A/32/PV.7 General Assembly

Mr. President, chance and the rule of alphabetical order have led to a situation in which I am speaking to you today as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Belgium, as President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community and as President of European political co-oper- ation. In my first capacity I have the privilege of perform- ing a particularly pleasant task: I should like to extend to you our heartiest congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-second General Assembly and to tell you how very pleased we are that you are presiding over this Assembly. 40. In view of the extraordinary range of cultures, traditions, races, religions, beliefs and ideologies that make up our international society, it is evident that only universal co-operation which unites all members of the international community can create the conaitions of stability and well-being which are necessary for ensuring relations among our peoples based on mutual understanding and a common will to p. ~~ct peace. This is the essential role of the United Nations. 41. I am very pleased, first, on behalf of the nine members of the European Community, to welcome two new Mem- bers into our midst: the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of Djibouti. On this occasion I am pleased to convey my warmest congratulations to them. 42. For 25 years now, certain countries of Western Europe have been trying to apply the lessons of history by establishing a durable peace among themselves and by creating the conditions necessary for the improvement of the well-being of their peoples. That is the goal which the European Community has set for itself. Uttle by little, co-operation among the members of the Community has been established and is continuing to grow. But this task would be insufficient if the European Community did not participate, as effectively as possible, in the safeguarding of peace in the world and in the struggle against under- development. 43. Beyond ideological conflicts there must exist ways and means of conducting among nations fruitful dialogues that will bring nearer these two objectives which we consider essential. The nations of the European Community have no intention of shirking their responsibilities, and they intend to play their proper role in the international community. The nine members of the European Community made their common views in this regard quite clear in the statement by the European Council issued on 17 July 1975. A copy of this declaration was sent to all the Members of the United Nations. 44. The nine States put their principles into practice in the Lame Convention4 by establishing a balanced framework for co-operation and by instituting a dialogue on a new basis with a number of African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. Much still needs to be Gone, but we are determined to continue along this path in order to find equitable solutions. 45. In addition to this regional approach, the nine members of the European Community intend to act on a more global scale by co-operating with all the developing countries. Our system of generalized preferences is the first step in this direction. We reaffirm our will to achieve a structural improvement in the position of the developing countries in the world economy. 46. The Community is fully aware of its particular obligations. It will continue, to the extent of its means, to 4 ACP-EEC Convention of Lame, signed on 28 February 1975 at Lame. The text was circulated as document AIAC.176/7. 47. In co-operation with developing countries, they are determined to devote a progressively more important part of their efforts to programmes intended to satisfy the essential needs of man. In order that all developing countries benefit from this new orientation, the nine countries have also agreed to examine the size and the allocation of the aid to development with a view to increasing the volume and the effectiveness of the aid in the framework of an enlarged international effort. 48. At this point I would like to address myself to certain current situations which deserve the special attention of this Assembly. The problem of the Middle East will be the first that I will take up. 49. Anything that affects the stability and prosperity of the countries of Africa and thi) Middle East is of the greatest interest to the nine countries. We have close historical ties with these countries which are deepening in all fields of human endeavour. 50. With regard to the situation in the Middle East, over which the nine countries continue to be gravely concerned, we remain convinced, as a matter of principle, that any solution must be based on ~ecurity Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (I973), as we reaffirmed 29 June 1977, as well as on the follOWing fundamental principles: first, acquisition of territory by force is unacceptable; secondly, Israel must end its occupation of territories it has held since the 1967 war; thirdly, the sovereignty, territorial integrity and the independence of each State in the region must be respected, as well as the right of each State in the region to live in peace within secure and recognized borders; fourthly, the establishment of a just and lasting peace must take account of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians. 51. The nine countries also continue to believe that a solution to the conflict will not be possible unless the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to give effective expression to its national identity becomes a reality. This would take into account, of course, the need for a homeland for the Palestinian people. 52. It remains the firm view of the nine countries that all of these elements constitute an indivisible whole. 53. The nine countries consider that the representatives of the parties to the conflict, including the Palestinian people, must participate in the negotiations in an appropriate manner, to be worked out in consultation among all the parties concerned. In the context of an over-all settlement, Israel must be ready to recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people; similarly, the Arab side must be ready to recognize the right of Israel to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. 54. Speaking practically, the nine countries are prepared 5 World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos ..~...._..-=.-"-'.;t_:....;_~....:-""~o'-":"-e+:_:Fe""'.~;:::""'t:,.=I!l""t_~....e_"...ex_t_e_n_t_;d...e_'....i:...:....: .b__y........~--.~.=L:~.:t_~e__d~.."'--.~_"",,!fr_o_m_2_..~...:....O_2...6....A_.u_g_U_st_l_9_7....7................._';-><_-"_:,-,....'-""'.....":.:.c:;:-~_-.;-----.....~""--"::._._.L-'--'--'------c'_- :_ 55. One should recall here that the nine countries have publicly stated their concern over the illegal measures taken recently by the Government of Israel in the occupied territories, which will be the subject of a new item on the agenda of our Assembly litem 1261. These measures are contrary to the basic principles which I have just set forth. Moreover, . they constitute an additional obstacle in the process of negotiation which should lead to a peaceful solution. 56. Looking forward to peace negotiations, the nine countries reaffirm the concern they have expressed on many occasions that the parties to the conflict should refrain from making any statements or adopting any measures, administrative, legal, military or otherwise, which would constitute an obstacle to the process of peace. 57. Moreover, the nine countries reaffirm their continuing support for Lebanon's independence and territorial integ- rity. They deplore the fact that the southern portion of the country should be the scene of bloodshed, endangering the efforts to establish peace in the Middle East, and they call upon all parties concerned to halt the fighting. 58. The efforts made by the United Nations to find a solution to the question of Cyprus are well known. I should like to reaffirm the support of the nine countries for the efforts which the S~cretary-General is making in accordance with the mandate he received frQm our Organization. The nine countries believe that everything must be done to search for a negotiated settlement which would be both lasting and fair through consultations between the two communities. 59. In this respect, I recall that on 18 February 1977 the nine countries stated their satisfaction on the subject of the Nicosia meeting. They hoped that conversations between the two communities will resume as quickly as possible in the same spirit which inspired that meeting. They reaffirm their support of the principle of the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. 60. Through appropriate steps, the nine countries con- tinue to urge all parties concerned to pursue their consul- tations. 61. I believe that a statement by the nine countries would be impossible without a detailed reference to the subject of apartheid. 62. As you are well aware, we remain firmly opposed to all forms of racial discrimination, wherever it exists. At the Lagos Conferences I had the opportunity to express the position of the nine countries concerning the policy of aparth~id We condemn apartheid and reject it as an insult to the dignity of man and as a form of institutionalized 64. The nine countries consider that the "bantustan" policy, far from solving the problems posed by apartheid as the Government claims, is in fact a means of perpet- uating it. 65. Finally, I should like to point out that the nine countries recently decided to examine a variety of different actions they could take to bring the collective influence of the Community to bear on South Africa to put an end to apartheid. Thus the nine countries have recently adopted a code of conduct for all their firms with subsidiaries, branches or representation in South Africa/see A/32/267/. The publication of this code constitutes a first measure among others which are still being examined. We will do everything possible to try to bring about a non-racial government in South Africa that will permit the people of that country as a whole to participate fully in the life of the nation. 