A/32/PV.70 General Assembly

I am speakir.g on behalf of the countries of the European Community. 2. The repression of the anti-apartheid movement which the South African Government recently undertook with deplorable fanfare, aroused anger and censure from the European Community. 3. The qaestion of apartheid-one of the most important to be taken up by the United Nations-is thus once more before the Assembly, in a more pressing form that requires urgent intervention by our Organization. 4. It is now clearer than ever that the Pretoria Government has no intention ofgiving up its odious system of "separate development", The search for an area of agreement with the black leaders, even the moderate ones, has become more difficult than ever. 5. In spite of the elimination of certain secondary aspects of so-called "petty apartheid", the doctrine of white supremacy in all sectors of domestic life remains, as before, the official creed. The intamational community cannot remain passive when faced with this headstrong rush towards catastrophe. 6. This does not mean, of course, that we can ignore the other forms of violation of humaI1' rights that still persist NEW YOlK elsewhere. But it must be noted that, in the case of South Africa, these violations have been institutionalized. The international community today feels 30:1 in!~tinctive revul- sion when faced with such flagrant and inhuman racism. Moral and legal condemnation of apartheid is unanimous. 7. The latest report on southern Africa of the Ad Hoc Working Group of Experts of the Commission on Human Rights [A/32/226, annex], prepared in accordance with resolution 2082 A (LXll) of the Economic and Social Councfi, gives us a distressing picture of the poHce situation which has prevafied in South Mrica since the Soweto massacre. The fate of the young leader Steven Biko is yet another illustration of this. The international community demands a public explanation of the results of the present official inquiry and an assurance of the participation ofhis family and their representatives in all stages ofthe inquiry. 8. In the light of the recent closure of 18 organizations which fight courageously for equal rights, the closure of two leading newspapers, the arrest and the placing in house arrest of more than 70 leading figures and the approxi- mately 600 arrests just recently announced, both individual States and the United Nations are anxiously wondering what measures would be most effective in combating this scourge. 9. The World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos in August, had the virtue of dealing with the multiple aspects of apartheid. The 112 Governments represented in the Nigerian capital benefited from the attendance of numerous intergovernmental organizations, liberation movements, non-governmental organizations and leading figures from all over the world. The guidelines of the Lagos Declaration,l adopted by consensus, mark an important stage in the elimination of apartheid. The Declaration reflects the growing impatience of the interna- tional community with this intolerable situation, and constitutes a further appeal for common action which should be heard by our Assembly. • 10. Incidentally, the countries of the Community are aware of the importance of the potential contribution of the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania to the de~ate at the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. However, bearing in mind that the plenary meetings have always been and remain primarily a forum for discussions among Member States, the Community feels that the African National Congress and the Pan Mricanist Congcess should have been heard in committee, in accordance with the proper practice established in this field. 1 See Report of the WOl'ld Conference fol' Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77JeIV.2), chap. X. 12. So far as they are concerned, the countries of the Community have long condemned the retrograde, and in the long run untenable, character of racial segregation in South Africa. The majority of the population is radically opposed to it. This state ofaffairs will inevitably lead to an escalation of violence. Moreover, apartheid goes directly against the fundamental socio-economic trend which, in South Africa as elsewhere, is towards an ever-increasing integration. The 'COuntries of the European Community reject the iniquitous subterfuge of bantustans, which reinforce pOlitical and economic inequality and deprive the majority of its legitimate share of the national life. The policy ,!f bantustanization aims in fact at ensuring the perpetuation ofthe system ofapartheid. 13. The unanimity of the disapproval of nations shows that the South African Government has chosen a lonely road leading to a dead end; it has only complicated problems further, thus bringing about the well-known and deplorable consequences in the field ofhuman rights. 14. It is clear to the countries of the European Com- munity that there is no honourable solution other than that of an agonizing reappraisal of South Mrican policy. Only an authentic pluralist and non-racial society, in which all inhabitants of South Africa regardless ofrace or colour can full} participate on a basis of equality in the political, economic and social life of their country will be consistent with human dignitY andjustice. 15. We fear that the unavoidable alternative, even perhaps in the short term, will be a complete break-down, with bloody confrontation and mercDess violence at the expense ofthe interests of all South Africans. 16. Inasmuch as it is necessary, let me recall briefly the measures and decisions taken by the European Community in the context of the activities which the international community has for a long time pursued. The countries of the European Community refused to recognize Transkei. They will refrain from all action which might in any way contribute to the maintenance or the development of the policy of bantustanization. They help neighbouring coun- tries of South Africa which are confronted by particular problems as a result of their specific geographic location. They contribute to the United Nations Trust funds for aiding victims of apartheid in South Africa and Namibia, andto privateorganizationsdealing with the fate ofstudents - and refugees. . 17. Quite some time before the recent decision of the Security CouncD, the European Community took voluntary measures to place an embargo on arms sales to South Mrica. The countries of the European Community adopted and issued a code of conduct for companies with subsi- diaries, branches or representation in South Africa [A/32/ 267}, one of the essential objectives of which is to encourage the progress of free trade unionism without 18. The countries members of the Community will con- tinue to support pressure exerted in that direction on the South African Government. In that spirit, the countries of the European Community jointly made a imn new approach in Pretoria on 27 October, asking for an im- mediate lifting of banning orders and the opening of a constructive dialogue with black organizations. 19. While remaining committed to the principle of the universality of the United Nations, the countries members of the European Community understand why a large number of members of this Assembly should ask for outright ostracism of South Africa. As far as we are concerned, we do not feel that such ostracism would promote the fundamental change for which we hope. On the contrary, it would jeopardize the efforts of all those who, regardless of race, combat apartheid. We continue to think that it would be neither in the true interests of South Mrica nor of the international community to withdraw from any critical dialogue with the Government ofPretoria. 20. The Government of South Africa would like us to believe that it is a stronghold of Western civilization. The countries ot the European Community are not fooled by such pretensions. Essentially, Western civHization is based on respect for human rights. On that basis, it is clear that acts committed in the name of apartheid have nothing whatsoever to do with our values. 21. Be that as it may, the nine countries members of the European Community still venture to hope that those who govern South Africa, confronted by an increasingly worsen- ing situation, and by the censure ofnations, will know how to stop in time, lest they have to assume the entire and heavy responsibility of the disastrous consequences which are now in the making.

