of SWAPO in order to win their independence and to preserve their national unity and territorial integrity. 252. In Rhodesia, as in Namibia, the major obstacle to the iiberation of southern Africa resides in the behaviour of South Africa. There is no need in a rearguard action to multiply manoeuvres in order to make people forget that not only Rh'Odesia and Namibia must accede to independ- ence, but that the apartheid system itself must be elimi- nated once and for all. A group of Western States, it is true, is now endeavouring to negotiate the transfer of power to the African peoples. It is not our intention to discuss the merits of these intiatives which, in the final analysis, will be judged by their results. But irrespective of the value of these initiatives and the role that our Organization will be called upon to play in its decisive phase, we are concerned about the duplicity of denouncing apartheid while at the same time giving it the economic, material and military means for consolidating the policy of the enslavement of African peoples. We are dismayed by the transfer to the apartheid regime of the most sophisticated hlilitary tech- nologies. That is why we are giving close attention to all the twists and turns of that policy, which consists of intro- ducing and exacerbating the factors of dispersal of forces by trying to get artificial credit for the notion of ideological cleavage, for the sole purpose of securing authorized sanction for unavowed plans and retribution for manifestly anti-African enterprises. The independence of the African continent having become an international reality of weight and of quality, nothing is spared to separate Africa from its policy of non-alignment 253. To undermine its unity and keep it in a neo-colonial status, imperialism today is attacking the substance and the raison d'etre of the OAU by sowing discord among the African countries, by having recourse to destabilization, and by seeking to pit Africans against Africans, in order to distract them from their fundamental concerns. The prin- ciples which constitute the corner-stone of the structure of Africa and which have made it possible to neutralize the stratagems employed by the colonialists, and particularly the principles of self-determination, national unity and the inviolability of frontiers, have become, thanks to com- plicity in certain quarters, the prime target of the forces of domination and exploitation. 255. This, however, did not prevent the mutilation of the Comoro archipelago and the violation of the principle of self-determination, the unity of the p~ople and the inviol- ability of the frontiers inherited from the colonial period. In this ordeal which affects the sovereignty of a people and the dignity of a continent, the Comoros have always been assured of the unanimous and unfailing support of all Africa and of the international community. 256. Who could have imagined that in Western Sahara countries which have themselves undergone colonial rule should have sought to emulate the Powers which in the last century divided up our continent'? This is a precedent so grave that any complacency on the part of the international community would lead inevitably to the ruie of might over right. 257. If the United Nations wishes to carry out its tme mission and to safeguard the immense capital which it has accumulated in defending the ideals of peoples. it cannot do nothing when the very principles on which it is based are in jeopardy. Its responsibility for decolonization is written into the Charter: that is why it has in all relevant resolutions reaffirmed the inalienable right of the Saharan people to "elf-determination. 258 . Recolonized in the age of decolonization, that people is facing the threat of extermination and is struggling to restore universai~~y to the process of decolonization ini- tially laid down by the international community, which is now gravely threatened by two Member States, aided and abetted by the delaying tactics of the administering Power. A veritable war of liberation is going on in Western Sahara, and all the elements of that kind of war are present. The negation of the right of the Saharan people freely to choose its destiny has unfortunately culminated in an enterprise of genocide: in the exodus of thousands of Saharans and in the situation now prevailing in our region. 259. , Everyonehere is familiar with the colonialist dialectic consisting in denying the existence of peoples, in distorting the meaning of their struggle and in concealing the excesses of the colonialists by ascribing responsibility for them to others. 260. Faced with this tragedy, Algeria has consistently appealed for a restoration of the process of decolonization and for a peaceful solution to the problem based on respect for the principle of self-determination. The United Nations itself has indicated the ways and means of putting an end to a situation which is dangerous for all the peoples of the Maghreb and prejudicial to their highest interests., It is therefore incumbent upon our Organization to continue its c0nsideration of the question in the context of respect for the principles of the Charter. 262. That must unquestionably be seen as a sign which augurs well in the search for a peaceful solution and will help the Secretary-General of the United Nations to undertake, with the assistance of the other parties con- cerned and interested, in particular the Saharan people, all necessary initiatives for restoring the rule of law and promoting co-operation among all the peoples of the region. 263. In any event, Algeria declares its readiness to do its share and will spare no effort to bring about a heaHhy narrowing of differences and a restoration of trust, concord and fraternity. 264. Without any doubt, it is in such a perspective that the various Arab and African mediation attempts have been made, all of which testify to the solidarity of our peoples as they look to a common destiny. We wish to give credit where credit is due and pay a tribute to all concerned, since, despite the manoeuvres of our neighbours and their lack of political will, they have none the less pursued what they regard as a duty and what we perceive as a noble mission. 265. While Africa, like the United Nations itself, cannot abdicate its responsibilities to the Saharan people in their search for justice, the fact remains that the peoples of the Maghreb have a particular responsibility and bear a par- ticular burden in this regard. 266. In the name of history, of the spiritual and blood ties thac: bind us, of culture and language, and of solidarity which was forged in the same struggle against colonialism, the peoples of Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya, Mauritania and Western Sahara havea common destiny, and any action aimed at preventing their progress towards that destiny is a challenge to their unity. 267. That is why the tragedy of the Saharan peoplp is a matter of justifiable concern to all the peoples of the Maghreb, towards all of whom we are committed to practising a p'olicy of brotherhood, co-operation and good-neighbourliness. We must therefore transcend certain narrow chauvinistic concepts in order to envisage our action in terms of a future which is necessarily a comm~nal one and in the building of a Maghreb whole within which the Saharan people can find its rightful place and, together with the other peoples of the region, offer the benefit of its tontribution, its national genius and its own individuality. 268. The principle of self-determination of peoples is a key principle of the Charter. To abide by it is not dogmatic; it does not stem from a desire to provoke others or to strike a blow at brotherhood. International law has its own requirements, and one cannot denounce those who violat<.> it when they are our enemies and absolve others in the name of good-neighbourliness and specific bonds. It is thus in being true to itself, to its past and to its recent history 269. For Algeria the problem of Western Sahara is an international problem, and we all view it as such. At most, our perception is all the more acut~ because it affects the whole region and weighs heavily on inter-Maghreb relations. To try to reduce a political problem to a humanitarian question or to try to reduce the case of the Saharan people to a mere problem of refugees would indicate a clear wish to distort the facts and to avoid the inescapable logic of our responsibilities to our peoples. 270. The problem of Western· Sahara posed in its real terms and the responsibility of various quarters being clearly depicted, our action would remain incomplete if we failed to explore all the elements of a solution capable of satisfying the aspirations of all the peoples of the region, including, of course, the Saharan people. I should like here to reaffirm that we are entirely available to co-operate with the Secretary-General, in accordance with the principles of the Charter and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. He can in any case testify to that willingness since, on his behalf, Mr. Rydbeck of Sweden, to whom I should like o.nce again to pay a tribute, has already experienced it. 27,1.. On another level, the administering Power has pro- posed a regional formula for dialogue which, if carried out under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the Administrative Secretary-General of the OAU, with the participation of all the parties concerned, and, of course, the Frente POLISARIO, the genuine representative of the Saharan people, could constitute an adequate framework for dialogue and, wh~t is more, for the preparativTl'of a just ard lasting solution. . 272. Our faithfulness to the principle of self-determina- tion is only equalled by our devotion to the policy of fraternity, good-neighbourliness and co-operation. In the age of large groupings, and in the hope that this step could make a substantial contribution to the achievement of African and Arab unity, we are prepared to explore all ways of institution:;Jizing relations among the countries of the Maghreb within a framework which would preserve the identity and interests of all and which would take account of the unique nature of all the partners, but would not mercilessly or fatally exclude the Saharan people. I say that, despite all misunderstandings, all missed opportunities, we are'immediately prepared to undertake a joint search for appropriate formulas, and to reorganize our relations within a general framework that will be in accord with the spirit of our peoples and the characters of our countries. 