66. We declared at the Maputo Conference, 6 as well as iij. the message issued on the occasion of Namibia Day, that we support the right of the. peoples of Rhodesia and Namibia to self-determination, to independence and to the enjoy- ment of the fundamental rights defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 67. Concerning Namibia, it is our position that the Namibians should be able to exercise these rights in a democratic fashion under the supervision of the United Nations and that all political groups should be able to participate, including the South West Africa People's Organization. Any solution of the Namibian problem must be based on Security Council resolution 385 (1976). That is why the nine countries express the hope that efforts currently under way will lead to success. 68. Some valuable progress has already been made. This may be a unique opportunity for bringing about a peaceful and early transition to independence, and the nine coun- tries members of the Community stand ready to assist in this process in any way they can. 69. It is now more urgent than ever before to settle the Rhodesian issue. It seems to us essential to use every possible means to bring to an end a conflict which could have lepercussions throughout Africa and to bring about, after a peaceful transition, independence for Zimbabwe in 1978 on the basis of majority rule. 70. We commend the efforts being made at present to achieve an early settlement along these lines, while observ- ing strictly the obligations resulting from the Charter in regard to sanctions. 71. In order for Zimbabwe to develop normally there will be a need for economic assistance to help provide a solution 6 International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo from 16 to 21 May 1977. 72. This brings me to a few thoughts on the subject of Africa in general. 73. The African continent is seeking stability. Africa must find this stability as well as its own identity. We know that this is the objective of all the African peoples, which is why I am eager to reiterate the position of the nine countries in this regard. The nine countries strongly reject any inter- vention by any State which seeks to establish a zone of influence on the African continent. It is the African States, and the African States alone, that must find the solutions to their own problems. 74. Recent painful events in the Horn of Africa underline the importance of this principle of non-intervention. Any aid given to Africa must be aid that the nations of Africa desire, and it must be given under conditions that the Africans themselves have determined are in their best interest. 75. I should like now to devote a few minutes to a problem which is of concern to all Europeans and, beyond them, to the entire world. 76. The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe is, the Community feels, an essential element in the broader question of detente. The Final Act of that Conference, signed in Helsinki on 1 August 1975 is in particular a major contribution to the efforts aimed at the consolidation of peace within the international community. This document must be considered as a whole, and each of its parts must be correctly implemented, lest it not answer the hopes it has raised. 77. A precise and logical working plan defined during the preparatory meeting should allow the meeting at Belgrade, which will examine the follow-up of the Conference in a few days' time, to look at each of the themes of the Final Act, with respect both to their implementation in the past and to the stimulation of this implementation in the future. 78. Having spoken briefly about security, I should like now to commrnt on economic problems and in particular international economic relations. One of the tasks of the current session of the General Assembly will be to evaluate progress made in international co-operation and to deter- mine how this co-operation should develop in the years ahead. 79. A great deal was said on this subject here a few days ago; but our task during the next three months is more ambitious and perhaps more difficult. The Community feels that real progress has been made recently in the field of international economic co-operation. In this respect, the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation has undeniably produced results-limited perhaps but cer- tainly positive-in a number of important areas~ The Community will see to it that the agreements reached at Paris are implemented in the near future. 81. Circumstances or the economic climate tend some- times to interfere with good intentions and hamper our lines of action. The Community is not immune to the difficulties currently being faced by many nations. It has been struggling, like many other countries, with the problems of inflation and unemployment. The joint efforts which the Member States make to maintain an adequate level of economic activity, and even induce proper growth, meet with difficulties which are not amenable to solution. In some sectors of the economy those difficulties have recently become exacerbated and no immediate or per- manent cure is in sight. 82. Nevertheless, if the Community must try to protect its own internal equilibrium-which has a considerable impact on harmonious world-wide economic relations-it does not choose to withdraw within itself. The concept of inte- gration is the basis of the Community, as is its overture to the world at large. 83. We understand the problems resulting from the pre- sent economic climate, but we do not accept protectionism as a means of defence. Therefore, the Community will continue to contribute substantially to the multilateral trade negotiations within GATT, and it hopes that these talks will yield concrete results that will satisfy the developing countries in particular. 84. The Community has established a world-wide network of agreements on association and co-operation. Some of those formulas for co-operation, which I have already mentioned, were genuine innovations. But we intend to go further. The Lome Convention was followed, in 1976, by the signing of a new series of agreements with the countries of the Maghreb and the Middle East. 85. We also hope that during the meeting which is to be held in Brussels from 2G to 28 October, the dialogue between the nine members of the Community and the members of the League of Arab States will yield concrete results of a definite interest to all participants. 93. The members of the Community share the feeling, which you yourself, Mr. President, expressed at the be- ginning of our work, that human rights comprise economic, social and cultural rights, as well as civil and political rights, and that they are "interdependent and indivisible" fIst meeting, para. 73/. 86. With regard to the Mediterranean countries, the Community, in 1972, adopted a policy of global approach. That has taken shape through a series of new contractual agreements, linking the Community to practically every Mediterranean country. This has been in the interest of all 87. I mention these accomplishments without smugness, fully aware that they can be perfected, and may be deemed inadequate by some United Nations Members. 88. I am also pleased to note, furthermore, that contacts between the Community and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance are developing. 89. Finally, we are also very pleased with recent progress towards the negotiation of a trade agreement with the People's Republic of China, which I hope will soon materialize. 90. In the efforts of the international community for the restructuring of international economic relations, we are convinced that the United Nations will inevitably play a fundamental role. The Community attaches great impor- tance to the work being done in U"lited Nations forums. It will continue its efforts to make a positive contribution. It wants to reiterate its desire to co-operate and to avoid a climate of confrontation which could only harm the international community as a whole. In this respect, we have been able to witness, in particular during the seventh special session of the Assembly, how a spirit of dialogue can prevail over confrontation. We cannot make real progress by opposing each other or through plans too far removed from the reality of our economic structure. 91. In this spirit of realism and without excluding the desire to redress any imbalances, we should turn our thoughts to the contents of the new strategy for develop- ment, which will unquestionably be one of the major future tasks in the achievement of the objectives of a new international economic order. 92. If the nine countries are desirous of establishing peace in the world, as well as bringing about a more equitable society, they wish at the same time to make a contribution to the increasingly effective protection of human rights both in the civil and political and in the economic, social and cultural fields. 94. It is evident that .peace, justice and equity are inconceivable without the guarantee provided by human rights against the abuses of arbitrariness and all forms of exploitation. 96. The nine countries are pleased with the progress that has been made by the international community in the field of human rights. The United Nations plays a key role in this area. But its task is still far from completed. During the course of this session, the General Assembly will turn its attention to a number of initiatives aimed at further safeguarding and implementing human rights. 97. Some of those initiatives are concerned with specific rights and their particular implementation. This is notably the case with the initiative concerning the taking of hostages. We express the hope that those who are partici- pating in work which may lead to the drafting of a convention in this field will be inspired by the necessary political determination. That is why we favour the prolon- gation of the mandate of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against the Taking of Hostages, which was created for this purpose at the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. 