Not a day goes by without our reading news in the press about new and brutal repressive action taken by the South . African regime. It would appear that Vorster's racist clique wishes us to have a dally.reminder of its existence and of the affront to the dignity of man inherent in apartheid. On one day a leader is killed in cold blood in the dungeons of Pretoria; on another day there is a military attack on one of I the defenceless ghettoes created by the regime which advocates racial segregation. The distinguishing character- istic is always the same: the repressive inhumanity typical of Fascist regimes. 23. Once again the General Assembly is considering a problem which would have been solved some time ago if the principal Powers in the West had not persisted in their unethical economic, military and diplomatic support of South Africa. . 24. Fol' decades now imperialism has been pursuing a policy designed to consolidate the power of the racist minority in Pretoria and to convert South Africa into a 25. The tide of history, however, could not be turned back. In l:ecent years the African continent witnessed the victory of the peoples who threw off the Portuguese colonial yoke for ever and won their independence, thus contributing to the isolation of the Pretoria regime and bringing closer the hour ofits fmal collapse. 26. When the last Portuguese colony, Angola, was prepar- ing to proclaim its independence, imperialism and its racist allies of southern Africa, realizing what that meant, threw themselves voraciously on Angolan territory in a vain attempt to wrench from the Angolan patriots the fruits of the sacrifices of generations which for four centuries had fought against colonial domination. But the arrogance of the racists encountered the iron fISt of the Angolan people and international solidarity, and in a very short time, after suffering a whole series of defeats, they had to withdraw from that nation's territory and seek refuge in illegally occupied Namibia. That was the fIrst military defeat of the racist minority at the hands of the peoples of Africa. That should have taught this regime' a lesson, but apparently it did not. 27. While their Salisbury allies commit constant acts of aggression against various African nations, the Pretoria racists proclaim their readiness to support those allies miIitarily in the repression of the. national liberation movement. At the same time, the South African regime strengthens its illegal occupation of Namibia miIitarily, increases its repression of the South West Africa People's Organization and, in general, of the blacks of southern Africa, continues to carry out its policy of bantustaniza- tion, suppresses the meagre remnants of freedom of the press and of association in South Africa, murders Steven Biko, imprisons leaders of the people such as Winnie Mandela and defies the int~mational ~mmunity with forceful statements. There must be the widest and most forceful mobilization of international opinion to make Pretoria free Nelson Mandela and all the other patriots now in the prisons of the afJil1'.theid system. 28. What, one should ask, is at the root of Pretoria's insole,nt and arrogant attitude? Doubtless it is that regime's fmn conviction that its Western allies support it and will .,' continue to do so. The differences that may exist between them do not go beyond tactical and temporary considera- tions. 30. But the Pretoria racists are heartened not only by their well-justified confidence that the imperialist Powers will ~upport them, but also by the co-operation and encourage- ment they receive from other regimes. It is well known that there is co-operation between Israel and South Africa. This has been systematically denounced by the General Assem- bly year after year. Similarly, because of the Fascist and repressive nature of the two regimes, there is naturally co-operation between the Pretoria racists and the Fascist junta in Chile. That co-operation has reached such a point that the Chilean regime has recognized and established co-operative relations with the Transkei bantustan. Only a regime like that of Chile, the creature and tool of imperialism, isolated and repudiated by the international community, could possibly do what even the closest allies of South Africa in the West have not done-that is, publicly support the policy of bantustanization. The growing ties between Pretoria and the Chilean junta and other reac- tionary regimes in South America must be repudiated by the international community. This Assembly must take a firm stand in that regard. My delegation vigorously de- nounces and condemns the emergence of this new "axis" of racism and crime. 31. Whether the racists, their Fascist allies and imperialism like it or not, the dawn of liberation may now be seen clearly on the Mrican horizon. No tricks, no manoeuvres, ne strategems can stem the tide of history now that the peoples have decidea to take matters into their own hands. In Africa the masses have risen; they have no intention of awaiting the end of the century or even the end of thi3 decade to throw off the chains that so-called "Western civilization" has forced them to wear for four centuries. They have, moreover, the militant support of the socialist and revolutionary countries, of the movement of non- aligned countries and the progressive forces in all parts of the world. 32. This General Assembly must clearly express mankind's demand that this stain represented by the continued existence ofthe apartheid regime should be wiped once and for all from the face ofthe earth. The thirty-second session of the General Assembly must demand that the Security Council adopt the necessary measures to put an end to the Pretoria regime's repression of the South African people,

The next speaker is the represen- tative of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania [PACj, Mr. David Sibeko. In accordance with the decision taken by the General Assembly at its 5th plenary meeting, I now call upon him.

That we have been invited for the second year in succession to address the General Assembly of the United Nations, when once again the apartheid policies ofthe South African regime are being discussed at a plenary meeting of the \70rld body, shows that the struggle of the Azanian people has deepened in intensity. It also shows that the interna- tional community is treating the situation in South Africa with the seriousness it deserves. As a consequence, the struggling people of Azania are full of hope as to the outcome of these deliberations-hope that the United Nations will live up to its responsibi1itie~ and adopt the draft resolutions that have been submitted by members of the Organization of African Unity [OAUj the non-aligned nations and all our friends in this august body. Further, it is the sincere hope ofour people that each and every Member country of the United Nations will strictly abide by those resolutions. 35. It is a cau~ of special inspiration to the PAC, and to our people as well, that you, Mr. President, are presiding over this thirty-second session of the General Assembly after your popular election last September. We join our fraternal congratulations to those ofprevious speakers who have rightly extolled your outstanding qualifications as an accomplished diplomat and distinguished champion of the cause of freedom for all mankind. Your colleagues, Foreign Ministers, ambassadors and other world statesmen have based their praises on the qualities you have consistently demonstrated here and elsewhere in the service of your country, the Socialist Federal Republic ofYugoslavia. 36. Socialist Yugoslavia has a special place of reverence among un as freedom fighters and among our stn"~g people as ~l whole. It is a country rich in the experience of self..reliance in waging struggle, dating from the heroic war of liberation waged by Yugoslavia's partisans under the leadership of Marshal Josip Broz Tito. In that same tradition, after defeating the Nazi and Fascist aggressors during the Second Wo~ld War, Yugoslavia courageously defended its independence and helped to pioneer and develop the non-aligned movement preferred by countries ofthe third world. 37. The gravity of the situation in Azania has been well reflected in the unprecedented action taken by the United Nations Security Council through its resolution 418 (1977) of 4 November of this year. For the first time in the history . of the United Nations the Security Council has unani- 38. Nevertheless, resolution 418 (1977) is an important victory for the Azanian-national liberation movement, the member States of the DAU, the non-aligned countries, the soc~alist countries, the Nordic countries and other friends of our struggle which compelled South Africa's traditional allies to concede, even if reluctantly, that their apartheid protege poses a danger to world peace through its acqUisi- tion ofwar weapons. . 39. For our part, it is the very existence of an anachro- nistic, antiquated and evil political system which endangers peace and security not only for southern Africa but for the 'whole of our continent and for the world beyond. The system of apartheid colonialism is designed to deny fundamental political rights to the indigenous African majority and other people of colour. This diabolical system has been develbped into a cruelly efficient conveyor belt for cheap black labour, and results in the securing of super-profits for South Africa's capitalist industries and an unequalled opulent life-style for the white settler minority. International monopoly capital fmds apartheid colonialism irresistible, and transnational companies from all over the West and Japan have poured billions upon billions of pounds, dollars, marks, francs and yen in investments into South Africa, gaining stupendously high profits in return. It is in that fashion that imperialism has grown in Azania. 40. To maintain the status quo the South Mrican apart- heid regime relies on barbaric laws that have reduced the majority of African people to the status of fourth-rate citizens and chattel slaves in their own land. Whether we are talking about pass laws, the Group Areas Act, the Bantu Education Act or the bantustans, the evidence of modem slavery is legion, and it has been well documented in thousands of petitions and other submissions to the United Nations and other forums. No amount of sophistry on the part of the apartheid regime and its apologists can conceal the true and glaring facts oflife underapartheid colonialism for the oppressedin Azania. 41. Sensing the avarice of the ungrateful foreigners, who were welcomed with traditional African hospitality, and had started settling in our land in 1652, our forefathers organized to wage heroic anti·colonial wars against the Dutch and later the British colonialists. Their primitive assegais and spears were, after centuries of struggle, to prove unequal to the modem rifles and cannons of the invaders. By the turn of the nineteenth century, notwith- standing the triumphs of African warriors at Isandlwana, Thaba Bosiu, Sandile's Kop, the Battle of the Axes and Mngungundlovu, the Azanian anti-colonialist resistance had been s~tbdued. Bambata put up another brave effort in 1906, but by 1909 British colonialism had been consoli- dated, and in 1910 the Union of South Africa was illegally handed over to the predominantly Boer white settlers, in total disregard of the political rights and fundamental aspirations of the vast African majority. 43. From then on, PAC, mandated by the militant, oppressed masses of Azania, decided that it had reached the end of the path of non-violence in the fight for liberation. True Azanian patriots would now wage a struggle to remove, with the people's revolutionary violence, the reactionary violence of apartheid-colonialism. POQO, the armed wing of-PAC, drew its frrst blood from the enemy by ambushing a police van in Langa, in 1960, during the state of emergency declared as a direct result of the PAC positive action campaign of 21 March in the same year. Our armed units went on to sporadically attack police and police stations, to liquidate informers and to blow up government installations at Paarl, Queenstown, Bushee Bridge, Krugers- dorp and Qamata, from 1960 right up to 1963 and beyond. 