274. Africa and the Arab world, because they are com- . plementary in all fields and each is an extension of the other, today share a common destiny and face similar trials. The Arab peoples, like the African peoples, are waging a united struggle to eliminate the colonial and neo-colonial systems and foreign occupation. Throughout history they have woven strong and powerful bonds between them and, despite the skill of imperial strategies, they are henceforth aware that the struggles which they are waging have the same meaning, the same objectives, the same allies and the same enemies. 275. That is why Algeria itself feels deeply concerned with the strengthening of co-operation to which Africa and the Arab world have committed themselves. Just as the Arab world has made clear its adherence to that community of ~ommon destiny with our continent, so the African countries have understood that the persistence of the conflict in the Middle East is only another example of the constant concern of imperialism to maintain its positions and to protect the strategic and economic interest which it has arrogated to itself around the world through a policy based on the maintenance of tension, despoiling of terri- tories, subjugation of peoples and the seizure of their wealth. As does South Africa elsewhere, Israel constitutes the main instrument of that policy. 276. The latest measures taken by Tel Aviv for the installation of new Zionist settlements in eis-Jordan, and its constant provocations against Lebanon, are aimed at consolidating its aggression against the Palestinian neople and its homeland and the fait accompli it has carried out in the other occupied Arab territories. My country is con- vinced that such a policy cannot be condoned indefinitely by a passive or deliberately dispassionate attitude. Never- theless, we note with interest the broad international consensus which has emerged for the Palestinian cause and for its justice and the legitimacy of the rights of the Palestinian people, incontestably represented by the Pal- estine Liberation Organization. 277. As in the case of the Evian talks between the French and the Algerians, then represented .by the National Liberation Front, only direct negotiations with the Pal- estine Liberation Organization can open the way for a just and lasting solution to the primary cause to which the Middle East problem must constantly be brought back: in other words. the restoration to the Palestinian people of their fundamental rights and the recovery of their historic homeland. 279. While the world community firmly supports recogni- tion of the national rights of the Palestinian people, it is certainly revealing that the United States of America has finally understood that it cannot install itself in an exclusive position in the Middle East, and that other Powers, if only because of their very nature, also have obvious responsibilities to bear in the maintenance of peace and international security. We are far from sanctioning any idea of trusteeship exercised by any Power, but if the efforts of the United States of America can be influential in the process of restoring peace to the Middle East, then it is quite clear that, if they are joined with those of the Soviet Union, in the spirit of the recent joint statement, they could become decisive. At all events, the Arab peoples, having learned to test their friendships, are now more than ever convinced that their salvation, their freedom and their dignity are essentially based upon the policy of self- reliance. Once these temporary problems are overcome, I am convinced that the Arab world, with its formidable potential and privileged position at the cross-roads of continents and civilizations, with its historic vocation, will once again resume its historic role in bringing peoples together and fostering co-operation among them. 280. In this same Mediterranean basin, where the situation is still explosive, the problem of Cyprus remains unchang~d. The negotiations between the two Cypriot communities, conducted under the aegis of our Secretary-General, have unfortunately not yet achieved the hoped-for results. We continue to consider that in this regard the resolution adopted at the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly /3212 (XXIX)j constitutes a continuing valid basis for the satisfactory solution of the question. Such a solution should guarantee to each community its rights. its identity and its ~curity, while maintaining the political unity, territorial integrity, independence and the non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprus. 281. Nearly four years ago, when the industrialized countries were feeling the boomerang effect of their own policies, for so long based upon negligent waste of natural resources, the countries of the third world addressed a clear and urgent appeal to them, from this same rostrum. to bring about a peaceful revolution in international relations, in order to foster true co-operation between States based on equity, sovereign equality and mutual interest. 282. Analysing the underlying causes of the crisis at the sixth special session and the. twenty-ninth regular session, the General Assembly of the United Nations stressed the contradictions which are inherent in the present system of economic relations, and warned against the confrontations which thi.; system inevitably engenders, because it is based upon relations which do not correspond to international political reality or the requirements of a balanced develop- ment of the world economy. 283. Thus, invited to choose between dialogue and con- frontation, the international community could in fact only 284. The Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States in this respect offer specific elements for an alternative that would make it possible to establish more equitable relations and-why not'! -relations of greater solidarity inspired precisely by the ideals and principles which constitute the philosophical foundation and political raison d'etre of the United Nations. 285. Determined advocates of dialogue as the possible means of bringing about a cCtlcerted change in international relations, the countries of the third world have despite the urgency and gravity of their problems done their utmost to ensure success for the seventh special session. They were convinced that the spirit of openness and commitment which prevailed on that occasion would progressively win the day over reservations and hesitations. 286. In accepting, when cunsidering and tackling prob- lems, a certain hierarchical system which took into account the economic situation resulting from the crisis of the industrialized economies and a reasonable arrangement for a smooth transition in the implementation of temporary solutions to bring about the new order, they clearly demonstrated their will to engage in dialogue. 287. Conversely, it appears that with the passage of time the feeling of resignation which accompanied the indus- trialized countries' adherence to the consensus which emerged around the new order already presaged their concern to gain control over this concept in order to strip it of its true significance. The goal sought by those countries was doubtless to save time in order to patch up the breach that had been opened up by the petroleum exporting countries and in order to attempt to isolate those countries from other devetoping nations by 2"cribing the respon- sibility for the crisis to them. This attempt to bring about division was aimed at snuffing out the demands of the third world and neutralizing the formidable potential means of action conferred upon it by its natural resources and new political weight. 288. Thus from the very beginning it was feared that the mctivations of the parties in the negotiations only con- cealed divergent strategies despite the professions of faith of the industrialized countries. which had apparently become converted to the idea of a new order. 289. In fact. this ambiguity has not ceased to characterize all the stages of negotiation in recent years. In particular. that explains the results of the Paris Conference on International and Economic Co-operation. 290. In fact, everything leads one to believe that for our partners the objective remains the preservation of the essential foundations of the present order. Doubtless they accept that the world economy must be adjusted to the new circumstances, but such adjustments, if limited to empirical and fragmentary measures. would be con- templated only to the extent that they contributed to the strengthening of the established order. 292. If the rules of the market are thus often invoked to reject constructive and innovative proposals from develop- ing countries, the same rules are ignored as soon as it is a question of easing dominant positions and privileges. 293. That is why, even if the industrialized countries agree that a structural shortage of energy is emerging over the short-term, they still refuse to come to the right conclu- sions as regards price, the instrument which is nevertheless the appropriate one for rational management and distribu- tion whenever there is a shortage. Liberal economic theory itself teaches that only a regular increase in price can prepare the way for an economic solution based on substitutes, since it promotes the development of alter- native resources. 294. Similarly, if they refer to the principle of com- parative advantage to justify maintenance of the present internaticnal division of labour, the industrialized countries ignore those same principles in the name of transient or geopolitical considerations when it is a matter ofjustifying protectionist barriers and their abusive use of safeguard clauses presented as so many exceptions to the rule. 2°5. In this respect, the failure of the negotiations on the renewal of the Multi-fibre Arrangement illustrate the resumption of protectionist policies and shows how pre- carious was the progress achieved in the past 296. If it was necessary to judge the North-South dialogue from the point of view of its contribution to the restructur- ing of the world economy, one would be tempted to say that its obvious merit was essentially that it enabled us better to identify the problems and to clarify positions. 