A/32/PV.67 General Assembly

I now call on the President of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, Mr. Garba ofNigeria. . 12. Mr. GARBA (Nigeria), President of me World Con- ference for Action Against Apartheid: It is a great priV:Jege for me to be able to return here to participate in the General Assembly's consideration of item 27, relating to the policies of apartheid of the racist regime of :3outh Mrica. We recall that it was during the last session of the General Assembly that this item was considered directly in plenary meetings. This move was dictated by the events of horror which transpired in South Africa last year. Another year has rolled by, and the situation in that part of the African continent has become increasingly grave and explosive. The unfolding events in South Africa, daily escalating in violence and brutalization, clearly indicate to all, even those who had not been convinced in the past, the urgency for effective and all-embracing international action _against the racists in South Africa. The time cannot be "more appropriate than now to harness all our resources and efforts and canalize these into one concerted drive to eliminate apartheid and rid mankind of this very grave problem which is a constant reminder of the indignity and inhumanity to which the black man has been subjected for the greater part of this miIlenium. 13. It was in this spirit and in the realization of the urgent need for action that men and women of conscience from all 14. It was for me, an honour and a privilege to have presided over that historic Conference. For my country, for the Government and the people of Nigeria, hosting the World Conference was but another manifestation of our modest but unflinching contribution to the fight against apartheid. It is our hope, that the spirit of Lagos will lead to the final international onslaught against apartheid. But we have not been too encouraged in the past, for such landmark events soon peter out. This is not usually all. Almost inevitably, the reaction from Pretoria is such that one is confused as to whether this is from panic, disdain of world opinion or the sheer~reactionof the sick mind. 15. Having said that, I cannot but reflect on the general situation in South Mrica, and a little of its history. The mental aberration of the apartheid regime surfaced once before when, following the Sharpeville massacre, the Security Council discussions led to the late Dag Ham- marskjold visiting South Africa in January 1961 to call for a peaceful abandonment of apartheid before the problem became even more serious. Rather, the racist regime called for an all-white referendum to set up a so-called republic and a blizzard of oppressive measures were clamped on the black majority. 16. Three years later, an eminent group of experts on South Africa, which was chaired by Mrs. Alva Myrdal of Sweden and of which Lord Caradon was Rapporteur, suggested a national convention of the genuine represen- tatives of all the people of South Africa to set a new course for the future. They warned: "We believe that the mounting condemnation by world opinion and the growing insistence on positive action should now be directed to the achievement of this purpose.... Only thus can all the people ofSouth Mrica be saved from catastrophe and the world from a con- flagration ofincalculable consequences."1 They continued: "Violence and counter-violenae in South ·Africa are only the local aspects of a much wider danger. The coming collision must involve the whole of Africa and indeed the world beyond. No African nation can remain aloof. Moreover a race conflict starting in South Mrica must affect race relations elsewhere in the world, and also, in its international repercussions, create a world danger offIrst magnitude."2 18. These facts are well known. But the question is how long will the international community allow this to go on. That is why my Head of State said when declaring open the Lagos Conference: "We should no longer just be outraged-we must act to discourage the enemies of Africa and humanity, we must act to destroy the system ofapartheid and remove it from our midst."3 19. In this connexion, I must state that the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid4 contains the necessary and appropriate provisions for meaningful inter- :lational action against apartheid. Countries which for various reasons believe that only peaceful means will bring about change in South Mrica have all the necessary ingredients in the Lagos Declaration. For my country, action for a peaceful solution is but one facet of the struggle in South Africa. As for. countries which share a contrary view, one· implores them to utilize all peaceful means provided in the United Nations Charter in Chapter VII. A half-hearted approach towards a resolution of a situation of grave consequence to mankind is of no use. 20. At this point, I cannot but comment on the outcome of the recent Security Council debate on the questrvn of South Africa. But permit me to refer once more to the Myrdal report to the Security Council. That expert group recalled that the Security Council had already recognized in 1963 that the situation in South Mrica was "seriously disturbing international peace and security" and it pointed out that the situation had further deteriorated by the time the report was written in 1964 because of the actions of the racist regime. It said that, if South Africa did not agree within a short time to the proposal for a national convention and to the release of all political prisoners, the Security Council "would be left with no effective peaceful means for assisting to resolve the situation, except to apply economic sanctions".S 22. The situation in Soutb. Africa is a clear and present threat to international peace and security. And for some members of the Security Council to deny this is incompre- hensible and could constitute a negative contribution to the authority of the United Nations and the struggle against apartheid. And it helps to maintain the status quo in apartheid South Africa, for the racist regime can easily see through resolution 418 (1977) and the element of balking entailed therein. 