44. More facts: in 1962 the regime set up a special commission of inquiry to investigate PAC's underground activities. This was the frrst time that a specialinvestigation had ever been set up with a judge ofthe Supreme Court as its Chairman. Half-wctythrough the proceedings, the presid- ing judge, Justice Snyman, halted the hearings and issued an emergency report, adVising the apartheid regime to take immediate measures to pre-empt the launching of a nation-wide armed uprising by PAC. 45. Fact: in 1960 the Security Council met for the frrst time on the apartheid policies of the South African racist regime as a result of the PAC positive action campaign. Fact: the Security Council was to convene again as a result of the massive arrests ofPAC suspects by the South African police and others follOWing the Snyman report: apartheid South Africa was roundly condemned on both occasions. But even then the Western countries, especially the Western permanent members of the Security C('·mcil, namely the United Kingdom, France and the United States, refused to apply sanctions under Chapter vrr,. of- tne Charter and behaved as if the public scolding were sufficient to make the apartheid regime mend its ways. Fact: the South Mrican apartheid regime proceeded to hang over 100 PAC . freedom fighters arrestedin connexion with the activities of POQO, which I have mentioned. Four Jrom the other groups .were also executed. '- ' 46. The militant· spirit of Sharpeville was reborn in Soweto last year on 16 June when African sclioolchildren and students took to the streets in .their thousands to protest against.Bantu education. Following the well-known bloody massacre of toddlers-and other demonstrators, the protests spread throughout the country and a rational uprising ensued. The uprising was the culmination of creative and dedicated mass mobilization.hy the, Black Consciousness movement of Steven Biko and'other patriots who have since been murdered like Steve, or are languishing in gaol or suffering in the underground, if~ey-have- not fled intoexile.' ,~ 48. History has never waited and history does not wait for the antique to rejuvenate itself and assume the place of glory at the head of a revolutionary movement. It simply casts aside any who cannot cope with its pace and produces forces that are capable of shaping its destiny. This is a law of development that will never bow to those who have reduced themselves to floating bantu;]tans. It matters not how lavishly their sponsors may spend on them. Only those who wallow in the jargon ofthe ignorant treat lightly words like "authe".tic" in the face of overwhelming evidence that a new and far more virile stage has been reached in the struggle. 49. I come back to the issue ofapartheid-colonialism, over which this serious debate has convened. It is our well- thought submission that the mqrnent is ripe for dealing this obnoxious system the deadly blow of international isola- tion. There is creeping into the journals of the imperialist world, too clever by half, attempts to rebuild the invincible image of apartheid South Africa, which was shattered by the national uprising last year, the people's national uprising. This is the myth which was exposed when our brothers and sisters in Angola repelled South Africa's aggression and triumphed over the local lackeys of imperial- ism. 50. The latest issue of Time magazine and yesterday's The Wan Street Journal are waving the chimera of "the defiant white tribe" and say South Africa asserts that foreign pressure only stiffens resolve. 51. Those articles have been preceded by warnings that it will only make the Vorster regim--a more intransigent if maximum international pressure is applied and this will lead to greater suffering for the African masses. 52. There are two &ides to the South African confronta- tion. Anyone who saw ourchlldren and other compatriots challenge tanks, machine-guns and other sophisticated weapons all over the country with sticks and stones during the uprising cannot doubt the oppressed people's own detennination. Our people are a match for apartheid South Africa's intransi~nce. As for the suffering, it has been there for as long as there has been white domination, never letting up, always intensifying. Our-people regard it as a necessary sacrifice to suffer for, freedom, no- matter what the SUffering. Otherwise, Sharpeville, themassaCres~the detentions and "the hangings~ of'the.1960s would have been the end~ Instead, there has been Soweto. As I talk to you here, there are freedom fighters on tri~ and others being sent to gaol ror training abroad and returning home to jam-'- in the national uprising and wage 'armed struggle. The report of~~_Spec1al Committee against Apartheid a~ this ' 54. Given the fact that South Africa possesses the capacity to expand such military confrontation roto strikes with nuclear weapons, the intern.ational community must swiftly follow up Security Council resolution 418 (1977) with a mandate for the Council to impose an economic and trade embargo against the apartheid regime under Chapter VII of the Charter. 55. The history of apartheid is a history of contempt for world opinion as much as it is a history of sanguinary repression at home. To prevaricate, as we can see from this history, is simply to give time to South Africa to strengthen its internal repression and minimIze its vulnembility to international act!on. There must be no further waste of tinle. The United Nations must assert its moral authority and boldly take the action to implement economic sanc- tions, which are the (iDly meaningful sanctions. It is a bluff that South Mrica will sit out sanctions, in this modem world so dependent on trade~ communications and all kinds ofinteractions. Sooner or later the very whitfS that 21'e now reported to be rallying to the side of Vorster as a result of intematicnal action such as resolution 418 (1977) will come to their senses. They will grow to realize that Vorster~uway is the way to death and oblivion; and that the liberation movement's way is the way to peace for all, prosperity for ~11 and free~om for all, in a democratic Azania. 57. All the appeals, pleas and warnings addressed to South Africa by the international community to bring an end to apartheid have proved to be in vain. The changes indicated by the South African Government three years ago have not been brought about, and the situation in the country has shown no improvement. The severity with whichapartheid is being applied has even increased. It is becomin8 more and more obvious that the South Mrican Government wants to preserve apartheid and does not want to make any fundamental changes. 58. Apartheid has become deeply embedded in the struc- tures of South African society. Eradication of this syst\:m will, therefore, not be an easy matter. However, we can and Inust <l'emand that a country in which the majority of the population lacks basic political and civil rig:l~S make a genuine and realistic effort to set in motion a process for change which will lead to a fair and just society in a not-too-distant future. 59. The new proposals for the establishment of separate parliaments for the ethnic minorities in conjunction with the continuing creation of bantustans make it clear that South Africa is determined to perpetuate the system of separate development. 60. In justification of its bantustan policy South Africa advances the thesis that black and white, having essentially different cultural and other backgrounds, should not live together in one single State with all individuals enjoying equal rights. We reject this thesis as unjust and unfounded. Moreover, the manner in which the bantustan policy is put into practice creates social injustice on a vast scale. While setting up a number of small territories, economically dependent on South Africa though seemingly independent from a political point of view, South Africa retains and seeks to retain accesS to a large reservoir of cheap African labour without having to grantr the people who produce that labour theu rightful place in South African society. 61. As for the so-called petty apartheid, a system humiliat- ing millions of people, we cannot understand why it still has not been abolished. No real significant changes have taken place. The authorities justify this system as a means of avoiding interracial friction, but the results of the system are ofcourse quite the opposite. 62. South Mrica insists that it has the right to ba ruled in accordance with its own social order and th~t this order would b:-eak down if the changes we desire were made. We do recognize South Africa~s right to shape its own society. What wc object to, however, is that South African society is 64. Although the Netherlands has consistently rejected apartheid and condemned the situation in South Africa, my Government considered it important to keep up a dialogue with South Africa in order to try to convince its people that apartheid is immoral and mistaken. We continue to feel that it is important to keep open channels of communica- tion with South Africa, for we do not want to lose contact with those South Africans who are opposed to apartheid. W~ know that growing numbers of South Africans of all colours have a genuine wish for change and we feel that now more than ever before they deserve our help and encouragement. 65. For that same reason the Netherlands hesitated to terminate its cultural treaty with South Africa. After the tragic developments of last month., however, the Nether- lands Government decided to inform the South African Government that it intended to denounce that treaty and would shortly submit a proposal to that effect to the Netherlands Parliament. 66. My Government, of course, is aware of the fact that the situation in South Africa calls for more than moral pressure alone. It recognizes that the situation in South Africa is a serious threat to international peace and security, and therefore the Netherlands Government wel- comes the recent decision of the Security Council to i'11pose a mandatory arms embargo based on Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. In the view of my country, this decision was long overdue. 67. The Netherlands Government fears that, notwith- standing this measure of the Security Council, it will probably not be possible to change South Africa's position in these matters without the application ofstrong economic pressures. Indeed, economic sanctions would be well justified as one of the last possibilities to work for change by peaceful means. We had hoped that the Security Council would have started considering the use of economic sanctions. As a first step in this direction the Netherlands Government has already stopped all medium-term and long-term credit guarantees fOl export to South Africa. During the thrity-frrst session of the General Assembly my delegation also supported the proposal made by Sweden to stop further investments in that country• 69. It is perfectly clear that apartheid cannot and will not endure, and we are convinced that even the most obstinate supporter ofapartheid should realize this. 70. My Government still believes that a rapid change in South Mrica could avoid much misery and bloodshed, but it also believes that misery and bloodshed and racial war cannot be avoided if South Africa clings to its policies of apartheid. We cannot expect the black population of Soutlt Africa to sit back and wait; they will fmally take ilieir destiny into their own hands. Once again we warn South Africa that there is no more time to lose and that further delay will be fatal.