297. The specific agreements to which that dialogue led are, with a few exceptions, anything but a confirmation of results already achieved in other international bodies. particularly the Second General Conference of UNIDO in Lima in 1975. the World Food Conference in Rome in 1974 and the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi in 1976. 298. On the other hand, these points of agreement or this convergence of positions sometimes concerning important questions such as assistance for development, agriculture. world food security and the common fund. would be improved if they were strengthened and completed in coming negotiations. 300. While international co-operation in the field of energy is desirable it is obviously not possible except on the basis of strict respect for the sovereignty of every State and the principle of mutual advantage. In particular it implies that the industrialized countries will undertake to open their markets to manufactured goods. to provide additional amounts of development financing, and to guarantee non-discriminatory access to their technology. including their nuclear technology. 301. Lastly, is there any need to list the important fields in which there is still much to be done'? Here, there are several themes which I think should constitute the main issues for future negotiations in the appropriate bodies of the United Nations system. 302. Real reform of the international monetary system: consideration of the legitimate interests of the developing countries in multilateml trade negotiations: the creation of a joint commodity fund; the adoption of a code of conduct on the transfer of techp.ology; the solution of the problems of indebtedness of the developing countries: the promotion of the industrialization of th~ third world--this list is not exhaustive-are so many objectives which the international community must set for itself within a reasonable period of time. 303. The establishment of the new international economic order is undoubtedly a fundamentally political objective. 304. Therefore. the technical framework, albeit excellent in all respect~ in Paris thank" particularly to the marked efforts and the constant attention of the French Govern- ment and to the remarkable competence and devotion of the two Co-Chairmen, Mr. Manuel Perez Guerrero and Mr. Allan MacEachen. cannot take the pla..:e of the political will of States, which itself can only be fully expressed in this body which brings together the international com- munity as a whole. 305. This year a feature of international life has been the proliferation of more or less dramatic proposals having varying chances of success. They have been put forward apparently to exorcise the deep unease underlying relations between States. Time-tables have been announced. interna- tional meetings have been planned. and projects have been advanced in a sudden, pressing desire to solve the most long-standing problems. This is the case in southern Africa: it is the case in the Middle East; and it is the case with the transformation of international economic relations. 306. Clearly, it has become customary to say without emotion, in speaking of international problems. that they will be complex, not to say insoluble, so long as States exist. in an environment where opportunity and risk go hand in hand, where might jostles right, and where mistrust and fear are still natural reflexes in the face of intimidation and violence. In the delicate stage which we are now passing through, changes are obviously necessary. We must accept 307. Our Organization has been able in a difficult context to assume a role which no other body can assume in its place: that of setting objectives. at the level of general interest and offering the alternative of dialogue and negotiation to the dangerous temptation of solutions by force. It is called upon lO evolve and to adapt in accordance with its determination to accomplish its vocation. It can only survive and be consolidated through the necessary combining of our efforts.

Seve ~ representatives have re- quested to be allowed to exercise their right of reply. May I once again remind the representatives that. according to the decision of the General Assembly, statements in exercise of the right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes. In view of the lateness of the hour and of the large number of speakers. I am sure that representatives will understand my request ,hat they co-operate in adhering to that limitation and that they speak as briefly as possible.

In conformity with rule 73 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. my delegation would like to reply to certain allegations. about which the least one could say is that they were untruthful and inaccurate, made yesterday by Mr. Paulo T. lorge, Minister for Fo~eign Affairs of the People's Republic of Angola. 310. The remarks to which I shall reply are well known to all countries that have a Pemlanent Mission to the United Nations in New York, since. as I would remind them. they have received a documentary reply to the lying accusations of Angola in a letter sent from the Permanent Mission under the symbol MPZ/Ol/363/22. In other words. Zaire regrets greatly having to return to these same matters. which certain persons. who have no ears to hear. love to have repeated. 311. In his address to the General Assembly yesterday 131st meeting!. the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Angola accused the regular troops of Zaire of crossing the frontier in the north of his country and he claimed that the Republic of Zaire, my country, was a State that was preparing for a missile attack on Angolan territory. For- tunately, absurd accusations cannot kill anyone. 312. Before going further. I would like to remind this Assembly of what it already knows of the actions under- taken by Zaire to assist Angola to free itself and to induce the Movimento Popular de Liberta~ao de Angola IMPLA! to maintain harmonious and good-neighbourly rehtions with Zaire. 313. First of all, I would like to recall that the first sIlOt fired to liberate Angola from the grip of Portuguese colonialism was fired from the territory of Zaire. At that tim~ Zaire was sheltering an Angolan population numbering about one and a half million persons, and the Zairian people paid with their lives-the lives of the villagers living Iibera~ion often have short memories. 314. Secondly, a5 soon as MPLA had set itself up in Angola at a time and in a way known to all. Zaire, true to its African loyalties and its policy of good-neighbourliness and non-interference in the domestic affairs of other States. and true to its policy of authenticity and to its continuous concern for the unity of Africa, as reaffirmed in its Constitution and as repeated by the Commissioner for Foreign Affairs and International C'o-cperation in his speech of 6 Octobcr from this same rostrum /23rd meet- ing/. agreed to meet the Angolan authorities in February 1976 at Brazzaville. At that meeting and several times subscquently. President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire gave assurances to President Neto that the territory of Zaire would never be used as an of~rational base against Angola As of that moment, Zaire dismantled all of the bases where Angolan forces had been trained before that country's independence for incursions into the territory then con- trolled by the Portuguese. Furthermore. Zaire, in the person of its leader. declared its readiness to welcome on its territory any commission of enquiry, under the auspices of either the United Nations or the OAU. to verify the truth of its commitl11ent~ to the young State of Angola and of its arrangements made in good faith with it. 315. Thirdly, as a token of its wish to live as good neighbours with its brothers in Angola, President Mobutu went even further: he gave de jure recognition to the MPLA regime in Luanda and invited that regime to establish diplomatic relations with Zaire at the ambassadorial level. That proposal by Zaire has remained a dead letter. One can easily see that the presence in Kinshasa of an Angolan ambassador would have helped to dispel misunderstandings and clear up illusions. It would have put an end to a policy of lies aimed at concealing the difficulties of the regime established at Luanda. These political difficulties are aB too familiar to the MPLA leaders and their mentors, and it is not Zaire which has any miraculous remedy for their solution. On the contrary. it is for our Angolan friends to question their conscience-their genuinely African con- science-and the reply will occur spontaneously Their mentors an~ deceiving them and wasting their time. 316. Fourthly, this is the moment to reply to the first mendacious accusation against Zaire. My country maintains no camp whatsoever for the training of guerrillas hostile to the Luanda regime, nor docs it make use of its regular army for the commission of aggression against its many neigh- bours. On the contrary. by making such a claim, Minister Jorgc was unwittingly revealing the culpability of the Government he serves in the recent unhappy events in the south-western part of Shaba province. which is unfor- tunately to the north of Angolan territory-events in the course of which former Katanga gendarmes. in the pay of foreign Powers, led and trained by foreigners, occupied, as you know. the localities of Dilolo, Sandoa. Kapanga and the manganese-mining centre at Kisenge. Happily, thanks above all to African solidarity, the invaders were driven back across our frontiers. It is understandable that the foreign paymasters of those invaders, undoubtcdly 317. Fifthly, I shall reply to the second accusation with a smile on my lips. (ts conscience burdened with the crimes committed by the irresponsible bands that it has armed, the Luanda regime was expecting a riposte on the part of Zaire against its territory. h will go on waiting for a very long time indeed unless there is a repetition of that clnister game, which would be serious· indeed for both our countries. Fearful of such an eventuality, the leaders in Luanda are trying to confuse everyone and to speak of matters of which they know nothing. The programme of the Orbital Transport and Raketen C:1mpany, which was mcntioned by Mr. Jorge at the dictate of his mentors, is essentially and above all a civilian programme and repre- sents the free and sovereign exercise of our country's will to promote technical and scientific co-operation with all State Members of our Organization that love peace and justice, of which Angola is one. 318. Zaire. which has embarked upon the task of eco- nomic and social rehabilitation, cannot but regret that pronouncements like those we heard yesterday from the lips of a so-called African minister should be made in a St'rious debate intended to enlighten the United Nations General Assembly as to the real problems of the worid- problems to which the international community expects genuine and lasting solutions. 