98. Other initiatives are aimed at strengthening the machinery by which human rights in general are imple- mented. Finally, another category seeks to re-establish respect for human rights in special situations where those rights seem to be scoffed us. 99. It is the intention of the nine countries to examine these initiatives according to their merits and the extent to which they are likely to achieve their aims. 100. We hop~ that, beyond differing doctrines and polit- ical systems, this session of the General Assembly will find it possible to achieve what must be our true objective: namely, to give man his rightful place in the world and to ensure that terror, oppression and injustice become mere curiosities to be found in the textbooks of history. 101. In conclusion, I should like to add to the obser- vations that I have just made in my capacity as the representative of the country which currently holds the presidency of the European Community a few thoughts as Minister for FO'feign Affairs for Belgium. 102. The occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations gave each of us an opportunity to refle\;t on the nature of this Organization, the way it operates, and the hopes for its future. In the report on the work of the Organization which he has just submitted to the present session [A/32/11, the Secretary-General has described the current situation of the United Nations. I should like to applaud his ceaseless efforts and tell him how much Belgium agrees with his analysis. The report, of course, reflects certain worries, but it also reflects the hope and conviction that must be at the heart of all our actions. 103. Like all human endeavours, our Organization is not perfect. But rather than stressing its weaknesses and opting for fatalism or despair, is it not our duty to support the efforts that are daily undertaken to strengthen the role that it can and must play'? Today, more than ever, the United Nations is necessary and indispensable. It represents hope 104. Over the past 30 years, the number of United Nations Members has tripled, and we are thus coming closer each day to the ideal of universality which we all share. The activities of our Organization also qave multiplied, particu- larly in the fields of social and economic development, to which we shall be dedicating more than $1 billion next year. This is only a part of the funds that Member States will make available to about 20 organizations and insti- tutions that are today part of the U.nited Nations system. 105. In short, the modest undertaking of Lake Success has been transformed into an assembly of organizations for which it is imperative to harmonize objectives and co-ordi- nate efforts. 106. My country firmly supports measures to promote concerted action within the United Nations system and to increase the effectiveness of our Organization. 107. To achieve these goals, we must strive daily for a better definition of priorities, an integrated planning of programmes and the encouragement of a policy of econ- omy and budgetary restraint that will allow a larger portion of available resources to be dedicated to projects of particular benefit to developing nations. 108. Some progress has been made in these efforts over the past two years. The biennial budget proposed by the Secretary-General [A/32/6J makes this quite clear. 109. However, the transformation of the world and the urgency of its needs require more. It is necessary, indeed, to effect a major restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system, and for the past two years this has been the objective of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System, created by the General Assem- bly. 110. Beyond these basic co~cerns of administration and effectiveness, we must also reflect on the role and actions of our Organization. Although, strictly speaking, the Organization deals with States, its ultimate objective remains the destiny of man. 111. World opinion has shown the way by treating human rights mor~ and more as one of its essential concerns. 112. Our Organization already boasts considerable achievements in tllis field, but in application they all too often remain a dead letter. 113. Our prime role is to ensure their application in practice, and in that connexion, the Belgian delegation would like to remind this forum of the proposal it made a year ago in the context of Economic and Social Council resolution 1503 (XLVIII). 7 115. But we will not have fully respected the ultimate objective of our.Organization if we limit our concern for mankind to the promotion and defence of human rights, however important this aspect of our activities may be. 116. One of our major preoccupations must be to find solutions for probleI""s concerned with the maintenance of international peace and security. This is a broad field, ranging from the control, limitation and reduction of the use of weapons to the solution of regional disputes. 117. In this context, the problems of disarmament require an integrated approach based not only on measures for control and reduction of armaments, but also on a parallel strengthening of the means for the pacific settlement of disputes. 118. This is a vast undertaking. In a world still dominated essentially by the balance of power and by ideological conflicts, international relations are still, and will long remain, marked by mistrust and by the fear that a shift in the balance of power will lead to an arms race. Detente remains precarious and fragile, and the efforts to strengthen international security have undoubtedly been greater than the results achieved. 119. However, the disparity between the enormity of the task and the relative paucity of results should not induce us to relax our efforts. 120. Have we not seen, since the 1960s, the beginnings of an international legislation in arms control? Discussions and negotiations are more active n0W than ever in such essentiai fields as non-proliferation, th:c Gomplete halting of nuclear tests and the banning of chemical weapons. 121. Regional and bilateral efforts, such as the Strategic Arms Umitation Talks and those on balanced reductions of conventional forces in Central Europe have also been undertaken and deserve the encouragement of all countries. 122. Unquestionably, there is a new awareness in the world in this sphere; disarmament has become a universal concern, notwithstanding the special duties and obligaticns of the great Powers. 123. This state of mind augurs well for the next special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament. That session could be an important landmark on the road to general, complete and controlled disarmament, provided, of course, that all major military Powers be included, beginning with the nuclear military Powers. It will be important to avoid dogma and to stay clear of the dangers of pursuing sterile perfectionism. 124. It is within this essentially pragmatic and concrete context that my country intends to propose a study, based on ideas put forward last year, to evaluate the possibilities 125. Indeed, circumstances in a given region could favour certain specific measures which might be inapplicable in other regions or on a world-wide scale. In general, it is easier to approach the complex problems of disarmament and arms control at the regional level involving a group of States rather than attempt a general approach at the world level. 126. On the other hand, some 'questions require a uni- versal solution. I am thinking in particular of the problem of iluclear non-proliferation. 127. Few problems create such near unanimity concerning the principle, and ~uch discord concerning the solution. Why? The answer is simple. While everyone agrees in denouncing the risks of nuclear proliferation, the imple- mentation of a policy of non-proliferation brings into conflict, as in other areas of international life, the "haves" and the "have-nots"; those countries which already possess nuclear weapons, and therefore certain techniques and nuclear potentialities, confront those which have no nuclear weapons; those which have nuclear technology confront those which do not; while the producers of essential fuels confront those where no such fuels are found. 128. Respect for the principle of non-proliferation there- fore imples a solution to these problems, and the inter- nationalization of nuclear resources. 129. All current and future civilian nuclear technology, as well as all necessary equipment and fuel, must be available equally to everyone of us, without discrimination between those who possess nuclear weapons and those who not only do not yet possess them but have voluntarily renounced thgllr use in accordance with the Treaty on the Non-Pro- Hteration of Nuclear Weapons [see resolution 2373 (XXIl)/. )30. This Treaty has imposed an infinitely greater sacrifice of sovereignty on those signatories that have no nuclear weapon'S than on their partners which do possess them. 131. If, as seems to be the case, it is now necessary to go beyond the Treaty further to protect mankind from the dangers of nuclear proliferation, it is necessary for the States whose armed forces possess nuclear weapons this time to set an example of sacrifice by committing them- selves to equal access for all to nuclear technology, equipment and fuels. 132. Such must be the basis of the action of the United Nations, as well as the nuclear States, which should set an example by resolutely engaging in a discussion leading to serious and substantive measures of nuclear disarmament. 133. I have had occasion to refer to our preoccupation and that of our partners in the European Community with regard to the great probiems in international affairs. It seems essential to me that these problems be approached in a spirit of mutual goodwill and understanding of each