The General Assembly at its thirty-rust session adopted a series of resolutions [resolutions 31/6 A-K] in which, after examining the situation in South Africa, it tried to prescribe the remedies capable of putting an end to violence, repression and the system of apartheid, whose terrible evils 17 million people continue to 3uffer. Since that time, the problem of apartheid has been quite rightly the focal point of the concerns of all Governments and world public opinion at large. Finally comprehending the real thrust of the struggle of the people ofSouth Africa, of which Soweto became the proud symbol, numerous voices which have been silent up to now have been raised to condemn the oppressive South African regime, which persists in defying every human value. Everywhere, includ- ing the Western countries, the sufferings of the South African people and the racist challenge of the Pretoria regime have awakened consciences and have revived the anxiety of all those who, irrespective of their national origin or their ideological aJiegi.3llce, have always believed in the supremacy of and respect for the principles of justice and freedom. This international solidarity whose emergence we are noting is obvious proof that the question of apartheid is one .of the major concerns of mankind, not only because it carries within it a direct danger to peace and security in the world but equally because it shakes and shocks the very foundations ofthe just and free community which we are striving to build. It ensues from this that the persistence of apartheid and the abuses that are inherent in it cannot be considered as simply an internal ill which time or some timid initiatives will manage to absorb. When the aspirations of 17 million people are flouted, when tortw'es and inhuman practices are inflicted on Mricans whose only offence is to resist apartheid, when African countries are the victims of premeditated and repeated armed aggressions, and when the principles of the Charter are flouted, it is the sacred duty of the international commwuty in general and of each Member State of this Organization in particular, to take all the necessary steps laid down in the Charter to eliminate once and for all the cause ofthis infamous regime ofapartheid. 73. Since the Soweto massacre, if we believe the South African press itself, almost a thousand of black militants have already been killed and several thousands of others have been wounded. Several hundreds of young Africans have been put in prison and condemned for their participa- tion in peaceful demonstrations. According to the 30uth African Institute for Racial Relations, more than 600 persons were arrested in March 1976 alone, in application of the Terrorism Act, which, as everyone knows, violates all the principles oflaw and justice. 74. Furthermore, more than 25 militants have died in South African gaols, the last being the great.leader Steven Biko. The death of Steven Biko aroused universal indigna- tion and contributed, as did Soweto, to the renewal of opposition to apartheid. 75. Losing its composure in the face ofa situation getting increasingly out of control, the Pretoria regime decided, on 19 October 1977, to take a series of massive repressive measures: bannings of organizations, arrests of militants, closings ofnewspapers grew in number. 76. The experience of colonialism and of the terror suffered by the peoples of the third world during long decades has always taught us that the growth ofrepression is the best indication, the best proof, of the success of a people in its struggle against the oppressor. Mr. Vorster's Government, incapable of suppressing internal resistance to apartheid, thinks that by banning organizations and news- papers it could continue with impunity its campaign of repression against the living forces of the South African people. 77. It is comforting to note that these forces, under the leadership of the liberation movements, were not at all intimidated and are more than ever resolved to pursue their struggle. . 79. Recently the Security Council decided, under Chapter VII of the Charter, to impose a mandatory embargo on army shipments to South Africa. That is an appreciable step forward achieved by Africa .and the international com- munity. We have already had occasion to express our satisfaction at this development; nevertheless, we must point out that this step forward represents the lowest common denominator on which the Council could agree. We remain convinced that other more effective steps are necessary if we seriously wish to force the Pretoria reg!me to a clearer understanding ofits responsibilities. ~ 80. In 1960 the Security Council discussed the question of South Africa for the frrst time. That was immediately after the Sharpeville massacre. It was not before the event~ of Soweto that the Council considered taking steps against South Africa; but it was only in November 1977 that the Council, reacting to a wave of terror, fmally had to take a step important in itself but not particularly effective in its practical scope or in concrete results. 81. Thus it is dear that the Council, instead ofpreventing evil, in mo~t cases only timidly reacts to events provoked by Pretoria. It must be noted with regret that the"initiative is always left to the Vorster regime which, with its impunity unchallenged, does as it please... 82. We hope that the Security Council will not wait for a further massacre before deciding on the additional steps for which Africa is constantly appealing, 83. The South African militants, under the leadership of the Mrican National Congress and PAC, have shown much courage and determination inside South Africa; it is up to us to give them our unreserved support in a difficult period of their struggle, which must inevitably triumph over apartheid and its supporters.