23. The situation in South Africa calls for the immediate dismantling of apartheid. The situation in South Africa does not only demand a halt to the sale and supply of arms, ammunition, components and spare parts to the racists, who have nearly attained a level of 100 per cent self-suf- ficiency in armaments. It calls for the cancellation of existing licences for the manufacture of armaments. Other- wise, the resolution will be just another mere paper declaration. We recall the track records of some Western countries on the question of sanctions. In 1964 the Security Council set up an expert committee to look into the question of sanctions. France boycotted the discussions and other Western members of the Council dismissed the matter as not being really feasible. When in 1963 a call was made for a so-called voluntary arms embargo, which the United States accepted and the then British Labour Party agreed to in 1964, France stepped in to fill in the vacuum by increasing its supply of arms to South Africa. 24. Records indicate that, unless we revoke those licences, we shall not have set out to achieve a credible arms embargo. We are all aware of the important correlation between loans to and investments in South Africa and its amlS build-up. These economic activities, with the active participation of some Western interests, have also con- tributed in no small measure to the military and arms- related industries in South Africa. The fmancing of this military build-up and the vast and brutal machinery for operating and maintaining apartheid and fascism in South Africa comes directly and indirectly from these foreign investors and transnationals. 25. The vast investments in the exploitation of quasi-slave labour made by these investors have kept the laager regime in power and given it the economic stability to maintain apartheid. To say the least, the investments in apartheid by 26. My country will continue to encourage the national liberation movement in South Africa to intensify the anned struggle. We shall continue to give them all the support within our limited resources. Nigeria will do all within its power to deal as it feels appropriate with those interests that collaborate with the racists .and help to maintain the status quo by profiting from apartheid. 27. We are convinced that apartheid must be dealt with in the same manm~r as the racists brutally oppress our brothers and sisters in South Africa. Apartheid presents to mankind a unique and rep~Jgnant system of neo-slavery. There is no parallel in the history of man. Soine friends of the racists have attempted to equate apartheid with the violation of human rights or with the ridiculous level o~ civil rights in other independent countries. I wish to restate what my Government has continually underlined, namely, that in countries where every individual is equal before the law, with his rights guaranteed by the constitution, individuals or despotic leaders have emerged who abuse their instru- ments of authority. That should not and must not be confused with institutionalized violation of primordial rights and human life by laws-laws enacted by a racial minority to enslave the majority. That of course is the order in South Africa. That is the sad situation in southern Mrica generally. Desppts arise but they are in time liquidated; however, in South Africa it is a system which continues and must be destroyed. 28. Since racism became institutionalized L-t South Africa in 1948, there has been a continuing cry to the interna- tional community to take up the challenge to destroy the -system. Apartheid is the scion of colonialism; its precursor 'was the slave trade conducted by those same Powers that have kept apartheid going; for it is the Western colonial Powers that have traditionally oppo~d every move to make any progress on this matter, putting their vested interests before human values and ignoring Africa because of tile inability of Mrican Statee to redirect and restructure their colonial e~onomic links away from colonial lines. 30. For some years the OAU has been calling for oil sanctions against South M~ca in a number of its resolu- tions. At the last session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held in Libreville in July, a seven-nation mission was set up to look into the execution ofoll sanctions, and we are at present in contact with major op-producing countries in an effort to make this a reality. Also, a recent report of a Commonwealth committee contained the recommendation that oil sanctions against Rhodesia be extended to cover South Africa. A move in this direction is essential. 