May I congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. It is a just recognition of your great merits as a diplomat and a political leader of your country. It is also a well-deserved tribute to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, whose enlightened foreign policy has con- tributed to world peace and better understanding among nations. 136. The Osimo agreements,8 which have just been ratified by tlie Parliaments of Yugoslavia and Italy, con- stitute genuine proof of that ent:ghtened foreign policy of your country, Mr. President. A satisfactory solution has thus been found for the Trieste question which for so many years was a vexed question on the agenda of our sessions. 137. I also wish to congratulate Mr. Amerasinghe, in addition to the many other congratulations he has received, for the brilliant manner in which he guided the debates of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. 138. As in past years, the report submitted by the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, is an invaluable document. The obser- vations contained in it will enlighten us as to the proper cO':IrSe to take in guiding the work of this Assembly. 139. My delegation wishes most cordially to w~lcome the two new Members of our Organization: the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam. The entry of the former is yet another step in the advance of the policy of decolonization, to which the United Nations has contributed so much. The reunification of Viet Nam and its admission as a new State Member of the United Nations leaves behind painful, but superseded, memories of a cruel war which, fo. more than two decades, afflicted that heroic nation. 140. My country has followed with interest and concern the development of events in southern Africa, where the gravest situations of colonialism and racial discrimination prevail. 141. The consultations held on Rhodesia by Mr. Owen, the Secretar. of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdom, and Mr. Young of the United States are a positive quest for a peaceful transition in that nation so as to arrive at the desired goal of a majority Government in an independent Zimbabwe. My delegation expresses its appreciation for those endeavours 8 Trc;lty (U\ the Solution of Border Questions and Agreement on the Promotion of Economic Co-operation between the Republic of Italy a.ld the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugo.Javia, signed at Osimo (Ancona) on 10 November 1975. 142. As regards the situation in Namibia, I must state once again that my delegathn considers that South Africa's permanent and flagrant mockery of the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council constitutes the most striking defiance of United. Nations decisions ever witnessed. Costa Rica renews its support for every effort leading to the independence of Namibia and expresses its solidarity with the long-suffering people of that nation. 143. I also wish to reiterate most energetically the permanent condemnation by my country of the policy of apartheid practised by the Government of South Africa and all other forms of racial discrimination. This irrevocable position of Costa Rica against apartheid is one of long- standing and is fully in force because the ignominy of discrimination is totally alien to Costa Rican sense of freedom, democratic practices, equality and respect for human rights. 144. From the beginning of the United Nations the Middle East conflict has held a prominent place on the agenda of every session of the General Assembly, thus confirming the importance which the international community attaches to that matter, as well as its inability so far to fmd a lasting solution. 145. My delegation has invariably maintained that ~ecu­ rity Council resolution 242 (1967), supplemented by reso- lution 338 (I973) of the same Council, contains all the prin"ples necessary for a peaceful solution of the problem. Indeed, implicit in those resolutions we find three basic elements for peace in the Middle East: first, the existence of the State of Israel within secure and recognized boundaries; secondly, the withdrawal of Israeii forces from the territories occupied during the 1967 war; and thirdly, recognition and practical application of the legitimate riJhts of the Palestinians, including the right to live in peace within a State of their own, independerlt or federated. 146. Regrettably, it has not been possible to implement those resolutions, because attempts have been made to destroy their harmonious balance by priority application of paragraphs which favour one or more of the parties and the indefinite postponement of paragraphs which favour the opposite party or parties. A formula must therefore be sought to ensure the simultaneous application of the resolutions in their ~mtirety so as to do justice and instil confiden~e in all the parties involved in the conflict. 147. That is the task which, as provided for in resolution 338 (1973), the Geneva Peace Conference which, unfor- tunately, has only held preliminary meetings in December 1973, must accomplish. The atmosphere of moderation that prevailed at the beginning of this year, together with the efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Waldheim, and the Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Vance, encouraged the hope that the Geneva Conference would meet again in the next few months,' with a good opportunity to do positive work. Nevertheless, 148. It is to be hoped that these obstacles \Nill be overcome in a search for formulas which can bring agreement on and ensure Palestinian representation at the Geneva Conference, with recognition of the irreversible legal existence of israel, and that in turn those formulas will, on the other hand, provide for the withdrawal of the Israeli forces from the occupied areas in r.:uch a way as to leave Israel with only the territory that is indispensable if its boundaries are to be defensible. 149. With the same frankness with which we have de- fended the legitimate rights of Israel to an independent and peaceful existence and condemned aberrations such as those equating zionism with racism, today we state that my delegation does not support the annexation of territory for reasons of religi,)l'.s dogmatism or historical romanticism. My delegation also affirms thai. the recognition and legalization of Israeli settlements in the occupied areas, whatever their legal status, leads to the interpretation of such actions as an attempt by Israel to consolidate the occupation of those territories for annexation purposes. That would imply open contradiction of paragraph 1 of Security Council resolution 242 (l967), which, I repeat, we consider to be the best instrument for arriving at a just peace in the Middle East. 150. In each of the seven statements which I have made since 1970 in the general debate which takes place annually in this Assembly I have spoken in favour of the legitimate claims of Panama to the Canal. In each of those statements I maint'ained the need to abrogate the obsolete and unjust Panama Canal Treaty of 1903. In every statement I expressed the support of Costa Rica for the Panamanian position on the need to replace the 1903 Treaty by other treaties which, while guaranteeing the neutrality of the Canal and its continued operation for the benefit of all nations, would grant Panama growing participation in the administration of the operating enterprise and in its benefits. Above all, I advocated that as soon as possible the last vestige of a colonialist enclave, which has kept the territory of t~e Republic of Panama divided, should disappear. 151. The treaties signed by the United States and Panama on 7 September 1977 fulfilled those major objectives. They are the result of 13 years of laboriouH negotiations which seemed as though they would never end. They mark the beginning of the end of an era, offering tangible proof of a new political style in the United States. They are a gesture which proves the joint goodwill of two peoples prepared harmoniously to end a serious conflict. 152. What is still lack!ng is ratification by the Senate of the United States of America and approval by the citizens of Panama by means of a plebiscite. There cannot be much doubt about the favourable result of the Panamanian referendum but~ on the other hand, some apprehension exists regarding the affirmative vote which has to be cast by at least 67 of the 100 United States Senators. 154. The peoples of the American hemisphere demon- strated their solidarity with Panama when their highest dignitaries went to Washington on 7 September this year as very special witnesses to the historic act of the signing of the new treaties. 155. It is to be hoped that this Assembly, in the name of all the peoples represented here, will also make ma.aifest its support for the agreements which the Administration of the United States reached with the Government of Panama. This would convince the Congress of the United States that these treaties were negotiated not with only a small and weak nation but with a people which, because of the justice of its cause, has the full support of the internationli! community. 156. In his report this year the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, puts these crucial questions: "What ... is the real position of the United Nations in the affairs of the worid? Is it really a central element in the foreign policies of most Governments?" [A/32/1, sect. ILl 157. My delegation endorses the importan.t considerations advanced by our Secretary-General in regard to those questions and, in a desire to assist his deliberation, I would venture to add the following comments. 158. The United Nations is in itself three different institutions which nevertheless form one whole, and each is of immense value to Member States. 159. First of all, the United Nations is a world forum for debate, a centre for publicity, education and persuasion, a place where weak nations can advocate their causes as freely as the' strong nations. This aspect of the United Nations has been used by its enemies to denigrate our Organization, when in a derogatory manner they call it a "debating society" or a "cave of the winds". But those who make these criticisms only prove their lack of knowledge of the value of debate in an open society. My delegation maintains that, in the long run, free debate works against error and for truth and justice. Those who deplore broad debate in the forums of the United Nations seem to have little confidence in the capacity of their respective coun- tries successfully to present their good causes. 