The discussion of the ques- tion of the struggle against apartheid is taking place this year in conditions in which the process of international detente and peace and security are being strengthened. This process has to a large extent been favoured by the recent successes in the elimination ofcolonial oppression in Africa and other regions ofthe world. 85. Africa is not yet completely free. There are still vestiges of colonialism and racism in the southern pm\: of that long-suffering and peace-Ioring continent the existence of which is a blatant violation of the rig..;'ts of peoples to self-determination, freedom and independence, runs counter to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, and is a threat to international peace and security. s~ long as the racist regime in South Africa maintains that country shackled with the chains of the system ofapartheid that threat will remain. 87. Faced with conditions of increasing aggression and cruelty~by the apartheid regime, the further develor>ment of the national liberation struggle of the people of South Africa by all means available, including armed struggle, is quite justified. This struggle covers practically the entire African continent and is approaching a decisive stage. The day is not far off when the last bastions of colonialism and racism will fall under the blows ofthe patriots of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Soath Africa. 88. The future victory of the patriots of southern Africa is guaranteed not only by the justice of their struggle but also by the very wide support which they are receiving from all progressive and genuinely democratic forces of the world. The further strengthening of this support is shown by the results and the decisions of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos thi~ year, which has already been mentioned here. 89. The Ukrainian SSR will for its part do its utmost in supporting the oppressed peoples of South Africa in their struggle for freedom and independence. Our consistent and principled policy is dictated not by short-term thinking but flows from the very nature of socialist structures. That policy was established 60 years ago as the result of the victorious Great October Socialist Revolution, which heralded the beginning of the collapse of the entire shameful system of colonialism and imperialism. Its basis was laid d~wn in Lenin's historic Decree on Peace and was further developed in the programme of further struggle for peace and international co-operation, and for the freedom and independence of peoples, adopted at the Twenty-Fifth Congress of our Party_ 90. In his welcoming address to participants at the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist "The peoples of the Soviet Union... consistently uphold the principles of equality and self-detenrJnation of the peoples, resolutely condemn the criminal policy pursued by the racist regimes in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, and call for isolation and boycott of these regimes, for complete eradication of apartheid, of all forms and manifestations of racial discrimination and oppression."2 91. Why is the regime of Pretoria still in power? 92. As we see from the facts, that regime has influential supporters. It behaves so defiantly because it has the assistance and support ofits patrons in the West, who try to maintain in that region a bridge-head against the national liberation struggle, and a military strategic counterweight to free Africa. That support overtly flouts the demands and resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council and allows the South African racists not only to maintain the system of apaI'theid and continue to occupy Namibia, but also to perpetuate outrageous acts of aggres- sion against the independent countries of Mrica and infringe their sovereignty. In this part ofAfrica, the closely interwoven web of economic, military and political interests of the Republic of South Africa and certain Western countries belonging to NATO act in this area of Africa as a kind of shield which shelters the rotten regime of Vorster. ....- . 93. The allies of Pretoria, allies in plunder and exploita- tion of the oppressed people of southern Africa and their resources, have anned and continued to arm the racist regime of the Republic of South Africa. They have attempted to create an army for that regime, giving it the most modem types of weaponry which are produced either in NATO countries or under licences rcrceived from those countries. As was pointed out at the Lagos Conference, after 1963, that is since the United Nations called upon countries to place an embargo on the supply of weapons to the Republic of South Africa, the yearly military budget of the Pretoria regime rose from $200 million to $2 billion, of which $1.2 billion was spent on importing weapons from a number of Western countries, and also from Israel. This military machine of the Republic of South Africa; created as a result ofincreased support from the West, is aimed fust and foremvst against independent Africa. It was that machine that wrought death and destruction in Angola; that machine has been and is being used for aggression against other African countries. 94. Particular concern is caused by recent information about the development in the Republic of South Africa of its own nuclear weapons and preparations for testing that weapon. The racists are very eager to have an atom bomb, with which they aim to bully the African peoples and save the apartheid regime. Nor do they hide this. Quite recently, speaking at a congress of the organization of the leading party in Natal, the South African Minister of Finance, 96. It is characteristic that in foreseeing an inevitable collapse of the South African regime, and fearing for their position and privileges in that region, Vorster and his imperialist henchmen are embarking on joint feverish manoeuvres not only to gain time but, fust and foremost, to shake the fervour and keenness ofthe national liberation struggle. They wish thus to impose a neo-colonialist decision on the problems of South Africa, to maintain under a new label the colonial racist systems, their own positions and interests. 97. First and foremost, the racists and their sponsors attempt to supplant the implementation of United Nations decisions by calling for a dialogue with Pretoria. This is merely pandering to the regime of apartheid, as the course of events has already shown. The system of apartheid has already dispelled any illusions or hopes we might have had as to the possibility ofresolving the problem by means of a dialogue, since any defennent is used to increase the cruelty and terror of the system of apartheid. Secondly, the forces of imperialism are creating and fanning in Africa the P.otbeds of tension and conflict. They aim to destroy and subvert the unity of the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist forces which, experience has shown, has always been and will always be the most important condition and guarantee for the success of the elimination of the system of colonialism and apartheid. 98. Here we would like to express our support to the countries of Africa which have expressed concern over the creation by transnational corporations of a missile range in 100. Therefore, my delegation resolutely supports the demand of the delegations of the countries of Africa that the sponsors and patrons of the racists should immediately stop co-operating with South Africa in the political, military, nuclear, economic, trade, fmancial and other fields. 101. On 4 November this year the Security Council in resolution 418 (1977) decided to place a mandatory em- bargo on anns deliveries to South Africa. In itself this was signal progress. Now we need to ensure the unswerving implementation of that decision. Much contributed to the adoption of that decision: first and foremost the success of the national liberation movement in southern Africa. At the same time we must note that, as already stressed in the discussion, because of the negative position of certain Western Powers, certain draft resolutions submitted by African countries were not adopted. Those draft resolutions envisaged the adoption of effective measures against South Africa such as a complete halt to co-operation in the nuclear field, and mandatory economic and other sanctions. Vorster and his clique have earned another breathing space which they will undoubtedly use to strengthen their criminal regime. 102. All progressive mankind is demanding that immedi- ate, resolute and more effective action should be taken against the racists to end their innumerable crimes com- mitted against the people of Africa and international peace. 103. In that connexion, my delegation supports the relevant recommendations contained in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/32/22], including mandatory economic sanctions against the apartheid regime. We consider that the resolutions to be adopted in this session on that question should force the allies of the racist~ to respect the will ofthe peoples of tho world and to end all co-operation and bl'eak all ties with the criminal regime ofSouth Africa. 104. It is quite obvious that-and ,it was stressed in the well-known statement made by the Soviet Government distributed at this session as an official document [A/32/259] -that the elimination of colonialism and the implementation of peace and security in South Africa can only be achieved by eliminating apartheid and racist systems. As a result, the provisions of the United Nations Charter could fmally be implemented, as well as the principles of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 105. Mr. LA! Ya-li (China) (translation from Chinese): We have listened attentively to the important statemerit by the President of the World Conference for Action against 106. the question of apartheid in South Africa has long been a question of major concern to the African people and to the people of the world. South Africa's system of apartheid and racial discrimination is the product of colonialism. It was established gradually after the invasion of the South African region by white European coloniaIists in the seventeenth century. Relying on bayonets and gaols, the South African white racists devised by illicit means hundreds of racially discriminatory decrees and regulations which completely deprive the 18 million blacks accounting for over 70 per cent of the South African population of all their freedom and rights and subject them to the white racists' sanguinary rule. Driven beyond the limits of tolerance, broad sections of Azanian people have plunged themselves wave upon wave into a series ofheroic struggles. In particular, after the Soweto massacre last year, the Azanian people's mass struggle against apartheid has spread like wildfire and is ceaselessly surging forward in step with the armed struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. Advancing in close co-ordination, these struggles have converged into a torrential revolutionary tide, vehe- mently pounding away at the very foundations ofthe white racists' criminal rule in southern Africa. 