319. Mr. HERZOG (lsrael~: If I were to make full use of my right of reply, I estimate that I would need 400 minutes-that is to say, 10 mUlUtes for every one of approximately 40 extreme anti-Israeli speeches delivered here in the general debate. However, out of deference to you, Mr. President, and trusting that others will follow my lead. I shan not even use all 10 minutes you have put at my disposal. 320. The Arab representatives in this general debate have excelled themselves-and that certainly takes some doing- in the degree of invective and hatred that characterized their approach to Israel. One cannot escape the impression that we are witness here to an inter-Arab competition as each vies for the privilege of sinking to lower depths in an exhibition of b~d language. bad manners and bad taste. 321. Let me make it quite clear: I could refut~ every argument put forward by the Arab representatives. I could prove that they are guilty of every accusation which they throw at others. But I do not intend to do so, because. as a matter of principle. we will not demean ourselves. It is beneath our dignity as a civilized State to sink to this level and to engage in such barren polemics. 322. Furthermore, let me make it quite c:ear that we will not try to emulate the childish behaviour of the Arab representatives and of the representatives of those satellites who have no minds of their own and who left this hall when our Foreign Minister mse to speak. 323. We were present and listened to every Arab speech. We will be present and will listen to every Arab speech, 325. At a time when important high-level consultations may at last be moving the Middle East towards serious negotiations, we had hoped that the proceedings of this Assembly would reflect the constructive atmosphere pre- vailing in the present bilateral talks. Instead, we have been treated to an endless flood of invective, distortions, belligerent statements and personal attacks on our Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, which not only constitute a serious obstacle to the present search for peace but raise serious questions as to the true intentions of the Arab Governments.. 326. What are we to believe'? The soothing statements of the Egyptian Foreign Minister to the American media'? Or his vilification of zionism, his threats of war and his presumptuous call, before this Assembly, for· an end to Jewish immigration to Israel? 327. My delegation rejects outright the malicious accusa- tions and vile calumnies which have been hurled at us in this Assembly in the general debate. 328. I repeat that we shall not demean ourselves in order to continue this barren, useless and degrading debate. 329. I can only reiterate what I have said on previous occasions-namely, that the level of the debate and the tone that has been set by these statements of Arab delegations must prejudice any prospects for this body to be taken seriously. 330. Two days ago by unanimous decision the Israel Cabinet agreed to the joint working paper agreed upon with the Government of the United States with the purpose of reconvening the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. This was in accordance with Israel's views that peace can come only via the negotiating table. One would have expected a different tone from the Arab delegations in the light of current developments, but it was not to be. One must reluctantly deduce that the true approach of the Arab States to our problem is in the volumes of hatred and intransigence to which this Assembly has been subjected in speech after speech. 331. As I stand here in reply to the Arab statements, after my Government has made such a meaningful step forward, let me recall the words of a former Secretary-General of this Organization. Mr. Dag Hammarskj6ld: "You can con- demn a State or you can negotiate with it, but you cannot do both". I suggest to my Arab colleagues that they make their minds up and decide which path of these two offered by Mr. Hammarskj6ld they wish to take. They cannot take both.

At the outset I wish to apologize to the members of the General Assembly for 333. Indonesia's attitude wit.'1. regard to the decoloniza- tion process in East Timor has been guided by the following considerations. First, Indonesia has no territorial claims on East Timor or any other territory. Secondly, Indonesia fully respects the right to self-determination of the people of East Timor. Thirdly, the process of decolonization should be implemented in a democratic and orderly manner. Fourthly, if it is the decision of the people of East Timor to be integrated with Indonesia as the result of the exercise of their right to self-determination, Indonesia will accept that decision. 334. In the rn,~antime, since last year, the following developments have taken place in East Timor. 335. The process of decolonization has been carried out in East Timor in full conformity with the provisions of the Charter and those of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and-let us not forget this- resolution 1541 (XV), thus terminating the colonial status of the former Portuguese Territory. The right to self-determi- nation was exercised in a free and democratic manner by the people of East Timor themselves, consistent with their traditional practices. 336. On 31 May 1976 the people of East Tirnor, through the duly elected members of the People's Representative Assembly. decided to become independent through inte- gration with the Republic of Indonesia and communicated a request to that effect to the Indonesian Government. In accordance with the appropriate legislative procedures, East Timor wa,; formally integrated into the Republic of Indonesia on 17 July 1976. Thus, the process of decoloni- zation was terminated in accordance with the wishes of the people of East Timor. As East Timor has become inde- pendent as an integral part of the Republic of Indonesia. Indonesia .opposes any discussion of East Timor in whatever forum, since that constitutes interf~rence in its internal affairs. 337. It has been said that the United Nations was not involved in the decolonization process in East Timor and that therefore the validity of the act of self-determination by the people of East Timor should be contested. If the United Nations was not involved. that certainly cannot be blamed on the people of East Timor. Representatives of the people of East Timor have tried to involve the United Nations in every stage of the developments in the Territory. In fact, after the administering Power abandoned East Timor, as early as 17 September 1975-1 repeat, 17 September 1975-three political parties in the Territory sent cablegrams to the United Nations, the President of PorttJgal, the President of Indonesia and the Australian Government, informing them of the murders and sys- tematic terror employed by the Frente Revoluciomiria de 338. On 12 February 1976 the head of the Provisional Government of East Timor, in a cablegram addressed to the Secretary-General, stated his Government's readiness to receive a second visit of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General. Again no action followed. 339. In his statement before the Security Council on 12 April 1976. a representative of the Provisional Government of East Timor again invited the Secretary-General, the Security Council and the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples to send a mission to the Territory.9 But once again no initiative was taken by the relevant organs of the United Nations in response to that invitation. 340. In this connexion I should like to call attention to a statement made by the representative of Indonesia before the Security Council on 14 April 1976. in which he referred to that invitation and said: "To accept that 1nvitation, eithe by requesting i.he Secretary-General to have his Special Representative visit East Timor again or by sending a United Nations mission-whichever the Council may prefer-would be the easiest way to find out whether the claims and accusa- tions made by FRETILIN are based upon facts or whether they· are all lies fabricated by a handful of self-styled leaders who left East Timor after they had unleashed the tragic fighting in the Territory and who have since lost contact with the people and developments in East Timor. A visit by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General or by a United Nations mission would provide the opportunity to obtain first-hand knowledge of the real situation in the Territory and of the wishes of its people~"1 0 341. I think it cannot be expressed in clearer language that Indonesia at that time strongly supported the sending of a United Nations mission to East Timor and involvement of the United Nations in the process of decolonizaiion in that Territory. 342. On 24 May 1976 the Provisional Government of East Timor once again invited the Special Committee to dispatch a mission to East Timor to attend the 1st meeting of the People's Representative Assembly. For one reason or another the invitation was not accepted. 343. On 10 June 1976 Indonesia invited the Special Committee the Security Council and the Secretary-General to visit E~st Timor, concurrently with the visit of a fact-finding mission sent by ~·~le ",ldonesian Government and the Indonesian Parliament. Again the response was negative. 345. The problem of East Timor has ceas~d to e~ist as a problem of decolonization. The people of the provmce :ae now engaged in the long and difficult task of reconstruction and development. It should further be noted that those efforts have been undertaken under a leadership comprised of native East Timorese and that under that indigenous leadership substantial progress has been made in healing the wounds and eradicating the scars caused by the recent turmoil. It is my delegation's sincere expectation that the people of East Timor will be left alone and be allCJwed to develop. themselves and their institutions as part of the Indonesian nation. 