160. Secondly, the United Nations is a place for nego- tiation, a kind of permane'nt diplomatic gathering where the peaceful solution of disputes can be soug..ht behind the scenes. The United Nations provides a permanent place 161. Thirdly, b·.lt not finally, the United Nations is a centre for interl~ational action, an :instrument for making things happen instead of nerely talking about them. One part of this action is connected with pmmoting the well-being of nations through the implementation of economic and social plans. This funcHon is, by far, the largest in terms of money and staff, and it is far less controversial than \TnHed Nations actIon in the political and military fields, al\hough of course this action is not free from vehement contI'oY~rsy either. The other aspect of the United Nations as an instrument of aC~!'Jn is the wide range of activities undertaken to maintain peace throughout the world. Here we emphasize the diplomatic efforts of the Secretary-General's office in mediation, conciliation, obser- vation and investigation befoff) and during conflicts. Beyond the act~vities of the Secretariat there are the peace-keeping operations, which im:lude the use of nu~ merous troops, such a~ those wpjch participated and sacrificed their lives in Korea, the Middle East, the Congo and Cyprus. 162. The growing effectiveness of all these three insti- tutions which constitute the Organization depends or: international co-operation. This co-operation does not come about spontam,!)usly. It is not merely an ideal, a principle, a desire :. r a policy. it is fiepresented by institutions, by treaties, by laws, by negotiatio'!18, by agreements and by actions. Finally, it is made up of concrete elements whic.;h are frequently difficult to bring into being. . 163. Peace is not an abstraction. It requires an organized system for the peaceful settlement of disputes among nations and peaceful change in internal structures. The alternative to nuclear weapons is not their mere sup- pression. The alternative resides in the existence of efficient and trustworthy institutions that will guarantee the security of all nations. 164. During the first 30 years of the United Nations there was a tendency to define the struggle for freedom as being similar to a struggle for national independence. But we well know that history is full of sad examples of tyrannies that have tried to justify themselves by their nationalism. Now that so many new nations have at last attained their national liberation, we must face the prior question of what happens to the individual freedom of men, women and children, the freedom of every h11man being whos~ value and dignity is affirmed on the f:L'St page of the United Nations Charter? Today, obviously, the world gives a very unsatisfactory reply to this question. 165. Experience has demonstrated the close interdepen- dence existing between human rights) on the one hand, and international peace and security, on the other. The recent history of nazism in power should have taught us all that 1.66. The other side of the coin is \H) le~s deplorable.. The more a country is threatened by external aggression, the less opportunity exists for the observance of human rights within that country. 167. Those who are concerned with preserving and de- veloping human rights in free societies must, then) also be concerned with promoting human rights in the rest of tlle world, and those who are concerned with promoting international peace and security cannot be satisfied with the ~ttaiIiment of thuse objectives in their own C0untries a}ont>. As was elot..{uently asked by President Kennedy in 1963, "ls not peace ultimately and basicaUy a question of human rights? " t68. Just as the- ptomotion of humafi ~ii'hts has a universal duuacter, as is !~(;ognized and emphasizec by the United Nation& et.arter, it must aiso be ap;,roached univf.Isally and simultaneously and be ~ppHed to every sphere of human activity. If it is recognized th~lt a man cannut bc,' truly free under ..m arbitrary Govemrrent, ~t mm;~ also be !,,;cognized that m,ither can he he free-even if free..-!')m is prJdaimed by the constitution and laws of hi::; .:oumry-if he is subject to tile oppre~.}ion of poverty or the tyrann;; of ignorance. 169. flor a human being to have dig,.'1ity, ·'e millst have at least a mh,imum numr"~r of rights, which ITtus1l be simul u tlneously applicable: the ri~ht to lifo, to freedom of thought and opinion, to equaJ:ity, to economic well-being, to education, to equitable remuneration when working and to fraternal tre:ttment from the other mf;mbers of society. 170. In reaction tn the hck nf social solidarity which characteriztcile cajJitalis)' ,,';:'~ "ill in the first half of our century, today there is greater insistence upon economic and social human rights than upon purely civil and political rights. 171. This emphasis can be explained and accepted as long as it is not used as an excuse to suppress civil and political rights for the sake of economic and social development, which in fact does not require the suppression of other rights. 172. Obviously, economic and social ri,mts require that they be enjoyed by all, that the nation should have the fmanciaI and technical resources which only development can provide. That i:: why the under-developed countries have great difficulty in making human rights effective in the economic and social fields. It is a grave fact that in many cas~s, in order to overcome the obstacles presented by under-development, it is considered necessary to do with- out civil and political rights as well. Thus the peoples of many developing countries are not only cast into the abyss of economic wretchedness, ill health, servile labour, igno- rance and undernourishment but must also bear arbi- trariness and oppression from those who rule them. 174. Only when the ri.ch States really comply with their obligation to co-op2rate l,vith the poor in their efforts to overcome under-development can they rightfully call tor full observance of human rights. 175. On the other hand, my delegation is convinced that repression set up as a rule of government is not only a violation of the United Nations Charter, which requires respect for human rights, but also creates major obstacles to. the attainment uf socio-economic progress by the sub- jugated ~eoples. Such repression prevents the fun partici- p&tilin of the people without which no process ·,)f socio- economic development can be successful, whatever may be the prevailing system. Th;:Jt is why under-developmem and political repression are but aspe::;ts of one and the srme problem. 176. The delegation of Costa Rica attaches special impor- tance to agend~ :~em 76 of this seSSl")l1 of the Assembly, entitlf>ti "Altenative approaches and ways and mea..fIS withir.. the 'Jnited Nations system for improving the e~Ieci:ive \',nj 1ymrnt of human rights aad fundamental freedoms ...' . 177. Together with other delegations wrJch share our interests, my delegation has participated in the drafting of an infm-mal working paper which explains the approach given to the item and an initial draft which brings up to date and includes our old idea of establishing a post entitled United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. 178. The coming into being of the International Con- vention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX)I, the two Inter- national Covenants on Human Rights [see resolution 2200 A (XXI)J and the Optional Protocol of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights have given legal content to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Those instruments have conferred new functions on the United Nations, functions which should, in the opinion of my delegation, be co-ordinated and promoted by an agency of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. 179. The need for such an agency, directed by an impartial official having objective authority, has become more obvious because of the tendency to create ad hoc committees to investigate sele~tively certain cases of alleged violations of human rights with a predominantly political criterion, a criterion which casts doubt on the equity of the conclusions and recommendations that might be arrived at by such ad hoc committees. A High Commissioner would, on the contrary, have the prestige arising from his impar- tiality and broad knowledge of the subject and would be heeded because his good offices and recommendations would be objective and removed from the urge to provoke a political scandal in the country against which it is rightly or wrongly alleged that violation) of human rights have occurred. 181, The primary goal of the United Nations is to promote international peace and security. That goal logi- cally becomes more distant in inverse ratio to the increase in the number and destructh·e capacity of nuclear and conventional weapons. 182. The statistics on weapons are truly terrifying. The data of the S:ockholm International Peace Research Insti- tute indicate that mankind has accumulated the equivalent of more than a rnillion Hiroshimi:l bombs. That represents a lethal potential capable of annihilating the total population of the world 12 times over. And yet the number of nuclear warheads for guided misziles continues to increase from yeClr to year, and in tlle last eight years they have increased fivefold. At the same time.) the lethal capacity of conven- tional weapons which, unlike p:.\dear weapons, are available even to the poorest counbies of the world is being perfected. 183. These facts demonstrate that the human race is lagging behind in its race against weapons. Increasingly vigorous efforts are reqUired to achieve disarmament, or at least a reduction in armaments. 184. We do not deny the right of every country to be vigilant with respect to its own security. The truth is that many countries have recourse to weapons because the international community regrettably has so far not been able to offer an international substitute for the duty of each State to see to its own security. 185. It might be said that as an exception Costa Rica wishes to offer the testimony of its confidence in the present agreements on collective, regional and world secu- rity to which it is a party. Therefore, inspired by its age-old civilian tradition, we decided in 1948 to dissolve our armed forces and refrain from investing funds in acquiring the instruments of war. That act of faith has yielded optimum dividends. My' country has been able to allocate for the health, education, housing and nutrition of its people the inevitably scarce resources which others allocate forinstru- ments of war. That is perha;.~ w'''y our democracy is today sounder than it has ever been ana why our citizens live with decorum, in freedom and dignity.