107. However, all moribund reactionary forces in human history are bound to put up a last-ditch struggle against the revolutionary people. Vorster and his like are no exception. Supported and instigated by imperialism, they are resorting to intensified counter-revolutionary dual tactics based on violent repression to deal with the Azanian people. Whlle prating about "reconciliation" and "dialogue" and pro- fessing a readiness to "improve racial relations", "revise" racially discriminatory laws and give S'greater power to the urban blacks", they are speeding up the implementation of the policy of bantustanization. As a sequel to the farce of Transkei's sham independence, they are devising the procla- mation of the so-called independence of another "black State", Bophuthatswana, before the year runs out. Mean- while, they are accelerating their military build-up and preparations for war, resorting to barbarous suppression of the black population. Recently, having brutally murdered black leader Steven Biko, they brazenly outlawed 18 anti-apartheid organizations, banned two newspapers run by the blacks, and arrested and imprisoned leaders of black people's mass movements all over the country. On 10 November, they carried out a house-to-house search in the vicinity of Pretoria, arresting many black people, including some 200 schoolchildren. These fresh acts of Fascist atrocity on the part of the South African reactionary authorities have further exposed their manoeuvres of "reconclliation" and "dialogue" as a sinister political fraud 108. The OAU recently called on the South Mrican people to take up arms and to meet the challenge, pointing out that ''the road to freedom in South Africa is through blood, that is, through armed struggle". This is the resolute response of the Azanian people and the entire African people to the racists. 109. In the excellent situation in which the hundreds of millions of African people, united in struggle, are launching a powerful offensive against the coloniaIist racist regimes in southern Africa, the two super-Powers are steppmg up their rivalry and sabotaging activities in this region. That super- Power which styles itself the "natur3I ally" of the African people and flaunts the banner of "opposing racism" and "supporting national liberation movements", is intensifying its infJItration and expansion in southern Africa in a bid to take the place of old-line coloniaIists and racists and to establish its own hegemony there. The other super-Power, which maintains inextricable links with the racist regimes, is doing its utmost to maintain and expand its vested interests in southern Africa. Motivated by the needs of their global strategy of seeking world hegemony, each of the two super-Powers is c!ndeavouring to place this strategically important and resource-rich region under its own control, thereby bringing added difficulties and complexity to the liberation struggle of the peoples ofsouthern Africa. 110. However, the decadent reactionary forces are bound to be defeated by the new-botn revolutionary forces. This is the inexorable law of historical development. Much as Vorster, Smith and their like, relying on their counter revolutionary brute force, can still go on swashbuckling in all ferocity, and much as the super-Powers, relying on their military and economic power, can run amuck Id stop at no evil, these are but transient phenomena. Allleactionary forces, looked at in essence, from a long-term point ofview, from a strategic point of view, are paper tigers. It is the revolutionary people who are really powerful. RaciSm and hegemonism are doomed to failure. The future ofsouthern Africa belongs to the peoples ofsouthern Africa. 111. The Chinese Government and people have always stood fmnly on the side of the heroic peoples of Azania, Zimbabwe, Namibia and the whole of Africa. We strongly condemn the Vorster reactionary regime for its obdurate pursuit of the policy of apartheid and its Fascist atrocities in frenzied suppression of the Azanian people. We strongly condemn the ignominious collusion between the Israeli Zionists and the racists in southern Afri~3. We fmnly support the just proposals of the African countries and the Azanian nation.J liberation organizations for applying comprehensive economic sanctions and strict arms embargo against South Africa and for strengthening and widening the sanctions against Southern Rhodesia. We firmly support 112. The Azanian people's struggle against racism and colonialism is an important component of the struggle of the entire Mrican continent for national liberation and the defence of national independence as well as an important component of the struggle of the people of the world against imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism. There- fore, it assuredly has the widespread sympathy and support of the African people and the people of the world. The relevant resolutions adopted at various international con· ferences held in tPe course of this year, notably the First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the OAU and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo from 7 to 9 March, the Assembly of Heads of State and Govern- ment of the OAU, held in Libreville from 2 to 5 July, and the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, as well as the statements and proposals upholding justice which were made by numerous third-world countries in the recent Security Council debate on the question of South Africa are all vivid demonstrations of such growing support and sympathy and of the increasing isolation of the South African racist authorities. We are deeply convinced that so long as the heroic Azanian people strengthen their unity and perseverein struggle, using revolutionary dual tactics to deal with counter-revolutionarY dual tactics, md guard against the super-Powers' meddling and sabotage, they will surely overcome all obstacles and hazards on their road of advance and continually win fresh victories until -the ultimate triumph oftheir struggle for national liberation.

Condemnation of racism and apartheid is now de rigueur in discussions conducted both in this and other United Nations forums. 114. Today also, we are discussing the relentless and protracted struggle of the international community against one of the most shameful phenomena and prejudices ofthe epoch of colonialism: the noble endeavour of the inter- national community to uproot apartheid as a crime against humanity and a threat to international peace and security. 115. Discussions on this question, as many representatives have noted, are being conducted not for the first year. This shows the abiding complex nature of the problem, the fact that it eludes any constructive solution, the tenacity of the forces which obstinately cling to the past and try, ifnot to reverse, at least to stall for a certain time the forward movement ofhistory. 116. The international community has run into a serious • "stumbling-block'· here. The effectiveness of the Organi- zation, its p',)sitions of principle and its consistency are being put to the test and we can note with satisfaction one promising sign, a defInitive measure ofsuccess, the position of the Security Council taken on 4 November this year in its resolution 418 (1977). 117. In concluding his statement in the debate on this question in the Assembly last year, the representative of the 118. Now we can state that that hope is apparently being fulfilled. We should like to express our conviction that the Security Council decision will be implemented by all States without exception, unswervingly and responsibly. 119. The consistent position of the Byelorussian SSR on the question of apartheid is well known to all members of the Assembly. It was set forth in our statement in the general debate at this session of the General Assembly [26th meeting]. The a~tive part we play in United Nations activities is also well known in connexion with the fight against the system and practices of apartheid. My delega- tion decisively supported adoption of the Declaration on the Granting' of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. We were one of the first countries to sign and ratify the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX)] and the International Convention on the Suppres- sion and Punishment of the Crime ofApartheid[resolution . 3068 (XXVIII)]. At the last session of the General As- sembly our delegation submitted a draft resolution defend- ing people detained or imprisoned for their struggle for self-determination, independence and social progress and against colonialism, aggression, foreign occupation, racism and racial discrimination.4 We reaffmned our position at the World Conference for Action against Apartheid in Lagos. We alsQ made a statement on the subject at the meeting of the Special Committee against Apartheid com- memorating the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners. 120. We cannot remain indifferent to the present situation in South Africa and the tragic events the alarming news of which has been broadcast throughout the world and which have been mentioned with great concern by previous speakers. 121. First and foremost we categorically condemn the repressive actions taken by the racist authorities against anyone who does not agree with their criminal apartheid system, whi<!h are unprecedented in their cruelty and scale. 122. Secondly, we consider it necessary to reaffmn our po&ition of principle, the main thrust of which is the demand for equality and self-determination for all peoples. We demand these rights not as some general wish or abstract postulation, but because we believe in the genuine norms of the peace·loving foreigI). policy for our country and the unshaken principles of Lenin's national policy the beginning of which was the memorable Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia, one ofthe frrst acts of the young Soviet State, through which the peoples of the former tsarist empire, including the Byelorussian people, were given the right to self-determination and the right of historical choice. Because of this we began to build our "Any direct or indirect restriction of the rights of, or the granting of direct or indirect advantages to, citizens on the basis of race or national characteristics, just as any incitement to racial or national exclusivity, hatred or contempt, shall be punishable by law." 123. These are the truths that have acquired force of law under the Constitution under whose banner the Soviet peoples of various nations, nationalities and races cele- brated the sixtieth anniversary of the October Revolution, in the light of which the position of our country on this question becomes particularly understandable and con- vincing. 