346. Another example of a blatant lack of knowledge was manifested by the representative of Beuin, who in his statement [30th meeting! involved Indonesia when refer- ring to a movement of a group of South Moluccans outside Indonesia. Of course the islands of South MoJucca have throughout history been part of Indonesia, as the South Moluccans, the people of those islands, have always been an integral part of the Indonesian people. The movement is of no direct concern to Indonesia, in the sense that no such movement exists in Indonesia. Indonesia has in fact nothing to do with activities thousands of miles away from it. But the representative of Bernn in his statemtlnt presented the matter in such a Vltay that my delegation cannot let it pass without clarification from our side. Any connexion of that movement with Indonesia. is due to its name-south Molucca~-and because of the fact that a small number of south Moluccans who have been dreaming of an imaginary State were at one time part of a group of mercenaries in the pay of the colonial-army which fought against the freedom fighters during the Indonesian people's revolutionary war for independence. 347. At the en,d of that bloody war, part of those mercenaries, after their failure to create trol1ble, chose to leave Indonesia and Were shipped to the metropolitan country. The remaining part was integrated into the Indonesian national army. That all happened more than 25 years ago, whereas we now enjoy the best of relations with that metropolitan country. Those who left Indonesia practically lost contact with the Moluccans in Indonesi~ A part of that group either integrated themselves into the local population or regainea their Indonesian nationality and became good citizens of their country of residence. However, while brooding in the metropolitan country, some of them have continued to drug themselves with the dream of an imaginary State and in the procp.ss have involved their children, who have never seen the Moluccas. If they have created problems, we are convinced that the country in which they live will be able to solve those problems. 348. However, the fact that Benin has tried to involve itself in the activity of a small group of secessionists of 349_ We ourselves-Indonesians-have exercised our right to self-determination and waged a four-year-Iong bloody revolutionary war to defend our independence and sov- ereignty after we proclaimed it on 17 August 1945. We are not Johnny-come-Iatelies, either in our support for the right to self-determination-we actively participated in the for- mulation of resolutions 1514 (XV) and" 1541 (XV)-or in the fight against colonialism and imperialism throughout the world. Therefore Indonesia needs no lessons from anybody-no matter how revolutionary they may be, or claim to be-with regard to respect for the right to self-determination or to commitment to the fight against colonialism and imperialism in all their forms and manifes- tations.

It is with considerable reluctance and constraint that I have asked to be allowed to speak at this late hour in exercise of my delegation's right of reply to the gross misrepresentations which the delega- tion of Somalia has made on two separate occasions. In exercise of its right of reply to the statement made by the Ethiopian Foreign Minister at the 27th meeting of the Gen~ra1 Assembly and again this afternoon, the delegation of Somalia has endeavoured to side-step the central issue of Somalia's aggression. All the same, let me clarify for the record some of the calculated half-truths of the Somali delegation. 351. False allegations by the Mogadishu Government branding Ethiopia as a colonial Power have quite clearly become an obsession with the present regime in Mogadishu. That Ethiopia itself was a victim of repeated imperialist and colonialist aggression through the centuries is a fact of hic;tory. Somalia's ambition for expansion and territorial armandizement cannot change that historical fact. But, then, history is appreciated only by those who have a sense of history. The malicious and reprehensible allegations of Ethiopian colonialism must therefore be dismissed with the contempt that they so richly deserve. 352. Ethiopia's understanding of the scope and purpose of the principle of self-determination has already been suc- cinctly stated by my Foreign Minister in the course of his participation in the general debate of the current session. The enlarged family of the United Nations is itself a living testimony of the victories gained by the rigorous applica- tion of the principle of self-determination. But that laudable principle has never been applied for the explici~ 358. Paradoxically, this afternoon from this rostrum purpose of dismembering any independent State Member of Somalia offered its good offices, for which I suppose we are the United Nations. expected to be grateful. Apart from the fact that we have serious reservations about their being honest brokers, we do 353. Moreover, Somalia's policy cannot be made any more not remember any instance in which a party which stands acceptable under the guise of the principle of self- accused of a serious crime has been elevated to the bench of determination of peoples. That principle has never been and an impartial judge. cannot now be applied to people who have historically lived in an independent, sovereign State and who, by partici- 359. Faithful to his mentors, the Foreign Minister of pating in peacetime in the political life of their nation and Somalia this afternoon found it useful to shed some defending it against aggression with the supreme sacrifice of crocodile tears about the state of human rights in Ethiopia, life, have already exercised that choice. To misconstrue and as if his Government's concern for the well-being of to attempt to use the principle of self-determination Ethiopians were not adequately manifested by its 'naked outside the colonial context will help the colonial forces aggression since July 1977 and the wanton killings, arson 355. In their pathological obsession for expansion and territorial aggrandizement, the authorities in Mogadishu have'of late been straining Lheir imagination to come forth with newly coined and, for their purpose, convenient terminologies such as "western Somalia" and "Western Somalia Liberation Front". The ominous portent and implications of Somalia's new terminologies should be taken quite seriously by the international community. Should they be emboldened by their current forgeries, the Mogadishu authorities are certain to publicize "southern Somalia" and "northern Somalia", complete with their respective liberation movements, as the next step in their insatiable pursuit of expansionism. As far as Ethiopia is concerned, we of course totally reject Somalia's latest forgeries. 356. That the Government of Somalia should unabashedly insist, even in the face of massive evidence and its own boastfulness to the contrary, that the present war of aggression against Ethiopia is actually being waged by the so-called Western Somalia Liberation Front is certalnly revealing. No known liberation movement to date has at its disposal combat aircraft, an array of the most sophisticated missiles, heavy tanks and armoured personnel carriers, radar systems and all other kinds of logistic support. That the delegation of Somalia should expect the General Assembly to believe Somalia's non-involvement in the present war of aggression is surely an insult to the intelligence of the Assembly. 357. Everybody knows that the entire Somali army and military machine has been converted into a so-called liberation front overnight. Somalia should at least muster the ,courage to admit its aggression and bear the full con~quences of its dastardly action. Unfortunately, Soma- ta does not seem to have that kind of courage. 361. In his attempt to refute my Foreign Minister's reference to the 1964 OAU resolution on the respective existing frontiers, the representative of Somalia on 10 October 1977 [27th meeting] indulged in his Government's usual tactic of twisting facts, decisions and rulings to suit its purpose. Since Somalia considers that OAU resolution AHG/Res.16 (I) is invalid and that the OAU is incompetent to play any role whatsoever, Somalia cannot be expected to give a reasonable interpretation of that resolution, or to report accurately statements made by delegations during the discussion and adoption of thdt particular resolution. 362. Unlike the Somali representative, who misquoted the author of the resolution, let me quote from an official OAU document, the verbatim and summary records of the meetings of the first ordinary session of the As.~embly of Heads of State and Government, held in Cairo from 17 to 21 July 1964 and not from a piece of paper as the representative of Somalia did. Responding to an objection raised by the representative of the Government of Somalia during that Conference, the President of the then United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar replied: "I think it is obvious that we have already boundary disputes, otherwise this preblem would not have arisen at all. It would not have come here. We already have boundary disputes and we all hope, as I have expressed on different occasions, that amicable solutions will be found - to these existing boundary disputes. But, Mr. Chairman, this should not prevent us from affirming a principle which is already part of our Charter." After some exchange of views in the Conference, the Chairman of the Conference summed up the consensus in the following manner: "The Conference is incited to solemnly reaffirm the principles already set out in the Charter, and these principles are not merely concerned with the actually existing conflicts, but with all Member States of the OAU. We therefore ask the Conference to pronounce itself on the proposed resolutions of Tanganyika and Zanzibar." Then the resolution was adopted, and applause followed. Having listened again to what the Somali representative ha~ to say after the resolution was adopted, the Chairman declared, and I quote: "This resolution is adopted. We cannot do otherwise. Now let us consider the next item." Then what happened? There was loud applause.