Mr. President, my Government would like to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President. Your unanimous election is a tribute to you personally as well as to your country. I pledge the full support of my delegation in your efforts to ensure the succ~ssful outcome of this session of the General Assembly. 187. My Government is also impressed by the devoted work of the Secretary-General in th~ cause of mankind. I 189. Another such paradox is the large proportion of the production capacity directed towards military purposes. This does nothing to help make the world a safer place to live in. But the annual military expenditure-$350 billion- represents resources more than 20 times as great as a whole year's development aid from the industrialized nations. 190. And this is happening at a time when the world urgently requires all its energy and resources to meet a series of urgent human problems, as stated in the Secre- tary-General's report on the work of the Organization. 191. The thirty-second session of the General Assembly is faced with a formidable agenda. But, for the reasons I have just mentioned, two matters must take precedence: first, the relations between rich and poor countries as they appear in the efforts to establish a new international e<:;onomic order) and secondly, the question of disarma- ment, especially in connexion with the preparations for the United Nations special session on disarmament. 192. The Norwegian Government fully understands the developing countries' impatience at the slow rate of progress towards the new world economic order. It is regrettable that the North-South dialogue has so far yielded such limited results and that the implementation of concrete measures is proceeding so slowly even in areas where agreement has been reached. 193. Although the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation was instrumental in bringing about a wider understanding of North-South problems, it does not represent the definitive break-through for which the de- veloping countries had hoped. We must see to it that the general understanding in principle reached at the con- ference in Paris is tiansla'~c:,d into practical action. The present session of the General Assembly will, in our view, be crucial in this respect. 194. The same is true of the forthcoming negotiations in UNCTAD on a common fund for commodities. We hope that the general agreements on a common fund which was reached in Paris will be maintained during the negotiations on the fund's functions and modalities, so that this central organ 1 representing a further stage in the implementation of an integrated programme for commodities, can now be realized. 196. In the present situation the iudustrialized countries should seek to ensure that their own -economic problems do not exert a negative influence on the transfer of resources to the developing countries. 197. On our part, we will fulfIl our commitment to reach a level of 1 per cent of our gross national product in official development aid in 1978, notwithstanding an unpre- cedented deficit in our balance of payments. 198. The mutually beneficial character of international development co-operation should be stressed to reinforce popular support for our efforts. 199. Let me give a small but concrete example of what I have in mind. In many, if not most, countries drug addiction is a very serious problem. This goes for my own country too. Norway has reacted positively to Economic and Social Council resolution 2066 (LXII) passed by the Council a short time ago on assistance to programmes aiming at crop replacement in areas where narcot;c plants are cultivated. We have recently entered into an agreement with the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control for the financing of a pilot project in a specific area for this purpose. But substantial results can only be achieved through concerted efforts on the part of the wealthy countries. Yet such an effort would simultaneously con- tribute to solving one of the most urgent problems confronting our own societies. 200. The current economic situation in the Western industrialized countries seems to be putting a brake on their will and their ability to be more forthcoming towards the developing countries. However, the question is whether the opposite reaction would not be the right one: whether making new purchasing power available to the developing countries would not prove to be a stimulus to the entire world economy. The 'persistent crises in the international economy call for an open-minded appraisal of interntional economic relations and of the international division of labour. One' result of such an appraisal would most certainly be acknowledgement of the fact that a new world economic order is also clearly in the interests of the wealthy, industrialized countries. Strengthened impulses to economic growth, improved co-ordination of economic policy, and better planning and steering in international economic relations-these are all aspects of a new inter- national economic order which will be to the advantage of all. 201. Another major item on our agenda is the preparation for the special session on disannament fitem 52J. This special session will, first, be the most representative forum of States ever convened to discuss this matter; secondly, it will focus the world's attention on the dangers of a continued anns race; and thirdly, it should lay down th~ necessary guidelines and give incentives for genuine progress in the disarmament negotiations. 7th meeting- 26 September 1977 87 202.. This special session will provide every country with therefore proposed that a more detailed study be carried the possibility-and even more the responsibility-ofjoining out, under the auspices of the United Nations, on the in the effort to see real progress in the field of disarma- subject of how resources now used for armaments can be ment. released for economic and social development. We have noted that this proposal has received support in the Preparatory Committee for the Special Session. But I should like to stress that resources released through disarmament should not be instead of, but in addition to, development assistance from other sources. 203. Our fmal goal is general and complete disarmament under effective international control. This goal can only be reached as the result of a long and gradual process. In the meantime we must aim at increased security at a lower level of armaments. 211. In reading the annual report of the Secretary- General, we are all left with a rather dismal picture of this world of ours. In spite of the ceaseless efforts of the United Nations, assisted by many of its Member States, areas of conflict remain in the Middle East, in Cyprus, in southern Africa, and in other parts of the world and threaten peace far beyond their own areas. i iI lj I ii I 204. The nuclear-weapon States and other States of military importance bear a special responsibility in the field of disarmament. But there are also areas where all of us have both a special responsibility to bear and a special role to play. What I particularly have in mind is the proliferation of nuclear weapons and also the scope and supervision of the international arms trade. I! 212. In southern Africa the white minority regimes now fmd themselves more isolated than ever. We must increase the international pressure on these regimes in order to make it abundantly clear that the many decisions adopted by the United Nations regarding the situation in southern Africa must be observed. 205. If we fail to prevent a steadily increasing number of countries from acquiring production facilities for nuclear weapons, our other endeavours in the disarmament sector will be of little avail. The strengthening of the non-pro- liferation regime must therefore be given high priority. In this connexion the non-proliferation Treaty is of crucial importance, and intensive efforts must be made to secure universal adherence to U. My Government also hopes that substantial progress regarding a comprehensive test-ban Treaty, as well as a treaty on the prohibition of chemical weapons, will be reached before the speci~l session to convene next May. Such agreements, as well as a new agreement on the limitation of strategic arms, would have a 213. The Conferences in Maputo and Lagos, and the declarations of these conferences,9 represent new and important contributions. Ir.. our view, they ought to form a platform for new measures. 214. We consider that a decision by the Security Council to introduce a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa would be an important means of influencing the course of events in that country. For our part, we are also prepared to support internationally binding measures of economic boycott against South Africa. Through such measures, the internation,:!] community could effectively demonstrate its solidarity with the people of southern Africa in their struggle against the system of apartheid. ~i\eficial effect on our efforts to achieve a successful outcome of the special session. 206. Another urgent need is for the further strengthening of the international safeguards system. Commercial in- terests will have to give way to the necessity of avoiding any proliferation of nuclear arms. 207. Furthermore, my Government is deeply concerned at the great increase in international arms transfers. This question ought to be made the subject of a more detailed study, with a view to arriving at international agreements on the limitation of arms transfers. An important practical instrument in this connexion would bE; to have a United Nations register recording all such arms transfers. 215. Experj~nce has shown that it is difficult to have collective measures of this nature adopted. The Nordic countries have therefore decided to consider possible measures they could adopt jointly in order to contribute to the isolation of the apartheid regime in South Africa. 216. I would fail in my duty if! did not from this rostrum express the deep distress of my Government at the news reaching us Df the death of the young black leader, Steven Biko. We urge the Government of South Africa to invite the International Red Cross to investigate the circumstances surrounding his death. The frequent deaths of political detainees under highly suspicious circurr.stances greatly aggravate the serious situ:ltion in South Africa. 