124. Thirdly, we should like to point out the following major point. 125. As was quite rightly noted by our President in a statement made on his assumption of office, a dangerous trend is being noted in the United Nations-the trend "dealing ... with effects and not with causes" [1st meet- ing, para. 65/. This agenda item is one of those cases in which certain representatives have accentuated conse- quences and not causes, the surface and not the substance. As a social and political manifestation, there are reasons for the existence of apartheid-and not just historical reasons. One cannot explain everything by the colonial past alone. We must once more scrutinize the present, and when we do we see Western capital, the self-seeking interests ofnational and transnational monopolies, the political designs of certain Western circles. These are the forces which, in defiance of United Nations resolutions and the voice of world public opinion, support and try to preserve that obsolete regime of apal1heid and give all sorts of assist- ance-economic, military and political-to that regime. Let us turn to the dry but cogent language of figures. It has been calculated that despite the appeals of the United Nations to all Governments to cease any co-operation with the racist regime of South Africa, over-all foreign capital investments in the Republic of South Africa over the IS-year period 1960-1975 increased fIVefold. That figure is now $18 bOOon. According to recent data published in The New York Times on 6 November, these capital investments anrlount to approximately $20 bOOon. It i$ well known that South Africa continues to be the main supplier of vanadium, platinum, chrome and manganese ores and other strategic materials necessary for the military industries of certain countries members of NATO. It is also well known that at present trade in other goods between certain countries and the Republic of South Africa is flourishing. 126. There can be no doubt that foreign capital invest- ment and economic co-operation co~stitute the favourable conditions, the breeding-ground, in which the bacteria of racism continue to proliferate with confidence. 128. The conclusion to be drawn is quite clear. 129. Once more, the question confronting us in all its urgency is, What we can do to put an end to apartheid, to end that shanrleful system of colonialism and racism? World public opinion considers that the adoption of measures by the United Nations is insufficient, that the decision on an embargo on arms to the Republic of South Africa will not really achieve that goal unless the embargo is reinforced with economic sanctions and unless these measures will be truly comprehensive and universal in nature. 130. It is hard not to agree with that. We should note that African countries recently adopted these positions in the Security COiJncil when they submitted their draft resolu- tions demanding, togeth\~r with an appeal to end the racists' policy of mass repression, that mandatory and compre- hensive economic embargoes be instituted. Unfortunately, we must note the sad but not unusual fapt that the Western Powers voted against those proposals of the African countries, once more revealing their traditional policy of procrastination and duplicity towards the Pretoria regime, a policy which prolongs its life. 131. One of the previous speakers in essence pursued the very same goals. He resorted to the hackneyed anti-Soviet demagogical slander which is typical ofthat delegation and which is merely grist to the mill of the racists. It coincides with the propaganda of the Pretoria regime and of the forces ofinternational imperialism which support it. 132. There is one more point. In the West now there are many who wish to interfere in the affairs ofother States on the pretext of fightilng for human rights. Those so-called "monitors of democracy" should rub their eyes and look at what is happening in South Africa, where the violation of human rights has achieved the rank of State policy. It is precisely in southern Africa that we fmd one of the most important bridge-heads in the struggle for the implemen- tation of the noble principles of humanism. and human rights. The elimination of exploitation of and lliscrimi- nation against millions of people based on the colour of their skin is the manifestation of true humanism and genuine concern for human rights. 133. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR urges the United Nations to adopt all possible measures to isolate the South Mrican regime and deprive it of any support from outside, and to implement all United Nations decisions "The peoples of the Soviet Union, celebrating this year along with a.U progressive mankind the sixtieth anniver- sary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, consist- ently uphold the principles of equality and self-deter- mination or-the peoples, resolutely condemn the criminal policy pursued by the racist regimes in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, and call for isolation and boycott of these regimes, for complete eradication of apartheid, of all fonns and manifestations of racial discrimination and oppression."s 135. In the address "To the Peoples, Parliaments and Governments of all countries of the world", which was adopted on 3 November 1977 at the solemn meeting held in Moscow devoted to the sixtieth anniversary ofthe Great October Socialist Revolution, it was proclaimed that: "The Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the Soviet Government and our entire people will also in future be on the side of those defending the freedom and independence of peoples who are fighting for the noble ideals ofhumanism and social justice."

Since its inception the United Nations has evolved certain standards against which a nation's performance in the field of human rights can be measured. In 1962 the General Assembly urged the adoption of wide-ranging measures against.South Africa to bring about the abandonment of the policies of apartheid. Therefore a Special Committee against Apartheid was established to keep the racial policies ofSouth Mrica under review when the Assembly was not in session and to report as appropriate to the Assembly or the Security Council, or both, from time to time. At the twenty-fIfth session the mandate ofthe Committee was widened to cover all aspects of the policies of apartheid in South Africa and their international repercussions. After more years of delibera- tions the General Assembly, in resolution 3411 G (XXX) of 1975, described the South African regime as "illegitimate" and called for "self-detennination". At the last session, in 1976, the General Assembly adopted 11 resolutions indicat- ing that the situation in South Africa is a colonial one. 137. After years of deliberations and resolutions the problem of apartheid in South Africa stilI remains unsolved - and is more menacing in its nature as a threat to international peace and security. This situation, which challenges the very effectiveness ofthe United Nations, has arisen because certain countries have sought to safeguard their narrow self-interest. We must acknowledge the injustice and realize the dangers of the gathering storm and 5 See -Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.xIV.3), p.49. 138. However, there is a new awareness in the world of the extreme seriousness and urgency of the problem. Indeed, all mankind has become aware of the need to struggle to end apartheid and to do so speedily. Millions of suffering men, women and children are looking to the United Nations with hope of salvation and we cannot disappoint them, since they might then be compelled to resort to arms. It is this new awareness which has increased the action against apartheid and even resulted in the anns embargo decided on by the Security Council. The trends in South Africa show unmistakable signs that the racist regime is resorting to increased oppression and desperate policies to contain the rising tide of African resistance, ignited by repeated uprisings. The South African Government must be made to realize that there can be no peace as long as three quarters of the population are excluded from the main- stream of its national life and from sharing the resources of the country. 139. The situation in South Africa is not only degrading and intolerable but even approaching the point of explo- sion. It could at any time precipitate acts ofviolence which could spread beyond control and for which the responsi- bility must be borne solely by the racist Government. If this is to be averted not only must resolutions and decisions be adopted by the United Nations but a change of heart must occur in those who. govern South Africa. Therefore the strength of the moral ·force of international opinion must be maintained and South Africa must be compelled and peISuaded to deal with the injustices of its system. Further, meaningful action must be secured before it is too late in order to eliminate every kind of racial discrimination and segregation. South Africa must be convinced of the necessity of implementing the resolutioDJ of the United Nations. If apartheid is not eliminated it could not only destroy the regime in South Africa but threaten the peace and security of the world. 140. My Government wishes to express its strong opposi- tion to the policies of apartheid. The Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, Mr. J. R. Jayawardene, in his message to the World Conference for Action against Apartheid held in August 1977, stated: USri Lanka has associated herself fully with the inter- national community in the campaign to eradicate apart- heid, which we consider to be a threat to peace and security and a gross violation ofhuman rights. "The Non-Aligned have, therefore, a continuing com- mitment to do everything possible towards the elimi- nation ofapartheid in South Africa."6 141. My Government is of the view that this gross violation of the principles of civilized existence must be 142. Finally, my delegation wishes to congratulate the Special Committee against Apartheid on its excellent report. My delegation also suggests that the mandate ofthe Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports be extended and that the Committee be requested to report to the General Assembly at its thirty-third session. My delegation considers that the proposals contained in the draft declaration [see A/32/36] woul4 contribute significantly, as an interim measure, towards the total boycotting of racially selected South Mrican teams in sports.