May I ask the representative kindly to make his concluding remarks; I was prepared to tolerate an extension of the time-limit of two minutes.

I will fmish in one minute, Mr. President, ifyou will allo'Y me to do so. 366. Instead of answering directly the simple question of Somalia's aggression against Ethiopia, the members of the Assembly were treated again this afternoon to the usual rigmarole to which the delegation of Somalia reverts when it is in a tight spot. Well-rehearsed yet transparent allega- tions, such as Ethiopian colonialism, the distortion of the correct meaning of the principles of self-determination, and so forth, were, of course~ diversionary tactics. The central issue is only that of Somalia's aggression against a State Member of the United Nations. No amount of effort on the part of that delegation to confuse this Assembly can conceal the stark fact of the unprovoked aggression which the Government is now prosecuting within the inter- nationally recognized boundaries of Ethiopia. 367. Ethiopia is fully convinced: that this brazen ag~ gression is not condoned, but is openly condemned by the international community. Somalia will therefore have to face the full consequences of its present folly. Moreover, peace and stability will be restored in the region only when Somalia abandons its expansionist ambitions at the expense ofits neighbours.

There is a Mauritanian proverb which says: "If you are being stoned, blame the thrower, not the stones." Therefore, I shall not take the trouble to reply to my colleague from Benin. 369. On the other hand, I should like to reply to the points raised by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, who has just spoken and who spoke in moving and eloquent terms of the unity necessary for Africa, the Magbreb and the Arab world. 370. How can such language be used by those ,who have the primary responsibility for the divisions and disputes which today convulse the Maghreb? I might begin with a quotation, and I ask members to guess the name of the author. The quotation is as follows: "We note with great satisfaction the understanding reached by our two brother-countries, Mauritania and Morocco, with respect to this region." After hearing the statement just made by the Algerian Minister, nobody could imagine that this quotation could 371. I would also like to make a second quotation and I shall ask you to guess who is the author of this one: "I was present at a meeting with His Majesty the King of Morocco and the President of Mauritania, a meeting at which they found a means to resolve the problem of the Sahara which envisages a Moroccan and a Mauritanian zone. I was present; I gave my full endorsement without ulterior motives." Cun you guess who was the autllor of that quotation? Well, it was the President of Algeria himself who, at the Conference of Arab Heads of State or Government at Rabat in October 1974, made that statement. This statement is to be found in the records of that Conference, and we have a recording of it for any delegation which is interested. 372. In fact, the contradictions of the Algerian Govern- ment are not limited to solemn declarations and under- takings that are forgotten as soon as they are made, but .embrace the whole complex of relations among States in the region, and more particularly the question of the Sahara. 373. I could quote a long list of these contradictions which are the main characteristic of the attitude of the Algerian Government with regard to the problem that we are concerned with, the Sahara. In the first place, the principle of self-determination, of which our Algerian brothers wish to be the champions, presupposes a free and genuine choice, as is stated in the opinion of the Inter- national Court of Justice.f1 It can thus take the form of anyone of a number of solutions, as resolution 1514 (XV), which is the charter in matters of decolonialization, provides. 374. Yet the Algerian leaders, disregarding both the letter and the spirit of that principle, have not hesitated to proclaim on their own territory a pseudo-Saharan republic, which they immediately recognized. Surely this is not merely an insult to commonsense but also a contradiction ofthe spirit in which that principle should be applied. 375.. The Algerian leaders persist in their contradictions by continuing to invoke the same principle, which they are making a mockery of. 376. The respect they have for the United Nations can be judged by the statement made by the President of Algeria to the members of the mission sent by the Special Committee in 1975 to the area. The President of Algeria stated that: "... his country had no territorial claim on the Sahara. If it did have such a claim, it would recover what Is tills the respect shown by the Algerian leaders to the United Nations? On the contrary, it is an example of their contempt for an Organization ofwhich the Algerian leaders claim to be fervent adherents. The Saharan question will at least have served a useful purpose: it will have made the Algerian leaders more attached-m words-to our Organiza- tion tnd more respectful of its principles. 377. There is another contradiction in the policy followed by the Algerian leaders in this matter which should be raised. The Algerian leaders appeal to the international conscience to lighten what they call the plight of the Tindouf refugees. They do not hesitate to invoke the rights of refugees and all the principles relating thereto. Yet those poor refugees of Tindouf, as they say, are overflowing with sophisticated weapons provided by Algerian leaders for the purpose of spreading death and desolation. The cost of those weapons coul4 have relieved their sufferings-if they are suffering-and supplied them with food and health facilities. But by speaking of the suffering of these refugees, the Algerian leaders can only deceive a blind man or a fool. 378. The kidnapping and sequestration of six French mine workers, their seizure as hostage;; and their detention in Algeria is a good example of the way our Algerian brothers defend human rights, as they so eloquently claim to do. 379. There is another example which one might raise in this Assembly. Throughout the presence of the colonial Power in the Sahara and particularly since the indepen- dence of Algeria, no shot has been fired on the former colonial Power from Algerian territory. It was enough that Morocco and Mauritania had turned to international law to recover their respective rights for the Algerian leaders to discover their vocation to liberate ~ile Sahara. The weapons which earlier were locked up in arsenals in order not to upset the colonial Power are now being used against the peaceful citizens ofMauritania and Morocco. 380. We know why the Algerian leaders did not wish t~ fire on the former colonial Power. The reason is simple. In 1966 and 1967, the two countries signed joint commu- niques for the exploitation of the mineral deposits of Grout Jbielat. It was established and it remains clear those mining complexes will only be profitable if the minerals mined can be exported from a Saharan pO,rt on the Atlantic. So the Algerian leaders dealt tactfully with Spain in order to remain faithful to the spirit of the communiques (see Le Monde diplomatique of December 1966 and Le Monde, No. 6851 ofJanuary 1967). 381. That tactful attitude toward the former colonial Power lasted until October 1975. At that time a meeting of representatives of A1geria, of the former colonial Power and of Algerian mercenaries took place in Geneva, during which a process of decolonization having nothing in common with the principles upheld by the Algerian leaders was laid down. In the agreement reached at that meeting, the former 382. I would like to conclude. What is the objective of this Machiavellian policy of sometimes joining forces with the former colonial Power, sometimes favouring understanding between Mauritania and Morocco, and sometimes invoking the principle of self-determination? The objective is to preselVe what the Algerian leaders call the geopolitical equilibrium of the area. That is the language of a mini-super-Power. What does this mean? This means that North Africa will be dominated politically and economi- cally by the Algerian leaders; and in such an arrangement all the Sahelian countr,;,es would have to be satellites of Algeria's ~lient group. 