31. Twenty-fIVe years ago, in 1952, the African-Asian States warned.that the continuation of the situation in South Africa would lead to a threat to international peace. They implored this Assembly to take action to avert that threat. For 25 years we have had a mass of resolutions- endless requests to the South African regime to solve the problem peacefully by a round-table conference, by a genuine national convention, by consultation with the genuine representatives of the people. The African States and the OAU have offered to help the South Mrican regime to extricate itself from the abyss in which it has fallen. For all these years the great majority of Member States have been imploring the Western Powers to use their influence and the powerful means at their command for the achievement of freedom and human equality in South Africa. 32. The result has been ever more brutal repression in South Africa. Everything done by South Africa under the pretence of favouring peace has been accompanied by more killings of black people. All that ,we have had from the major Western Powers has been more collaboration Yiith South Africa accompanied by pious and sanctimonious declarations here. Their policies have been guided by the cold war, by greed for profits, by contempt for the black man.. 33. Today the problems of southern Africa have con- verged and we face, as a result of the actions of the Western Powers, a crisis of great magnitude. It is a challenge to Africa, to its dignity and honour, and we hope to all the United Nations. 34. Africa has no choice but to lend its full support to the 36. We have watched with patience the talks for nego- tiated solutions in Zimbabwe and Namibia. But we can no longer sit by idly while the racist regimes continue to use these talks to consolidate their positions and rush through the implementation of their diabolical plans to divide the African people and balkanize the southern part of Africa. We consider that an early dead-ILlle should be set for the conclusion of talks on Zimbabwe and.Namibia, which, they cannot be freed in 1978 by a negotiated settlement, must be freed by other means. 37. The time has come for a total arms embargo against the racist regimes, a total embargo on all strategic materiaIs which oil their war machines, and total economic sanctions. The Western Powers, which have fuelled the crisis by all their past pampering of the racist regimes, must be called upon to act, even at this late stage. 38. On behalf of Nigeria, I should like to call on this Assembly to make a solemn pledge, in the name of all Member States, to take all action necessary for the total emancipation of Africa, in the spirit of the Lagos Declaration. 39. It is high time that we welcomed in this Assembly the authentic representatives of the people of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa to take their seat~ amongst us.

I now request the Rapporteur of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, Mr. Mohamed Sahnoun of Algeria, to present the report of that Conference. 41. Mr. SAHNOUN (Algeria), Rapporteur of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (interpretation from 'French): Mr. President, my Minister for Foreign Mfairs had an opportunity dUring the general debate to join in the tributes and congratulations expressed to you by all the speakers from this rostrum. I would like only to say that we know that, in addition to your qualities as a statesman and representative of a large non-aIigned country, you are a militant fIghter for the cause which dUring the next few days we shaII seek. to defend within the framework of the debate now opening on..the racist policy and system ofapartheid in South Africa. 42. I am very pleased also to express to the Secretary- General, Mr. Knrt Waldheim, our deep appreciation for his presence at the Lagos Conference. His remarkable address to the Conference6 bore witness to a solidarity of which 47. The significance of this debate is to be seen, lastly, in a vast convergence of the many and generous actions carried out by all the progressive forces of the world; all those 6 For a summary of this address, see Report of the World hi h ha Cl h I Conference for Action agaimt Apartheid (United Nations publica- groups and individuals w·c ve set or t emse ves as an ===~)'.pan:=.'=~.~_=-=y""~"-~.::::=~~:::sou~\ern Africa Thhis 43. It is worth while emphasizing the deep significance of this debate. Indeed, until recently this discussion was confined above all to the Special Political Committee, where facts known to all were repeated over and over in a more or less sincere tone or style and where the recent history of the people of South Africa was traced and retraced, without the impression really being given that this discussion was leading to a genuine mobilization of interna- tional opinion and concrete and effective action. Today the General Assembly is seized directly of this question, shortly after a discussion in and important decisions by what is usually called the executive organ of the United Nations- that is, the Security Council. 44. If we have achieved such a remarkable and encourag- ing result, it is frrst of all because the long and difficult struggle of the South African liberation movements has obviously become an increasingly irresistible tide, express- ing the deep aspirations of the South African masses. Those movements, whetlier spontaneous or organized and struc- tured, are the result of a tradition and experience of political struggle born at the beginning of this century. Through Sharpeville and Soweto the world has obtained a picture of the heroism of these people who must face the most sophisticated and inhuman machinery of war and repression ofour times. 