Apartheid is not a new item on the agenda of the United Nations. Much has been said 'about it, but repetition in this respect serves to isola~ South Africa and makes it an island ofcontamination. 144. The delegation ·of Kuw~t, therefore, would.like to express its views on the question of apartheid. The recent Security Council resolution 418 (1977) constitutes a water- shed, a landmark in the history of the United Nations. It is true that the arms embargo on South Africa falls short of what many of us want and would like to see. But it is a product of consensus and consensus, by its nature, means flexibility and compromise. Some of us described the resolution on the arms embargo as too little that came too late; while others think that it is not too little and not very late. The differences in attitude and interpretation no doubt will continue. 145. The establishment of a motlitoring machinery and system is of overriding importance. Countries that violate the embargo should be exposed and condemned. The violators should not be allowed to go scat-free. Those who have enjoyed a Roman holiday in their relationship with South Africa and who have assisted it in its crusade of suppression of the black majority, should be brought to task. 146. The Special Committee against Apartheid is now assuming a heavier responsibility than it had before, as a result of Security Council resolution 418 (1977). World public opinion played a veryimportant role in the adoption of that resolution. Therefore, States that surreptitiously attempt to bypass the resolution should be made targets of international indignation. 147. We in Kuwait maintain a total boycott of South Africa. There is no relationship whatsoeverbetween us and South Africa. Even nationals of South Africa are not allowed to stop in transit in the airports ofKuwait. Kuwait has been observing a total oil embargo against South Africa. That was done voluntarily. The oil we produce is marketed by our national company which is the official body dealing with oil affairs. 149. The delegation of Kuwait would like to commend the Special Committee against Apartheid for its efforts in fulfilling its mandate and in discharging its responsibility. The report on the collaboration between Israel and South Mrica which is before the General Assembly [A./32/22/ Add.3j merits our admiration. Only through exposure and isolation will the recalcitrant State be forced to reconsider its policies. 150. The Christian Science Monitor of 7 November 1977 reported that General Dayan, Foreign Minister of Israel, had stated that I:irael would not leave South Africa alone. The Special Committee clearly has reported that Israel has defied the General Assembly resolution and the condem- nation expressed by numerous Governments and organi- zations all over the world, as well as by South African liberation movements, andhas further expanded its collabo- ration with the apartheid regime. Furthennore, the Special Committee has noted with indignation that Israel's increas- ing collaboration, especially in the military field, has been one of deliberate choice and a hostile act against the oppressed people of South Africa. This is an indictment by the most competent body on the subject against a Member State that raves so much about its opposition to apartheid. The General Assembly must condemn Israel on~e again, the report says, and demand that it forthwith cease collabo- ration with South Africa. 151. Apartheid is not only an evil philosophy, but it represents also the relegation of the vast majority Gf the pnpulation to the abject status of a human reservoir that provides cheap labour to the whites and contributes to their comfort. This represents the worst in man's capacity for evil. It cannot be tolerated. It has been going on too long with little aclion on the part ofthe UnitedNations. 152. Ambivalent attitudes and wishy-washy policies drive apartheid to beget.another type ofapartheid. The situation in Namibia reminds us of this glaring fact. An apartheid regime is now being built in that unhappy land of Namibia. It should be nipped in the bud before it flourishes. That system is a threat to world peace and security and must be treated accordingly. South Africa has no credentials and will be unable to establish its bona fides. 153. We should tell the people of the oppressed majority in South Africa that the world stands by them-not only verbally, not only morally, but by action as well-that they are not bereft of any hope and that patience with Mr. Vorster has already reached its end.

We have now heard the last speaker on the list for this afternoon. I shall now call on those delegations wishing to exercise the right ofreply. 156. As I have Stated previously, the Japanese ban on investment in South Africa is a sacrifice offered by the Japanese people to the common cause of mankind in spite of the obvious difficulties and economic loss to Japan. I sincerely-hope that such inaccurate remarks as these will not discourage the future co-operation of those Japanese who believe in the common cause of mankind and who have accepted this sacrifice.

The United Nations General Assembly, which has met this afternoon. to denounce and condemn apartheid, once again has been surprised by a statement by a representative of the Government of Cuba, who once again has proffered all kinds offalsehoods regarding Chile. He has had the audacity to take this opportunity grossly to distort the truth. The delegation of Chile rejects each and every invention and distortion of the truth in regard to it. They -are all completely and entirely inaccurate and are, in addition, an insult ~o the Assembly. 158. To assert that there is co-oper.ition between my country and the Government of South Afnca, when-lliere is, I would say, barely trade carried on by priva~eactivities_ which amounts, in both directions, to less:than-S10 million· a year-I ask you, is that collaboration with the Govern- ~ ~ ment ofSouth Africa? 159. It has been asserted that Chile supports the Transkei. That is false. Chile has not accepted, nor has it recognized, the alleged independence of the Transkei. On the contrary, the record shows that we voted in favour of Assembly resolution 31/6 A. It has been asserted that we support the bantustan policy. That is false again. My country has always rejected that policy, in its application both to South Africa and to Namibia. 160. It has also been asserted that there is a Santiago- Pretoria axis. Not only is that false but it is stupid. As far as • Chile is concerned, that axis is represented in South Africa . only by a consul and there is no resident ambassador in Santiago. 161. Chile has had a constantly clean record against racism and apartheid, as has our conduct against the presence of South Africa in Namibia. Our position on both points has been clear, constant and in accordance with unswerving principles, without there being any political advantage whatsoever. We have not tried to derive benefit from any 162. Representatives are familiar, moreover, with Cuba's constant interference in the affairs of other countries, its constant attempts to export revolution or to involve itself, even militarily, in internal conflicts in other countries, whether they be Latin American or African. On this occasion, with the same brazenness and with a complete lack of respect for the truth, it has invented these denunciations of Chile; it has invented this non-existent axis. It is anxious only to launch a political attack against my country. 163. Chile rejects this clumsy manoeuvre on the part of the servants of a new imperialism, which is but a smoke- screen to try to conceal it.::i disgraceful and unspeakable armed intervention in the African continent, even in latitudes far removed from southern Africa.

I do not wish to tax the patience of the represen- tatives, but I should like to state for the record where hypocrisy lies and who is distorting the truth, even showing a complete lack of respect for the General Assembly. 165. I referred to the ties and the collaboration which exist between the Chilean regime and the regime of apartheid fn. South Africa, and specifically to the ties . estalilished between the au-thorities in Santiago and the 8plll"iQUS bantustan regime in the Transkei. I did so with a sense of responsibility, and the representatives have a few documents which the Cuban delegation has made available to them so they know what to think of what the previous representative called "Cuban invention". But for the records of the General Assembly, I should like to refer to those documents, which we have distributed to delegations, and which show something that I did not invent: 166. If the representative of the Government of Chile can deny that his Government received an "official" visit from the Transkei-because the Transkei is a regime that is not recognized by the international community-a mission made up of an individual who appears as Minister of Health of the Bantustan Government, Mr~ Jeremiah Dibupoa, and th~ Minister of Roads and Public Works of the same regime, Mr. George Sibidla, I have a photocopy from a Chilean newspaper called La Tercera, which contains information in this respect. 167. There appears in that newspaper a picture of the Health Minister of the Transkei, as he is called by the Chilean authorities, and then there is an article where the writer describes that the results ofhis visit to Santiago were "highly satisfactory". "168. Representatives have received other photocopies where there are pictures and additional details about the 169. Representatives will also see a very recent article in ' the Chilean press-it was published- 'just a few weeks ago-reporting oil a visit to Santiago by theComme!clal Ambassador of the Government of the--Transkei. I will quote only part of what the report published in Santiago says about the visit of that gentleman. The newspaper states: "It is important to point out that it was agreed to'begin studies aimed at setting up in Chile certain enterprises .•• (from the Transkei). .. associated with Chilear!S and to set up facilities for scientists from the Transkei'at the veT}' highest level." The article goes on to say: "Furthennore, the visitors began to negotiate the opening of an office in Santiago to promote trade relations betwee~ the two countries." 170. Ifthis is a distortion of the truth, ifone wisheno tell the truth, one should not come to this rostrum, and proffer hollow condemnations of the bantust2Jl- system or trpart-' heid; one should come to this-.rostrum and- say that the so-called Minister of Roads and :Public Health of the Transkei was never in Santiago, and that the Commercial Ambassador of the Transkei was never in Santiago. One should deny what people in Santiago itself were able to read. That is all.

For a representative of, the Castr~ Govei"Il!J1ent, I The meetingrose ata.20 p.m. ex~ressly denied. And Chile here, in the United Nations, as I say, voted in favour of the resOlution which was opposed ,to that alleged independence. 113. That the_press; reported that there were<lther-pefsons who wished to establisk ~rtain-amimercial ties have been mOUl country and that it may well have said that this was a step towards possible recognition is something that simply refl~cts the lack of knowledge that the newSpapennen had of the position of my Government,· which is clear and unmistakable. Of course, that is- difficult, I repeat, for a regime like Cuba and for i~ representative-to- und~rstand. 174;, My delegation has, done nothing hypocritical or contraryto what my Government has publicly stated in ,this matter. Consequently, I should like to make it abundantly , clear .once again that indulging in this kind of an attack, , precisely at a time when all nations_'are overwhelmingly condemning apartheid, shoWS -a lack of respect. for that cause on the part of someone wno onlywishes to use'these _occasions to serve his own base political enas. , '. .----