383. The Algerian theory of a Maghreb of peoples versus the theory of a Maghreb of States and the systematic opposition of the Algerian leaders sporadic attempts at union in the region are a good :illustration of h~w the Algerians see their role as gendarmes of the area. Geo- political equilibrium could only be established if the States concerned consented to it wiHingly. Perhaps despite the declarations which have just been made by my brother from Algeria, this policy consists of seellig an opening on the Atlantic for the exporting of minerals from the mining complex to which I referred a moment ago. Mauritania and Morocco could undoubtedly have provided all the necessary facilities for the Algerian- leaders if they had resorted to other methods more in accordance with the solidarity which should natw:ally prevail among the peoples in the area. 384. The aim of this policy is the destabilization of the Maghreb and SaheIian sub-region as a whole in order to establish regimes devoted to the Algerian leaders who cherish dreams of domination. Whatever the objective of this policy, Mauritania will never accept any solution imposed by force. We will never accept the questioning of our national unity and our territorial integrity. My country would like solemnly to warn this Assambly of the danger represented by the policy of the Algerian leaders, which if it is continued, could threaten peace and security in the whole subregion. 385. Furthermore, this policy of attempted destabilization and of interference in the internal affairs of States is likely to give undue importance to secondary problems at the expense of the main problems faced by southern Africa and the Arab people ofPalestine. 387. I once again call upon the Algerian leaders to cease opposing by force the unification of our Moroccan and Mauritanian peoples and the efforts being made to bring about the harmonious development of our countries. 388. Once those conditions have been met, new and healthy prospects will open up for Arab Maghreb and for the natural solidarity which must exist between our various peoples and our various States. My country, which is dee""ly attached to Mrican unity and to Arab solidarity, is ready to make a loyal and objective contribution to achieving a united Africa in a world which is both united and in solidarity. It is in that spirit exactly thctt my country has welcomed all initiatives for African and Arab mediation that have b;;~ll made, and I should like here to pay a heartfelt. tribute to those who have sponsored them. Unfortunately, the intransigence of our Algerian brothers has up to now been the main obstacle to the· success of those initiatives. 389. However, since the Algerian Min.ister for Foreign Affairs indicated a moment ago that his I:ountry is open to any formula for a solution, my country, too, remains faithful to the same desire, on the condition that it is based on loyalty and sincerity and that it is aimed at a reduction of the tension which has been artificially created in the region.

I have today, and particularly this afternoon, heard some statements of very great importance, very high-minded statements, which, happily, have helped us to forget a certain statement made yesterday, to which I shall not reply. 391. The moral and intellectual education which we receive in Morocco does not equip us to resort to base invective or to the language of insult. 392. This morning, yesterday and the day before yester- day a number of delegations spoke on the problem concerning us in our subregion, that of the Sahara. On behalf of my Government, I can say to them that we understand their position and, because we understand it, we do not hold it against them. That position is motivated by the principles which direct their policy, but they·are sometimes unaware of devel9pments in the sub-region. 393. This evening we heard a brilliant statement by Mr. Bouteflika which, for those who are accustomed to his intelligence and his acrobatic mind, demonstrated that words can conceal a multitude of facts. 394. The Minister of MaUritania, my brother, Mr.Ould Mouknass, has already said a great deal, and I should like to 396. Why? The reasons-which Mr. QuId Mouknass explained-were economic reasons for Algeria, but they were strategic reasons as well. There has always been a political and ideological irredentism on the part of Algeria in the region, but, for the sake of the Maghreb, we have sometimes tried to cover up Algerian intentions. We did not wish to unmask its intentions because we always believed that a problem like that of our subregion should be solved among ourselves, and we have tried to do so. 397. ~r. Abdelaziz Bouteflika made an eloquent appeal for a solut.ion to be sought within the Magbrebian, Arab and African framework. I can remind him that our first attempt was to bring up the problem among the countries of the Magbreb. It was only the intransigence of Algeria which stood in the way of a solution. We brought the matter before the League of Arab States and in 1974, as the Foreign Minister of Mauritania has recalled, Mr. Houari Boumediene endm:sed the solution which was found, and the sound tracks we have and to which anyone may listen prove it. 398. However, in Colombo there was a reversr.:l on the part of Algeria as it refused to have the problem dealt with withir, the framework of the Arah League. Sinc~ then, it has been brought before the OAU and attempts are now under way to remove the matter from its consideration. 399. We as a member of the Maghreb, of the Arab League, of the non-aligned movement and of the United Nations subscrib~ t9 all of these bodies, so long as solutions can be found to the problem and alternatives are put fOTW:lrd. We believe in the justice of our cause and, because we defend ourjust cause, we do not seek to avoid any forum. 400. Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika spu{(e earlier of genocide which he alleged is going on in the region against the Saharans. Which Saharans is he referring to? The true Saharans have already twice expressed their views in free elections in which communal and national deputies were elected by the 19,000 families which took part in those elections. Those same Saharans recently elected seven deputies to parliament. Why do those Saharans participate in the democratic and economic building of the country? Do they need Mr. Abdelaziz Bouteflika to come here and defend their rights? Are they not themselves perfectly capable of defending them before Moroccan publif' opinion -which, according to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, is oppressing them? 401. TLe Minister for Foreign Affairs spoke of genocide. 408. Mr. HOUNGAVOU (Benin) (interpretation from What genocide? Who is training and arming these people? French): My delegation perfectly well understands that the 402. Who is committing this genocide? This is psycho- logical genocide, since the people were kidnapped. There is also economic genocide, since they are deprived of any food. Finally they are equipped with weapons which sometimes they do not know how to h~dle. Bombs sometimes go off in their midst. Who is responsible for the genocide of these peoples? 403. We made an appeal last year to humanitarian agencies for the voluntary repatriation of these people to their respective countries. Algeria opposed that appeal. Through the Secretary-General we asked that Algeria should at least take a c~nsus of the population, but Algeria has so far refused. Why? Simply because these people have returned to their respective territories and there remain only small groups here and there who are found in northern Mali, northern Niger or nortllern Mauritania or in southern Morocco and dragooned into carrying out assaults on brother countries like Morocco and Mauritania. 404. Mr. Bouteflika has just made a ringing appeal- for wisdom, and we hope that that appeal was sincere. But I can tell him now that Morocco's hand is outstretched; we are ready for any reco:~, iliation, and our hand is held out to any solution, proVided thr" solution is such as to preserve the future of the subregion and to preserve our respective independence and territorial integrity. We are there to co-operate and we ai':" ready to do this because we are of the same blood, the same religion, the same ethnic background. We must do so because geography compeHs us to.