208. Half a dozen of the world's military Powers are together responsible for 90 per cent of the world's arms sales. It would therefore be reasonable to expect these Powers to take the initiative in introducing a more restrictive policy. 209. We have noted with interest President Carter's recent statement on the policy of the United States as regards the sale of arms, as well as his outline of measures to be initiated to limit arms transfers. We also appreciate the President's decision to start discussions with other pro- ducers of arms on measures directed towards multilateral initiatives in this direction. 217. On Zimbabwe and Namibia, we hope that ongoing efforts will shortly lead to majority rule and real inde- pendence for the peoples of these two countries. 210. We must bear in mind that this d~cade has been designated both a disarmament decade and a development decade. In our view there is a close relationship between disarmament and development. The Nordic countries have 219. Both in Zimbabwe and Namibia it may prove necessary to arrange for a United Nations presence during a transitional period. Norway is prepared to help within the framework of decisions which the United Nations may make and in agreement with the representatives of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. 220. We have been encouraged by the sustained efforts that have been made to reconvene the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. The Norwegian Govern- ment welcomes these efforts. In our view, there may now be a real opportunity to find a solution to the problem that has been hanging over the Middle East and the rest of the world for the whole of this generation. We therefore urge all parties concerned to show the necessary restraint and a true spirit of 'compromise, so that this opportunity of achieving a lasting and equitable solution will not be lost. 221. In our view, a peaceful settlement in the Middle East must be based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). 222. Since the Palestinian question is one of the main elements in the Middle East conflict, the Palestinians should be ensured participation in the negotiations in a manner to be worked out in consultation with all the parties con- cerned. 223. A real effort must be made by all parties to break the viciou~ circle of inflexible positions. The Palestinians must recognize the right of Israel to exist as a State within secure and recognized boundaries, in the same way as Israel must recognize the right of the Palestinians to have a homeland. In this connexion I should like to refer to the communique from the Nordic Foreign Ministers' meeting earlier this month. 224. To increase respect for human rights must continue to be one of the basic aims of the United Nations. This follows from the Charter itself. 225. The achievements of the United Nations in the field of spelling out the rights of man have been impressive. The global human rights situation nevertheless gives rise to concern. 226. The importance of the work of the United Nations in the field of elaborating norms for the rights of man can be measured only through the impact such norms make in the daily life of human beings all over the world. Human rights should thus be high on the agenda of international co-operation. 227. There is an urgent need to improve the United Nations machinery for the protection of human rights. In this connexion the idea of a United Nations rJjgh Commis- sioner for Human Rights merits positive consideration. The idea is not a new one, but it has, in the view of my Government, never been examined on its full merits. 229. I should like to refer briefly to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. My country considers it essential that the new organization for the exploitation of the sea-bed should be given effective powers that will enable it to safeguard the interests of the international community. At the same time it is obvious that the guidelines for the organization's work must take into account the practical possibilities for exploiting the resources of the sea-bed, and create a basis for a reasonable balance between the various interests involved. The Con- ference is on the point of entering its most crucial phase. It is vital that all countries attend its next session-which we expect to be the last working session-in a spirit of earnest endeavour and friendly compromise. 230. The Secretary-General's report includes this time the following question: "What, in all frankness, is the real position of the United Nations in the affairs of the world? " [A1321], sect. Ill. 1 will try to answer this question by some reflections on the importance of the United Nations for a small country like my own. 231. Small countries have very limited possibilities indeed to influence the course of international events. For this very reason· they have to rely on a world order founded on the rule of law and not on power, and with rules applying to small and big alike. For this reason our membership in the United Nations-imperfect as the Organization may be-constitutes a corner-stone of my country's foreign policy. For this reason we will contribute to the strengthen- ing of the United Nations' peace-keeping ability and the vital role of the Security Council in this regard. For this reason we are committed to the strengthening of the capacity of t;le United Nations to meet the many new challenges that are common to ali countries. And for this reason we are also anxious to see that the ongoing efforts to restructure the machinery of the United Nations in the economic and social fields will lead to concrete results during this session of the General Assembly.

To bring Bolivia's voice once again to the 233. We would also like to emphasize our country's spirit of hope. We wish to make a defmite contribution towards realizing the aims of the international community in bringing about a better future for mankind. Our con- tribution in this world forum will bear the stamp of co-operation and solidarity. Our work is aimed towards ensuring that justice and peace prevail in an increasingly interdependent world. 234. In my statement in this general debate, I wish to express the thanks and congratulations of the Government of Bolivia to Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe, who, at an important stage of our work, chaired the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. 235. Also on behalf of my country I wish to welcome the President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, whose election fully guar- antees that our deliberations will lead to a constructive dialogue. 236. My Government once again wishes to compliment the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, on his work in support of peace and understanding in the world. His devotion has earned the appreciation of the international community. 237, On behalf of the Republic of Bolivia, I wish to welcome the countries that have recently become Members of the United Nations. We know that they will join with us in our efforts to achieve the objectives of our Organization. The admission to membership of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and Djibouti means that we are continuing towards the goal of the universality of our Organization, which Bolivia fervently supports. 238. We are convinced that one of the great achievements of the international community is the dialogue that the General Assembly has made possible. Here we h?ve dis- cussed the most critical problems of the world, we have considered the aspirations of the peoples of the world and we have tried to bring about a world in which we can live together in security, peace and co-operation. On this occasion we are faced with problems of differing magnitude and urgency, and our will for an understanding must be unflagging and in keeping with the principles which for the past 32 years have remained unchanged. Those principles are our chosen weapons in trying to bring about a less tormented future. 239. We are particularly concerned over one problem that troubles the entire world. The policy of racial discrimi- nation and apartheid is an offence against OLf sense of justice. Its continuation makes it difficult for us to consider that the international community has brought about human 240. The problems which arise from those policies take many forms. For that reason we should like to make special mention of resolution 1514 (XV), which stresses the principle of the self-determination of peoples. In a vast area of the world, efforts to bring about self-determination also mean the. fight against racial discrimination. 241. We also wish to express our concern over the conflict in the Middle East. The lack of a settlement there endangers peace not only in that area but in the entire world. For that reason Bolivia wishes to reiterate its support for Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which laid down the basic and adequate guidelines for a permanent peace, taking into account the interests of all those involved in the conflict. The return of occupied territory, the acceptance of the rights of the peoples of that area and recognition of the existence of all the States involved in the conflict are fundamental factors for a just and final settlement. 242. In keeping with our peace-loving traditions and our inclination to support dialogue, we believe that a delegation of Palestinian people must also participate in the Geneva Conference seeking a realistic solution of the problem of the Middle East. Only thus will all voices be heard, all rights accepted and all aspirations taken into account, so that there can be brought in the region an atmosphere of peace and civilized understanding. 243. Once again, with great regret, we must draw atten- tion to the turn that the arms race has taken. Weapons of mass destruction have gone beyond what we can conceive, and, what is also very serious, their proliferation has consumed resou~ces to the detriment of the expectations of developing peoples for progress and higher standards of living. This is a concern of long standing, but it remains crucial. 