45. 11le significance of this debate should be sought also in the outcome of long-term political action by the African peoples and Governments, particul~ly since the beginning of the 1960s. 46. I need hardly recall that the very creation of the OAU was due essentially to the will of the Africans to put an end to colonialism and racism on their continent. It might be worth while reminding all those who are banking on the division of our peoples that even before 1963 there already existed contradictions in Africa, which were reflected moreover in really antagonistic groupings. And yet the rallying call, the common platform in May 1963 was none other than an expression of the awareness of the need to overcome our divergences on the methods of emancipation and development .lUld work for the total liberation of our continent and fGr the elimination of racism and colo- nialism. If today there still persist certain discordant notes which are regrettable and which hinder the completion of that process ofliberation, we remain convinced for our part that in particular circumstances Africa, as in May 1963, will recover its unanimity. The action of the OAU Committee of Liberation and other bodies of that institution has supported the struggle of the liberation movements of South Africa and helped to initiate today an open discussion in this important forum on the ways and means to put an end rapidly to racism and apartheid. 49. That historic meeting was the fruit of close co- operation by the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid, under the chairmanship ofMr. Harriman-whose dynamic role we must stress-the OAU, the liberation movements of South Africa and the Federal Government of Nigeria to which-and here I believe I may speak on behalf of those who attended the Conference-I wish to pay special tribute,_ot only bec~use of the hospitality and leadership it has shown but also because it created the right conditions for awakening an unprecedented response from the Nigerian masses. Perhaps this is something that should give this Assembly food for thought because I can never sufficiently emphasize the importance of the symbolism of the Lagos Conference for us. We felt that behind the people of Lagos was the whole of the population of the most populous countrY of Mrica. Nigeria, whose 80 million people became witnesses at that Conference at which the system ofapartheid was on trial. 50. Those 80 million Nigerians will remember that their Head of State, Lieutenant-General Olusegun Obasanjo, Head of the Federal Military Government of Nigeria, in addressing the Conference, made a solemn statement which was at the same time a warning. He announced that Nigeria was ready to mobilize all its resources to put an end to the racist regimes of southern Africa. Lieutenant-General Obasanjo, moreover, warned all Governments, institutions and organizations which were the accomplices of a system which kept under oppression our brothers and sisters in southern Africa to change their policy. He said: "We cannot continue to co-operate with those who benefit from us while at the same time reaping large profits from the sweat and blood of our brothers and sisters held in slavery. It is our sovereign duty to review our relation:ship with them and take appropriate action. "In this regard, we are compiling information on all those Governments who pretend to be Africa's friends but allow themselves to be used as a weapons laundry for South Africa-all for limited economic advantages. We are 7 Intemational Conference of Experts for the Support ofVictims of Colonialism and Apartheid in Southem Africa, held at Oslo from 9 to 14 April 1973. 51. The President ofthe Republic of Zambia, Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, for his part indicated the broad lines of a programme of action. The points of that programme of action, which were taken up by many speakers in Lagos, should be recalled today, because we consider that they constitute the framework for any action that may prove effective. They are: first, recognition of the legitimacy of the armed struggle; secondly, increased material assistance to the peoples of South Africa and their national liberation movement; thirdly, assistance to South African refugees and in particular to the programmes of training for them; fourthly, total isolation of the apartheid regime by means of its exclusion from an political, economic, cultural and diplomatic bodies; fIfthly, a total embargo on arms with an explicit invocation of Chapter VII of the Charter; sixthly, the application of economic sanctions and a total embargo on the delivery of oil to South Africa; seventhly, the prohibition of any contact with or recognition of the bantustans; eighthly, a solemn warning to the Pretoria regime that, in the event of an attack against neighbouring Mrican countries, the international community would take the necessary measures against that regime; and ninthly and lastly, the cessation ofany sporting links with the regime of apartheid. 52. The Conference also heard the Prime Minister of Norway, Mr.Odvar Nordli, who in a very moving fashion called for greater solidarity on the part ofthe international community with the African peoples and stated that he was ready to apply an arms embargo, to halt investment in South Africa and to suspend export credits while giving active support to the southern African liberation move- ments and to the neighbouring African countries against the racist and minority regimes. 