My delegation's position has already been stated at this meeting by the head of the delegation, our Foreign Minister, Mr. Barre, and I need not add t6 it.. 406. All I want to do is to offer, for the benefit of the Ethiopian delegation, a Somali proverb embodying au- thentic pastoral wisdom, the heritage of the people o[ western Somalia. The proverb roughly translates as follows: "You cannot shake off an arrow that has pierced your body", in other words, the fact of being a colonialist and an oppressor cannot be shaken off, no matter what amount of sophistry is used by the Ethiopian empire. 407. Is there a hope that the Government of Addis Ababa will come back to reason and recognize the irreversibility vf the process of self-determination and independence of the people of western Somalia? 409. The statements by those three representatives, which were mere simplistic reiterations, can convince no one, and least of all the delegation of the People's Republic of Benin. In any event, Benin public opinion, true to the principles of the United Nations Charter and moved by its revolutionary convictions, is re~olved to defend justice and truth wherever necessary. We speak the truth to brothers, to friends and to everyone, no matter how hard a truth it may be. My country maintains its position in full on all the matters referred to by our Comrade Michel Alladaye yesterday. History will decide.

I am particularly embarrassed to have to take the floor again so soon in the General Assembly, but I am convinced that your personal indulgence, Sir, and that of my colleagues here, will allow me to say a few words concerning some of the remarks that we have heard on the question of Western Sahara. 411. Some of my friends may have noticed that I have a big book here. I shall not make use of it. However, it contains the statements made year after year by the representatives of Morocco and Mauritania on the question of Western Sahara. While I am happy that the Moroccan representative, Mr. Mahjoubl, who represents his country in Mauritania, is not actually quoted in this book, on the other hand the Foreign Minister of Mauritania who has been representing his country for many years is quoted at length from year to year, down to and including the tripartite agreement.l3 He has incessantly reiterated force- fully before this Assembly his country's devotion to the principle of self-determination. I am happy to note that we have at least one area of agreement. 412. He has said in particular that his country will never accept any solution imposed by force. I should Uke the Assembly to note that this is one more common denomi- nator between his country and mine, because my country, too, will never agree to any solution imposed by force, whether it originates from his country or from any other. He has also spoken of an agreement between Morocco and Mauritania. But who more than Algeria would rejoice at an understanding between Morocco and Mauritania, between Tunisia and Libya, between Libya and Egypt. or between Niger and Mali, if problems should arise? l is perfectly clear that the fact of welcoming agreements c..,nong broth- erly or neighbouring countries in no way means entering into complicity with any of those countries to pursue a 413. Mention has been made of the Saharans of Tindouf. We must ask Mr. Rydbeck what he thinks because he went to see them on behalf of 'me United Nations. Similarly, Mr. Ake, now Foreign Minister but then the representative of the Ivory Coast, also went to see them in Western Sahara. They were assisted in their mission by the represen- tatives of Iran and Cuba. They submitted a report which is in the archives of the United Nations. The International Court of Justice also has expressed' a view on this problem. However, the OAU, the International ~ourt of Justice and the United Nations have always dealt with this question of Western Sahara as a question of a Non-Self-Governing Territory for which'they moreover advocated a process of decolonization. If from time to time appetities have been awakened in one country or another, the fault is not Algeria's. 414. I should like especially to avoid the unpleasant kind of remarks that have been made here, because I think a certain level of responsibility is necessary, particularly when one is in charge of directing one's country's diplomacy. One must have a sense of what is due to that high position and as far as possible never to descend from it. I shall not descend from it, and I should like to say that here, as elsewhere, today as well as tomorrow, Algeria will adhere in regard to this problem and to other similar problems to the principle of self-determination. .

I beg the Assembly's pardon for prolonging the debate yet a few minutes more.. 416. I am sincerely delighted at the courteous but firm tone of my hrother, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria. I say "my brother" because one does not choose one's brothers; one chooses one's friends. I wish very briefly to speak of the principle of self-determination and of the statements I have made here over the nine years during which I have had the great privilege of representing my country. 417. The quotations I made were in no way intended as an attack on the responsible position of the Heads of State and brothers who are our leaders. When I quote statements of eminent Heads oJ State or Ministers for Foreign Affairs I in no way wish to diminish their prestige. I am particularly devoted to those principles. 418. We have been hearing of the principle of self-determi- nation. Self-determination must not be a one-way street. Since 1957-and the United Nations documents prove this, just as do those submitted by my brother the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria-when my country still only possessed internal autonomy, we have stated that our national unity and our territorial integrity would be maintained both for the part of Mauritania that was then under French domination and the part that was under Spanish domination. The United Nations archives can prove this. 419. The principle of self-determination does not lead solely and simply to independence. I appeal to the good 421. He made an appeal to the brotherhood and the unity of the Maghreb. No one desires that more than Mauritania, because it is a small country which can only cling to its principles and defend its dignity when attempts are made to destroy its national unity. Who are the spokesmen of this pseudo-movement for liberation? I appeal to the intel- lectual and political loyalty ofmy Algerian brother. Who is the spokesman for this pseudo-movement? Is it not Baba Biskeh, who was the Mauritanian representative in 1963 and 1965? Who is the spokesman of this pseudo-Republic and its pseudo-Minister for Foreign Affairs? Is it not Brahim MouIidervich Dihakim, who had the privilege of being the Charge d'affaires ofMauritania in Algeria in 1972 and 1973? Those are the ones who claim to be the spokesmen of this poor people of the Sahara. The peoples of the Sahara are in the Sahara. 422. I invite any and all representatives to come in complete freedom and visit the region. They will see those people. They will speak with their deputies. They will speak with the representative of their Party. They will speak to their governors who are from that region. 423. As for his appeal about the Maghreb: I extend the hand of brotherhood to my brothers from Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco so that we may build that great Maghreb .and invite them to attack· the fundamental problems: the decolonization of southern Africa and what is for our great Arab nation the fundamental problem, that ofPalestine. 425. Sueh an impressive participation in the debate and the presence of such a large number of eminent statesmen undoubtedly illustrates the ever-growing and evident inter- est of the international community in the work and in the expanded role of the United Nations as an irreplaceable international instrument for safeguarding peace and strengthening international security and co-operation. An encouraging sign is the fact that almost all the speakers, almost without exception I would say, accentuated the need for further enhancing the role of the United Nations in the solution of global problems. In particular, they have emphasized the need to reinforce the role of the United Nations in finding solutions for the most pressing issues concerning international political and economic relations which, in one way or another, constitute the preoccupa- tions ofall the Member States. 426. In looking back over the general debate, we can also conclude that there is now a greater confidence in our Organization and a growing awareness that the United Nations should play a more prominent and effective role in searching for solutions to the problems burdening the international community today. This cannot but give new impetus to further efforts to promote a greater role for the United Nations and an increase of its effectiveness. 427. The general debate reflected all ~spects of diverse viewpoints and approaches to existing problems, thus presenting a realistic picture of current international trends. 428. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to express my sincere appreciation to all the representatives who congratulated me on my election as President of the thirty-second session. I accept those felicitations and warm words addressed to me, first and foremost, as a tribute to and recognition of my country's activity in the inter- national field in general and in the United Nations in particular. 429. I should also like to express flay gratitude for the co-operative and constructive contribution made by all delegations in conducting the general debate in such a dignified manner, in keeping with the best traditions of our world Organization. The meeting rose at 8.45 p.m.