244. I should like to reiterate our alarm at the fact that the arms race has extended to some less developed countries and thus has converted certain areas, including the Americafl continent, into hotbeds of tension. The arms race must be repJ':lced by a world-wide commitment not to use force in international relations. At this stage of civilization, it is incomprehensible that mankind can reject dialogue and understanding in favour of regressive positions based on destruction and death. A commitment to reject force, which could take the form of a historic treaty for mankind, would gain our full support. For that reason we support the proposal that a world disarmament conference should ban the use of environmental modification tech- niques for military or other hostile purposes, such as already agreed at the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. 245. My country's love of peace and humanitarian feelings prompts us to reiterate our concern over the problem of terrorism, which we regJrd as one form of violation of 246. We are concerned not only over the fact that human rights are brutally violated by terrorist actions; we are also concerned over any other use of force, practice or method which hinders the full self-realization of man, limits his freedom or prevents his access to well-being, security or the fruits of progress. This conviction and Bolivia's active participation in efforts to protect human dignity have prompted us to become a sponsor of the proposal for the establishment of one of the most important posts the United Nations 'Could offer the world in this area: that of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. 247. In Latin America, we are convinced that there is now a growing awareness of the need for our part of the world to participate in the settlement of conflicts and world-wide problems. Latin America has begun recently to project a more unified image, one which arises from similar origins, hopes and historical experiences. 248. The gradual integration of Latin America not only has been aimed at broadening markets and economic understanding but also, little by little, it has been creating a genuine political solidarity, which will make possible consistent unified action in international affairs. It is true that. the final goal has not yet been achieved. But it is also true that there is the conviction that the role which Latin American countries must play in the solution of problems affecting mankind must be a very important one. . 249. Latin American efforts to unify the action of the countries of our group, have been traditional efforts. We have tried to perfect a world system that would ensure peace, understanding and co-operation. Thus, in the Secu- rity Council, we have always tried, through a concerted policy, to achieve higher levels of progress and eliminate any situation which might undermine the just aspirations of the peoples of the world. 250. In the interests of that form of co-ordination in particular, Bolivia, two years ago, withdrew its candidacy in the Security Council for the present two-year period, in favour of another Latin American ~ountry. We were convinced that by contributing in this way to inter- American unity we were thus winning full support for our claim at the thirty-second session of the General Assembly from our group and from all countries in this Organization. The election of Bolivia to the Security Council would be further proof of Latin American unity, since there can be no rift in a homogeneous region without the risk of a loss of cohesiveness. 251. On- another subject, Latin America, together with the other countries of the third world, wishes to see indus- trialization gradually eliminating the causes of dependence. We are aware that if that is to take place, we must agree to 252. For those reasons, we attribute special importance to the Conference on International Economic Co-operation. We see it as a real attempt to establish a new order in this field. Although the North-South dialogue did not achieve certain fundamental goals, it did have certain positive aspects: to wit, the reaffirmation of the integrated pro- gramme for commodities and the agreement to create a common tinancing fund, in addition to other measures which will become increasingly important in the future as we try to satisfy the interests of all nations. 253. Furthermore, the very fact that the North-South dialogue was transferred to the United Nations framework is a significant step because it brings into the world Organization one of the dramatic problems of relations between the developed world and less favoured nations. This forum had always been intended as the place where conflicting positions could be resolved and an under- standing reached. 254. As I already stated, Latin America shares its concerns with other countries belonging to the third world. Bolivia in particular agrees with the important conclusions which have been reached by various countries in the non-aligned movement and, in particular, we concur in the discontent with the present situation in international economic affairs and with the decision to develop financial and monetary co-operation among all countries which have been adversely affected by that international economic order which we consider unjust and which we want replaced by a more equitable system. 255. In the political arena, Latin America has to its credit one of the most impc:-tant achievements in the solution of one of the more import~Qt problems affecting our con- tinent. Thus it has been that the formulation of new treaties relating to the Panama Canal, based on sovereignty, mutual respect and international justice, is undeniable proof that there are no problems which cannot be settled provided the parties involved in any difference of opinion or unjust situation show a sincere and clear political will. 256. The spirit which has prevailed between Panama and the United States is a triumph of understanding and a reaffirmation of the fact that there is no hurd~e which cannot be cleared, that there is no difficulty which cannot be removed. 257. Our natural satisfaction at the settlement of this problem, which closely affects countries that are dear to us, makes it even clearer to us that other problems of equal importance deserve a similar treatment. We must approach them with a sense ofjustice, with a desire to bring about an understanding. When a genuine problem is satisfactorily settled, it benefits not only those who are directly affected but also the entire international community. 258. Such matters must be settled taking into account historical and ethical factors which must be continuously 259. We are convinced that dialogue is the supreme instrument for "settling intemational disputes. My country has always shown a desire to reach understandings and to work for settlements that take its vital interests into account as we deal with the problem of our geographical confinement. 260. The lapse of time has, of course, aroused a certain impatience but at the same time it has been a severe test of good faith in negotiations and in this task of bringing about a hIstorical solution which will be an honour to all of America. We are convinced that our continent believes that the restoration to the Bolivian nation of an outlet to the sea is a matter which can no longer be postponed without jeopardizing our oft-proclaimed solidarity. 261. If the unity of our continent means anything at all, it means that Bolivia's isolation limits the effectiveness of its intemal efforts to promote economic and social develop- ment and limits its participation in the process of integra- tion of Latin America. 262. However, we shall take advantage of every means which may present itself. Furthermore, we are prepared to search for any way of facilitating a solution, but not one which would undermine that solution. The moral authority of the continent must not be adversely affected by lack of understanding. Bolivia's need for an outlet to the sea is a reality recognized by all America. And those who wish to satisfy that need must act soon so that the decisions of our countries will become a historical fact leading to the strengthening of justice, peace and co-operation in Latin America. 263. We believe that any attitudes which disrupt the dialogue will not contribute effectively to the fair and dispassionate settlement of Bolivia's vital problem that its undeniable importance merits. likewise, matters must be clarified as much as possible in order to facilitate a viable settlement. Hence my Govemment is still waiting for Chile to obtain Peru's consent in order to open the way to a settlement that will meet the expectations of the Bolivian people and the requirements ofjustice in today's world. 265. The goal of solving Bolivia's problem of geographical isolation also warrants effective action by our world Organization. This would be in keeping with its duty to fulfIl, without reservations, one of its. primary respon- sibilities: that of improving relations among neighbouring countries. 266. Bolivia's thinking, its efforts and its international position, in keeping with our desire for peace and co-opera- tion, are being expressed at this time, when our country is engaged in the task of economic and social development. The Govemment of our country, presided over by H.E. General Don Hugo Banzer Smirez, faithfully reflects the accomplishments and just aspirations of the Bolivian people. The firm support of the main segments of our population, especially the support of the farmers and workers, attests to the popular and nationalist basis of the Bolivian Govemment. 267. Development in my country is viewed as an instru- ment in the service of society. Our actions derive from a humanitarian, revolutionary and authentically Bolivian nationalism. 268. For the past six years, the Government of Bolivia, thanks to political stability, social justice and collective effort, has made surprising progress in all spheres of national activity. This allows us to envisage a process of institutionalization of the country that will promote a nat.ional reorganization in keeping with the needs of the people and create an appropriate basis for progress towards the constitutionalization stage. This, in turn, will permit the B"Uvian nation to consolidate its development in ac- co:,jance with it~ new situation. 269. May I conclude by expressing to those countries assembled here Bolivia's hope that we will realize our common aspiration to shape for mankind a destiny free of violence, bas~d on understanding and exalted by justice.