53. It is clear that under the inspiration of such important contributions the Conference was able to work out a policy and a valid strategy, concerned, as we all were, with achieving unity against South Africa. Under the presidency of' Brigadier General Joseph N. Garba, Commissioner for External Mfairs of Nigeria, the officers of the Conference, after long discussions and consultations, drafted the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid. That Declaration which was adopted by the Cohference aroused certain reservations. None the less, despite the limitations imposed by political realism and the desire for efficacy, that Declaration constitutes a pledge whereby the international community, with the vigilant Nigerian people as its witness, committed itself once and for all to a course of action. The Lagos Conference is the result of the long process of the mobilization of all forces which, reacting to the inhuman policy of apartheid, have sought to unite in more vigorous and radical action. 8 See Report of the World Conference fvr Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.3), annex IV, p. 12. Quoted in English by the speaker. 55. However, the Pretoria regime does not seem able, either today or in the future, to appreciate the meaning of this rev0!ution in southern Africa. Quite to the contrary, that regime is openly increasing its arsenals; the mass media of the racist regime have stepped up their publicity campaign about South Africa's repressive war machine in order to reassure the white minority population and to blackmail the African peoples. According to the latest figures~ the South African armed fO£>"'."5 immber more than 220,000, to which we must add cel,ir.}n police forces, including units of armed women on ~t~{': !sraeli model. The bantulltans have been encouraged to organize their own so-called defence forces, but in Apri11977 Defence Minister- _ Botha emphasized that those defence forces -should not be allowed to become too strong or they would pose a certain danger. The military budget too has increased at an incredible rate: from 948 million rand in 1975, it has now reached 1,711 million rand for the fmancial year 1977-1978. Military expenses are by far the largest com- ponent of the South African budget, representing approxi- mately 20 per cent of State expenses. Mobilization, training and indoctrination methods are such that it seems that a Veritable war psychosis has taken hold of the white pc~ulation, especially when one thinks of the population fIglll~=: 4 million whites are daily aware that they are surrounded by 25 million Mricans waiting for justice to be done. 56. This war psychosis is a fundamental aspect of racist philosophy and action. The only response of the racist regime to the demands of the international community and to the growing liberation struggle in southern Africa has been a stepping up of its repression. All the means of more-or-Iess legal opposition through which a part of the oppressed majority could timidly express itself have in 57. Those who have helped the Pretoria regime to arm will be branded by history as accomplices. The South Af'ican war machine is composed essentially of equipment from Western Europe, Japan, Israel and North America. The granting of licences and the transfer of military technology and know-how continues to this day and allows consider- able local production of military equipment. South African subcontracting frrms are affiliated with Western-based multinational corporations which, through their subsidia- ries, give local South African military production every opportunity to develop and improve and to be completely up-to-date on the most advanced military technology. 58. Today, South African troops .are being transported in Transall troop-carriers and Super-Hornet helicopters to the borders of the independent African countries they threaten. It is essem:i:.;Jly Mirage-type aircraft which violate the air ii.pace of African countries; it is submarines and warships manufactured in Western Europe, particularly in France, 'which cruise the coasts of Mozambique, Angola and the United Republic of Tanzania. All this belies the claim of .those who placed this arsenal at the disposal of the South African Fascists that it was h"ltended for some other purpose. 59. Hence, South Africa obstinately pursues a policy of violence because of the aid received by that regime. Under the circumstan<!es, any hesitation or half-hearted action on our part can only be interpreted as a sign of weakness, at the least, and as an inability to act. Massacres will succeed massacres; attemptsto reason with an already exacerbated fascism cannot but incite it to expansionism. That is why we believe that onl:., therapy applicable in this specific case is shock therapy. Through effective sanctions the leaders of the racist regime must be made to understand that their policy is leading them directly to disaster. We must therefore take into account the wise proposals made at the Lagos Conference by the Head of the Federal Government of Nigeria and by the President of Zambia and the Prime Minister of Nor\Vay, as well as those contained in the historic Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid.